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ineral Editors: Zig Layton-Henry and Danieejoly
Migration, Minorities and Citizenship
General Editors: Zig Layton-Henry, Professor of Politics, University of Warwick; and Daniele Joly, Professor, Director, Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick
Muhammad Anwar, Patrick Roach and Ranjit Sondhi (editors) FROM LEGISLATION TO INTEGRATION? Race Relations in Britain James A. Beckford, Daniele Joly and Farhad Khosrokhavar MUSLIMS IN PRISON Challenge and Change in Britain and France Christophe Bertossi (editor) EUROPEAN ANTI-DISCRIMINATION AND THE POLITICS OF CITIZENSHIP Britain and France Sophie Body-Gendrot and Marco Martiniello (editors) MINORITIES IN EUROPEAN CITIES The Dynamics of Social Integration and Social Exclusion at the Neighbourhood Level Malcolm Cross and Robert Moore (editors) GLOBALIZATION AND THE NEW CITY Migrants, Minorities and Urban Transformations in Comparative Perspective Thomas Faist and Andreas Ette (editors) THE EUROPEANIZATION OF NATIONAL POLICIES AND POLITICS OF IMMIGRATION Between Autonomy and the European Union Adrian Favell PHILOSOPHIES OF INTEGRATION Immigration and the Idea of Citizenship in France and Britain Agata Gorny and Paulo Ruspini (editors) MIGRATION IN THE NEW EUROPE EastWest Revisited James Hampshire CITIZENSHIP AND BELONGING Immigration and the Politics of Democratic Governance in Postwar Britain John R. Hinnells (editor) RELIGIOUS RECONSTRUCTION IN THE SOUTH ASIAN DIASPORAS From One Generation to Another Simon Holdaway and Anne-Marie Barren RESIGNERS? THE EXPERIENCE OF BLACK AND ASIAN POLICE OFFICERS Daniele Joly GLOBAL CHANGES IN ASYLUM REGIMES (editor) Closing Doors SCAPEGOATS AND SOCIAL ACTORS (editor) The Exclusion and Integration of Minorities in Western and Eastern Europe
Christian Joppke and Ewa Morawska TOWARD ASSIMILATION AND CITIZENSHIP Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States Atsushi Kondo (editor) CITIZENSHIP IN A GLOBAL WORLD Comparing Citizenship Rights for Aliens Zig Layton-Henry and Czarina Wilpert (editors) CHALLENGING RACISM IN BRITAIN AND GERMANY J0rgen S. Nielsen TOWARDS A EUROPEAN ISLAM Pontus Odmalm MIGRATION POLICIES AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Inclusion or Intrusion in Western Europe?
Religious Reconstruction in the South Asian Diasporas
From One Generation to Another
John R. Hinnells
Research Professor, Liverpool Hope University, UK
Jan Rath (editor)
IMMIGRANT BUSINESSES The Economic, Political and Social Environment Peter Ratcliffe (editor) THE POLITICS OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 'Race', Ethnicity and Social Change Carl-Ulrik Schierup (editor) SCRAMBLE FOR THE BALKANS Nationalism, Globalism and the Political Economy of Reconstruction Steven Vertovec and Ceri Peach (editors) ISLAM IN EUROPE The Politics of Religion and Community Maarten Vink LIMITS OF EUROPEAN CITIZENSHIP European Integration and Domestic Immigration Policies Osten Wahlbeck KURDISH DIASPORAS A Comparative Study of Kurdish Refugee Communities John Wrench, Andrea Rea and Nouria Ouali (editors) MIGRANTS, ETHNIC MINORITIES AND THE LABOUR MARKET Integration and Exclusion in Europe
Migration, Minorities and Citizenship Series Standing Order ISBN 0-333-71047-9 (hardback) and 0-333-80338-8 (paperback)
(outside North America only)
You can receive future titles in this series as they are published by placing a standing order. Please contact your bookseller or, in case of difficulty, write to us at the address below with your name and address, the title of the series and the ISBN quoted above. Customer Services Department, Macmillan Distribution Ltd, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS, England
Editorial matter, selection and introduction © John R. Hinnells, 2007 Individual chapters © their respective authors 2007 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London WIT 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Notes on Contributors 1 Introduction John R. Hinnells
First published 2007 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin's Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN-13: 978-0-333-77401-4 hardback ISBN-10: 0-333-77401-9 hardback This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 Printed and bound in Great Britain by Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham and Eastbourne
Part I Religious and Social Issues
2 A Reassessment of Identity Strategies Amongst British South Asian Muslims Ron Geaves 3 British Muslims and the Search for Religious Guidance Philip Lewis 4 The Contribution of Nurture in a Sampradaya to Young British Hindus' Understanding of their Tradition Eleanor Nesbitt 5 Celibacy and Salvation in the Swaminarayan Movement Rohit Barot 6 Death and Bereavement in South Asian Diaspora Communities Shirley Firth 7 Parsi Zoroastrian Experiences in Four 'Western' Countries: A Comparative Study John R. Hinnells 9 3 12 1 13 29 5 1
Part II Religious and Political Issues
8 Religion and Ethnicity in America Raymond Brady Williams 143
9 Public Policy Implications of Canada's Multiculturalism for Religious Pluralism Harold Coward 10 Cultural Diversity, Religious Plurality and Government Policy in Australia Gary D. Boutna
Notes on Contributors
Roger Ballard is Director of the Centre for Applied South Asian Studies at the University of Manchester. As an anthropologist, he has been a firsthand observer of the development of South Asian ethnic colonies in the Pennine Region since he began fieldwork in Leeds on behalf of the ESRC Research Unit on Ethnic Relations in 1970. Since then he has kept in continuous touch with developments in the region. In addition to many papers, he edited Desk Pardesh: the South Asian Presence in Britain (1996). Rohit Barot is Visiting Fellow in the Department of Archaeology and Anthropology at University of Bristol. He has been interested in diaspora, transnationalism and social change. He has carried out ethnographic research in Swaminarayan groups in London and India and among Indians in Bristol. Gary D. Bouma is Professor of Sociology and UNESCO Chair in Interreligious and Intercultural Relations - Asia Pacific at Monash University and an Anglican Priest in the Diocese of Melbourne. His research has primarily focussed on the interaction between religion and society in Western societies, including Canada, the United States, Australia, New Zealand, and Europe, including a major study of religious diversity in multicultural Australia focusing on the religious settlement of Muslims, Hindus and Buddhists in Australian Society and a consideration of Post-Modernity as a context for doing theology and the discovery of Christian spirituality. He is the author of Religion: Meaning Transcendence and Community in Australia 1992 and Mosques and Muslim Settlement in Australia 1994; Editor of Many Religions, All Australian: Religious Settlement, Identity and Cultural Diversity 1997, and Managing Religious Diversity 1999; co-Author of Religious and Cultural Diversity and Social Cohesion in Australia 2005. His latest book is Australian Soul: Religion and Spirituality in the 21st Century. Harold Coward is Founding Director of The Centre for Studies in Religion and Society, The University of Victoria, Canada, and Fellow of The Royal Society of Canada. His main fields are Hinduism, Comparative Religion and Comparative Ethics. He is author of numerous articles along with 18 books, including Pluralism in the World Religions, Scripture in the World Religions, Sin and Salvation in the World Religions vii
173 11 Religion in the Educational System of England and Wales: Law, Policy and Representation Robert Jackson
Part III South Asian Diaspora Religions Post 9/11 and 7/7
12 South Asians in America Post 9/11 Raymond Brady Williams 13 Law, Religion and South Asians in Diaspora Wemer Menski 14 Living with Difference: A Forgotten Art in Urgent Need of Revival? Roger Ballard Index
A Reassessment of Identity Strategies Amongst British South Asian Muslims
The events of 9/11 were to shock the Western world into a realisation that there were voices in the Muslim world that were prepared to bring the reality of armed struggle, formerly confined to ideological and political conflicts with Muslim regimes, to the streets of American and European cities, an act which commenced the 'war against terrorism'. However, the attacks on London in July 2005 were to have an even more traumatic impact on both the British Muslim and the non-Muslim communities. The attacks on New York and Madrid had been carried out by foreign nationals determined to widen the arena of conflicts long familiar to Muslim nations, to include an armed struggle against a West perceived to be an enemy of Islam. The attacks on London's transport systems were especially shocking as carried out by Muslim citizens of Britain. The attacks were to induce a sense of crisis amongst British Muslims and British policy makers concerning fundamental precepts of British democracy in the twenty-first century. A number of issues have come under the microscope including issues of race, religion and discrimination, media depictions of Islam, the complexities of plural societies, identity formation and citizenship, cultural literacy, the quality of educational provision by both Muslim and non-Muslim providers, freedom of speech, the intellectual capacity of British Islam and the inadequacy of religious leaders to meet modern challenges. In the aftermath a new rhetoric concerning plurality has begun to emerge from government policy makers in which the over-emphasis on diversity in multicultural and pluralist discourses has been perceived to be at the cost of integration. However, these events, although traumatic, should not distract from transformations that have been taking place amongst British-born Muslims since the 1980s, and accelerating into the twenty-first century. 13
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Ron Graves 15
These changes could be summarised as a renewed focus on issues of minority citizenship in an Islamic context as opposed to the older attempts to resolve the dichotomy of regional ethnicities and belonging to the Muslim ummah (community).1 The tragic events of 7/7 will, if anything, accelerate the change of discourse in the Muslim communities even faster than the processes of aging, and the inevitable transferal of authority from the first-generation migrants to their British-born offspring. Britain's Muslim communities were predominantly South Asian in origin and created by the post-colonial relationship between the former ruler and their subjects in India. Even prior to the mass migration of the second half of the twentieth century, Muslims had been arriving in Britain throughout the nineteenth century. Some arrived to receive a British education in either one of the professions, for example medicine or law; others, the sons of India's ruling classes, attended exclusive private schools; however, the majority were not so fortunate and their relations with the British colonisers not so privileged.2 Large numbers of women employed as nannies (ayahs) to British families were brought over by steamship to look after the children during transit back to Britain, when the children were sent back to boarding schools. On arrival in Britain these unfortunate females were made redundant and discarded to end up in charity hostels and homes for poor women, often in some of the most deprived areas of the country. Men also arrived in similar areas as a result of their recruitment to the British merchant naval fleet. Contracted on a one-way trip, usually as stokers and deckhands, these men found themselves waiting in British ports such as London, Cardiff, Liverpool and Tyneside for a return boat to take them back home. The wait could be long and some men chose to seek alternative employment setting up cafes and accommodation hostels for seamen in a similar position to themselves. Some of these men were to settle and marry British women creating the first British Muslim communities organised around religion. The remnants of these communities exist to the present day, mostly consisting of men of Yemeni or Somali origins employed after the opening of the Suez Canal.3 Bengalis too were employed as cooks and on finding themselves in a similar situation opened restaurants, a trade which has thrived to the present day with hardly a British town or village not possessing a Bengali curry house on its main street. Little is known of the role of religion amongst these early settlers. A few exceptions have been explored by scholars and light is still being thrown on these early attempts at establishing Islam on an organised basis.
Three notable examples are the Woking mosque in West London; the work of Abdullah Quilliam, a high-profile convert in Liverpool during the late nineteenth century; and the dockside communities organised around the activities of Sufis from the North African Alawiyya amongst the Yemeni communities.4 Whatever was taking place in this early period, the impact of South Asian Muslims arriving from the 1950s to the 1970s as a result of Britain's needs for labour in manufacturing and service industries during the period of post-war economic growth was to change the landscape of the nation's religious life dramatically. In addition to Sikhs and Hindus, the new arrivals established themselves in ethnic enclaves around factories in Britain's inner cities, especially concentrated in parts of London, Lancashire, Yorkshire and the Midlands. It is generally believed that the first male arrivals did little with regard to establishing the infrastructures of religion. They expected to return with their incomes saved to invest in a better life back home, and large percentages of their wages were sent back to families in their home villages and towns. Many of the men were unskilled labourers from the villages and probably culturally bewildered by the new environment and its customs. In addition there were 'push' as well as 'pull' factors to their decisions to become economic migrants. For example, the partition of India and Pakistan had created major social upheaval in the Punjab, and later the decision by the government of Pakistan to flood large areas of Mirpur to construct a dam caused further disruption of populations. Later in the 1970s, Bangladeshis arrived as a consequence of the civil war between East and West Pakistan and others were to arrive as a result of the mass expulsion of South Asians from parts of Africa undergoing 'Africanisation'. These 'push' factors must have added considerably to the sense of bewilderment and emotional crisis that accompanied migration. It is perhaps not surprising then that these men removed from their families did little to create mosques or other structures that would lead to Islam's establishment in the new environment. Identity remained firmly entrenched in the place of origin. My interest in the study of British Muslim communities was to begin much later in the 1980s, just prior to the well-documented Salman Rushdie incidents. By this time the single men of the earlier decades had reunited with their families in England, either bringing wives and children to join them or returning to places of origin in order to marry and bring their near family back to Britain with them. Second-generation children had been born and were already at school. In the case of some of the earlier settlers, a third generation had arrived. In certain
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parts of Britain, South Asian Muslim 'ghetto-type' communities existed complete with the economic infrastructures of 'ethnic' businesses and enterprises, the social networking organisations and religious building such as mosques and dar al-ulums to provide training for imams and Islamic scholars. My initial interest was raised by theoretical questions belonging to the sociological study of religion with regard to the relationship between .religion and ethnicity. At the time most of the existing studies of these new communities was sociological and concerned with ethnicity. Religion was not considered a primary factor of investigation and apart from some pioneering work on the various Muslim factions that constituted South Asian Islam carried out by Francis Robinson little work existed on the religious life of the migrants.5 Roger Ballard had identified the emergence of religious infrastructures in the context of South Asian migration when wives and children arrived to join the single men.6 ^Francis Robinson's work had alerted me to the diversity of Islam in the subcontinent"SndThe existence of groups such as Deobandis, Barelwis, Jamaat-i Islami and Ahl- Hadith to name only a few significant players. The Deobandis and the Barelwis were traditional adversaries since the nineteenth century. Deoband dar al-ulum had been founded in 1867 with a vision to maintain Muslim religious consciousness in the wake of the British dominance and the final collapse of the Mughal Empire in India. The aim of the college was to train well-educated ulema who would be committed to the cause of reform of Islam and the staff, and students regarded themselves as an independent school of thought whose main aim was to protect and revive Islam. The Deobandis were opposed to the kind of traditional subcontinent Islam that focused around the tombs and shrines of deceased Muslim holy men and women, and dismissed most of the practices of popular Sufism as innovation or distortion of 'pure' Islam. The Barelwis, on the other hand, emerged from the activities of Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi (1856-1921), who defended and embraced everything to do with Sufism as an intrinsic part of Islamic identity, defining the Muslim community in cultural as well as religious terms.7 The third significant group of movements in the British context appeared in the twentieth century and emerged shortly after the partition of India and Pakistan to actualise the revolutionary ideas of Maulana Mawdudi (1903-1979). In 1941 he had established Jamaat-i Islami as an organisation which could mobilise the best minds of the time into a jihad movement to bring about an Islamic revolution in the subcontinent. Mawdudi's main argument was that an Islamic state was
essential in order to fulfil the Muslim vision. This conclusion arose from his understanding of the Islamic imperative to bear witness to the oneness of God. Mawdudi understood this to mean not simply a religious proclamation of uncompromising monotheism but a political thrust to establish God's sovereignty in human societies. Political systems based on democracy, socialism or secularism are therefore a type of idolatry, in that they replaced God's sovereignty with human authority. The latter movements were also opposed to popular Sufism and although they had some features in common with the nineteenth-century reformers of Deoband, they were much more overtly political. I was interested in how such movements reproduced themselves in Britain and, in particular, how traditional rivalries between them played out in the context of community building in diaspora. One of the key theoretical positions that arose out of my research at that time concerned the role of religion and its relationship to ethnicity. A strand in social scientific study looks at religion as a function of ethnicity; Referring to this, Kim Knott has stated that 'the predominant view in Britain and the USA, is that religion is the passive instrument of ethnic identity'.8 This perspective is exemplified in E.K. Francis' statement that 'it is the ethnic group which sanctions a particular church affiliation, and which supports a religious congregation and its institutions as an effective means for its own maintenance and the preservation of its cultural traditions'.9 This viewpoint is helpful to analyse the religious symbols and organisations developed by first-generation migrants, but I was convinced that the relationship between ethnicity and religion is more complex and changes with circumstances. Muhammad Anwar sees both ethnicity and religion as variables of identity, independent but interrelated.10 As a Religious Studies scholar I remained convinced that there are certainly occasions when religion plays a central role in forming ethnic group identity. My research at that time suggested that the religious revival that was identified by Ballard was essentially religion functioning as an agent of ethnicity as the families strived to reproduce cultures in the new context.u It was the younger-generation British-born Muslims, especially those influenced by a modified post-Mawdudian radicalism, who provided the evidence to demonstrate a shift in the relationship between religion" and ethnicity as they grappled with three major factors in their identity formation; that is British, Muslim and Pakistani/Bangladeshi/Indian and so on. In fact, it went further than that for within each national category there were intense regional identities, for example, Punjabi, Bengali and Mirpuri.
18 Religious and Social Issues
Interwoven British culture
- attraction - necessity - assertion of self natural allegiance
Ron Geaves 19
Incompatible attempt to reconcile
Exchange hostility Family Safety Aggression
attempt to disentangle
The figure above shows the three major categories, labelled as 'ethnic culture', 'Qur'anic Islam' and 'British culture'. The three identities are in a state of dynamic tension with each other resulting in positive and negative exchanges as they interact. In the first stages of migration, the major interactions take place between British culture and ethnicity. Islam principally plays a functional role as a marker of identity as firstgeneration Muslims engage in micro-politics focused on community building.12 However, the second generation find themselves drawn towards British identity as a natural allegiance of birth and as a result of socialisation processes. However, the tensions that can exist between the loyalties of parents towards ethnic identity at the place of origin and the social norms of the new culture can be very difficult to negotiate. Thus we find British-born Muslims beginning to move away from the engagement between ethnic cultures and to develop a discourse based on religion as their primary identity. The term 'British Islam' was beginning to gain currency amongst the generation born and raised in Britain even back in the early 1990s, and had found institutional expression with the advent of the Islamic Society of Britain. In this position, Islam is paramount and moderates over and determines the content and shape of ethnic and national identity. The debates of the 1990s were to set religion and ethnicity at odds with each other and resulted in attempts
to discover an Islamic identity that could resolve these tensions. The advantages of such an approach were that Islam was perceived as a universal identity able to be allied with any national loyalty and as a primary identity provided a global ethic and code of behaviour that transcended locality. Today the picture is changing again. As young British Muslims have moved into negotiating Islamic identity with British identity, issues of religion and citizenship have become paramount. Successful negotiation of these three strands of identity can lead to a British Muslim able to enjoy the best of all worlds, integrating Britishness / and Islam but with ethnicity weakening or taking on new hybrid forms. ' However, imbalance can result in identity crises, which can lead to the pathological in extreme cases. Too much focus on maintaining ethnicity can lead to isolation and living in a past that becomes increasingly difficult to hold onto. Too much focus on scriptural Islam can lead to fundamentalism and a literalism that is not fluid enough to cope with living in a non-Muslim environment. Too much emphasis on Britishness at the expense of Islam with an accompanying loss of ethnicity can lead to an assimilation that leaves the individual isolated from community / roots and origins. The efforts of the new generation to shift the debate away from ethnicity towards citizenship were to be complicated by the worsening international political situation. Many had been attracted to the teachings of the most influential Islamicists of the twentieth century - Maulana Mawdudi (19031979) and Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966). Both these activists offered two very powerful ideas. The reinterpretation of the shahada to focus on the sovereignty of Allah led to a powerful critique of Western society and institutions as shirk (idolatry) and the emergence of Islam as a political ideology. In such thinking, the ills and imbalances of the contemporary world order could be righted by embracing Islam and its political, legal, social and economic institutions wholeheartedly and rooting out from Muslim societies the man-made compromises with Western systems that were the consequence of the recently past colonial relations. The objective in the Muslim world was the foundation of Islamic states. The second potent idea was connected to the first and posited that any Islamicisation, whether individual or communal, required the purification of Islam from any cultural innovations that had been added historically to the religion as practised in some ideal past (either in Medina or by the first three generations of Muslims). Although the majority of British-born Muslims essentially rejected the idea of an Islamic state in Britain as hopelessly Utopian, the idea of an Islam that existed free from cultural accretion was a powerful symbol
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for a generation trying to carve out an identity that released them from the requirement to maintain the cultures of their parents. If Islam could exist in a pristine state, it could provide its own independent cultural identity but flexible enough to integrate with other systems of identity where there was a symbiosis with Islamic norms. New movements appeared that offered British Muslims the organisational avenues to make concrete these two idealisations. For those who adopted both visions, the dream of a pure Islam manifested in an Islamic state led to the advent of radical 'rejectionist' movements such as Hizb-ut Tahrir and al-Muhajiroun. The majority of British activists, however, embraced the ideal of a pure Islam as a strategy for working with British institutions in partnership without losing sight of Islamic values. The result was the creation of the influential 'participationist' movements such ISB (Islamic Society of Britain), MAB (Muslim Association of Britain) and MCB (Muslim Council of Britain).13 These 'participationist' movements have travelled far from the original radical positions of Qutb and Mawdudi, moving towards mainstream politics and integration, framing their discourse within citizenship issues and Islam's compatibility with democracy. The minority who have remained loyal to the radicalism of the two ideologues continue to proclaim loudly that democracy, founded on the tenet of the sovereignty of the people, is at odds with the rule of Allah and constitutes an enemy to be struggled with and overthrown by the law of God and the triumph of Islam. Whilst this process of politicisation and islamicisation was occuring, the sense of Muslim beleaguerment which had appeared after the publication of Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses, and the inability of protest to halt the sale of the novel, was to become much worse after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the resulting increase in US hegemony. The problem of a viable Palestinian state remained unsolvable and degenerated into a vicious condition of strike and counter-strike against civilians on both sides; the United States, Britain and their allies invaded Iraq and Afghanistan, and Kashmir remained a sore point for British Pakistanis, in particular. The collapse of the Soviet Union and world communism created armed struggles in Chechnya, and Bosnian Muslims found themselves involved in horrific ethnic cleansing caused by primitive Serbian nationalism. Into this already difficult international scenario, 9/11 came as a catalyst, achieving an iconic status even greater than its actual cataclysmic occurrence. The worsening international situation, convincing millions of Muslims that they were the new enemy of the United States after the end of the Cold War, was echoed locally by the street riots in several
northern cities in Britain with large Muslim populations of South Asian origin. Although not connected in any way, both were to act together as catalysts for the British nation state to close its borders and defend its civic culture. Whilst continuing to support multiculturalism, a new language of integration and cohesion was voiced by national politicians demanding controls on imported imams, intercontinental marriages and far more rigid controls on political and economic migrants. Whilst their elders continued with the management of the mosques and the maintenance of traditional cultural and religious domains, young British Muslims were once again being confronted with the question of what it means to be Muslim and British.14 The worsening international situation played into the hands of those who argued that the values of Western Europe and the United States were morally decadent and their governments were maintaining a foreign policy which was a continuation of colonialism. Internationally the Muslim fundamentalist movements were able to successfully promote the idea that even after the independence of Muslim nations from colonial rule, Western powers and their ideology still rule the Islamic world under a so-called 'Muslim mask'. Seen in these terms, such fundamentalism must be perceived as a protest movement promulgating an ideology which provokes a response from those groups which are the most acutely aware of the tensions presented by the contemporary world. It is not surprising that many young British Muslims were attracted to the fundamentalist message as a solution to the problems that appeared to be escalating across the globe. In addition, the critique of colonialism could also be used in a post-colonial situation where many British Muslims faced unequal opportunities even when achieving educational goals. For those that felt let down by the cultures of their place of birth and the culture of their parents, new and radical solutions were sought after. The culture of parents was perceived to be riddled by traditional attitudes and beliefs that had no bearing on their own situation. Acceptance as equal citizens in their land of birth appeared remote. Fundamentalism attracted the minority because it is quintessentially modern; that is to say, it constitutes a response to events and conditions in the present.15 In Britain the values of modernity call for increasing assimilation into the cultural mainstream of the society into which their parents settled. At the same time, opportunities to do this on an equal footing are denied. On the other hand, the emergence of migrant communities which preserve group solidarity by defining identity ethnically cannot offer much to young Muslims who firmly know
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themselves to be British. Islamic fundamentalism, in its affirmation of religious authority as holistic and absolute, offers an apparent solution to this dilemma. Although the establishment of an Islamic state remains clearly an unrealistic goal in a British inner city where Muslims are a minority, it still remains an ideal for some. The phenomenon of religious fundamentalisms in the twentieth century states that religion can be the corporate public action of religiously motivated individuals to change the social system on behalf of what they perceive to be their deepest spiritual loyalties. In this respect, the 'participationist' and the 'rejectionists' are both influenced by the fundamentalist ideal and share similar values even if opposed to each other's activities. For many young Muslims in Britain, the concept of the ummah becomes of central importance to their religious ideology. In Britain, it can link many British-born Muslims to an identity which transcends both their allegiance to nationality and the ethnic loyalties of their parents. But the ideal of an identity rooted in Islamic univer-salism is not only abstract and intellectual but carries with it a powerful emotional sense of identification reinforced by the feelings of 'otherness' powerfully generated by Western racism and orientalism. In this context, it is likely that the images of Muslim civilians seen to be dying and suffering in various hotspots around the world and so graphically portrayed by the media will impact on the emotive ties inherent within identity construction. The balance between Muslim, ethnic and British identities, each with its own emotional baggage, will be radically challenged by the awareness of a shared sense of the ummah in suffering. In the meantime what has been happening to the older generation who have developed the Muslim infrastructures in Britain? A number of Muslim movements had transmigrated from the subcontinent into Britain and have been a major factor in establishing the religious infrastructure of Islam in Britain. Although such movements are not in themselves violent in their reaction to the West, historic strategies of resistance to the colonial presence of Britain in India and the loss of Muslim power created an animosity towards Western political and educational institutions and the selection of a self-conscious defensive posture of isolation. These strategies of isolation and the subsequent related production of Muslim apologia adopted respectively by Deobandi-influenced groups and Jamaat-i Islami-influenced movements have contributed to an ambiguous relationship to the new homeland amongst first-generation South Asian migrants and continued to influence the mosque through imported imams and elders who maintain the politics of the countries of
origin. These strategies of resistance developed in the colonial era have been maintained, refined and sharpened by the continuing post-colonial relations of the majority world, especially Pakistan and Bangladesh, with the wealthy, non-Muslim nations of the West who are still perceived to hold the Muslim nations in the grip of poverty and underdevelopment. These unequal post-colonial relations have formed part of the processes of economic migration and the strategies of resistance have been maintained in the new environment hindering any attempts at successful integration of the new world and the old.16 British South Asian Muslims have continued to perceive themselves as a relatively powerless minority in the midst of non-Muslim territory and have sometimes utilised the same strategies developed in opposition to the colonial presence. Migrant communities have been shown to reaffirm traditional values and consequently their religious traditions are strengthened.17 The experience of British Muslims would suggest that this is so, but any assessment of the events of 7/7 will need to take note of increased religiosity among many second-generation British South Asian Muslims but within the context of the religious environment that transmigrated with the first generation. The religion of the parents had been created in an earlier atmosphere of defensiveness where movements struggled against the enemies of materialism, atheism, the influence of Christianity, and Western political domination but also regarded each other as doctrinal enemies. The processes of migration can be compared to rites de passage possessing similar stages.18 In establishing their religious life based on the forms already existent in South Asia, the newly arrived migrants tried to deal with the separation or detachment from a particular set of cultural conditions by duplicating them in the new environment. Although the creation of religious forms and structures provided the constructive potential of public engagement, the continued strategies of isolation and a rhetoric of 'otherness' provided the possibility for the growth of destructive trends. For the first-generation migrants, the reform message offered the attraction of an apparently successful strategy for survival; just as it once attempted to unite all the disparate Muslim strands in India, so now it could bring together all the many ethnic divisions amongst Muslims in Britain, and serve to unite a Muslim minority community from the subcontinent to a wider worldwide movement of revival. The nineteenth-century movements had stockpiled nearly 200 years of experience in maintaining an authentic religious expression and providing a vehicle for cohesive community identity; in addition they were skilled in supplying detailed information on religious
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matters concerning everyday life. However, in achieving these goals, the policy of isolation led to them being hopelessly adrift from contemporary life and riven by sectarian differences. The reproduction of religious life and the re-appropriation of Shah Wall-Allah's old rallying cry of 'Islam in danger' may have constituted a continuation for the first generation, but the cultural conditions did not suit the young British-born generation who found themselves caught in a liminal stage between the laws, customs, conventions and ceremonials of the way of life reproduced by their parents and those dominant in twentieth- and twenty-first-century Britain. Deprived of leadership roles in the mosque and socially under-privileged in British society, they had been brought up in the environment of isolation, divisiveness and awareness of 'otherness' that constituted their parents' separation and detachment. Islam was not utilised as a voice of integration but rather separation and exclusiveness. In this state of liminality, the young sought new avenues to express their condition, often seeking for the comradeship and egalitarianism, not available in the movements and structures created by their parents, in the twentieth-century politicised movements which were able to symbolically parallel the liminal condition's need for communitas. They could offer a sense of sacredness, homogeneity and intense comradeship. It is not my contention to suggest a direct causal link between membership or contact with South Asian Islamic reform movements and acts of terrorism by British-born South Asian Muslims, but to argue that in the transition process the continuity of nineteenth-century strategies of isolation and the recreation of the discourse of 'otherness' have not helped the integration of Islam in Western society. There are signs of the third stage of rites de passage emerging, that is a new stable state possessing rights and obligations vis-a-vis others where the British Muslim is expected to behave in accordance with certain customary norms and ethical standards. Muslims need not fear such an event as assimilation for it has been demonstrated by the writings of Tariq Ramadan that Islam can accommodate the best aspects of Western democracies without in anyway compromising its own ethics.19 In continuing the old rivalries, nothing significant has been achieved that contributes to the development of a uniquely British or even Western forms of Islam. Divergence of sects and cultural binary fission remains the norm but is achieved more effectively by the groups that represent the first generation.20 It probably has helped to maintain the struggle to recreate Islam by British-born generations to some extent but it has not placed the religious movements of the first generation or
their memberships in the heart of new discourses taking place in the British context. However, there are signs that change is taking place. If, on one hand, divergence has continued to flourish to the degree that it is more accurate to speak of Muslim communities rather than a single community, on the other hand, there are indications of a shift towards convergence amongst young British Muslims and their leaders. Significantly this convergence refocuses awareness on the spirituality of Sufism as opposed to its traditional role as a carrier of ethnic or cultural identity.21 As stated above, the pioneering groundwork to forge a British Islamic identity was carried out by young British Muslims whose original thought and action were influenced by Maulana Mawdudi and Sayyid Qutb with their rhetoric of an Islamic state and the removal of all cultural accretions from Islam. The call for an Islamic state is likely to be more successful as a tactic for change in Muslim majority nations. In Britain it seemed an impossible dream, at best a hope for a distant future, at worst a tactic that would antagonise the majority population and its official agencies of government and social control. However, the rhetoric of identifying and struggling against cultural accretions could be developed as a critique of ethnicity and an effective tool for carving out a uniquely British space for Muslims. The success of this strategy is apparent. First, the impetus for identity struggle has clearly shifted from ethnic origin to discourses around Muslim identity and citizenship issues. In addition several key organisations have developed which represent the voices of young British Muslims to government and other official agencies, completely bypassing the mosques which remained in control of the older generation still operating under the model of cultural binary fission. However, the old reformist argument of removing cultural accretions to find a 'pure Islam' can result in a loss of richness and diversity that generations of tradition have established as part of the religion. At worst it leads to forms of fundamentalism and primitivism, even aggressive radicalism that have plagued Islam in the last 20 years. On the whole, the forms of British Sufism were not prone to such forms of primitive Islam, but they were open to criticisms of cultural accretion as long as they were unable to discern where tradition and ethnicity separated. On the other hand, they retained an inner piety and aura of spirituality that appeared to be absent from the more politicised reform movements. Recent voices are emerging that appear to take account of these factors and are prepared to draw upon the new reform rhetoric of moderation, citizenship and participation in Western democracies and also realise
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Ron Geaves 27
the value of Muslim piety and spirituality. Whilst on one hand encouraging British Muslims to participate actively in British democratic institutions from a standpoint of Islamic values and to reassess their position as citizens of a non-Muslim society through creative reinterpretation of Qur'an and Hadith utilising the methodology of traditional Islamic sciences, on the other hand they are deeply aware of the lack of spirituality. Tariq Ramadan calls for 'the birth of a new and authentic Muslim identity, neither completely dissolved in the Western environment nor reacting against it but rather resting on its own foundation according to its own Islamic sources'.2Z In the process, British Muslims are called upon to be activist but to maintain spirituality and faith as the innermost circle of their Muslim identity.23 He argues that many young Muslims are leaving Islamic associations because they feel that something is missing, a 'something' that he identifies as spirituality.24 Spirituality is defined as remembrance and he puts forward the Sufi position that all Islamic practices, particularly prayer, are means of recollection (dhikf).25 In Tariq Ramadan's exposition of the role of Western Muslims we hear a convergence of the new moderate political activism and its engagement with citizenship and identity issues but embedded in a spirituality which takes its inspiration from traditional Muslim piety with its foundations in tasawuf (remembrance of God). These new voices are intensely aware of contemporary ethical issues such as environmental concerns and call upon Muslims in the West to avoid 'binary vision' and turn to finding 'committed partners' who can 'elect' from Western culture attributes that are positive and promote the human good and at the same time fight actively against the negative aspects of consumerism and the 'destructive by-products' of modern society.26 This is a long way from the reproduction of culture that is exhibited in cultural binary fission described above. It is, on the contrary, an attempt to carve out a new cultural and religious space that creatively interacts with the new environment. They bypass the world of the mosque, and Sufism influences their world view. They are not exponents of folk tradition or the Islam of local traditions and are able to utilise Qur'an and Hadith to great effect to put across their message on the issues that matter to them. Ethnicity is transcended to discover common cause in either a universal consciousness of ummah or the ideological belonging to the ahl as-sunna wa-jama'at. In doing so a new internationalism is being forged and for the young British Muslims of South Asian origin the inspiration is more likely to come from their own generation from across the Muslim world or from high profile Western converts than from the South Asian elders who still pull up drawbridges of isolation in their respective religious
fiefdoms of Coventry, Birmingham, Bradford or Manchester. The future of British Islam is being highly contested by the various emerging groups from amongst the British-born generations. It remains hard to perceive who will emerge as victors but it is certain that the first generation and their forms of Islam imported from places of origin will have less and less impact.
1. Geaves, R.A. (2005) 'Negotiating British Citizenship and Muslim Identity' Muslim Britain, Tahir Abbas (ed.), London: Zed Books, pp. 66-77. 2. For a detailed account of nineteenth-century South Asians in Britain, see Visram, R. (2002) Asians in Brtiain: 400 Years of History, London: Pluto Press.
3. See Halliday, F. (1992) Arabs in Exile: Yemeni Migrants in Urban Britain. London: IB Tauris.
4. The origins of the Woking mosque have been described by Nielsen, J. (1995) Muslims in Western Europe, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press and Geaves, R.A. (2000) Sufis of Britain, Cardiff: Cardiff Academic Press. The activities of Sheikh Abdullah Quilliam in Liverpool have been recently highlighted by the attempts of the Muslims in Liverpool to purchase his original centre and turn it into a museum of Islamic culture in the city to be called Abdullah Quilliam Heritage Centre. The Abdullah Quilliam Society has been created in Liverpool to co-ordinate these activities. 5. Robinson, F. (1988) 'Varieties of South Asian Islam', Research Paper in Ethnic Relations, no. 8, Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick. 6. Ballard, R. and Ballard C. (1977) The Sikhs: The Development of South Asian Settlements in Britain', Between Two Cultures, Watson, J. (ed.), Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 21-56. 7. Sanyal, U. (2005) Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi, Oxford: Oneworld, p. xi. 8. Knott, K. (1992) 'The Role of Religious Studies in Understanding the Ethnic Experience', Community Religions Project Research Paper, Leeds: University of Leeds, p. 12. 9. Francis, E.K. (1976) Interethnic Relations, New York: Elsevier, p. 157. 10. Anwar, M. (1980) 'Religious Identity in Plural Societies: The Case of Britain', The Journal of the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, 2:2/3:1, pp. 110-121. 11. Geaves, R.A. (1996) Sectarian Influences within Islam in Britain, Leeds: Monograph Series, Community Religions Project, p. 54. 12. Werbner, P. (2002) Imagined Diaspora^ among Manchester Muslims, Oxford: James Currey, p. 49. 13. The labels of 'participationist' and 'rejectionist' were coined by McRoy, A. (2006) From Rushdie to 7/7: The Radicalisation of Islam in Britain, London: The Social Affairs Unit. 14. Geaves, R.A. (2005), pp. 71-72. 15. Geaves, R.A. (1996), p. 78. 16. For a fuller analysis of these historic strategies, see Geaves, R.A. (2007) 'An Assessment of Colonial Strategies of Resistance, Liminality and
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Herberg's Thesis in the Rise of Radicalism and the phenomenon of the "suicide bomber" in British South Asian Youth', Islam Political Radicalism: A European Comparative Perspective, Abbas, T. (ed.), Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 17. Will, H. (1983) Protestant-Catholic few: An Essay in American Religious Sociology (2nd edition), Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 18. See Victor, T. (1969) 'Liminality and Communitas', The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure, Chicago: Aldine Publishing. Van Gennup in his classic work on rites de passage had posited a three-stage process. The first phase is that of separation or detachment of the group or individual from the previous fixed point in the social structure or a set of cultural conditions; the second is the liminal stage, where the group or individual passes through a period that is 'betwixt and between' located states and positions in cultural space; the third and final stage is the re-emergence of the group or individual to a new stable state described by Turner as possessing 'rights and obligations vis-a-vis others of a clearly defined and structural type; he is expected to behave in accordance with certain customary norms and ethical standards binding upon incumbents of social position in a system of such positions'. 19. See Ramadan, T. (2004) Western Muslims and the Future of Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 20. Sometimes traditions are duplicated so effectively in the diaspora situation, providing a mirror image of village customs and practices, that I have preferred to use the term 'cultural binary fission' to describe the process of reproduction. The term 'binary fission' is borrowed from Biology and refers to the most basic reproductive method known to nature, where amoebae simply divide their cells and split into two to create a duplicate of themselves. I am not arguing that the attempt is successful as there will always be transformations that take place in a new environment but that the religious forms created by the first generation have functioned as attempts to duplicate the cultural forms of the locality of origin. See Geaves, R.A. (2005) 'Trans-global Mysticism or a case of Cultural Binary Fission: The Transmigration of Sufism in Britain', Global Networking and Locality: Suflsm in Western Societies, Department of Cultural Studies, University of Bremen, September 29, 2005. 21. See Geaves R.A. (2000) Sufis of Britain, Cardiff: Cardiff Academic Press. 22. Ramadan, T. (2004) Western Muslims and the Future of Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 83. 23. Ibid., p. 85. 24. Ibid., p. 125. 25. Ibid., p. 79. 26. Ibid., p. 76.
For Muslims guidance is the religious imperative. The Qur'an is understood as Allah's guidance par excellence, especially as exemplified in the Prophet's life. As the Islamic
British Muslims and the Search for Religious Guidance
community spread in time and space, believers whose religious and cultural sensibilities had been shaped by other religions and languages had new questions for which they sought guidance. Who was to answer their questions? Once Islamic law - shari'a - was sufficiently developed, many turned to jurists who answered with legal decisions - fatawa; others, impatient of such external knowledge of the religious sciences 'ilm - sought out the sufi orders custodians of experiential knowledge of God - ma'rifat.1 As Muslims have travelled, traded and traversed new linguistic and cultural worlds there has been a constant dialectic of adaptation to such societies by jurists and sufis as they sought to answer unfamiliar questions put to them and a process of 'Islamisation', whereby madrasatrained scholars ceaselessly campaigned against 'aberrant' local custom... whether referred to as reform (islah), renewal (tajdid), religious summoning (da'wa), or even holy struggle (jihad) [and inspired] thousands of men to return to their home districts, or penetrate unfamiliar territory, to teach, cajole, inspire, and lead local peoples into a more 'proper' observance of the faith. (Bulliet 1994: 187) The twentieth century has brought new challenges, new questions and - most disquietingly for the 'ulama, the custodians of traditional Islam - new institutions of public education which have threatened their monopoly of religious learning. Muslim students can now learn about Islam in school and university, whose teachers are often themselves the 29
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products of state tertiary education rather than the madrasa. Moreover, across the Muslim world, modernists and Islamists alike have created their own separate institutions of Islamic study and research. The search for guidance is difficult enough in the Muslim world with the proliferation of different and often competing centres of religious authority. The task becomes more urgent and more difficult in much of the Western world, where, through economic migration since the Second World War, significant Muslim communities have been created. Islamic jurisprudence did not anticipate that Muslims would willingly choose to leave the House of Islam for the House of Unbelief. Muslims now find themselves as minorities in countries whose public life, culture and institutions owe little or nothing to Islam. A situation for which the Islamic religious tradition offers little guidance. As Dr Zaki Badawi, the distinguished Egyptian scholar and former Director of the prestigious Islamic Cultural Centre and mosque in London, has repeatedly remarked, 'Muslim theology offers, up to the present, no systematic formulations of the status of being in a minority' (Badawi 1981: 27). This chapter offers a preliminary study and assessment of some of the attempts made by Muslims to create religious institutions which can connect with the social and intellectual world of young British Muslims. Particularly important is the question of whether Muslims in Britain can access the insights and developing expertise emerging from within multi-ethnic Muslim communities, whether Arab, South Asian or British (through conversion). I consider their impact on one northern industrial city, Bradford, which has the third largest concentration of Muslims in Britain, after London and Birmingham, and is linked through nationality, sect, kinship and caste with all the other main Muslim centres of settlement in Britain.2
Curriculum, ethos and alumni of Britain's Islamic seminaries
Britain's mosques continue to be the favoured location for passing on the Islamic tradition to a new generation of Britain's Muslims. The community has invested hugely in these institutions which number 613, of which 96 are purpose built.3 Bradford has some 30 mosques and nine supplementary schools, many of which have links with British seminaries. Seminaries belonging to two traditions with their origins in South Asia will be the focus of this section. The first are the Deobandi seminaries at Bury and Dewsbury, the second, a new Barelwi initiative in Nottingham. The Bury dar al 'ulum was the first Deobandi dar al 'ulutn
(literally, house of [religious] sciences) to be established in 1975, and has developed links with al-Azhar in Cairo and Madina University in Saudi Arabia, where many of its students go after completing their 6-year programme of study. Dewsbury was set up in 1982. Also in the Deobandi tradition it shares with Bury an emphasis on dini (religious) rather than duniawi (worldly) concerns. Bury serves as the European centre of the revivalist movement, Tablighi Jamaat. Deobandi and Barelwi seminaries continue to draw heavily on a famous eighteenth-century Indian syllabus of study - dars-i nizami. The Bury syllabus is sufficiently similar to that taught at Nottingham to serve as an introduction to the intellectual world of both traditions. They offer a 6-year course. The first year comprises the basics of the Arabic language - grammar (sarf) and syntax (nahw) - taught with Urdu text books; elementary works in Arabic on literature and language; the life of the Prophet, his companions, and the history of early Islam, again taught through the medium of Urdu. In the second year more difficult books in Arabic on grammar and syntax are introduced, along with a textbook on composition in Arabic and translation exercises from Arabic into Urdu. Arabic literature and language are given priority. History drops out and fiqh, Islamic jurisprudence, is introduced, through selections from a Hanafi text. Qur'anic recitation, tajwid, also makes its first appearance. The third year includes the same stress on Arabic with the addition of Arabic rhetoric, and for the first time Qur'anic commentary, tafsir, with half the Qur'an translated from Arabic into Urdu. A beginning is made on the study of the principles of Islamic jurisprudence. The life of the Prophet, selections from hadith and tajwid complete the years' study. The fourth year includes classical Arabic literature, Arabic rhetoric, and the second half of the Qur'an is translated from Arabic into Urdu. An elementary work of logic is introduced as an aid to understanding the Qur'an. The principles of Islamic jurisprudence are further explored, hadith and tajwid complete this year's study. In the fifth year there is study of an Arabic text book mapping the changes in language from classical to modern Arabic; a Hanafi text book on the terminology and the principles of Hadith selection; a short Arabic commentary of the Qur'an by Suyuti (d. 1505), written in co-operation with his teacher, known as tafsir aljalalayn; Tibrizi's famous compilation of hadith, Mishkat al Masabih - 'niche of the lamps' (sura 24: 35); Marghinani's Hidaya, a twelfth-century compilation of Islamic case-law; a text of apologetic theology on articles of belief, al 'aqaid, by Nasafi (d. 1143); and tajwid. The final year is devoted entirely to reading in Arabic and translating
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into Urdu all the six collections of hadith, along with Imam Malik's Muwatta. This syllabus clearly reflects the continuing influence of the dars-i nizami in such works as Suyuti's short Qur'anic commentary, Tibrizi's compilation of hadith, Nasafi's text book on kalam, apologetic theology, and the Hidaya. The distinghuished Indian Arabist and historian Maulana Shibli Nu'mani (d. 1916) was critical of the dars-i nizami syllabus' dependence on the slight works by Suyuti and Nasafi, which he felt had hardly begun to do justice to the rich treasury of Muslim scholarship in the area of tafsir and kalam. The same criticism holds good for these British seminaries. The potential of history as a valuable tool for a contextual appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of key Islamic texts - not least the twelfth century Hidaya - has yet to be explored at either Deobandi seminary. Their emphasis on hadith, with some 20 per cent of the timetable devoted to it, means that outside the first year's cursory study of early Islamic history, there is no other study of Islamic history, nor any exposure to great Muslim thinkers such as al Ghazali (d. 1111) or Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) or indeed the Indian scholar, Shah Wall Allah (d. 1762), one of the few South Asian scholars whose work in Arabic is studied at al-Azhar in Cairo. Only in the private school, catering for boys between 13 and 16 years old, are English and modern subjects studied at all. Since so little Islamic history or Islamic philosophy is studied, it is difficult to envisage the graduates of such centres developing the confidence to study British philosophy, history and literature, still less politics, economics, and more recent disciplines such as the social sciences and psychology. Bury and its sister foundation at Dewsbury provide a closed process of socialisation within total institutions which organise all aspects of life study, leisure and sleeping - and where all activities are carried out in the company of people from the same institution and regulated from above. In these seminaries there are no televisions or videos, since these are considered to transgress the Islamic prohibition against representation of living creatures. Radios and newspapers are also excluded as a distraction - there are periodic checks in the dormitories to make sure no one is listening to a radio. Music is considered as haram and often preached against with youngsters told that on the Day of Judgement molten glass will be poured into the ears of those who have so indulged. Paradise and Hell frame the horizon within which life is conducted. The education of those in the private school - 13-16 years old - has to conform to the dictates of English law. Four subjects are offered
to General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) level: English language, general science, maths and Urdu. However, while this is taught in the afternoon the rest of the curriculum is taught in the morning in Urdu and an emphasis is placed on learning the Qur'an by heart in Arabic - hifz without as yet understanding it. It is clear that the students live in two distinct linguistic and cultural worlds. One may illustrate this from the Urdu Islamic textbook used - Lessons from Islam by Mufti Kifayatullah (d. 1952). Here the students read about the miracles wrought by the Prophet, including 'splitting the moon', an interpretation of sura 54: 1. In the afternoon they study general science in English. Any possible discordance between these two worlds is neither recognised nor addressed, in part because different teachers teach the Islamics course in Urdu and the English curriculum. The traditional method of teaching in such institutions is for the student to master a series of set texts. Thus a group studying hadith will read it out in Arabic, then translate it into Urdu. The teacher will correct the Arabic or the Urdu translation, where incorrect, and give his or her interpretation of its meaning. This latter will be considered as normative and when the students are examined, orally or in writing, the teacher's interpretation will be reproduced. The emphasis is on the transfer of personalised knowledge whereby a given corpus of works and their accredited interpretation is mastered. Such traditional Islamic seminaries have little interest in individual expression or creative writing: In religious instruction the teacher is not someone whom it is easy to challenge... [since] any criticizing the teacher would be taken to be criticism of Islam... If the teacher is the custodian of truth, then there is no point in trying to develop the imaginative or the collaborative capacities of his pupils, since that would only result in a distortion or weakening of the truth that it is his role to transmit. (Leaman 1996: 314) Bury and Dewsbury are not impervious to the need for some changes. This is evident in three developments: Dewsbury now has meetings for 'professionals' conducted in English, Bury has produced a magazine in English - Subula Salaam/Peaceways - and it is possible for its more able alumni to subsequently acquire degrees in a Western university. I attended a meeting of 'professionals' in September 1996. This comprised some 1200 people who came from all over Britain for a 24-hour meeting. On the walls of the prayer hall were signs for the different groups from Yorkshire, Lancashire, Scotland, London, the Midlands and Wales to
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gather and place their bedrolls. In the address I attended, the speaker worried about 'rebellious' women and youth, along with 'Westernism, materialism and egotism'. Muslims were urged to assume their responsibilities and duties to their neighbours and friends. They were to banish any feelings of inferiority since they had the superior din (religion). The speaker admitted that to wear a beard was to be scorned and assailed with slogans such as fundamentalist, extremist and militant. However, he insisted that Muslims could not 'be assimilated or absorbed'. The three young men I spoke to who had travelled from Birmingham, conspicuous in their Western dress, admitted that they were unhappy with Tablighi Jama'at's acontextual approach and their failure to connect with real issues such as unemployment, racism and drugs affecting many Muslim youth. Still, what is significant is that the movement is not confined to the marginalised and poorly educated, those suffering unemployment and the social dislocation of migration. Although it continues to offer such men self-respect, brotherhood and a sense of purpose as they are re-Islamicised, albeit within a very South Asian milieu. Bury's bimonthly magazine - Peace-ways - is also an important concession to the demands of a new location. However, as with seminary and revivalist gathering, its content focuses on personal religiosity - modelling every particular of one's life on the Prophet's example - and seldom strays into the public world of politics and economics, still less engage with the world of most Muslim youth. The content of the magazine is edifying and exemplary stories of the Prophet, the companions and the saints. A page is devoted to 'questions'. The following are a selection from one edition (May-June 1995): Is it permissible to walk away while sitting in front of a person performing salaah (prayer)? Is there any thawab (merit) in listening to the Qur'an... recited on a cassette player? Is it lawful to eat rabbit meat? Is it lawful to take out a loan to build a house on my plot of land? Is it permissible to scatter dates in the mosque on the occasion of nikah (marriage)? I am a 28-year-old student and I want to get married. I have heard that women do not like men with beards? Can I shave? In what proportions should I distribute the estate of deceased relative to his wife, children and nieces? Imam 'Akhtar' is a young 'alim, who has successfully traversed three educational, linguistic and cultural worlds: a graduate from Bury in 1988, a BA in Islamic studies from al-Azhar in 1990 and an MA from the Department of Middle Eastern Studies of Manchester University in 1992. As well as teaching youngsters about Islam, he lectures part-time on aspects of Islam in a local university.
'Akhtar' considers that Bury has benefited from its links with alAzhar, which already has had some impact on curriculum and teaching methods. He instanced the inclusion of the book by the Indian scholar Abul Hasan All Nadwi (b. 1914) on developments within the Arabic language from the classical to the modern age, and the inclusion in 1990 of the famous tafsir by Baidawi (d. 1286), introduced to complement the shorter work of Suyuti. With regard to method, one major innovation, borrowed from Azhar, has been the addition of a 10,000- and 15,000word thesis at the end of the fifth and sixth years. Such a thesis can be written in Arabic, English or Urdu and involves some minimal research. The Principal of Bury had also encouraged a few students to go on to study Islamics, law and Arabic at British universities. 'Akhtar' was confident that, in time, this would have a further impact on Bury in both the content of the curriculum and the methods of study. He acknowledged, however, that Bury was a long way from getting its courses in Islamics and Arabic accredited by British universities. They had been advised that if they introduced some 'A' level studies their students could, at least, transfer to a British University more easily than at present. What was surprising was that 'Akhtar' had not encountered the works of modernist Islamic scholarship in Egypt. He had, for example, not studied any of the works of the greatest of al-Azhar's reformers, Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905). He had gained a cursory knowledge of Western scholarship in his study of Islamic thought at Manchester. However, 'Akhtar' appeared innocent of the concerns and anxieties of modernist Muslims. For example, he expressed no difficulty with the section in Hidaya which, in the context of prescribing rules of evidence, insists that in most cases 'the evidence required is of two men or of one man and two women, whether the case relate to property... marriage, divorce, agency, executorship...' (Hamilton 1987: 353). The formula 'one man equals two women' has been extrapolated from a Qur'anic verse touching on witnesses to a financial transaction, where the reasons are stated: 'if one of them (women) should make a mistake, the other could remind her' (sura 2: 282). The traditionalist, nourished by such esteemed works as Hidaya, considers the law that two female witnesses equal one male is eternal and a social change that enabled a woman to get used to financial transactions would be un-Islamic. The modernist... would say... when
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women become conversant with such matters... their evidence can equal that of a man. (Rahman 1980: 48-9) 'Akhtar' seemed unaware of this whole debate, a storm centre in contemporary Pakistan, and one of the factors behind the emergence there of a women's movement. He exhibited no understanding of why such teaching might be considered problematic to some of his Muslim contemporaries.4 By 1995 Bury had produced 260 ulama, 250 trained reciters of the Qur'an and 290 huffaz (Peaceways April/May 1995: 2). We might assume that British mosques are snapping up such bi-lingual 'ulama. In reality this does not seem to be the case. Many prefer to continue to import South Asian personnel. A major reason is economic: British-trained 'ulama expect a decent salary, while those from South Asia usually come without their family and remain dependent on the mosque committee most have no job security. In short, many Deobandi graduates find themselves in a dilemma: the mosques cannot or will not pay them a living wage and their training is too specialist to equip them to work in the mainstream education system. Therefore, increasing numbers eke out an existence in shops, market stalls and family businesses. This could mean that the more able members of families are sent off to universities while the less able are sent to the seminaries, a situation already happening in India.5 In a conversation with a member of a national umbrella organisation for Deobandi ulama - Jami'at-Ulama Britannia (JUB) - I was told that JUB hoped to persuade these seminaries to deepen and widen their curriculum, for example to include 'A' levels. They would also press them to provide some recreational opportunities such as inter-mosque football and cricket competitions. Finally, they would like them to establish links with local teacher training colleges to enable them to get a training qualification. Once this happened the Muslim community might be able to win over Local Education Authorities to employ them as peripatetic religious education teachers for Muslim pupils on analogy with the present provision of peripatetic music teachers. At the moment such hopes seem far from realisation. While 'Akhtar' is confident that incremental change will enable Bury to better connect with the intellectual and cultural world of educated British Muslims, this is not the view of Dr Musharaf Hussain. Dr Hussain is the intellectual driving force behind the new Barelwi initiative AlKaram College in Eaton, Nottingham, comprising private
Islamic school, college and dor al 'ulum. Dr Hussain, like 'Akhtar' has traversed three different intellectual and cultural worlds, although in a different sequence. He acquired elementary religious education from a Bradford 'alim, then earned a PhD in medical biochemistry from Aston University. After some years as a research scholar at Nottingham University he spent a year in a traditional dar al 'ulum in Pakistan -that of a distinguished Pakistani religious scholar, Pir Karam Shah, after whom the Nottingham centre is named. He rounded off his Islamic formation by gaining a BA in Islamic Studies from al-Azhar in Egypt. Dr Hussain found the al-Azhar education was much broader than that of a traditional Pakistani dar al 'ulum. It was much more ready to consider and learn from a wider band of Islamic scholarship, including classical Islamic philosophy and Shi'ite works. Yet, he still found his al-Azhar teachers largely insulated from the intellectual world of modern society. Therefore, although at present Al-Karam College has some 150 boarders in its private school and college - due to increase to 350 -and two dozen students participating in a fairly traditional dar al 'ulum syllabus, he hopes that the college will eventually win accreditation for a 3-year BA in Arabic and Islamic Studies. This he sees as comprising a relevant intellectual formation for a new generation of British 'ulama. In sum, Dr Hussain, while salvaging some of the works from the dars-i nizami syllabus for a new BA programme, feels that a radical new start is required if British 'ulama are to have any chance of relating to the intellectual and cultural world of Muslims having higher education in Britain. The ethos and curriculum of the Al Karam private school is also very different from Bury and Dewsbury. At the Deobandi centres dress and the language of instruction - Urdu - breathes the world of South Asia. Not so at Eaton. The pupils are dressed in Western clothes, the classrooms are full of the latest audio-visual tehnology, and 'A' levels are offered. The school and college prospectus is at home with the educational jargon of key stages and offers a well-thought-out curriculum reflecting the national curriculum and Islamic teaching. Unlike the Deobandi seminaries this offers an integrated model of Islamic and Western knowledge. In all there is a realisation that most of the students will not become 'ulama and will need to transfer to institutions of tertiary education elsewhere in Britain. This attempt to fuse the best of the two intellectual traditions is deliberate and reflects Dr Hussain's worry that most Muslims
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are still reticent about calling themselves British Muslims, preferring to regard themselves as Pakistanis or Bengali Muslims living in Britain. He wrote, Perhaps many of our elders have serious reservations about calling themselves British because of what the British did to their forefathers in India or the Middle East... But aren't our circumstances different now? Haven't we willingly accepted British nationality? It's high time we seriously adopted our distinct British Muslim identity... if we fail to do so we will not be able to take root [here] and we shall always remain in our ghettos and as foreigners at the fringes of society. (The Invitation December/January 1994/5: 1-2) The college magazine -Thelnvitation - also reflects a more holistic vision of Islam. It seeks to combine dini and duniawi concerns: there are sections for children, education, current affairs and a forum for questions. What is striking, in contrast with Peaceways, is that it includes female contributors, as well as articles about Muslim women. In some numbers there are profiles of the celebrated Pakistani cricketer Imran Khan, an interview with a female Pakistani television personality now working for a West Yorkshire media company, an interesting justification for taking family photographs, reflections on the Cairo conference on population, as well as a considered meditation on 'How man can draw closer to God through science' by Dr Hussain himself, who is unusually well equipped to write on such an issue. Various other Muslim institutions in Britain have reflected on the desiderata for an Islamic curriculum in Britain, whether the 'Muslim Parliament' in its educational white paper published in 1992, or the 'The Muslim College' in London in its 'provisional prospectus'.6 All agree on the need to teach in English and to add history and philosophy - Islamic and Western - to the traditional curriculum of Qur'an, hadith and flqh. If 'The Muslim College' is right to insist that for Islam to 'survive and prosper in modern Europe it must learn the techniques and frames of reference of modern European culture' then it is clear that Bury and Dewsbury have a long way to go and that the Barelwi tradition - on the basis of Dr Hussain's analysis and programme - seems more hospitable to such an engagement with modernity. However, Al-Karam College only began operating from Nottingham in September 1995 so it is too early to evaluate its success in realising its ambitious aims. Dr Hussain is well aware that the college's success will, in part, depend on attracting welleducated and well-motivated staff.
The emergence of a British Islamic identity
Clearly among the preconditions for a self-consciously British Islamic identity to emerge are institutions and organisations comfortable with operating in English - Al-Karam College with its creative engagement with Western education is the most promising development within 'traditional' Islam. The involvement of Bradford's most respected and distinguished Barewli 'alim, 'Allama Nishtar, teaching part-time in its Islamic seminary, augurs well for future links with Bradford mosques in the Barelwi tradition. Outside traditional Islam there have been other important developments. Increasing numbers of British Muslims are studying Arabic at university. There are now a trickle of university departments with Muslim scholars lecturing in Islam - Lampeter, SOAS, Cambridge, Chester, Manchester - and the Christian-Muslim collaborative venture of the Centre for the Study of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations (CSIC) which functions as a postgraduate school of the theology department of Birmingham University. A most important initiative to emerge from cooperation between CSIC personnel, Birmingham University and local Muslim communities in the city has been the development in 1991 of a 4-year BEd at Westhill College in Islamic Studies for primary school teachers, with Islamics taught by Muslim staff. Since 1994 a further Honours degree course has been developed, a Bachelor of Theology -the Islamic equivalent to the BTH offered in applied Christian theology. Once again a number of Bradford Muslims are on such courses.7 Within self-consciously Muslim groups in Britain the Young Muslims UK (YM), which formally came into being in Bradford in the autumn of 1984, with its study circles, annual camps for male and female pupils, excellently produced magazine ~z_T[endsj- has developed into a national organisation appealing to able young pupils in secondary schools and colleges. It is part of the well-resourced Islamist tradition with its research and publications headquarters - The Islamic Foundation - in Leicester. Not only is it able to draw on their well-produced English literature but is now formally the youth wing of The Islamic Society of Britain QSB)Jaunched in 1990. The ISB offers a home for members of YM when they cease being students and is intended to provide an organisation where Muslims from South Asian backgrounds and British converts can work together developing a self-consciously British expression of Islam. ISB and YM jointly organise an Islam Awareness Week in the autumn to coincide with the opening of the new university terms.
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Their third Islam Awareness Week (IAW) in September 1996 was accompanied by an eight-page free newspaper in English: on the front page an English Muslim insisted that 'Islam is not some foreign religion'; an Afro-Caribbean convert worried about a friend who had also converted but was now going astray because of the paucity of provision by the Muslim community of 'social activities specially sports activities'; ISB declared its commitment to contribute to 'enriching... Britain' as it sought to revive 'long forgotten dimensions and objectives of Islam... [i.e.] social justice, spiritual nourishment, moral uprightness and personal development'. The paper was characterised by a refreshing candour and self-criticism. Farooq Murad, Vice-President of ISB, and ex-President of YM, acknowledged that 'sharing the Message [of Islam] is a much neglected responsibility, and in our religious commitments it is rarely mentioned let alone given its due importance'. His father, Dr Khurram Murad, a leading Jama'at-i Islami activist in Pakistan, when asked in an interview what changes he had noticed during the 20 years he has been visiting Britain, positively commended the emergence of YM and ISB but also acknowledged that 'differences among Muslims have grown and sectarianism has strengthened'. Batool Toma spoke of attending the investiture of the Mayor of Peterborough, himself a Muslim, where she had opportunities to talk to non-Muslims and dispel myths about Islam. She observed that 'It was not that those with whom I conversed had any wish to remain uninformed about Islam... rather... that few opportunities are available to us for the kind of interaction which facilitates this exchange of information to take place.' In a reflective piece, entitled 'Our Interconnected Future', Dr Ataullah Siddiqui, of The Islamic Foundation, noted that Our community is one among many, and this is not by accident but by the design of God... What we need is to connect with others on the basis of our humanity, our human family, promoting the commonly known goods (ma 'ruf) and demoting the commonly known evils (munkar) in human society. In Britain today, Muslims are sharing classrooms, hospital wards, work place and even cemeteries with non-Muslims. Despite all this sharing, the Muslim discourse today is about 'us', 'our needs', 'our demands', it is about 'our exclusivity'. We have not been able to see the society around us as 'our society'. We have our shared humanity and shared 'morality' such as humility, truthfulness, justice for the poor and the needy. Our future is intrinsically connected with fellow human beings. But this is hardly
reflected in our organisational programmes and individual priorities. A change of perception is necessary and it is only possible if Muslim individuals and organisations have the will and ideas [to provide the space] for non-Muslims to play a constructive role along with Muslims... [then] perhaps our presence will be seen as an asset, not a liability. This publication, as a practical initiative in collaboration with nonMuslims, included a short article by a Christian leader, the Bishop of Southwark. What is clear is that with initiatives such as YM and ISB a section of the Muslim community is developing the confidence to engage with the majority community in a variety of forums. The I AW newspaper advertised Islamic courses and degrees offered by the University of Wales, Lampeter, taught by Muslim scholars. The ex-director of the Islamics department - Dr Mashuq ibn Ally - as a founder member of the youth movement which preceded YM and active in various Islamist organisations - has the confidence of both organisations. The YM continue to be active in Bradford. In the summer of 1994 it produced a glossy newsletter - The Yorkshire Muslim - with information about its many groups in Bradford, Leeds, Halifax and Huddersfield. What was impressive was the range and variety of activities. In Bradford they run a football club for Muslim youngsters, an 'A' level and GCSE tuition centre, study circles for learning Arabic, a women's gathering in Urdu, and, as well as separate study circles for 'brothers' and 'sisters', a joint gathering for those 20 years old or above. What is clear is that they have learned that if they are to make real inroads into the Bradford Muslim communities they have to shed something of their elitist image, offer leisure as well as study opportunities, and seek to respond to real issues in the community such as extra tuition for Muslim pupils, many of whom are underachieving in local schools. Inside this glossy handout was an article 'Hellfire, Paradise: You Choose', which contrasted vividly and in much detail the torments of hell - citing Qur'anic verses imaginatively elaborated with considerable relish - with the delights of paradise. The seriousness of the issues are communicated on their front page: [Yorkshire Muslims] are not fooled by the bhangra or the beat, neither are they into drink to behave like apes on the streets. They're not the drop outs hooked on hashish... They are light onto darkness to give people hope and a chance of a new start... Don't be foolish and follow the DROP! all the way down to Hell... No! SAVE YOURSELF!
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The YM clearly are trying hard to connect with the language and concerns of young Muslim youth. In one of their copy of Trends Quly 1996) they have an article entitled 'Islam in Cyber Space', which lists Muslim material on e-mail and the Internet, as well as identifying some of the pitfalls of this new information superhighway. As well as articles about Islamist struggles around the world, material for children, comment on British current affairs and a letter page, it is prepared to publish controversial articles. Thus, it includes a long series of answers by Sheikh Syed Darsh - a graduate of Al-Azhar, Cairo and chairman of the UK Shariah Council - on different aspects of marriage. To the question 'Can a girl/boy choose her/his own partner?' Dr Darsh answers, Traditionally girls were the passive partners in such matches. The possibility of meeting... was not widely available... Nowadays girls go to schools and proceed to universities. They meet with boys in classrooms, Islamic societies and at universities... They get to know one another in a decent moral environment. They are mature, well educated, cultured and outspoken. These factors have to be taken into consideration. Once a decent, good mannered Islamically committed young Muslim attracts the attention of a like minded Muslimah, their parents have to be reasonable... They have to realise that they are not buying or selling commodities. (Trends, July 1996:8-9) One critical development which can contribute to the emergence of a British Muslim identity is the creation of a British Muslim press. The Muslim weekly, Q News, started publication in March 1992 and has sought to provide British Muslim communities, bearing multiple and often conflicting national, caste and sectarian identities, a forum to discuss and debate a range of contentious issues in the community. So far it has successfully avoided alignment with any Sunni group and also covers the Shiah world. Its journalists are often British-educated women, which ensures the voice of Muslim women is increasingly heard. Q News does not avoid contentious issues nor controversial institutions: in some issues Dr Mohammad Ghayasuddin, the organiser for the 'Muslim Parliament' of Muslim charity, was profiled and criticised the fact that 90 per cent of the estimated £50 million British Muslims spent on charity went overseas rather than addressing some of the pressing needs in Britain, not least among young British Muslims toppling into crime and drug-addiction; an editorial thundered against the importation into Britain of Pakistani sectarian politico-religious extremism with
the invitation and visit of Mr Zia ur Rahman Farooki, leader of the 'odious Sipah-e Sahaba', a rabidly anti-Shiah group; of a piece with this was an article criticising Muslims who collude with negative media profiles of Islam by their refusal to condemn acts of terrorism committed by Muslims and whose author reminded his readers that suicide bombers put themselves outside the pale of Islam; a Muslim convert sought to defend the emergence of a 'liberal Islam' against its detractors who seemed willing to call for an armed jihad in Britain: she lambasted the self-righteousness of those willing to pre-empt Allah's role as ultimate judge, to ignore Qur'anic injunctions to mercy and compassion and willing to impose Islam by force; a Muslim Women's Helpline in Wembley congratulated the weekly for opening up the issue of abuse of women in the Muslim world and observed that We are inundated with calls from highly intelligent, devout young sisters who wish to pursue further studies in education but are often in conflict with parents and their cultural views. Often, these vulnerable girls run away when pressure is too great to bear, particularly when parents think that packing them off 'back home' is going to solve the problem. They generally end up in vile refuges... Then there are married women who are more or less imprisoned within four walls... [and] end up on tranquilisers, anti-depressants or Prozac. (QNavs 11-24 October 1996: 16) Another valuable feature of Q News is the biweekly column by Sheikh Syed Darsh giving answers to a wide range of questions sent to him. The topics touched on suggest little or no censorship is exercised. Leafing through back numbers the following questions were posed: What was the attitude to 'gay' Muslims? Whether workers could go on strike? Was it licit to watch footballers prancing around in shorts during Euro 96? Can live bait be used in fishing? Should prostitution be decriminalised? Was it right to do jury service in a non-Islamic judicial system? What of involvement in British party politics? Was it right to send children to state schools with their un-Islamic ethos? Nor does Sheikh Darsh avoid questions which touched on sectarian issues within the community. Thus, he sympathised with a Deobandi questioner perplexed by constantly being told not to worship in Barelwi mosques because they prefix 'Ya' to the name of the Prophet. Sheikh Darsh explained that One school approves of the prefix which they say indicates that the Prophet is capable of seeing, hearing and generally interceding for
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suppliants. Others believe supplications should be directed to God alone because he alone has these attributes... However, today many young people are being brainwashed into regarding this as an act of shirk - a reaction which is causing lots of dissension and hostility amongst our community. (QNews, 26July-1 August 1996: 5)
The impact of such developments on Bradford's Muslim communities
Muslim youth workers and teachers are more likely to be confidants of young people on religious issues than 'ulama. However, very few feel equal or equipped to adequately discharge this responsibility at the moment. The situation may be eased as teachers qualify in Islamics at Westhill College in Birmingham. Only one mosque in Bradford has any provision for youth recreation and the mosques are not considered userfriendly by most young people. Imam 'Akhtar' acknowledges that the 'ulama are not role models for young people. Dr Hussain has deliberately chosen the term 'college' for the Nottingham initiative in preference to madrasa or dar al 'ulum because the latter have negative associations for British Muslims. The editorial in an edition of a Muslim monthly, a Barelwi publication distributed in Yorkshire and Lancashire, posed the rhetorical question: Today with so many mosques - has the community become united? Has it got a unified leadership? Have the mosques given a sound Islamic education to the younger generation?... Have [they] become community centres where the young and the old, men and women can visit and celebrate their functions?... thousands from the younger generation are becoming secular. It's discos and not the mosques that are attracting them. There are kids who have learnt the full Quran... and are caught shoplifting. Other kids have stolen portable telephones from the mosques... the mosques have become a dead institution in Britain. (The Islamic Times, Manchester monthly, June 1994: 4) Little wonder that Dr Shabir Akhtar, an individual member of the Bradford Council for Mosques, considers 'traditional Islam... in sorry decline; many in the educated classes are repelled by it. By refusing to address the problems that plague the modern mind... Islam is gradually losing control... over the daily life of secularised believers.' Further, 'fate
and destiny have been largely replaced by choice and decision as central categories of thought in the contemporary world'. Even fear of the Day of Judgement, he contends, can no longer be relied on to sustain belief: 'the distant terrors of Hell are... insufficient even to motivate deeply religious people' (Akhtar 1990: 16, 20 and 150). Still, it would be asking a great deal to suppose that 'ulama, largely trained in South Asia, could connect with the world of young British Muslims. In the 1980s and 1990s a hybrid Muslim youth culture was emerging, enjoying social space and a measure of freedom in schools, colleges, youth and community centres. A large part of this culture turns on music, often a combination of bhangra and reggae, alien and inaccessible to most elders. At the same time as Bradford YM was publishing its glossy brochure, The Yorkshire Muslim, Muslim businesses were selling tickets for an 'Asian pop music extravaganza' at a Bradford club described as 'Bhangramania' to 'celebrate the end of fasting [during] Ramadan' (Bradford, Telegraph & Argus, 11-3-94). An all-Muslim female group emerged with a new release, Indie-Yarn, about resistance to arranged marriage. Profiled in a national Sunday newspaper, the group conceded that their parents would probably object to the video but pointed out the double standards this implied: 'Our parents are happy watching Hindi movies with buxom, sari-clad women dancing around and kissing behind umbrellas, but they get uncomfortable when they see their own children dancing' (Observer, 29-9-96). The one school of South Asian Islam which allows space for music is the Barelwi tradition. Famous Pakistani Qawwals such as Nusrat Fateh All Khan and the Sabri brothers are regular visitors to British cities, including Bradford.8 Audio and videotapes of their performances remain very popular in Bradford's Asian shops. Nusrat Fateh All Khan quite self-consciously sees his music as a link with the sufi saints and a way in to the world of sufism for young British Muslims. He experiments with English lyrics and faster rhythms committed to 'bringing the sweet melodies of Islam to Western ears': Like al-Ghazali before him...Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, through the use of his music, effectively combats the puritan voices which have wished to eliminate all aesthetic and recreational elements from Muslim life... In an age where the moral chasm between popular culture and its Islamic counterpart appears to be getting ever-wider, [his] music is also a rapturous reminder to the young of the fecundity and vitality of their religious heritage. (QNews, 14-21 April, 1995: 9).
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It will be interesting to see whether any British Muslims will appear who can further adapt the qawwali to reach more young Muslims, especially those for whom English is the first language and whose Punjabi is probably not good enough to enjoy the lyrics and fully enter into the religious experience mediated by them. If many young Muslims are to sustain and nourish links with the Islamic tradition the affective world of the qawwali is a more likely vehicle than the rather austere, activist and cognitive world of Islamism. The one personality who can sometimes connect with the world of youngsters is the shaikh/pir, the charismatic centre of sufi circles, a figure within Barelwi Islam deemed close to God, one of the category of 'Friends of God'. Within South Asian Islam such people have a diversity of functions, intercessory, pastoral, devotional and political. In the autumn of the year 1996 one such pir visited Bradford as part of his tour of British devotees. He was the son of a recently deceased Pathan sufi -Naqeebullah Khan Shah - whose name is inscribed on the plaque celebrating the opening of a new building for their youth centre, al-Falah in 1985, where many of the management are his devotees [murids]. This pir, popularly known as 'Colonel Sahib' because he served in the Pakistan army, has been a controversial figure in his home country for insisting that instead of the ceaseless rhetoric that Christians and Jews should become Muslims the imperative of the moment is that Christians, Muslims and Jews should become more sincere in practising their own religion, then better relations might subsist between these communities - rather than, as at present, spending their best efforts killing each other, whether in the Middle East or in Bosnia. In Bradford he met many youngsters. He is an excellent and amusing communicator in English. He sees the essential problem facing many young British Muslims as one of a communication crisis between parents and children. The children are educated, streetwise and can read about Islam in books and thus challenge parental understandings of the tradition, especially where parents were socialised within oral traditions in rural Pakistan. He tells the parents to spend time with their children at meals, talk to them and take an interest in their work. Very much within the sufi tradition he stresses affirmation and affection for the young and the need to take their questioning seriously, as well as stressing that they should not 'bunk off school! He is urging his followers to set up a modest centre, free from the vagaries of local authority funding, which can provide recreation and support for such youngsters in a relaxed Islamic ethos with a library of Islamic books. His is not 'the shape up or hellfire awaits you' line of many other groups and 'ulama.
It is not surprising that there is a growing concern among Muslim scholars and elders that an increasing number of educated British Muslims, unable to identify with the traditional 'ulama, are simply bypassing them. In the case of groups such as YM the members are able to access an increasing section of Islamic classics available through the expanding list of works translated into English by the Islamic Foundation and other reputable publishers, as well as having the opportunity to study Islamics at places such as Lampeter University with respected Muslim scholars sympathetic to the Islamist ethos. However, for other Muslim students their Islam is culled from pamphlets or such books as are immediately accessible in English. At best, this is a haphazard introduction to the riches of the Islamic tradition, lacking the disciplines and methodology of traditional scholarship. At worst, such works as are available are either polemical diatribes against the West or simplistic appeals to return to the sources of the Qur'an and Sunna, which discount 1500 years of history and disciplined reflection. The literature of such groups as Hizb at Tahrir, the Party of Liberation, bear this impress.9 The leadership, dynamics and style of such groups has been vividly and sympathetically drawn in a novel - The Black Album - by the AngloPakistani writer, Hanif Kureishi. In the figure of the student leader Riaz he communicates and captures their appeal. Riaz's Sunday talks in the mosque were well attended by a growing audience of young people, mostly local... Asians. Not being an aged obscurantist, Riaz was becoming the most popular speaker...he entitled his talks, 'Rave from the Grave?', 'Adam and Eve not Adam and Steve', 'Islam: A Blast from the Past or a Force for the future?' and 'Democracy is a Hypocrisy'. (Kureishi 1995: 67) Such groups are, of course, not confined to the pages of novels. Since the riots in Bradford in a Muslim area [Manningham] in June 1995 Hizb at Tahrir (HUT) has been active in starting study circles in two of the city's mosques. This movement, founded in Palestine in the 1950s as a breakaway from the Muslim Brotherhood, is committed to the recreation of the caliphate - abolished in 1924 by Mustafa Kemal. HUT, first and foremost an Islamic ideological party, is banned in most of the Arab world, and their agenda does not seem particularly relevant to British Muslims. To understand the movement's appeal I interviewed two of its members.
Philip Lewis 49 48 Religious and Social Issues
'Tariq' is an activist who gives up time to distribute their literature and attend their meetings. His parents are from rural Gujarat in India. Born and brought up in London, he dutifully attended a traditional mosque. When 17 he was invited to an Islamic circle in London, organised by HUT. They represented a breath of fresh air. Here was a group of young Muslim professionals, dressed in Western clothes, speaking in English of Islam as an ideology, which would eventually prevail. Their leaders and publications spoke of issues such as racism, the plight of Bosnia, Palestine, Kashmir and Chechnya, themes seldom if ever touched upon in the mosques. Tariq', now a student of Arabic at a local university is hopes to become a journalist. In Bradford he belongs to one of their newly created study circles in the city. 'Asif, also from London, shares a flat with Tariq'. His parents are from rural Azad Kashmir in Pakistan. Like Tariq' he went through the motions of learning the Qur'an by rote in his local mosque. He too went along to a meeting organised by HUT when he was 17. Brought up on stories of Muslim oppression of women he was delighted when the HUT activist pointed to page three of the tabloid newspaper, The Sun - the page where a topless female is pictured - and argued that here was the place of real oppression. The 'alim at the mosque could not read English, let alone use a tabloid to make his point. 'Asif was at pains to stress the 'rational' nature of HUT's appeal and approach. For him HUT's position papers on politics, the economy and international affairs offered a well-developed case stressing Islam's answers to the ills of international capitalism, nationalism and socialism. He told me that there were two types of jihad, political and intellectual. 'Political' was active struggle against corrupt Muslim regimes; 'intellectual' was the struggle to cleanse Muslims of wrong ideas to which they were enslaved. In Britain activists like 'Asif were involved in the intellectual struggle. 'Asif was studying law and not yet sure of his future plans. It is significant that both members are from Barelwi backgrounds and the two HUT circles in Bradford take place in Barewli mosques. HUT are not sympathetic to the world of sufism but are happy to recruit there. In traditional sufism unquestioning allegiance to the pir can translate into confidence in a restored caliphate as the answer to the ummah's problems. Further, the elders are happy to see their youngsters involved in an Islamic study circle in the mosque and often do not appear to attend to what is actually being said. It would be wrong to exaggerate the numbers involved nor the significance of groups such as HUT. However, the danger of such a movement is
twofold: its inflammatory literature - anti-democratic, anti-zionist, antiWestern, anti-Hindu, anti-Sikh - reinforces stereotypes about Muslims already part of the 'common-sense' world of many in British society and the media, as well as competing with, even undercutting support for, groups such as YMs concerned with a real engagement with wider society. Since many campuses have banned HUT they can present themselves as alone embodying the authentic Islamic message as they confront the powers of the 'Pharaoh' - a Qur'anic figure symbolising political forces opposed to the Prophet - while other groups, such as YM, can be presented as colluding with the Pharaoh!
Conclusion Muslims in Britain have generated a large number of initiatives intended to embody and transmit the Islamic tradition across the linguistic, cultural and generational divides within the communities. Because Islamic institutions and publications are increasingly using English, British Muslims, whose origins are in South Asia, can access the insights of Muslim converts and scholars from the Arab world such as Dr Darsh. Alongside such vitality the observer cannot but be aware of the failure of the generality of ulama to relate to British Muslims and take their questions seriously. Eighty years ago Iqbal, the great Indian Islamic thinker, in his famous Urdu poem 'Complaint and Answer' bewailed the persistence of sectarianism and caste for fragmenting the Muslim communities in South Asia and ridiculed those who assumed bombast could do service for serious thought. Sadly sectarianism seems more virulent than ever today and risks further antagonising many young Muslims. Rhetoric rather than scholarship still seems the hallmark of many Muslim publications. Among groups courting young Muslims there are three broad responses to minority status: isolation from wider society (Tablighi Jama'at), engagement with it (Young Muslims/Islamic Society of Britain) or the rhetoric of resistance (Hizb at-Tahrir). To put the number of those attracted to self-conscious Muslim groups in perspective we need to be aware of Dr Musharaf Hussain's contention that 'most... young people (perhaps 90%) have no links with any Islamic organisation or mosque and no feeling of responsibility for the future of Islam in this country' (The Invitation, December/January 1994/5: 2). Future research will be able to identify which, if any, of these patterns of guidance succeeds in gaining a hearing from the generality of British Muslims.
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1. These categories are not mutually exclusive. For South Asian Islam see B.D. Metcalf (1982) Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900, New Jersey. 2. For a detailed profile of the Bradford Muslim communities see P. Lewis (1994). Islamic Britain, Religion, Politics and Identity among British Muslims, London. 3. These figures were given by Sher Azarn, the ex-President of Bradford Council for Mosques, in the newspaper promoting 'Islam Awareness Week', 23-29 September, 1996. 4. See K. Mumtaz and F. Shaheed (1987) Women of Pakistan, Two Steps Forward, One Step Back? Lahore, pp. 106—110. 5. See R. Geaves (1996) Sectarian Influences within Islam in Britain, Leeds University Department of Theology and Religious Studies. 6. The Muslim College was established by Dr Z. Badawi, a distinguished Egyptian scholar with degrees from al-Azhar and a PhD from London University. He is one of a handful of Muslim scholars in Britain equally conversant with Islamic and Western disciplines. 7. I am grateful to Dr North for allowing me to use material from his doctoral thesis (1996) - Muslims in Birmingham: Religious Activity in Mosques and ParaMosques, CSIC. The material on Westhill College comes from pp. 122-127. 8. See R.B. Qureshi (1986) Sufi Music of India and Pakistan: Sound, Context and Meaning in Qawwali, Cambridge. 9. See S.Taji-Farouki (1996) A Fundamentalist Quest: Hizb at-Tahrir and the Search for the Islamic Caliphate, London.
The Contribution of Nurture in a Sampradaya to Young British Hindus' Understanding of their Tradition
Introduction Any consideration of the transmission of Hindu tradition in Britain requires examination of the contribution of sampradayas (guru-led movements) to the religious nurturing of young people. Sampradaya^, some spanning many centuries, are among the strongest strands interwoven in the Hindu tradition. Indeed, with their more defined focus, history and teachings on discipline, arguably 'the so-called "sects"... are indeed religions, while Hinduism is not' (von Stietencron 1991: 20). Some scholars suggest that the appeal of these movements - and of certain charismatic contemporary gurus and 'godmen' - is strongest in urban India (Swallow 1982) and in diaspora Hindu communities (Clothey 1992). Any understanding of Hindus in Britain, a necessity for 'cultural experts' and Religious Education teachers among others, requires awareness of the role and nature of sampradayas. In this chapter sampradaya is used to refer to the following groups represented in the United Kingdom: the Arya Samaj, ISKCON (the International Society for Krishna Consciousness), Pushtimarg, the devotees of Sathya Sai Baba, Radhasoami (particularly the line of Gurus based in Beas, Punjab), the Ravidasis, Swaminarayan (including several distinct lines) and the Valmikis. The term sampradaya serves as a convenient inclusive analytic term for the sub-traditions under consideration in this chapter. It is true that
The research was directed by Robert Jackson in the Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit and supported by the Leverhulme Trust which also funded Hindu Nurture in Coventry (1986-1987) and Punjabi Hindu Nurture (1988-1999). 51
Akhtar, Shabbir (1990) A Faith For All Seasons: Islam and Western Modernity, Bellew Publishing, London. Badawi, Z. (1981) Islam in Britain, Ta Ha Publishers, London. Bulliet, R.W. (1994) Islam, The View From the Edge, Columbia University Press, New York. Hamilton, C. (1987) Translation of Hedaya, 1987 (1870), Premier Books, Lahore, Pakistan. Dr Hussain (1994/1995) The Invitation, produced in Nottingham, December/ January double issue, 1994/5: pp. 1-2. Kureishi, H. (1995) The Black Album, London. Leaman, O. (1996) 'Islam'in JJ.Chambliss (ed.), Philosophy of Education: An Encyclopedia, Garland, New York, pp. 311-316. Rahman, F. (1980) Major Themes of the Qur'an, Bibliotheca Islamica, Chicago.
Religion and Ethnicity in America
Raymond Brady Williams
'Black is beautiful' became a powerful affirmation of an American ethnic group negotiating a new social location for itself in the 1960s. Intellectual and political currents swirling around that negotiation led to both renewed scholarly analysis and popular affirmation of ethnicity that were concurrent with the dramatic opening of the doors of immigration in 1965. The move from assimilation to pluralism is rooted in collateral affirmations: 'Hindu is beautiful,' 'Korean is beautiful,' 'Gujarati is beautiful,' 'Sikh is beautiful/ 'brown is beautiful.' These affirmations involve a reconstruction of concepts about and role of ethnicity and the relation of ethnicity to religions, now including most of the religions of the world. After 1965, immigrants congregated in the United States from every country in the new immigration that brought to an end the period of lull in immigration that had begun in the 1920s, during which relatively few entered the United States. That lull had profound effects on American society, but the lull ended with new groups of immigrants 'Made in the USA/ who identified themselves by new ethnic and religious markers. Contemporary mobility and rapid communication create and maintain new lineal connections among ethnic and religious groups within the United States and between migrants in many countries. In the process, the meaning of ethnicity and the relation of ethnicity and religion are recast. Exploration of this process as exemplified by immigrants from South Asia in this chapter presents five propositions about the new immigration, three examples, and some reflections on ethnicity as a mode of communication or rhetoric of representation and its relation to religion. 143
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Migration, religion and identity
First, religion is a powerful force for immigrants in the formation and preservation of personal and group identity because it provides a transcendent grounding for identity. That is the reason religion is potentially either one of the most conservative or the most radical aspects of culture. 'Here I stand, I can do no other, so help me God!' is a basic religious affirmation that pits the individual and group against external forces that would precipitate either chaos or homogeneity. Many immigrants affirm that they are more religious following immigration than in their native place, even though the style of their participation and their religious roles are substantially different than they could have imagined prior to immigration. When everything is changing, religion provides a firm transcendent base from which to negotiate those changes, even changes affecting the religion as well. For example, absence of professional religious specialists among immigrants thrusts new, young immigrants into leadership positions and requires new modes of religious expression. Gender roles are renegotiated in the process of migration, which is enormously disruptive of old patterns. Immigrants are balancing worlds as they engage in a quest for new identities. That quest becomes public, and religious institutions appear at the time when immigrants' children reach the age to be socialized outside the home and as the myth of return dies in the face of their children. That quest common to a long stream of immigrant groups is one reason that people in the United States are more religious by a number of measures than people in other Western industrialized countries. Religion functions to form and preserve personal and group identity. Second, push-pull factors of migration create new, unique religious and social groups. Immigrant groups are 'Made in the USA,' 'Made in Britain,' or 'Made in Canada.' Each is unique, not found elsewhere, even though the same designations are often used for them. Nowhere outside of Mecca during the Hajj would one find so diverse a group of Muslims as those now living in any American metropolitan area. A Hindu temple in the United States and the people who worship there are different from those found in India. One observes the ecumenical affirmation of the church most vividly by watching those leaving an urban cathedral following Mass. Nevertheless, different strategies of adaptation are followed by religious and social groups that imply different languages, leadership, cuisine, dress and ethos. Nor are these groups static. They are moving slowly through the generations from immigrants to their grandchildren, being joined at the same time by new
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immigrants constantly arriving for jobs and family reunification. From the outside, a religious or ethnic group might appear to be fairly stable, but inside the story is one of constant flux and redefinition. The concept of a generation is a construct out of the American immigration experience; where else is one a member of the 'first generation' or 'second generation'? The meaning of generation weakens the more distant it is from immigration. Hence, not only do distinct, unique groups appear out of the immigration experience, they evolve through stages as the number and age of immigrants change. Push-pull factors create networks for migration that define the new groups in ways that are demographically and professionally distinct. These networks reach into Gujarat of India in ways that unpredictably produce a very high percentage of Gujaratis among Asian-Indians in the United States. Preference categories create the brain drain and assure that the AsianIndian community has one of the highest median family incomes of groups identified in the 1990 census. Inclusion of nurses within the category of professional people creates a large Malayalee Christian community from central Kerala in American urban centers. The demand for physicians following the establishment of Medicare and Medicaid results in large number of Asian-Indian physicians in small towns in mid-America. The demography of migrants does not parallel that of their native country or area. Hence, the reverse impact of migrants on their native places is disproportionate on some components of society in relation to others. The forces that shape these groups and their location on the social map are as complex as those creating the geological topography of America. Third, an important function of these new groups is boundary construction and preservation. Social and religious groups construct complex boundaries of language, rituals and codes that create identities for both groups and individuals. Religion becomes an important marker of identity, but not the only one. Immigrants must be adept at integrating elements of several identities and using them to their best advantage in different social settings, both in the native place and in the new place of residence: Gujarati, Hindu, Swaminarayan, Patel, New Yorker, American, physician and so on. These designations imply multiple social contexts and diverse roles. An immigrant does not transplant an identity or a religion as a whole cloth in a new location. Unique groups created by immigration create and sustain new identities - like assembling a car in America using many parts manufactured abroad - but always adapted to local regulations and requirements. Preexisting institutions create the structures that stipulate boundaries.
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Governmental regulations regarding application for tax-exempt status prescribe organizational structures that are forced on religious and social groups, requiring officers, bylaws, boards of directors or trustees and so on. The inclusion or omission of place for religious or ethnic designation on governmental and institutional forms creates and solidifies boundaries. For example, 'Asian Indian' as an official designation by the US government both recognizes and solidifies a set of boundaries that are nonexistent elsewhere. Immigrants are not being deceitful when they respond to the boundaries imposed internally and externally by selecting designations for themselves in their best interests; it is simply an aspect of the greater freedom for re-creation and self-identification than is generally the case in the place of origin. Firm boundaries are essential to identity; malleability is essential for migrants; the tension and negotiation between these two are determinative for new immigrants. Fourth, immigrants do not form religious groups and other social groups in order to stay isolated from the settled society, but in order to negotiate from a stronger position with other social groups regarding their new social location in ways that will protect their children and the values the immigrants wish to affirm and preserve. Forcing new residents into identifiable social designations is one way that groups in the settled society create space for them. 'Hello, I'm a Presbyterian. What are you?' 'I'm Hindu. Pleased to meet you.' - this exchange marks a significant negotiation that establishes social location and structures of relationship between two people and their communities. 'Can we use your church fellowship hall for our meetings on Sunday afternoons?' One should note that important internal negotiations also occur among immigrants from the same country and between the generations of an immigrant community. 'We are Jains, not Muslims, so we maintain good relations with the Hindus in the midst of tensions regarding events in India' or 'My parents are devoted Hindus, but I am only a cultural Hindu' suggest both delicate internal negotiations and careful posturing in relation to outsiders. Americans are used to such negotiations by various social groups, so it is often taken for granted that the new religious and ethnic groups will develop in ways analogous to those of the old immigrants of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A serious question is, however, whether the old vocabularies, symbols and structures are appropriate or even intelligible in negotiations resulting from contemporary migrations. Fifth, contemporary migrations are different. Rapid mobility and electronic communication create transnational families and religious groups
and call for a new transnational approach to the study of migration, which according to Click Shiller, studies migrants 'who develop and maintain multiple relations - familial, economic, social, organizational, religious, and political - that span borders... and take actions, make decisions, feel concerns, and develop identities within social networks that connect them to two or more societies simultaneously' (Schiller era/., 1992, pp. 1-24). Insight into the new reality of migration results from the study of intricate relationship of Caribbeans living in New York, but moving back and forth, literally and figuratively, between New York and home. That is a dramatic instance of the new experience of immigrants from many parts of the world. Immigrants are both here and there in ways not possible even 25 years ago. Indeed, immigrants are balancing worlds, merging them and creating something new. A result is the necessity of remapping the social and religious fields of the new immigrants to America. The major currents of change are shifting boundaries as immigrants reform and preserve individual and group identities in America, involving shifting religious and ethnic markers and boundaries. Selection and combinations of strategies of adaptation by immigrants individual, national, ethnic, hierarchical and ecumenical - depend on elements from the past, on receptivity of the settled society, on the size and length of residence of immigrants and on their own creativity. All affect the shape of boundaries of the religions themselves and the relation of religion to ethnicity as religion either reinforces or transcends ethnic boundaries.
The religious groups Muslims: Shifting religious and ethnic markers
Nowhere nor any time outside of Mecca during the Hajj have Muslims from so many countries and ethnic groups lived together as are found in any major city of the United States where immigrants from many countries and converts converge. Muslims from India encounter brothers and sisters from countries and ethnic groups they had never even heard of and face the prospects of creating a combination of religious and social practices that will embody the unity and brotherhood/sisterhood of Islam. Considerable freedom exists in the United States to adopt diverse and evolving strategies of adaptation. For example, Muslim leaders in Houston established earlier an organizational pattern that stresses the transcendence of Islam over ethnicity.
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The mosques of immigrants are ethnically integrated and organized in a parish pattern. The first central mosque sponsors satellite mosques in the sprawling developments at compass points out from the center. Each mosque has its Islamic school that introduces children from many language and ethnic groups to the unity of Islam and to basic Islamic rituals and beliefs. The mosques are de jure and de facto religious institutions, fostering religious identity with siblings that transcends ethnic identity. Ethnic social networks outside the mosque preserve elements of ethnic identity, so that, as one immigrant remarked, 'After prayers Arabs return to their kebabs and Indians to their curries.' Nevertheless, Id celebrations in the metropolitan convention center bring Muslims from related mosques together, replicating the diversity of the individual mosques. Exceptions to this pattern are the African-American masjids that preserve a primary ethnic identity. A different pattern of adaptation is present in Chicago mosques, where they are organized by distinct ethnic groups. All mosques are de jure open to all, and no exclusions are permitted, but most of the Chicago mosques are de facto identified as Arab, Asian (i.e., Pakistani and Indian), European (i.e., Bosnian), or African by the training of the imam, the membership of the governing board, and the dominant language. Indian immigrants join in prayers with other immigrants from the Indian subcontinent, and in the educational programs provided by the mosque their children study not only Arabic as a sacred language, but primarily Urdu as the ethnic language of both home and mosque. Id ceremonies in convention centers bring together people from various ethnically based mosques to celebrate briefly with brothers and sisters the unity of Islam. Which of these two adaptive strategies or some third yet unexplored option will be dominant in the next generation is unclear. Then there are the American cousins. When in 1965 Malcolm X reported his Meccan experience of the unity of ethnic groups in Islam; Muslims were poised to enter the United States to meet their distant cousins in the Nation of Islam. That encounter has changed both the Nation of Islam and the face of Islam in America. In the first instance, immigrants helped to shift the boundaries of the Nation of Islam in the creation of the American Muslim Mission. The movement of the AfricanAmerican Muslim from being American cousins, into cousin brothers and, increasingly, into brothers and sisters creates a new missionary religion that competes with Christian churches for allegiance of African Americans, creating shifting boundaries that may well be the more important impact of these new immigrants on American religion.
Hindus: Weakening internal and strengthening outer boundaries
Hinduism in India is amorphous, but its internal boundaries are relatively fixed: ethnic, linguistic, sectarian and social. Hinduism is being redefined in America as a world religion, creating a definite identity that at the same time weakens internal boundaries. American Hindu immigrants put together in the same temple diverse deities, language groups, castes and rituals not found in any single temple in India. Vaish-navas and Shaivas, brahmin and vaishyas, Gujaratis and Telugus, all meet equally in ecumenical temples under the rubric of Hindu unity. Such temples and a guru-based neo-Hinduism are creating new forms of Hinduism in America with redrawn boundaries. Hindus also discover some American cousins in the International Society of Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) and the Vedanta Societies. As the appeal of these groups to people from the majority population has remained low or even declined, leaders of these groups have become increasingly religious specialists for the Hindu immigrants -ISKCON intentionally and enthusiastically, the Vedanta Society slowly and reluctantly. The transnational character of families and religious organizations provides the context in which overseas Hindus are influencing developments within the Hindu community in India. The made-for-TV presentation of Ramayana influences Hindu perceptions in India, Britain, Canada and the United States in ways that reinforce and provide monetary support from abroad for the Hindutva movement. The effects that immigrants have on American society are evident; but increasingly important are reverse effects of immigrants in America on religions in India and elsewhere because of contemporary transnationalism.
Christians: Transnationalism and boundary categories
Christian immigrants experience this transnationalism. A pious mother kneels each morning during mass at St. Patrick's Catholic Church in Bangalore to pray for her children scattered around the world: a daughter working as an environmental scientist in Indianapolis, an engineer son in California, a son in an accountancy program in London, a physician son in Dublin, a daughter who is a computer specialist in Toronto, a son seeking admission to a graduate program at Notre Dame in Indiana, and a daughter on an admission visit to an American university. The mother and many of her friends in Bangalore are part of transnational families and religious groups created by rapid emigration over
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the past 30 years of highly skilled professionals from India to developed countries. Christians from India serve as a specific example of general developments in new relations established between the country of origin and the country or countries of settlement currently made possible by rapid communication and mobility. These immigrants bring several societies into a single social field that relates India to the Gulf States, Great Britain, Canada, the United States, the Caribbean and other countries as well. These relations emerging among migrants at the turn of the millennium generate a new transnational approach to the study of migration. Immigrants with transnational relations are able to maintain several identities and to express these at times and in ways that are most advantageous. Immigrants are inherently insecure, and uncertainties in the global economy and about future immigration policies force them to cultivate options in more than one setting. One way to do this is to use the wealth, social ties and status gained in one location to develop status and capital in another, both to make their own place secure and to enable family members to move to the most promising location (Schiller etal., 1992, p. 112). Both religious reflection and academic study must now take account of transnational aspects of religious groups. Both the practice and the study of religion developed methods and agencies reflecting the migration and ecumenical character of nineteenth-century migrants and groups, but the experience and study of the old immigrants did not reveal the same transnational character of religion experienced by the new immigrants. The situation calls for new studies of the lived reality and social fields of immigrants and of the vitality of their relationships within and between several societies, and it demands a new conceptualization of religions that will take into account these new forms of interactions. The challenge to American religion, in common with that to other social institutions, is to create and maintain boundaries within which individuals can fabricate their identities and preserve continuities with the past. These can become either workshops or prisons. The question is, can religions in America provide materials, perhaps newly conceived and worked, with which groups can build porous boundaries, ones strong enough to sustain personal and group identity but sufficiently permeable to allow easy, natural, nonthreatening negotiations among groups that will sustain civic order and maintain goodwill? Is it possible to balance multiple worlds?
Reflections on ethnicity and religion
A thesis of this chapter is that religion functions to provide a transcendent basis for personal and group identity, but the relation of religion and ethnicity is being revised in the new immigration as exemplified by the experience of South Asians in the United States. The introduction to the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (Thernstrom, 1980, p. vi) lists items that more or less characterize an ethnic group rather than providing a definition: common geographic origin, migratory status, race, language or dialect, religious faith or faiths, ties that transcend kinship/neighborhood/community boundaries, shared traditions/values/symbols, literature/folklore/music, food preferences, settlement and employment patterns, special political interests, institutions, internal sense of distinctiveness and an external perception of distinctiveness. The list is malleable, and difficulty exists in drawing analytic boundaries to determine if some groups that have clear group identity and ethos are to be designated as ethnic or not. Moreover, the relation of religion to ethnic identity varies so that ethnic identity is reinforced by religion for some, while for others ethnicity is stripped of any transcendent religious elements. Ethnicity is a product of a local environment; hence, migration always transforms ethnicity as migrants create new groups in new contexts and revise their personal and group identities to enable them both to maintain some continuity necessary for psychic and social health and to adapt to the demands and potentials of a future in a new social location. Ethnicity is not something transferred from one location to another; rather, it is created new in each new setting. Thus, ethnic and religious groups are 'Made in the USA' by new immigrants, and the relationship between ethnicity and religion is recreated and transformed in the geographical and temporal transitions. A brand new ethnic group has been formed in the United States by immigrants from India, a process that very quickly received government sanction in the legal designation as 'Asian Indian.' It is significant that the legal designation, which was the object of a great deal of discussion and negotiation within the immigrant community itself, is different from designations used in the United Kingdom or Canada. The group is different in the United States and certainly different from any identifiable social group in India. Communication and mobility that creates an Asian-Indian community in the United States also creates a new cosmopolitan Indian identity in India and seems to be engendering or imposing a newly formed Hindutva consciousness among some
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segments of the population, resulting in many tensions and conflicts. It may be part of a worldwide development, the consequences of which we are only partly aware. It is fortunate that individuals are able to emphasize more than one element of their identity in different contexts as circumstances dictate. One is able to be an Asian Indian in one context, projecting one set of symbols and loyalties, then be a Gujarati in another setting and then American. Movement from one to the other requires diverse sets of knowledge and skills, the acquiring and maintenance of which require enormous investments of energy (which is why the tendency is for individuals to become monocultural - it is easier). The relationship between these potential individual identities is reflected in the establishment of social and religious organizations that reinforce different elements of identity India Cultural Center, Gujarati Samaj, Swaminarayan Hindu Satsang, and, finally, a Federation of Indian Associations. Personal identity is malleable in ways that institutional identity is not, so potentials for personal identity are reflected in the intricate relationships that exist among ethnic, religious and even professional organizations. Once the Asian-Indian community reaches a population density in a location, groups based on regional-linguistic characteristics develop. Language is fundamental to differentiation, so Gujarati, Punjabi, Telugu, Bengali, Tamil, Hindi and other groups develop, first as meetings of a few relatives and friends in homes and meeting halls and then as formally incorporated charitable organizations recognized by the government as tax exempt. These provide support networks for providing a wide range of social welfare benefits from securing jobs to teaching languages (both an Indian language for children and English as a second language for adults) to arranging marriages. They also provide the only location outside the home where immigrants and their children, perhaps to a lesser degree, can enjoy the language, cuisine, arts and mores of the parents' native place. Each group identified by ethnic markers has members who identify themselves with different religions. Punjabi Sikhs and Punjabi Christians share some common markers, but the religious commitments separate them into different groups, or, stated a different way, the religious commitments allow the individuals to express different elements of identity in different contexts. In a similar manner, Gujarati Hindus and Gujarati Muslims share many cultural markers, but maintain distinctive markers that relate one group to Hindus from other parts of India or to Muslims from India and other parts of the world. The relation of Sikh identity to Punjabi identity differs from the relation of Muslim
identity to Gujarati identity. The explicit character of that difference is negotiated in the United States and has meaning in relation to the other social and religious groups among which each individual or each group is negotiating a relationship. In part the negotiation depends upon whether the group is identifying itself in some way as a majority, as is the case with Punjabi Christians, for example, or as a small minority among other Asian-Indians, as is the case with Gujarati Jains, or as a minority among immigrants from many countries, as is the case with Asian-Indian Muslims. Religion functions differently in these different contexts. Moreover, the freedom created by migration and the voluntary character of religion in the United States permit, and even encourage, a variety of levels of identification with regional-linguistic and religious groups with which immigrants are free to associate themselves. Thus, the relation of religious commitment and ethnic identity varies greatly. It is impossible to separate religion from cultural markers, as, for example, it is impossible to separate a lyric from the tune or raga in real experience, because no unclothed religions exist. The relation is different and more compelling between Sikh and Punjabi identity than between English and Asian-Indian identity, at least for the first two generations of immigrants. Jewish identity has been created as a combination of cultural ethnicity and religious ethnicity, so that a category of Christian Jew is viewed as anomalous in ways that the category of nonreligious, secular Jew is not. Gentiles, who convert to Judaism, often upon marriage, are identified as ethnic Jews as well, even though spouses who do not convert maintain Gentile identity. No category of religious Jew apart from cultural Jewishness seems to exist. Migration to Israel by Jews from many different cultures creates several distinct Jewish ethnic groups, including the Cochin Jews from India. Sikh identity is similarly tied to Punjabi identity. Immigrant Sikhs in the United States came into contact with a group of non-Punjabi converts to a form of Sikhism propagated by Harbhajan Singh Puri. The converts accepted the religion, but detached it from several aspects of Punjabi identity, which caused some tension in the early days. In the Punjab, Sikhism was so immersed in Punjabi culture that the issue did not arise, though, to be sure, some Punjabi Sikhs could be more devout and observant than others. When Sikhs migrated to North America and other countries, the question of the relation of Sikh religion to Punjabi culture was raised at many levels. What is the Sikh religion distinct from Punjabi customs and practices?
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The issue comes to the fore in each Asian-Indian religious group at the point of marriage. The earliest immigrants were generally single males, some of whom married outside the religious and linguistic group, primarily to white, Christian partners. (Sikh immigrants at the beginning of the twentieth century were exceptions because restrictive laws and social customs led to marriages with women of Mexican background.) Another pattern developed of immigrants returning to India to arrange marriages within the religious and linguistic group, occasionally within the linguistic group but outside the religious one. The situation has become very complex and confused as children of immigrants approach marriage age, which itself is rising among immigrants, not least because of the difficulty of locating appropriate marriage partners. Although Asian Indians number well over a million, they are geographically, socially and religiously scattered, so families face real difficulties in either establishing efficient networks for marriage negotiations or locating appropriate candidates for marriage. The preference of parents is for arranged marriages with people 'like us' in religion and custom, but the Americanized children are in many ways not 'like them' and question the practice of arranged marriages and the implied ethnic and religious preferences. Each Asian-Indian family and group has a generally recognized concentric circle of marriage preferences implicit in such arrangements. The most central is often the family or villagebased traditional network for arranged marriages (either by return to India for marriage or by careful negotiation in North America), then the religious and linguistic group, then either the religious or the linguistic group, then the Asian-Indian, reaching out to the larger candidate pools of the general population, with distinct preferences within the general population based on religion, color and social class. Decisions of each individual and each family are made among a wide array of potentials, and each decision implies a series of commitments regarding religious identity and ethnic identity. Relatively few marriages have occurred among the second generation and the third generation, so it is difficult to discern the developing patterns or to predict the future. Nevertheless, four possibilities are in the offing. Ethnicity could recede as the representation of both individuals and groups, with religion becoming the primary marker. Will Herberg's methods and conclusions in Protestant, Catholic, few have been questioned. Nevertheless, the thesis is sound that if marriage decisions are based on religious affiliation to a greater degree than on linguistic or ethnic affiliation, religion becomes the primary marker and establishes the most important boundaries in American society. Religion could become the primary marker for Asian
Indians, both internally, as Hindus, for example, marry other AsianIndian Hindus and establish an ecumenical Hinduism, and externally, as Indian Muslims marry Muslims or Christians marry Christians from other national and linguistic groups. Intermarriage of persons from different nations and cultures may blur physical distinctions between people in a type of biological morphing over time that will highlight other differences, such as those of religious affiliation. Ethnicity is a mode of communication, a rhetoric of representation that is continually changing, in the context of a syntax of communication shared by many groups defined in a variety of ways. Modes of dress, language or accent, cuisine, calendar, gesture, art and ritual communicate intricate messages an individual and a group transmits of itself. It is a communicative pattern that requires that a difference in representation signify a difference of self-identification, but it also requires a generally understood syntax and takes place within a common communication pattern. For example, the inclusion of an American flag in a parade sponsored by an Asian-Indian Hindu group is a significant element in the rhetoric of self-representation of the group that defines or, in fact, is its ethnicity. The audience for such rhetorical acts is the group itself as well as those outside. Stephen Webb notes that such rhetoric has a narrative element, an ongoing story that needs conflict and climaxes in order to sustain the kind of drama that makes group identity valuable. It also has a hermeneutical dimension, in that it is a way of interpreting or juxtaposing events in the larger world and filtering those events so that they do not fundamentally challenge or destroy group loyalty (Private communication). Little remains of ethnicity beyond a rhetoric of representation and the effects it produces. It is tempting to judge the strength of ethnicity and the facility of people within the group in the use of the rhetoric of representation by the clear distinctions that are preserved within society; that is, African-Americans distinguished from Hispanics or Jews. By these criteria, greater distinct-iveness represents greater rhetorical skill and power, and less distinct-iveness represents less. In truth, however, rhetorics of representation are refined, with sharper ability to reveal nuanced differentiations and finer distinctions. In the use of such refined rhetoric, a society develops greater sophistication in interpersonal and group relations. Individuals are able to express a range of identities and loyalties in a wide variety of contexts and among different groups. Both individuals and groups are able to position themselves with greater clarity and to greater advantage among diverse groups. Such sophistication contributes to the orderly and creative development of society.
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The refined rhetoric of representation may result in what has been called 'symbolic ethnicity,' referring to the use of elements of an older rhetoric in new configurations. For example, a gathering on Diwali with other people having family ties in Gujarat for a meal of eclectic cuisine is the only occasion of the year when one sees many Gujaratis. Observance of Diwali is part of a rhetoric of representation different from the observance in Gujarat or by new immigrants in the first decade of residence in the United States. Still, it is part of a rhetoric of representation for both those who participate and any who observe. It is called 'symbolic' because it does not have the same rhetorical function often attributed to ethnic discourse. Ethnicity, even understood as a rhetoric of representation, could in the past have been studied in a bipolar manner, both temporally and geographically, with the two points of contact in the 'past and over there' compared with 'now and over here.' The direction of influence could be charted as unidirectional from 'then and there' to 'here and now.' Contemporary migration and the rapidity of mobility and communication changes all that by creating a transnational communication that is transforming rhetorics of representation. Groups formed by new immigration form cells in several locations, each of which is shaped by the context within which it finds itself and by developments within the other cells. The process of transformation of individual cells is linked to what has happened and is happening to the other cells by constant communication through electronic media and mobility. A Malankara Orthodox congregation in the United States is directly influenced in a myriad of ways by what happens to other Keralite Christians in Chicago or other cities, in Kerala, Canada, the Gulf States, the United Kingdom and South Africa. A rhetorical model for analysis of personal and group representation would permit a more dynamic understanding of the personal and group identities and their function in society.
different? Migration and the transformations brought by it are age old, but the contemporary reality is structurally different and the rate of transformation is greater. New immigration in the United States since 1965 is relatively recent and the transformations are just now reaching maturity with the second generation. It is too soon to record assured results and too dangerous to predict future trends. That we are experiencing a new reality in ethnic representations and religious identities is clear, and that the future is not going to be just a fast rerun of the past is certain. Religion is and will be a powerful component of personal and group rhetorics of representation and identity because it provides a transcendent basis for personal and group identity.
Herberg, W. 1960. Protestant, Catholic, Jew. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Schiller, G., Nina, Basch, L, and Blanc-Szanton, C., eds. 1992. Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity, and Nationalism Reconsidered. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 645. The New York Academy of Sciences. Thernstrom, S., ed. 1980. Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
An ethnic identity is a rhetorical mode of representation by an individual and a group that is rapidly changing in contemporary transnational settings. The function of what we have studied as ethnicity is also changing under the forceful influence of electronic media and mobility. It is difficult to trace the power and influence of religion in the midst of these changes. If ethnicity is a rhetorical mode of representation, is religion also a rhetorical mode of representation allied in the same syntactical or linguistic field as ethnicity? Do they 'speak the same language' or
South Asians in America Post 9/11
Raymond Brady Williams
The destruction of the World Trade Center in New York City in 2001, recognized worldwide simply as 9/11, was a traumatic event more immediate and powerful for a generation of Americans than the bombing of Pearl Harbor on 7 December, 1941 - a date that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt said would 'live in infamy.' December 7 was an attack on military, killing soldiers and sailors, far away from the mainland, reported on radio and in newspapers, leading to a declaration of war. And 9/11 was destruction of an economic center, killing civilians, at the center of American power, viewed in horror in real time by millions of Americans, precipitating consequences still unforeseen. The trauma of 9/11 and responses to it, like 7 December, 1941, constitute a pivotal event in American life with profound effects on civic and religious life and geo-cultural affairs. Beginning in 1941, the United States moved from relative isolation to increased involvement in the affairs of Europe and Asia, encouraged patriotism, demonized 'the other' especially Germans and Japanese - mobilized for a world war, learned a great deal about Asia, and gradually transformed itself into a world power. The last half of the twentieth century was shaped by that response. History does not repeat itself, the national and world contexts are different, the causes of terrorism are poorly defined, and only 5 years have passed with no resolution in sight. The new focus is the Middle East. Religion is identified as a motivation for the 9/11 events and for terrorist attacks that preceded 9/11 and still continue in America and in other countries. Islam claimed by the terrorists is a world religion with a significant representation in the United States, even among those killed in the World Trade Center. The United States has a much more heterogeneous population than in 1945, shaped by the new immigration after 1965, including Muslims from
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many parts of the world. South Asians and their religions that are new to the United States, including Islam, are adapting to a new context just as Americans are adapting to new religions among their neighbors. The national trauma of 9/11 and its aftermath are having significant consequences nationally, internationally, and ecumenically. They affect the experience of South Asian immigrants - Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, Jains, and Christians - and the remapping of their social and religious fields in American society and culture. It is too soon to record assured results and too dangerous to predict future results nationally or internationally. Nevertheless, the first half of the twenty-first century is being shaped by the worldwide responses to 9/11.
Experience of South Asian religious groups since 9/11
America is different in the twenty-first century, in part due to the new immigration following changes in immigration law passed in 1965. New immigrants selected from every country of the world on the basis of occupational and family reunification preferences initiated a profound ethnic, racial, and religious transformation of American population. South Asians constituted a significant and successful segment of the brain drain that brought the brightest and best scientists, engineers, physicians, and other specialists to enhance the American economy. Because a very small number of South Asians were present in 1965, only later did many South Asians join the new immigrants under provisions for family reunification in the new law. Only a few South Asians applied for refugee status, and only a small number can be identified as undocumented aliens. The result is that Asian Indians as a group are very successful, with incomes among the highest of all American ethnic groups. Unemployment is relatively low, and the community enjoys a relatively high socioeconomic status. South Asian immigrant families are scattered across America and generally do not occupy urban ghettos. Although some areas experienced a large influx of South Asians, such as Flushing, NY during the 1970s and 1980s, and Middlesex County, NJ, in 1990s and 2000s, those communities are not constituted by the urban poor and unemployed. The government of the United States does not keep official records of the religious affiliation of citizens or permanent residents - unlike Australia and Canada - which makes it more difficult to provide statistical data about American religious groups. That does have the value of preserving the privacy and religious freedom for citizens in the midst of religious controversy and tensions. Immigrants are free to establish
religious institutions, which were founded and are still led by upwardly mobile young, lay professionals who established mosques, temples, and other institutions in order both to preserve personal and group identity for their children and to facilitate their successful integration into American society. The character of immigration, residential patterns, and religious leadership shape South Asian communities and religious groups differently from those in the United Kingdom, Europe, and Australasia. Immigration continues apace. The number of immigrants admitted from India numbered 70,000 in 2004, almost double the average of those arriving in the 1990s. Among those immigrants in 2004, approximately 40,000 were under the preference categories for professional occupations, and 30,000 were for family reunification, a distinction that often implies a difference in educational and economic status. Approximately 10,000 were under the age of 18 (INS 2004). Asian Indians have a higher per capita income than the general population and other Asian communities, but some immigrant families are disadvantaged, primarily those in families admitted for family reunification. The U.S. Census Bureau statistics for 2000 on South Asian populations born in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh do not include American-born South Asians, but give some indication of growth. Those born in India were 1,022,000, in Pakistan 223,475, and in Bangladesh 95,295. Fiftyfive percent of those born in India and Pakistan were male, and 58 percent of those born in Bangladesh were male. Fifty percent of those from India and Pakistan and 56 percent of those born in Bangladesh were under 35 years of age (U.S. Census 1). Asian Indians and other Asians rank better than other groups in key indicators of child wellbeing such as infant mortality, child death rate, teen death rate, teen birthrate, teen school dropouts, and percentage of children in singleparent homes (Kids Count State-Level Data Online 2006). A majority of South Asian women are in or approaching child-bearing age, so the number of children is likely to increase at a rate greater than the general population. Numbers will continue to grow even if the rate of increase in percentage slows. Because South Asian immigration started recently and because it continues apace, each Hindu child has a specific location in an age group and in an immigrant generation. It is difficult to identify the generations in a Hindu gathering. Anthropologists refer to 'the living present' that includes three generations generally in close contact. Studies of immigrants conceive of generations differently. It is common to refer to children as being 'first and a half generation' who come as small children with their parents, as 'second generation' born in the United
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Identity and rhetoric of those who destroyed the World
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States, and, now increasing in numbers, 'third generation' born of newly married couples reared and educated in American culture. Because the function of religious groups in the United States is intimately associated with the formation and preservation of identity of children, parents and religious leaders attend to the effects of responses to 9/11 on religious and ethnic identity and the socialization of their children. Trade Center and responses in some Muslim countries cast a shadow on Muslims in the United States and abroad. Retaliation against the Taliban in Afghanistan and subsequent attack on Iraq places the United States in direct military conflict with Muslims. American focus shifted to the Middle East and to the growth of Islamicist influence stretching from Pakistan to Europe, an area about which Americans have relatively little knowledge or understanding. Islam in the Indian subcontinent or Indonesia was largely unknown. A narrowing of the open door of immigration and travel was an immediate result of 9/11. All travelers experienced greater scrutiny and searches at airports and delays in obtaining travel documents. People from Islamic countries believe that they are profiled because of racial features, names, ethnic dress, or accents in ways that discriminate against Muslims and South Asians in general. The narrow door creates the perception of intolerance and rejection that does much to reduce sympathy abroad that immediately followed 9/11. Americans remember the intolerance that followed 7 December, 1941 manifest in the internment of Japanese Americans and rejection of what remained of German language usage. After an unfortunate reference to a 'crusade' against those responsible for 9/11, President George W. Bush and other public figures attempted to downplay the role of religion by referring to 'terrorists', 'fanatics', and Tslamicists' somehow distinguished from Muslims, especially from American Muslims. It has been increasingly difficult to do because Osama bin Laden and insurgents in Iraq and elsewhere appeal to Muslims everywhere to oppose Western decadence and dominance. South Asian Muslims are caught in the middle, and many experience a double consciousness. Their developing national identity as Americans and their religious identity as Muslims are seen as in tension as citizens both in a nation engaged in conflict in Islamic countries and in a culture in many ways at odds with the ideals and practices of Islam. As is the experience of other recent immigrants, national identity involves
an additional double consciousness as American citizens and as Asian Indians or Pakistanis. Indeed, some hold dual citizenship. A majority of American Muslims are upwardly mobile professional immigrants from South Asia and Iran or are African Americans who are fairly recent converts having little association with the Islamic Middle East. Moreover, national, ethnic, and religious identity is complicated by diversity among refugees and immigrants. Many citizens and permanent residents in the United States from the Middle East are Christians or secularists from Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq fleeing conflicts and discrimination or are Shi'ite refugees fleeing Sunni domination. Relationships within the house of Islam in American society and among immigrants with diverse religious traditions are complicated by 9/11 and varied responses. The event reinforced negative attitudes toward Islam and Muslims that already existed in response to the separatist, racist stance of the Nation of Islam under Elijah Muhammad (1897-1975) and to earlier terrorist attacks against Americans in Iran, Lebanon, and Somalia that were supported by some vocal Muslim clerics. The immediate responses to 9/11 were acts of vandalism against mosques and Islamic institutions, hate talk against Muslims, and other offensive acts that included the tossing of a pig's head into a mosque in Lewistown, Maine, as late as July 2006. Muslims report fear caused by such acts and the need to take steps to protect their families, even purchasing guns and avoiding areas or contexts fraught with tension. Negative attitudes were reinforced by bombings in the London underground and bombing of a train in Madrid. Continued attacks placed Americans in various communities on edge, raised suspicions, and complicated relationships. Conflict between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon in July/August 2006 and the hate crime attack by a Muslim man on Jewish women in a Jewish center in Seattle in July 2006 threatened to create greater tensions between Muslims and Jews in America. Leaders warn against the danger of importing conflicts from the Middle East into America. The most comprehensive survey of attitudes toward Muslims was conducted by the Pew Global Attitudes Project in 13 countries, including the United States, from 31 March -14 May, 2006 (Pew 2006). A majority of American respondents indicated that relations with Muslims are bad (55 percent), and a third indicated that they are good (32 percent). A third of Americans say Muslims are mostly to blame for bad relations, but 26 percent point to Western people, while 22 percent volunteer that both are to blame. Positive ratings of Christians were 88 percent and Jews
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77 percent, but only 54 percent for Muslims. Nevertheless, the rating of Muslims was higher among Americans than in other Western countries, which may be the result of the professional occupational preferences in the US immigration law. The positive characteristics associated with Muslims by non-Muslim respondents in the United States are that they are devout (67 percent), honest (44 percent), generous (26 percent), tolerant (28 percent), and respectful of women (19 percent). Almost two-thirds indicated that Muslims are not respectful of women. The other negative characteristics associated with Muslims were that they are fanatical (43 percent), violent (45 percent), arrogant (35 percent), selfish (27 percent), greedy (24 percent), and immoral (19 percent). Negative attitudes toward Muslims by these markers were lower in the United States than in most other non-Islamic countries included in the survey. News commentators often suggested that lack of prosperity in Muslim countries is a contributing factor in antipathy toward the West. The Pew survey asked American respondents to state the causes, and they responded: (calculating the percentage of top two responses) government corruption (50 percent), lack of education (51 percent), U.S. and Western policies (14 percent), Islamic fundamentalism (32 percent) and lack of democracy (28 percent). Unfortunately, the Pew survey did not report on American attitudes toward American Muslims or calculate responses of American Muslims as a separate group (as the survey did for Muslims in other Western countries). A majority of Americans express a positive attitude toward religion, and accept extravagant manifestations of religious piety and practice as part of religious freedom. The right of any group to establish religious organizations and institutions and to practice and propagate their religion is protected by the legal system. American Muslims are immigrants from many countries and ethnic groups and are not easily identified except by dress or name. Racial, ethnic, and linguistic Islamic diversity is represented in large American urban mosques in ways rarely experienced outside the Hajj in Mecca. South Asian Muslims occupy a relatively high socioeconomic status, are dispersed throughout cities and towns rather than being ghettoized, and maintain a relatively low profile. These factors contributed to the fact that overt negative reactions against Muslims have been relatively isolated and sporadic events. The Muslim population is growing in the United States through immigration, conversion, and birth, but estimates of current numbers vary widely from 2.5 million to 7 million. Although the number appears to be fairly large, the percentage of population is smaller in the United States than in Britain, France, or Germany (n.a., The Economist 2006).
Although Americans are becoming familiar with divisions between Sunni and Shi'ite Muslims in Iraq, few are able to distinguish between the groups in the United States. Intermarriage with non-Muslim women who convert to Islam is one avenue of growth. Islamic law and custom permit marriage of Muslim males outside, but prohibit marriage of Muslim women to non-Muslims. Men were the large majority of early immigrants, and some married Christians. Marriage to an American citizen facilitates permanent resident status, which has attractive features for those on temporary visas (Hehrke-White 2006: 136-140). In earlier decades, military assignments in foreign countries resulted in intermarriage and the increase in permanent residents from Germany, Britain, Japan, and Korea identified as 'war brides.' Recent and current assignments in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other Muslim countries seem not to be resulting in 'war brides' or 'war grooms.' Islam confronts American Christianity with its first major competitor for the conversion of Americans because Islam promotes propagation of the faith (dawah) and conversion of infidels from all traditions. AfricanAmerican Muslims constitute approximately a quarter of American Muslims (Harvard Pluralism Project 1). That estimate, based on a Zogby poll in August 2003, does not make ethnic distinctions between the settled African-American community and recent Muslim immigrants and refugees from Africa and the Caribbean. Although mosques are officially open to all races and ethnicities, which is a tribute to the universalism of Islam, African Americans establish separate masjids that are associated with the Nation of Islam founded by Elijah Muhammad (1897-1975) and now led by Louis Farrakan or are part of the new orthodox movement supported by Malcolm X and established by Wallace Muhammad. Many African-American mosques are in major urban areas, and African Americans constitute a majority of American converts. Perhaps due to the dramatic, life-changing conversion of Malcolm X in prison in 1948, Islamic organizations undertake a significant ministry and proclamation to prison inmates and provide social services and support to converts released from prisons. The relation between the 'black mosque' and the 'black church' is one of the important dynamics in shaping future social, religious, and political affairs. A significant development in the post-9/11 period is the conversion of Hispanics to Islam. Estimates conducted by national Islamic organizations such as the Council for American Islamic Relations and the Islamic Society of North America show roughly 40,000 Hispanic American Muslims, with estimates as low as 20,000 and as high as 75,000
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among some 37 million American Hispanics. Research by Samantha Sanchez indicates that the majority of converts are college-educated women between the ages of 20 and 30. A large number of female conversions occur due to marriage with Muslim men (Barzegar 2003). Jose Padilla, one of those tried for plotting terrorist attacks, is a Hispanic convert. Hispanics are diverse racial, economic, and national groups with ties to Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking countries. Leaders stress the historical roots of Islam in Spanish culture and speak of a 'reversion' to Islam in two senses: (1) Some leaders say that all people are born Muslim so conversion means returning to an original state of faith; (2) Islam had a significant influence on Spanish language and culture, especially in southern Spain. Leaders stress the power of Islamic teaching and practice to defend minority rights and to combat deteriorating social conditions in Hispanic families and communities. Hispanics join South Asian Muslims and other recent immigrants in creating American Islam and in shaping religion in America in the twenty-first century. Asian-Indian Muslims have a major role to play in American Islam. Before 9/11 leaders spoke about their special opportunity to create a modern form of Islam that would demonstrate how to live as faithful Muslims as a minority in a modern democratic society. Now they are gaining the collective economic and political power to influence religious affairs in the United States and abroad. Immigrants from India and Pakistan are primarily part of the brain drain from the Indian subcontinent that established themselves economically and socially in American society. Their children have genetic and social advantages to become high achievers in Western universities and in business and other professions. The second generation has now entered into leadership positions in Muslim institutions. The experience of 9/11 has been traumatic, causing a reassessment of their relationship with American society, values, and political affairs. Negative reaction in Islamic countries and communities has certainly reduced the potential of American Muslims to influence Muslim affairs worldwide in the short term. Nevertheless, the potential of leaders of American Muslims to develop a modern form of Islam that will influence the entire 'house of Islam' over the long term is great. The best estimate is that 1578 mosques and centers serve American Muslims (Harvard Pluralism Project 1). Although some mosques are identified as primarily Asian, African, Arab, or European-Bosnian, it is not possible to say how many mosques or institutions serve primarily South Asian Muslims. National organizations, such as the Islamic Society of North America, serve as mediating institutions that
create bridges between mosques, education, proclamation (dawah), and social services. An important function of national organizations after 9/11 is to represent Muslim interests to the majority population and the government. Anger and ignorance in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 created the need and opportunity for Muslim leaders to undertake extensive outreach educational activities. Leaders of the Islamic Society of North America conducted training workshops for the Federal Bureau of Investigation and other government agencies so that officials would have more accurate information about Muslims and their organizations. Local leaders engaged in outreach in their communities to counter acts of discrimination and intolerance. Curiosity about Islam opened opportunities for distribution of copies of the Koran and propagation of the faith. Anecdotal reports suggest that increased interest in Islam and conversions to Islam have taken place since 9/11.
Sikhs were the first to suffer retaliation following 9/11. Errors in identification resulted from ignorance about South Asian religions and misinterpretation of Sikh turbans, which seemed to the uninformed to be identifying marks for Arabs and Muslims, even the Taliban. Although Sikhs came early to the United States in the first part of the twentieth century, long before other South Asian religions were present, ignorance of Sikhism and sporadic hate crimes make Sikhs feel like a vulnerable unwelcome minority. Prior to 9/11, American Sikhs entered a period of consolidation and growth following division, tension, and communal turmoil in the 1980s and 1990s caused by the Khalistan agitation for a separate Sikh homeland in the Punjab, an Indian Army attack on the Sikh shrine at Amritsar, and the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards (Williams 1988: 69-84). Resolution of those tensions promised a period of growth and institutional development in the new century. Approximately 250 Sikh places of worship (gurdwara) and centers serve a Sikh community of 250,000 people (Harvard Pluralism Project 1). Some estimates are higher. Most Sikhs have family roots in the Punjab and share Punjabi culture and language. A major undertaking through local gurdwara and national organizations, such as the Sikh Council on Religion and Education, has been to educate the American public about Sikh beliefs and practices. Leaders urge participation in interfaith associations and activities. Sikh organizations follow the example of other anti-defamation initiatives to identify and oppose various forms of discrimination.
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Muslims are a minority of South Asian immigrants who join a large religious community that is multiethnic, multicultural, and multinational. Sikhs are a majority in the Punjab, a minority in India and a smaller minority in the United States who are determining the relation of Punjabi ethnicity and Sikh identity in a new context. Hindus are a large majority in India, representing many regional language and ethnic groups who are adapting to being a small diverse minority in American culture. Although relatively small compared to the number of Hindus in India, American Hindus have developed strong and growing religious institutions. The primary impetus for developing temples and institutions is the socialization of children of the second generation. Economic success and professional and organizational skills of early immigrants now support construction of elaborate temples and many social and religious programs in the United States and in India. Estimates of the Hindu population are 1.2 million or more, and the number increases due to new immigration for high-tech jobs and family reunification and development of second and third generations. Over 750 Hindu temples of various types serve the changing needs of the community (HVP 2006: 1). Three types of temples are common: (1) Ecumenical Hindu temples contain deities representing many sects and regions of India and develop an all-India ethos; (2) Ethnic temples serve Hindus from a region or linguistic group and preserve ethnic identity and culture; (3) Hieratic temples are dedicated to the deities and leaders of a particular group, often with a regional identity as well. The doctrine and practices of a founding teacher and successors, who are closely associated with the divine, shape the ethos and worship. The tendency for temples that began as ethnic or hieratic is to expand their ecumenical scope to include Hindus from diverse groups. A large percentage of Hindu immigrants have roots in the Indian state of Gujarat, and Swaminarayan Hinduism is one of the fastest growing Hindu groups in America with several subgroups (Williams 2001: 33-68). The Bochaswansi Akshar Purushottam Sanstha (BAPS) Swaminarayan group is the most successful branch in the number of temples and centers. It follows a hieratic strategy of devotion to a living guru, Pramukh Swami, an ethnic strategy of attracting primarily a regional linguistic following of Gujaratis, and an ecumenical strategy of reaching out to other regional linguistic groups with a message of Sanatana Dharma. It has 600 temples, 9000 centers, and 700 sadhus in
India and abroad. Forty-one of the temples are in the United States, and a number of sadhus reside in the major temples and travel regularly to visit families and centers across the country. Several of the temples (Chicago, Houston, and Atlanta) are built of marble and sandstone elaborately carved in India and shipped to America for construction. Several of the sadhus grew up in America and are able to help youth of the second generation to become American Hindus. Plans are underway to construct an elaborate monument and culture center in New Jersey similar in scope and design to Akshardham monuments in Gandhinagar and Delhi (Williams 2005: 131-137). American Hindus have been little troubled in the aftermath of 9/11 except for some inconvenience in travel, a slowdown in obtaining immigration documents, and general concern with backlash against ethnic minorities. Immigration from India does continue, and new residents regularly appear at Hindu temples and meetings. Little interaction exists between Hindus and Muslims in America. The identification of Muslims as terrorists associated with 9/11 reinforces negative opinions of Muslims among American Hindus that stem from decades of conflict and distrust between India and Pakistan and between Muslims and Hindus in India. Although the American public generally has a positive attitude toward India and Indians because of shared democratic ideals, admiration for Mahatma Gandhi, and positive evaluation of highly skilled and successful professionals among the immigrants, attitudes toward Hinduism were negatively influenced by the International Society of Krishna Consciousness and Rajneesh Hindus. As immigrant Hindu groups matured, leaders turned their attention to removing negative stereotypes, especially in films, television shows, news reports, and, because it is so important for their children, public schools. Respect for Hindu customs and religious duties in public places and schools, such as provision of pure vegetarian options in McDonalds restaurants and school cafeterias and protection from occasional vandalism to temples and images, is an important goal. American Hindus are a diverse group and respond in a variety of ways to currents and pressures in India. The Hindutva movement in India emphasizes the ancient Hindu foundation of Indian culture and religions and attempts to strengthen and support political and social movements that emphasize that tradition. One manifestation of Hindutva has been to raise questions about the research and publications of American scholars of Hinduism. Works of Wendy Doniger (University of Chicago), Paul Courtright (Emory University), and James Laine
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(Macalester College) have been criticized and attacked in India. Among the scholarly issues are decisions about insider/outsider research on religions, postcolonial and postmodern theories regarding the study of religion, and Western bias in representing Indian history, culture, and religion (Rao 2006: 4-8). One recent manifestation of these concerns arose regarding a textbook on South Asian history proposed by Oxford University Press for world history courses in the California school system. A state committee reviews and approves all textbooks used in California schools. The proposed textbook contained interpretations of the early history of India and descriptions of Hinduism that some Hindus found objectionable. They opposed the textbook and asked the committee to reject it. The attempt has been unsuccessful thus far, but it demonstrates the growing power and sensitivity of American Hindus. Immigrants moved to form a variety of Hindu organizations and institutions, not to remain separate from American society, but to negotiate from a stronger position their entry and place in their new homeland.
No one seems angry with Jains, and Jains keep a low profile on the American religious scene. They are closely related to Hindus in culture and ritual, so few Americans know about Jain doctrine or practices and do not distinguish them from other Asian Indians. Steady growth through births and immigration supports development of temples and shrines. The total population is between 50,000 and 75,000. Jains worship in independent Jain temples or at shrines they have set up as part of ecumenical Hindu temples. Approximately 95-100 temples and centers serve the community. The issues facing Jains have not changed following 9/11. The primary task is education of children and young people in the philosophy and practices of Jains. The primary doctrines emphasized for Jains and the larger society are nonviolence (ahimsa) and its corollary practice of vegetarianism.
They do not constitute a visible minority in any single church group or region in America. Some immigrant families join established congregations, but most seek or start new congregations related to Indian languages and denominations and recruit priests and pastors to serve congregations. They have established several dioceses and American organizations related to those in India. The shortage of priests for American Roman Catholic parishes leads to recruitment of priests from India, where there is an excess of vocations for the priesthood and monasteries, to serve American parishes. Indian Christians are distinctive because the shortage of nurses in America opens the door to graduates of nursing schools in India, a majority of which are Christian foundations and have Christian students. Female nurses came in large numbers in the 1970s and 1980s and later brought their spouses and children under provisions for family reunification. A shortage of nurses continues and predictions are that the shortfall will increase in the next decades, so the door remains open to nurses from India. Although the immigration process slowed temporarily following 9/11, it has returned to its earlier rates. The result is that the Indian Christian community continues to grow through birth and immigration. India was second only to the Philippines - another country with English-speaking Christian nurses - in the number of applicants at 12,508 between 1 October, 2004 and 30 September, 2005 (Commission on Graduates of Foreign Nursing 2005: 13). Although experiencing steady growth, Asian-Indian Christians are often lost in reports on Asian Christians and are overshadowed by East Asians, especially Korean immigrants, among whom Christianity is growing rapidly. National ecumenical organizations are greatly weakened and are unable to provide venues for the visibility of Christian groups new to the American religious scene. Nevertheless, if Indian Christians are able to preserve their children in the faith, Asian-Indian Christianity will be an important addition to the rapidly changing mosaic of American Christianity.
Christians from India are relatively invisible among the majority Christian population. One reason is that Indian Christianity has ancient roots, is very diverse, spreads across both India and the United States and represents most strands and denominations of Christianity from SyroMalabar Orthodox to Latin Catholic to Pentecostal (Williams 1996).
Major issues for the future
Immigration and new generations
Past immigration and religious movements among the generations of immigrant families determined the current shape of religion in America. Post-19 65 immigration and the new religions that immigrants bring
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are shaping the future. The second generation of families from South Asia carries the praise and burden of being 'a model generation.' Close family ties, high expectations, good economic and social standing, and good educational opportunities have produced a relatively successful and high achieving generation that is now producing the third generation. They faced pressure to excel in communicating in two languages and to preserve values of two cultures. They refer to themselves as 'coconuts - brown on the outside and white on the inside.' They joke about being the 'ABCD generation - American Born Confused Desis.' 'Desi' refers to a compatriot. South Asian religious groups were formed primarily to help preserve and transmit religious and cultural traditions to this generation. The level of assimilation or acculturation of the second and third generations will greatly influence the future of Islam, Hinduism, and other American religions. Common models of analysis are assimilation and Americanization of earlier generations and progressive secularization of Western societies. Neither of those models seems predictive of the experience of current generations, but it is unclear what the future models will be or if they will be the same for diverse ethnic and religious groups. The model that Will Herberg developed was that the second generation rejects the traditions of their immigrant parents, whereas the third generation recaptures some of those traditions in revised forms in what others call 'symbolic ethnicity.' Herberg's analysis came at the end of a period of lull in immigration between 1915 and 1965 during which the generations progressed undisturbed and unsupported by new immigration (Herberg 1960). New immigrants from South Asia are constantly refreshing religious and ethnic groups. The new first generation of immigrants arriving in this century preserve contacts with religious leaders and institutions in South Asia and they possess recent experience of rituals and ethos current in mosques, temples, gurdwaras and churches in India. Many of the recent immigrants enter under family reunification provisions of immigration laws and procedures. A few are undocumented residents. Many do not possess the educational or professional qualifications characteristic of the earlier 'brain drain' from South Asia and face harder struggles in establishing themselves and their families in American society. Future adaptation of these religions in American society involves an intricate negotiation between the generations of Asian Indians as well as with the majority society.
Intermarriage and conversion
Two additional characteristics of American experience affecting the shape of religion are intermarriage and conversion, which are often related. In the U.S. Census for 2000, which for the first time permitted dual identification, 494,468 persons self-identified as Asian Indian in combination with another designation. That suggests a significant number of intermarriages by Asian Indians, but it does not specify the nature of intermarriages or whether they involve intermarriage among religious groups (U.S. Census 2). Intermarriage between Muslim men and non-Muslim women is more common than between non-Muslim men and Muslim women, which is prohibited by Islamic law and custom. Intermarriage accounts for some conversions to Islam. Religious belief and participation is guaranteed in the Bill of Rights, which is interpreted to mean the freedom to convert from one denomination to another, from affiliation to nonaffiliation, or from one religion to another. The open market place of religions created by immigration and the freedom of religion established in law contribute to the fact that Americans are more religious by some measures - belief in god, membership in religious groups, and regular participation in religious practices - than citizens in other industrialized nations. Some South Asian immigrants come from nations that prohibit or legally discourage conversion from one religion to another, especially conversion from Islam. A number of immigrants take the opportunity migration affords to change their religious practices. Leaders speak about 'unmosqued' Muslims who are unaffiliated with Islamic institutions. It is not possible to chart such religious changes or the number of conversions. The American government has been prohibited since 1957 from keeping data about religious affiliation of citizens. An impetus for that restriction was the experience of Jews during the Holocaust of being singled out by the Nazis. Imagine what a new Hitler could do with modern computer lists containing religious identification! The absence of governmental religious identification also permits religious changes unfettered by governmental intrusion. Freedom and equality of religious people before the law are fundamental and certainly will affect developments among new immigrants, but it is too early to determine what those effects will be. Immigrants have a number of personal and institutional identities from which they can choose to meet an array of contexts and circumstances that span several nationalities, ethnicities, and religions. One
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issue is the function of religious identities in a time of religious extremism. Earlier immigrants in the third generation tended to emphasize religious identities over national identities, hence the classic work entitled Protestant, Catholic, few (Herberg 1960). An earlier chapter in this book argues that ethnicity is a rhetoric of self-representation (see p. 155), and to some degree that is true of religious identity as well. Asian-Indian religious groups are careful after 9/11 to identify themselves as American groups, displaying American flags, participating in patriotic events, and contributing to relief activities in the United States as well as in South Asia. Interfaith associations and study of religions Events on 9/11 and the aftermath revealed a woeful lack of knowledge about religions, even about the religions of neighbors, and ignorance is a breeding ground for intolerance. Interfaith associations that developed in the previous century focused on relations between Christians and Jews in America and had not been active with other religions. Such associations, largely supported by mainline Protestant and Jewish groups, had been largely moribund. Moreover, it is generally the case that individuals engaged in interfaith dialogue are marginal in their own faith communities (Williams 2005: 262-268). Religious groups of new immigrants had been largely concerned with internal matters and establishing institutional strength to serve their children. In spite of that recent history, some interfaith associations gained new life to fill a post-9/11 need. Grassroots responses have kept communal tensions and conflicts to a minimum. Civic and religious leaders reacted to acts of violence against Muslims and Sikhs by organizing protection of religious buildings and planning communal programs to create better understanding between religious and ethnic groups. Churches and synagogues opened their doors for programs to explain doctrines and practices of South Asian religions. Mosques, temples, andgurdwaras extended open invitations to neighbors to attend services and programs. Increased tensions in Israel and Eebanon highlight the importance of strengthening good relations between Muslims and Jews in the United States. One governmental initiative that receives attention from religious groups is the 'faith-based initiative' supported by President George W. Bush. This controversial program provides government funds for faithbased institutions engaged in education and social welfare activities. The initiative is strongly supported by conservative Christian groups, but an unforeseen effect is support on an equal basis for vouchers for Muslim private schools and for social service activities supported by various
South Asian religious groups. Participation of mosques, churches, and temples in the initiative is controversial and raises constitutional issues regarding separation of church and state. Except for Asian-Indian Christians, no institutions for the training of South Asian religious leaders exist in the United States. Hence, lay professionals are leaders in many religious organizations, and Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and Jains recruit religious leaders from South Asia to serve their institutions. Many are trained in traditional, conservative educational institutions in America, and most have little exposure to detailed information about other religions or about American culture, so they have difficulty in representing their religions in the public square or in helping young people to interpret their religions to neighbors. Theological seminaries and rabbinical schools for the preparation of pastors and rabbis have not been well prepared to teach students about interfaith relations, especially beyond the Jewish/Christian orbit. Appropriate education of religious leaders for new religious institutions and for leadership in a multicultural and multireligious America continues to be a great need. The separation of church and state in the United States was interpreted for a long time to exclude religious rituals, the formal study of religion from state-supported elementary and secondary schools. Unlike Britain and Canada, the study of religions is not mandated in the public schools of any state. Even after the US Supreme Court affirmed that academic study of religion is appropriate, only brief treatments of world religions appear in some social science classes or world history classes. No separate state certification is offered for teachers of courses on religion. Both religious and secular Americans are suspicious about the teaching of religion in state elementary or secondary schools. Interest in university courses and programs on Islam and the religions of India has increased post 9/11. Interest in world religions, especially Asian religions, increased following World War II and especially after American involvement in Vietnam. The function of the courses was to help Western students know about the world in which the United States was becoming the major power. Following the surge of immigration from South Asia and other parts of the world, university courses and programs became the place where children of immigrants learned about their parents' culture and religion. Now classrooms are filled with students from diverse backgrounds who seek to learn about religions of their neighbors. Hope for future understanding and tolerance between Americans of various religions may rest to some degree with students in these classes.
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Events following 9/11 demonstrate that the world has continued to shrink. Contemporary mobility and media enable almost instantaneous communication and rapid travel of people, ideas, and artifacts. Each of the South Asian religions in the United States has outposts in other parts of the world, including Pakistan and India, that create transnational networks. Money, people, and ideas flow though the network with great rapidity, transforming religious and cultural experience in many countries. Religious leaders from several traditions travel from India each summer for tours of temples, ashrams, churches, and homes. They both teach and learn. Visits back to India and other South Asian countries are secular holidays to visit families and also religious pilgrimages to renew associations with religious leaders and practice. Transnational relations with leaders and faith communities in India, Canada, Africa, Australasia, Britain, and other countries influence adaptation of South Asian religious groups to American society, and reverse influences travel through the network to influence developments in mosques, temples, churches, and gurdwaras abroad. A significant relatively new development is the exploding realm of cyber-religion so that diverse forms of all religions are present in virtual reality everywhere and all the time. Bangalore and Pune in India have developed into international centers for digital communication, and computer specialists are among the newest of the 'brain drain' immigrants. Internet presence of religions and religious leaders that these computer specialists facilitate contributes to the transnational character of religions and increases the power of those who control the new technologies and the specialists who wield them. Each religion becomes a 'world religion' in an expanded digital world of communication. And email communications and blogs influence attitudes, beliefs, and practices around the world for good or ill. A major difference between December 7, 1945, and 9/11 affecting responses in America is the religious and cultural changes resulting from new immigration created by the immigration law of 1965 and subsequent administrative decision. The American population is now multiethnic and multireligious in new ways, expanding beyond European ethnicities and Judeo-Christian faith communities to encompass all the religions of the world and people from every nation and tribe. Ignorance and intolerance in Europe led to the Holocaust, and American ignorance and intolerance permitted the internment of Japanese
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citizens in the 1940s. Perhaps some lessons have been learned that led American politicians to discourage religious discrimination and backlash against Muslims after 9/11 and that led civic leaders, including religious leaders, to work toward understanding and tolerance - most of all, to be appalled and ashamed of hate crimes and discrimination that did result. It is clear that American society is now religiously the most diverse in the world, perhaps in the history of the world. If the fragile experiment in democracy, religious freedom, and civil rights that has been an evolving struggle in America for the past two centuries is to survive, let alone flourish, the lessons of understanding and tolerance are more essential than ever.
Barzegar, Abbas. 2003. 'The Emerging Latino Muslim Community in America', High Plains Society for Applied Anthropologists Journal, Fall. [Reprinted in Harvard Pluralism Project http://www.pluralism.org/research/profiles/ display.php?profile=72671] Commission on Graduates of Foreign Nursing 2005. 'A World of Experience:
2005 Annual Report'. Hehrke-White, Donna. 2006. The Face Behind the Veil: The Extraordinary Lives of
Muslim Women in America. New York: Citadel Press. Herberg, Will. 1960. Protestant, Catholic, few. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. INS 2004. U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, Persons Becoming Legal Permanent Residents During Fiscal Year 2004 by Region/Country of Birth and Selected Characteristics. Region/Country: India. Harvard Pluralism Project 1. 'Statistics by Tradition' [http://www.pluralism.org/ resources/statistics/tradition]. The Pluralism Project web site contains the most up-to-date statistics and data about South Asian religious groups in the United States.
HVP. 2006. Hindu Vishwa Parishad Newsletter, 15 May, 2006:1.
Kids Count State-Level Data Online 2006. Race and Child Well-being. Table 1 '10 Key Indicators of child Well-Being by Race and Hispanic Origin Status: 200/2003'. http://www.aecf.org/kidscount/sld/auxiliary/race_child.jsp [1/2/06] n.a. 'Islam, America and Europe', The Economist, 23 June, 2006. Pew. 2006. 'The Great Divide: How Westerners and Muslims View Each Other' Pew Global Attitudes Project, Pew Research Center, [http://pewglobal.org/ reports, 5/22/06]. Rao, Ramesh. 2006. 'Whose Religion and History Is It Anyway?' in The Hindu Vishwa XXXIII 2:4-8. U.S. Census 1. U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000. Table FBP-1. Profile of Selected Demographic and Social Characteristics: 2000. Population University: People Bom in India; Pakistan; Bangladesh. U.S. Census 2. U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000, special tabulations. Table 4. Asian Population by detailed Group: 2000.
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theAmerican Ta estf
- 1988' Rdigi0m °flmmi^ts from India and Pakistan-'" P y- Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
r Dem 1997
The Indian Immigrant Experience. « University Press. Edition in India by CUP New
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Law, Religion and South Asians in Diaspora
™- Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
— - • 2005 'Terror Invades Paradise' in Williams on South Asian Religions and Immigration. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate. ^ngions ana
While studying South Asian socio-legal experiences in diaspora, it is productive to take a wider angle, including legal theory. The major experience of law for South Asians in disapora continues to be, as much in 1996 as in 2006, that the official law of the new home frequently does not respect and accept the religio-legal traditions of new Asian and African minorities, assuming that the newcomers and their descendants will merge, ideally without trace, in the 'host' societies. While it is beginning to be realised everywhere that these are quite unrealistic expectations, such things take time to be reflected in tangible form and in academic literature, which lags behind socio-cultural reality. Especially since 9/11, official Western legal systems and public opinion have become more hostile to arguments that non-Western socio-legal traditions should become an identifiable part of 'our' established public order. Calls for the introduction of 'personal laws' in England, heard since the mid-1970s, sound increasingly hollow and unrealistic. Mainstream politicians often use the liberal-sounding language of 'inclusion', but still aim for long-term unidirectional assimilation rather than multicultural integration of the kind that is developing in certain parts of Europe in socio-cultural reality. Visions and realities do not match, and South Asians remain everywhere under pressure to 'integrate' into Western 'host societies' by abandoning much of their socio-religious and certainly legal heritage. In such pressured circumstances, violent backlashes are bound to erupt at times, whether through suicide bombers, intifadas, neighbourhood conflicts or suicides. Europe is, for some, now a battlefield at many levels. While 'race' is now suspect as a major criterion, people cannot change their skin colour, which remains a critical identity marker. Diffident approaches about retention of South Asian identities are not
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just evidence of plain racism or Eurocentrism, but represent Anglofocused attempts to negate alterity, as well as a persistent opposition to multiculturalisation and glocalisation as somewhat unexpected forms of globalisation (Menski 2006: 3-24). That these restrictive official lines of thinking are not matched by socio-legal reality 'on the ground' has been observed by an increasing number of scholars for many years,1 but we muddle on regardless, privileging Western state laws and continuing to downgrade all forms of non-Western laws. While South Asian laws cannot simply be imported into European legal systems, certain elements of South Asian legal cultures may be useful to understand activities in the increasingly multicultural courtrooms and in other legal battlefields of the West. But mainstream legal scholars continue to glorify the importance of Western legal transplants all over the world (Watson 1993), while manifest ethnic implants in Western legal systems are downplayed (Menski 2006: 58-65) and officially denied (Shah 2005b). In modern Western settings, the convenient division of private and public spheres implies that a migrant's religion remains a matter for the heart, or the home, but not the public sphere. However, in non-Western socio-cultural and legal traditions, as much in history as today, the interaction of law and religion appears to work out differently in reality, so that such assumed boundaries of 'religious' and 'secular', of private and public, exist as permeable entities rather than as 'black boxes' (Twining 2000). Breaking such boundaries, ethnic minority legal studies now emerge as a new subject (Menski 2002b; Shah 2005b). Concentrating on Britain as an arena of multiple struggles, we see that individuals may seek to avoid conflicts, keeping their religious expressions to themselves. Since 9/11, however, one sees much more deliberate assertion of visible minority presence, whether through dress codes (and resultant court battles on Islamic headscarves in many countries) or in spatial changes to living environments, reflected in planning laws (Nielsen 1981, 1995; Gale 2005). Religious communities and individuals have made more or less overt claims for legal recognition of 'religious' needs, but states have pursued restrictive strategies, making special allowances for some religious practices while maintaining adherence to a common legal order. Every country in Europe, it seems, pursues this in its own culture-specific way. The strategy of allowing culturally grounded exceptions seems particularly well developed in Britain, where Sikhs can legally ride motor-cycles without wearing crash helmets under the MotorCycle Crash Helmets (Religious Exemption) Act, 1976, re-enacted in s. 17 of the Road Traffic Act of 1988. Muslim and Jewish butchers
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are allowed to procure halal and kosher meat under section 36 of the Slaughterhouses Act, 1976. Clearly, this earlier preference for special allowances by the state has created difficulties about defining limits to exceptions. In particular it has created much resentment about differential treatment of certain groups, grounding communalising talk of discrimination on the basis of religion and recent charges of deliberate official lawlessness (Shah 2005a). Being simply 'liberal' no longer resolves the simmering basic conflict between law and religion, it merely changes the nature of the debate (Shah 2005b). Clearly, there is no simple or permanent solution to this uneasy relationship. It requires constant re-negotiation in triangular fashion between community norms, state laws and certain sets of values and ethics (Menski 2006: 612). Focusing on Britain and South Asians, I outline here first how the current unsatisfactory scenario, characterised by often deliberate breakdown of communication, has developed. There is a remarkable lack of honesty on the part of dominant legal theory in acknowledging a plurality of rule systems and sources of law, but also equally notable stubbornness by communities resisting assimilation to new environments. Many observers have found that in diaspora, 'tradition' appears to become more traditional. Analysing how South Asian migrants perceive official legal systems and why they consider 'religion' as relevant for themselves also in legal terms, we see that these two perspectives involve different conceptualisations of law and religion, which inevitably require subtle re-negotiation. Such differences in perception are reflected in the structure of legal systems worldwide and I outline briefly two basic models of legal arrangement, showing that diasporic scenarios often involve a desired or actual cross-over from one model to the other. Analysis of the element of religion in this context shows that (a) English law, as a legal system, is uncomfortable with religion as such; (b) it is particularly uncomfortable with, if not hostile to, South Asian religions; and (c) in a multicultural society the law is today increasingly forced to admit that there are serious conceptual problems surrounding the definitions of Taw' as well as of 'religion'. Coping with cultural diversity in law has therefore become a new focal point of research efforts in conflicts of law (Shah 2005b). For most South Asians in diaspora religion remains a powerful force which leads to new strategies to use 'religion' privately in self-constructing various South Asian identities. Rather than preventing this process, legal interventions designed to block formal legal recognition of ethnic minority concerns have led to
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a restructuring, the creation of new hybrid developments which traditional legal scholarship finds difficult to understand.
Contested models of law and religion: Conceptual poverty and lack of honesty
In remarkably circular fashion, the law simply claims to be 'the law' (Allott 1980), without realising that it has limits. Because lawyers like to think that they are in charge of the world (the relevant -ism here is legocentrism), legal theory prominently asserts its domination of the public sphere through formal legal mechanisms in the guise of 'rule of law' everywhere in the world (Peerenboom 2004). The underlying philosophy of state positivism remains popular and dominant, but where does this leave people as individuals or members of communities? What about different value systems, including religions? With minor variations in different countries, religion has been officially separated from 'secular' law, relegated by those same legocentric, state-focused presuppositions to a narrowly conceived private sphere, a mental space rather than a designated area of socio-legal reality. The prevailing academic discourse has therefore been able to hide behind convenient 'rule of law' labels and the perceived need to protect British, even explicitly English, 'core values' (Poulter 1986: v-vi). Resistance to a pluralisation of the rule systems in countries like multicultural Britain today remains strong. Deeper analysis yields a picture of muddled criteria and unsystematic thinking, complicated by an unwillingness to put recognition of social reality above adherence to particular legal theories. The end result has become haphazard discrimination in English law today Qones and Welhengama 2000). In public meetings, Muslim speakers in particular complain that Sikhs and Jews appear to be English law's darlings, while Muslims face discrimination. Long Jewish presence in England may explain special provisions in marriage law (Hamilton 1995), but how did the Sikhs as fairly recent newcomers obtain so many concessions from English law? Through subtle lobbying, the Sikhs have achieved a privileged position in English law as a recognised 'racial' or 'ethnic group', while brazen Muslim demands for shari'a have been ignored. Since such lobbying was partly based on religion (which officially should not be a criterion under English race relations law) rather than 'proper' racial characteristics, complaints that this is discrimination in the name of non-discrimination are perhaps justified.2 The aftermath of 9/11 has reinforced this line of argument, voiced with renewed conviction by many Muslims, with copycat reactions
from some 'fundamentalist' Sikhs and Hindus. However, such divisive argumentations and simplistic legalistic stances are neither healthy nor sustainable. South Asian socio-religious experiences in diaspora raise a number of complex intersecting conflict issues which concern legal theory, the vexed business of comparative law (Legrand 1996) as well as Asian studies and religious studies. While there are no simple answers, one thing is certain: no amount of uniformising secular law making can negate the inherent pluralisms of people's religions, values and community norms. The constant triangular renegotiation of state law, community-centred rules and different value systems (Menski 2006: 612) is never going to go away. Indeed, a new phase of legal pluralism studies has to be embarked on to make better sense of such complex issues (Shah 2005b). Meanwhile official laws continue to behave as though they could govern the socio-legal field through legislation and judicial control. As a result, the official English (and Scots) law and the South Asian communities in Britain have an ambivalent relationship, marked by avoidance reactions on both sides and increasing non-communication, rather than constructive open cooperation. At its core, this constitutes a struggle between the demands of law and the claims of religion, with no side willing to give in. However, this is also an intensely socio-political conflict over different claims of morality and universality, and thus between competing value systems anchored in specific communities. All of this focuses, ultimately, on control over the rules of any living society or community, which remains composed of individuals with their own scope for agency - an issue that should never be ignored, whatever academic discipline we are in. We also see here confirmation that South Asian and other ethnic minority legal studies are intrinsically interdisciplinary. Familiar complications arise because community leaders (however defined) may have their own views about simmering conflicts, while families and individuals constantly claim the agency (often without realising this) to develop their own ways of life in a new environment, which may clash with the rule systems stipulated by leaders and the state. Individual agency finds rich support especially in common law jurisdictions, where one works from case to case, so that awareness of situation-specificity is cultivated. These are familiar concepts from 'back home'. Customary rules are therefore not just a matter of the past, but new customs continue to be developed in front of our eyes - even if the official view (strongly supported by common law history) may decree that 'custom' is a thing of the past. Significantly, the official law (and
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spokespersons of official religions) have problems recognising this in the United Kingdom, but not elsewhere in the world.3 South Asians in diaspora, individually and collectively, have had to learn to live with such discrepancies. Ballard's excellent research (1994: 1-34) confirmed that they can be surprisingly selfempowered to navigate such conflicts, finding ad hoc solutions that lead to further developments. Nothing is set in stone; there are no limits to the pluralities involved in such reconstruction processes. Skilled navigation is the name of the game, not unproblematic, but deeply empowering. As more scholars appreciate such pluralistic presuppositions, it is becoming obvious that many South Asians in Britain are not just turning into brown Britons but have developed their own localised and yet transnational hybrid identities, often a make-believe world, but always in some sense real, enmeshed between individual conscience and global inter-linkedness. Globalisation has here come to mean the local intermingling of pluralities, leading to emergence of differently configurated multicultural societies almost everywhere. The end result, in a country like Britain, is neither straightforward compliance with English or Scots law nor simply adherence to traditional Asiatic religions. What has developed as the legal diaspora experience of South Asians in Britain is the unplanned, yet somewhat systematic, creation of new hybrid entities, patterns of thought and behaviour, manifesting themselves in hyphenated identities of a diverse nature (Ballard 1994: 1-34). The South Asian evidence in this respect is broadly in line with the current experience of other diasporas, but can this almost unlimited plurality-consciousness be sustained? If South Asians expect to live in Britain as full members of society as well as of recognised diasporas, rather than as inferior British people with 'substandard' characteristics which justify continued marginalisation, it seems that official legal recognition of such hyphenated identities remains useful. However, who decides the modalities of mutual adjustment and allocations of recognition? Who should adjust to whom? More specifically, to what extent can the official law take account of South Asian religious elements in the construction of South Asian diaspora experiences? In a colonial scenario, English law was mainly a means of control and suppression. While that same law also had a friendly side, incorporating South Asians into the colonial family as British subjects and Commonwealth members, the image of the law itself is severely tainted. In Britain, this law explicitly allowed South Asians, until the Commonwealth Immigrants Acts of 1962 and 1968, to come to Britain 'without let or hindrance', though this did not always work smoothly (Shah 2000).
In the North American scenarios, South Asians were largely excluded as unwanted aliens until the mid-1960s. Historical studies (Visram 1986, 2002; Merriman 1993; Ansari 2004) show that South Asians have long lived in Britain. Research has confirmed that the immigration restrictions of the 1960s and early 1970s created settled South Asian minority populations in Britain and elsewhere, forcing individuals to make decisions about citizenship, residence and 'domicile', the three connecting factors that may link an individual to a particular legal system, without being able to sort this out completely. Subsequently augmented by family reunification and today constantly supplemented by more family members joining from abroad, as well as new births in Britain, this increasingly plural-ised population has now reached figures in millions. The leaking tap of family reunion has proved impossible to switch off because human rights concerns prevent a total closing of borders, and 'ethnic cleansing' is hopefully not an option (Ballard 1994: 8). Thus, in Britain, we witness desperate attempts by those in charge of the law to reassure the public that immigration can be controlled (Shah 2005a), but here also the law has limits. More dishonesty in public discourses follows inflated claims about the powers of law. Large settled Asian communities, often on a segregated religious or communal basis, have become a social reality in some parts of the United Kingdom, but not in others. Hence one cannot expect that we all 'sing from the same hymn sheet' when it comes to appreciation of multicultural realities. In many (mainly rural) parts of Britain multiculturalism still means little in practice beyond the almost ubiquitous chicken tika masala. In other parts of the country, particular local patterns of minority domination raise questions over the nature of multiculturalism when the English element has effectively become miniscule and we have Banglatown, chota Bharat, Pakistani mohallas or now, in some places, Somali-dominated neighbourhoods in competition with South Asian settlements. There was some panic recently over Londonistan. South Asians in Britain may be only about 4% of the population (roughly half of Britain's ethnic minority population), but are not thinly spread over the country. Instead, they live mostly in concentrated communities, no longer only in 'inner city' areas. I observed from the mid-1970s onwards how Muslim Bohras from Kenya resettled in some Leicester streets, house by house, recreating old neighbourhood ties and communal links. Today, there is also a purpose-built mosque and community centre which involved sacrificing many earlier family homes for the common good. This has created an aesthetically fitting new structure
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that blends in with the surrounding environment while reinforcing the South Asian characteristics of a local British neighbourhood, a remarkable new hybridity 'on the ground', surely reflected in mental spaces, as one observes the people of this lively neighbourhood. Many Asian residential areas in Britain have temples, mosques and gurdwams in them. In diaspora, religious identities have acquired demonstration effects which they did not have before, particularly not for those communities that exchanged a majority status 'back home' to become a minority in diaspora (Sutherland 2003). Such spatial patterns of reconstruction impact strongly on the legal sphere, and English law finds itself under siege. The official law everywhere has enormous problems with South Asians, many court cases involve South Asian laws and cultures, and the approach to South Asian case law has been changing over time. From a starting point of ambivalent inclusion of South Asians as Commonwealth citizens in the 1960s and early 1970s, early cases showed English law keen to accommodate ethnic minority scenarios.4 Gradually, though, more hostile approaches dominated English case law during the 1980s and 1990s.5 Today's official approach remains marked by defiant exclusionary mechanisms, often hidden behind arguments about 'rule of law', equal treatment and desirable common values, but the post-2000 human rights dispensation in the United Kingdom also pulls the other way and forces the official law to recognise hybrid facts.6 But there is still little room for South Asian cultures and religions within the 'British' label. In legal reality, confirmed by my involvement as a legal expert for courts, there is enormous scope for abuse of legal rules by decision makers, unable or unwilling to understand the realities of South Asian diasporic hybridities today. Within the public sphere and its assimilationist assumptions, South Asians and their religions and cultures represent, for many outsiders and often for themselves, as confused deshis, an irritation factor which has refused to abate. Private confusions provide rich material for novels and soapy dramas and often make it into the news. On a formal level, English law, in the past two decades, has reacted with increasing defensiveness against assertions of South Asian religio-cultural practices, openly discriminating against and between South Asians, while maintaining an official rhetoric of non-discrimination which sounds increasingly hollow. South Asians as individuals and communities have long questioned this hostile official stance,7 and it is not difficult to summarise why this continues to be a problem. First, the effects of stricter immigration
controls over a long time have directly affected most South Asian families, often hitting women (Menski 1999). This continues to be a problem, but is played down and not widely known. Wilful refusals of visas for family visits, even in cases of marriage and - more dramatic funerals, continue to cause avoidable agony. The law is often not perceived to be 'on your side' if you are an Asian in Britain. This awareness continues to hit many well-established people who may come up against barriers that they thought had long been overcome. The law, we often hear and see in legal practice, is not perceived as fair to Asian 'others', but loudly proclaims to be inclusive. More dishonesty is manifest in this field than most individuals and even informed scholars realise. More specifically, the law is perceived not to be respecting South Asian religious needs and now often intervenes aggressively in matters of South Asian culture.8 While being British has not been easy (Modood 1992), becoming British has not been made easier by newly introduced compulsory tests of knowledge of life in Britain, and by recent attempts to force even babies to prove 'good character' before acquiring British citizenship.9 At the same time, there is evidence that some 'others' are treated better, and that somehow white people rarely experience certain immigration-related problems (Macdonald and Blake 1991: 260), adding to misgivings about the arbitrary operation of rules (Spencer 1995). The earlier effects of the primary purpose rule often divided legally married South Asian couples for years (Sachdeva 1993). Frequent refusals to accept the legal validity of South Asian marriages and divorces entered into abroad (Mole 1987; Sondhi 1987), and a virtual ban on inter-family adoptions from South Asia (Mortimore 1994) constantly upset South Asians, especially when they are law-abiding citizens of the United Kingdom and suddenly find themselves confronted with hostile legal rules. Recent requirements to seek state permission for registering certain marriages in the United Kingdom disproportionately target nonwhite individuals and are presently challenged on human rights grounds.10 English law stubbornly refuses to implement supposedly wellestablished principles of private international law and thus curtails the rights of many South Asian individuals. In the domestic arena, English law faces huge problems in recognising the socio-religious needs of South Asians, refusing legal validity for South Asian forms of marriage and divorce performed in Britain, insisting on uniformity of laws. However, in Chief Adjudication Officer v. Bath, 2000  FLR 8, the English Court of Appeal found itself constrained to find
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a just solution and was forced, on grounds of equity, to hold that an unregistered Sikh marriage in the United Kingdom during the 1950s had created a legal status equivalent to marriage under English law, thus entitling Mrs Bath, a Sikh widow, to pension rights. Still today, though, Hindu religious marriages or a Muslim nikah performed in England carry no legal validity in their own right. A marriage entered into before anything other than the Christian God or the secular state is no marriage for the official law. The above necessarily brief overview of contested scenarios and issues illustrates the long-standing unhappy relationship between English law and South Asian minorities. We continue to know little about this because it has only recently become respectable to discuss the interrelation of religion and law (Bradney 1993). Notable avoidance reactions, on all sides, led to an absence of well-grounded discussion. Having declared itself superior, English law, with few exceptions, has refused to negotiate change from its basic position of official strength and legitimacy,11 while the minority adjustment strategies are increasingly marked by avoidance reactions in the form of almost stoic 'inner migration'. This helps to avoid outright conflicts, impedes open resolution of many issues, and leads inevitably to new pluralities. It is evident that religion remains a major factor in this purposive non-discourse on the growing pluralisation in diaspora.
The official discourse on law and religion
It lies in the very nature of law and of religion that they compete when deciding socio-political rules, as both claim superior control over the same social field. Religious authority, based on a superhuman source, however defined, can be personalised, most dramatically today in the Muslim Shi'a tradition of the Imam, who combines legal and religious authority in his person. However, it can also manifest itself informally, but no less powerfully, as in the Hindu/Buddhist traditions and African religions, which do not necessarily rely on a divine figurehead, but allow certain individuals to become powerful institutions. However, these authoritative models and personalities ultimately operate on basic presumptions of limited human power. But this does not mean that humans, therefore, have no right to make laws. Rather, it will be conceived as the duty of mankind to devise appropriate rule systems for the social sphere (for Islamic law, see Coulson 1969). The experience of many Islamic countries apart, law, by the nature of its dominant positivist ideology as a command laid down by a political
authority, tends to present itself as inspired by a particular religion, but also sees itself as distinct from the religious sphere, which is commonly relegated to the realm of the 'private' and is thus somewhat narrowly circumscribed. But different cultures and religions view this differently. When is a law secular, and when is it not (Huxley 2002)? Where does 'private' end and 'public' begin? Can any ruling authority really be totally separated from 'religion'? These remain contested questions. In terms of historical jurisprudence (Kelly 1992) one thing seems certain: apart from socialist legal theory, which systematically excludes religion, most legal theories accept that religion, as a superhuman force, lies beyond the sphere of man-made law but exists as a factor impacting on human lives. As a result, legal theory has cohabited uncomfortably with religion and, according to a leading legal philosopher (Cotterell 1989: 6), 'the rationality of modern law is a piecemeal rationality'. For positivist legal authority to set itself up as dominant over religion, it first had to be divorced from natural law philosophies with their own (now often secular) claims of superiority. Statist positivism and secularism therefore go hand in hand with the so-called rational modernist conceptualisations of law. In Europe, the early principle of cuius regio eius religio focused on territorial law and caused its own problems. If the ruler's religion determined the people's religion in his realm, it necessitated conversion or emigration of the 'other', early forms of ethnic cleansing, or necessitated protection and recognition mechanisms for religious minorities. It was in the gift of every ruler to grant legal recognition for various religious minorities. While this has never been an unproblematic option for liberal states and enlightened rulers, non-recognition of 'the other' tends to cause multiple problems. Continental European history is, not by coincidence, filled with multiple refugee streams and mass flight (by the standards of that time) between the tiny 'states' that dotted Europe's map. Many rulers found that the presence of certain religious minorities could be good for the economy, so that religious intolerance was often balanced with economic and political self-interest - the idea that immigration might be good for economics is hardly new (Simon 1989). This did not change significantly in the period of nation states, in fact it multiplied the pressures for recognition of religious minorities because larger states involved potentially more people of religious minorities. However, whether a ruler or state recognises religious minorities or not appears to have little to do with the competitive relationship of law and religion. What matters in this regard is whether the ruling legal authority has declared itself free from a superior religious, political
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authority. For Britain, in this respect, the divorce from Rome and the Establishment of the Anglican Church were key events. Local peculiarities apart, it appears that in the wider world there are basically two models of how legal systems organise the interaction of law and religion. The first model, based on territoriality, implies the strategy of most Western legal systems to maintain a formally uniform legal framework for all persons resident in a state, not necessarily only all citizens. In this 'rule of law' model, the basic assumption is that the state's law is the same for everyone. While states may rhetorically stress formal uniformity of legal rules, they often allow certain variations and exceptions in practice. Religious plurality is tolerated but only within limits defined by the law, which cannot be described as uniformity of legal regulation, since a little bit of plurality is still plurality. Any small recognition of religious or 'ethnic' diversity thus unmasks the rhetoric of secular uniformity as a convenient political strategy to control sociocultural plurality. However, such arguments depend entirely on our underlying definitions of law. In graphic form, we find one official law for all within the legal field, but this kind of law is riddled with exceptions. To what extent such exceptions are formally allowed depends on history and politics, on numbers as much as lobbying skills. The picture below shows a general, territorially uniform law for all with certain exceptions for some categories of people:
Uniform law with exceptions
But what if people in a specific territory follow different religions and as a result want to practise different laws? No state can avoid this issue. The simplest 'solution' has been insistence on the overriding principle of territoriality, manipulating the definition of 'law' to include only state law. Various forms of people's laws are then just evidence of different cultural patterns, or they are 'exceptional laws' which somehow do not count on a par with the formal official law. In countries with oldestablished indigenous populations, such as the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, but also Finland or even Germany (the Sorbs), there may be a slightly modified pattern granting the indigenous
population a specific legal position of difference that is formally recognised, often still related to territoriality. In many other legal systems, indeed in most legal systems of the world, territoriality has been combined with the competing principle of 'personality'. The latter recognises legal systems which can be attached to and travel with persons of a particular religion or culture. The key question becomes to what extent a territorial legal system would legally recognise any practice related to 'personality' or socio-religious identity. Many states (e.g., France, Brazil and some Muslim countries) deny the presence of minorities, but this issue cannot so easily be swept under the carpet. Lawyers may be brilliant at creating fictions, but a state is never a body of uniform people and a legal system is never a simple collection of uniform rules. Legal systems tend to be complex entities made up of different parts and '[i]t is very difficult, if not impossible, to give a clear-cut definition of law' (Deva 2005: 1). Hence, within a framework of legal uniformity there will always be many situations in which some rules apply only to specific people. Laws on driving apply only to people who drive. In secular legal systems, religion should not be a relevant criterion. But what is 'religious'? Law is always culture-specific, and legal systems are always influenced by ethical and religious concepts that Chiba (1986: 3-4) called 'legal postulates', values underpinning any official or unofficial rule system. So purportedly uniform rule systems often end up making exceptions for certain groups of people on the basis of religion. For example, Britain has had separate marriage rules for Jews and Quakers since 1753 and one may question whether such privileges for older communities can be justified in today's climate (Hamilton 1995). There are other ways of handling legal pluralism than making ad hoc exceptions. To take better account of internal legal plurality, there is a second global model of legal arrangement, sometimes referred to as the millet system of Ottoman vintage or the personal law system. Most nonWestern countries take explicit account of the needs of various communities and thus recognise the presence of various concurrent religious belief systems within a particular socio-legal field. Significantly such pluralised legal systems often take religion as the main distinguishing feature, but in African countries, for example, it would be a question of different communities (Hinz 2006). This second model is relevant here because all South Asian legal systems follow it. Most migrants to Britain were therefore familiar with this plurality-conscious method of taking legal account of diversity and difference. In practice, this operates as a dual system of legal
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organisation, combining a uniform general law, which often includes the country's constitution, with a system of concurrent personal laws, in which Hindus are governed by Hindu law, Muslims by Muslim law, Zoroastrians by Zoroastrian law, and so on. In graphic form, this model shows Indian law, with Hindu law as the majority law, and Muslim, Christian, Parsi and Jewish laws as minority laws, together with an important secular legal option:
For Pakistan and Bangladesh, the only modification to this model would be that the majority personal law is Muslim law, while Hindu law is a minority law, and for Bangladesh one would need to add Buddhist law, which in India has been subsumed, by state intervention, in the Hindu law (as have the Sikh and the Jaina law). Two contested issues arise in those plural legal scenarios: First, who is a Hindu, Muslim, Zoroastrian, Christian or Jew becomes an important question, thus dragging religious identity into legal discourses. But where an up-to-date secular option exists, as it does in India (but not in Pakistan, Bangladesh or Malaysia), an individual would appear to have the freedom to choose which law to be governed by. Western countries seem wary of such options, using the issue of communal determinism even if it is a fiction as Amartya Sen (2006) now argues - as a powerful argument against pluralisation of legal systems. Secondly, because personal law systems do not govern the entire legal field and are mostly restricted to family law and succession, the border between personal law and general law remain contested. Mainly in criminal law (Dhagamwar 1992), there is continuing concern that personal laws are clawing back territory as a result of conservative nationalist clamour (Dhagamwar 2003). Such fears of resurgence of 'religion' are used to favour more state centrism. But can legal rules ever be totally uniform, and whose rules does one prefer? There is a lot of muddled thinking here in legal scholarship on a global level (Menski 2006). The uniform legal model above seeks to sideline religion as a relevant criterion in the legal field, while the second model is plurality-conscious
and explicitly takes account of various religions. Both legal methods of handling religion create problems. The worldwide debates about legal pluralism suggest that legal uniformity is merely a theoretical model, since even formally uniform legal systems have to make multiple exceptions. On a theoretical as well as empirical basis, it is therefore correct to assert that 'legal pluralism is the fact. Legal centralism is a myth, an ideal, a claim, an illusion' (Griffiths 1986: 2). This means that religion remains a factor in any legal discourse even if it is hidden, or a sidelined party to legal debates. South Asian minority communities in British diaspora, from a position of deficient strength, can therefore nevertheless rely on strong arguments in favour of plurality and historical recognition of religious diversity as legally relevant. In principle the global contest between law and religion has not been resolved in favour of law and Western cultural domination. Ballard (1994:13) indicates South Asian negative reactions to supposedly superior British lifestyles, powerful indicators of 'inner migration' on the part of many individuals within the ethnic minority communities. Today, rather than 'legal transplants' from Europe to the countries of the South in colonial times, we find Southern 'ethnic implants' in the legal systems of the North as a result of global migration (Menski 2006:58-65). While the uniform legal model prevails at a formal level, in socio-legal reality the unofficial personal law remains critically important, even if dominant legal theory seeks to ignore it. Lack of honesty about socio-legal reality prevails and continues to prevent deeper analysis.
The English legal system and religion
English law's reluctance to recognise ethnic minority religions is not only historically grounded through the genesis of common law and colonial experience, but also strongly linked to legal theory's reservations about religion. Historically, the clash between worldly power and religious authority in Britain is instructive. Having declared its independence from Roman Catholic interference centuries ago, the British state has not shaken off the influence of religion altogether. The state has somewhat dishonestly (as many South Asians now realise) resorted to calling itself 'secular'. It operates as a secular force, while cultivating links with an established Church which go beyond ceremonial actions. But the secular state is not trusted any more, as the Rushdie affair and the resulting debates on blasphemy laws clearly showed. The monarch remains also Head of the Church, signifying a convenient political
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convention created by constitutional law experts. Due to this constitutional arrangement, the British state and English law have retained a broadly Christian, indeed specifically Anglican ethos. The law has been anxious to preserve this inter alia through education policies, and the special place of Anglicanism is strongly reflected in the current regulation of marriage laws. A problem with religious allegiance as a form of legal authority remains everywhere that it does not retreat into a shell when politicians and lawmakers say it should. Abrogating the claim of religion to superior power has the effect that religion continues to exert 'extra-legal' influence over individuals and groups of people, coming back to power, now as 'unofficial law' rather than official law. State law, in a nutshell, cannot abolish religion - these are different types of law. 'Religion' therefore claims importance and even supremacy today as moral authority, secular values rather than religious doctrine. It remains an important fact in public life that the Archbishop of Canterbury can comment on any matter with considerable authority of person and office. The same person also retains a formal role in the law-making processes of English law and can attempt to influence opinion, asserting the realm of the religious, through such official channels. Similarly, if the British Home Secretary tells British Muslims that they must respect the law and must live by 'our' rules, he is not making an overtly religious statement, yet he is saying that the rules and values of this country override those which immigrants and their descendants brought with them and adhere to. He makes the claim then, without saying so, that English law overrides the shari'a. The positivistic message for South Asians in diaspora is clear: mainstream multicultural discourse constantly reinforces assertions of the centrality of the so-called secular state law and supremacy of law over religion. In modern Britain, we see an important shift away from openly religious authority to what one may characterise as semi-hidden religious authority. Religious authority has changed form and substance and asserts itself now as secularised moral authority through various spokespersons who rely on principles and rules which derive their legitimacy and force from something like religion, however secularised. It seems easier to critique this linkage of law and religion for minority religions than for spokespersons of the majority, because we presume that anything Hindu or Muslim is always 'religious' (Menski 2002a), while we do not apply the same presumptions to other religions, including that of the majority. Western individuals who had a Eurocentric education and themselves perpetuate a Eurocentric system of
education and public life, with all the self-interest mechanisms which that in turn produces, may not notice that this constructed world may not be in order. They may even see it as their legal duty to remind 'others' that assimilation is required for harmonious coexistence on common terms. But whose common terms? For people in diaspora, this kind of message may signify a bundle of unpleasant, familiar colonial assertions of eurocentric religious dominance and power. Recent academic writing is beginning to search for a postmodern conception of law reflective of its cultural diversity (Shah 2005b: 2). In some earlier publications on legal theory from Asia, the subtle interaction of 'official law', 'unofficial law' and 'legal postulates' (Chiba 1986: 5-7) has been powerfully and persuasively emphasised.12 Others from that region, especially Sack (1986) and Castles (1994) from Australia, have made useful contributions to such legal debates. Western 'model jurisprudence', as Chiba (1986: 1) called the positivist approach to the marginalised roles of religion and culture, is today under challenge (Legrand 1996), for good reasons. Western 'model jurisprudence' is merely a law-centred, establishment-focused view of the world which excludes social diversity and the plurality of religious and ethnic human experience. As a model it remains useful, as a tool to investigate the legal position of minority communities it has severe limitations. The so-called recent resurgence of ethnicity and religion has been widely noted. It is not welcomed by academics who prefer to redefine the world according to their own opinions rather than analysing what they find. Academics are often political activists, and avoidance reactions often mean that legal researchers do not want to know about religion and its relationship with law. There is little we can do about this, except cross-referring to intellectual and political dishonesty, noting that English law remains uncomfortable with religion, and specifically the effects of ethnic minority religions. Official statements and much scholarly debate merely strengthen a convenient status quo between law and religion - an uncomfortable stalemate scenario. The official banishment of religion from the legal sphere has not made religion non-existent - instead we are just playing with words.
This chapter has emphasised legal approaches, showing how the law is interlinked with socio-cultural realities and religious elements that most legal scholars find difficult to incorporate into their analyses. I hope to have demonstrated how and why English law remains quite unwilling to
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negotiate a position for the various South Asian socio-legal communities approximating that of the personal law systems, which most South Asians are familiar with. The predominance of legocentric approaches anticipates patterns of socio-cultural assimilationist change in a generation or two. Indeed, there will be change, but not simply in the direction of a melting away of selected religious and cultural differences attached to 'the others'. In comparative perspective, the US model of the melting pot has influenced official thinking in Britain, but seems a less realistic outcome than more pluralistic concepts like the Canadian mosaic, which Australia also now acknowledges as a consequence of social plur-alisation (Bouma 1997). Internationally, we are struggling to understand how diversity can be matched with uniformising trends, now also in the context of globalisation vs glocalisation. A critical question remains how far the respective official law will adjust to the new socio-legal patterns that various communities, here specifically South Asians, are already developing, but necessarily as unofficial laws. The law has the potential to adjust to new pluralities, taking account of various religious needs. While Western legal systems are themselves deeply infused with particular religious ideologies and cultural histories, the distancing of law from religion will continue because it is an essential element of legal self-preservation strategies, linked to the law's centrality claims. Given that South Asian religions emphasise the close links and partial overlap between law and religion, any form of legal recognition of South Asian religious issues would shift the balance of power in favour of religion, thus endangering the law's supremacy. This is why we are so nervous, in Britain today, about the claims of 'religious' law. The present domination of legal theory by statecentric positivism will not disappear overnight, just as religions will not vanish, but it seems that both need to be constantly challenged to avoid extremist abuse of power. I conclude therefore with the observation that all parties in this contest between law and religion need to recognise it as a perennial process of re-negotiation, which does not need to turn into a combat scenario. While nothing can be resolved forever, the law can continue its claims of official control of the entire social field, while large sections of ethnic minority communities have empowered themselves to redevelop their own existence in diaspora, in social, religious as well as legal terms. As a student of South Asian culture, I am not surprised by this. Mother India's many children have always developed their own ways of doing things and have a long tradition of reconciling apparently irreconcilable patterns of belief and practice. The continued prosperity and richness
of South Asian religious identities in Western countries is a living testimony to the assertions that religion is as strong as law, that legal centralism is a fiction, and that legal pluralism is a fact. As Western countries are becoming increasingly plural in ethnic terms, it is too late to turn the clock back. Yet, we are still far away from the acceptance of social and religious or cultural plurality as a fact of life and an element of 'living law'. South Asians in Britain, experiencing discrimination daily simply for being different (even if many people may not notice this), cannot be blamed for being protective of diversity, because they are, in this process, merely protecting themselves. But the burden of assimilation and adjustment cannot be placed on the communities in diaspora alone. Official legal systems, too, need to be more plurality-conscious and less exclusionary and to give more friendly signals to diaspora communities to show that they 'belong' and have a rightful place within the legal orders of Europe and North America without having to deny their hybrid identities.
1. See in particular Menski (1987,1993), Ballard (1994), Jones and Welhengama (2000) and now Shah (2005b). 2. See on this pointedly Roger Cotterrell in his Foreword to Shah (2005b). 3. For example, a leading South African legal scholar (Bennett 2004: 2) emphasises that customary laws 'are, at one and the same time, both young and old... customary law is always up to date'. 4. See for example Qureshi v. Qureshi  1 A11ER 325 as a high-water mark. 5. An extreme example is Chaudhary v. Chaudhary  3 A11ER 1017, with hostile comments about Islamic law as 'jungle law', which are still relied upon in some cases today. 6. In Singh v. Entry Clearance Officer, New Delhi  INLR (Immigration and Nationality Law Reports) 515, a Sikh family adoption in India was finally recognised by the English courts after a long battle. 7. There is a rich literature from the 1970s, now largely ignored, which highlighted abuses of the law by the state. Activist lawyers like lan Macdonald (1969,1972) started their remarkable careers as critics of officially sanctioned discrimination and some continue to battle in this field beyond retirement (Macdonald and Webber 2005). 8. Prominent examples would be the government-sponsored campaigns around forced marriages, which have led many people to believe that all South Asian marriages with elements of 'arrangement' are deeply suspect, and ongoing efforts by some local authorities in the United Kingdom to ban Muslims from arranging cross-cousin marriages, which are known to result in disproportionate numbers of disabled offspring. 9. This rule has now (after vigorous protests) been modified to exclude children under the age of ten.
262 Issues Post 9/11 10. A test case appeared as The Queen v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, decided on 28 March 2006.
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11. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, English law was more willing to take account of South Asian concerns in family matters (Pearl 1972). 12. I am not saying that such research does not exist in the West. For excellent examples, see Griffiths (1986) and in detail Cotterell (1989) and Kelly (1992).
Allott, Antony N. (1980) The Limits of Law. London: Butterworths.
Ansari, Humayun (2004) 'The Infidel Within'. Muslims in Britain Since 1800. London: Hurst & Co. Ballard, Roger (ed.) (1994) Desk Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in Britain.
London: Hurst & Co.
Bennett, T. W. (2004) Customary Law in South Africa. Lansdowne: Juta. Bouma, Gary D. (ed.) (1997) Many Religions, All Australians: Religious Settlement,
Identity and Cultural Diversity. Kew: The Christian Research Association. Bradney, Antony (1993) Religions, Rights and Laws. Leicester: Leicester University Press. Castles, Stephen (1994) 'Democracy and Multicultural Citizenship. Australian Debates and Their Relevance for Western Europe'. In: Baubock, Rainer (ed.):
From Aliens to Citizens. Redefining the Status of Immigrants in Europe. Aldershot etal.: Avebury, pp. 3-27. Chiba, Masaji (1986) Asian Indigenous Law in Interaction with Received Law. London
and New York: Kegan Paul International. Cotterell, Roger (1989) The Politics of Jurisprudence. A Critical Introduction to Legal Philosophy. London and Edinburgh: Butterworths. Coulson, Noel J. (1969) Conflicts and Tensions in Islamic Jurisprudence. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Deva, Indra (ed.) (2005) Sociology of Law. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Dhagamwar, Vasudha (1992) Law, Power and Justice. The Protection of Personal Rights in the Indian Penal Code. Second edition. New Delhi: Sage. Dhagamwar, Vasudha (2003) 'Invasion of Criminal Law by Religion, Custom and Family Law'. Economic and Political Weekly, 12 April 2003, pp. 1483-1492. Doe, Norman (1994) 'The Legal Position of Religious Minorities in the United Kingdom'. In: European Consortium for Church-State Research: The Legal
Status of Religious Minorities in the Countries of the European Union. Thessaloniki
and Milan: Sakkoulas and Giuffre Editore, pp. 299-319. Gale, Richard (2005) 'Representing the City: Mosques and the Planning Process in
Birmingham'. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 31 No. 6 (November
2005), pp. 1161-1179. Griffiths, John (1986) 'What is Legal Pluralism?'. Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law, No. 24, pp. 1-56. Hamilton, Carolyn (1995) Family, Law and Religion. London: Sweet & Maxwell. Hinz, Manfred O. (ed.) (2006) The Shade of New Leaves. Governance in Traditional
Authority. A Southern African Perspective. Miinster: Lit Verlag Berlin. Hooker, M. B. (1975) Legal pluralism. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Huxley, Andrew (ed.) (2002) Religion, Law and Tradition. Comparative Studies in
Religious Law. London: RoutledgeCurzon.
Jones, Richard and Gnanapala Welhengama (2000) Ethnic Minorities in English Law. Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books. Kelly, J. M. (1992) A Short History of Western Legal Theory. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Legrand, Pierre (1996) 'How to Compare Now?'. Legal Studies, Vol. 16 No. 2 (July 1996), pp. 232-242. Macdonald, lan A. (1969) Race Relations and Immigration Law. London: Butterworths. Macdonald, lan A. (1972) The New Immigration Law. London: Butterworths. Macdonald, lan A. and Nicholas J. Blake (1991) Macdonald's Immigration Law and Practice. Third edition, London: Butterworths. Macdonald, lan A. and Frances Webber (eds.) (2005) Macdonald's Immigration Law and Practice. Sixth edition, London: Butterworths. Menski, Werner (1987) 'Legal Pluralism in the Hindu Marriage'. In: Burghart, Richard (ed.): Hinduism in Great Britain. The Perpetuation of Religion in an Alien Cultural Milieu. London and New York: Tavistock, pp. 180-200. Menski, Werner (1993) 'Asians in Britain and the Question of Adaptation to a New Legal Order: Asian Laws in Britain'. In: Israel, Milton and N. K. Wagle (eds.): Ethnicity, Identity, Migration: The South Asian Context. University of Toronto: Toronto, pp. 238-268. Menski, Werner (1999) 'South Asian Women in Britain, Family Integrity and the Primary Purpose Rule'. In: Barot, Rohit, Harriet Bradley and Steve Fenton (eds.): Ethnicity, Gender and Social Change. London and New York: Macmillan and St. Martin's Press, pp. 81-98. Menski, Werner (2000) 'Ethnic Minority Studies in English Law'. In: Jones, Richard and Gnanapala Welhengama (eds.): Ethnic Minorities in English Law. Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books and SOAS, pp. xiii-xxii. Menski, Werner (2002a) 'Hindu law as a "religious" system'. In: Huxley, Andrew (ed.): Religion, Law and Tradition. Comparative Studies in Religious Law. London: RoutledgeCurzon, pp. 108-126. Menski, Werner (2002b) 'Immigration and Multiculturalism in Britain: New Issues in Research and Policy'. Vol. XII  KIAPS: Bulletin of Asia-Pacific Studies, Osaka, pp. 43-66. Menski, Werner (2006) Comparative Law in a Global Context. The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa. Second edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Merriman, Nick (1993) The Peopling of London. Fifteen Thousand Years of Settlement from Overseas. London: Museum of London. Modood, Tariq (1992) Not Easy Being British. Colour, Culture and Citizenship. Stoke-onTrent: Runnymede Trust and Trentham Books. Mole, Nuala (1987) Immigration: Family Entry and Settlement. Bristol: Jordan and Sons. Mortimore, Claudia (1994) Immigration and Adoption. Stoke-on-Trent and London: Trentham Books and SOAS. Nielsen, J0rgen S. (ed.) (1981) 'Islam in English Law and Administration. A Symposium'. Muslims in Europe, No. 9 (March 1981), pp. 6-10. Nielsen, J0rgen (1995) Muslims in Western Europe. Second edition, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Pearl, David (1972) 'Muslim Marriages in English Law'. Cambridge Law Journal, Vol. 30 No. 1 (April 1972), pp. 120-143.
264 Issues Post 9/11 Pearl, David (1986) Family Law and the Immigrant Communities. Bristol: Jordan
To British observers, the suicide bombings on London's underground on 7/7/2005 marked as much of an end of an era as did the attack on the twin towers on 9/11. The days of liberal multiculturalist
and Sons. Peerenboom, Randall (ed.) (2004) Asian Discourses of Rule of Law. London and New York: Routledge. Poulter, Sebastian M. (1986) English Law and Ethnic Minority Customs. London:
Butterworths. Sachdeva, Sanjiv (1993) The Primary Purpose Rule in British Immigration Law. Stoke-
Living with Difference: A Forgotten Art in Urgent Need of Revival?
appeasement appeared to be over. As the Prime Minister put it, the rules of the game had changed: diversity had been overindulged; allowed to go too far. Britain's dilemma was deeper than America's: unlike the dissident Arabs who slipped into the United States to train as pilots, London's bombers were born in Britain. If extremism was an internal threat, it followed that the body politic was rotting from within, and to contain the infection required unprecedented initiatives. If that meant backing out of the European Convention on Human Rights, or even of habeas corpus, then so be it. Although many aspects of established social policy were overwhelmed in the aftermath of the events of 7/7, the tsunami did not arrive without warning. From the publication of Rushdie's novel The Satanic Verses to the so-called 'Northern cities riots' two decades later, an escalating series of incidents provided clear indications that young British Muslims were becoming increasingly restless. Moreover their restlessness was of a distinctive kind: from the Satanic Verses controversy it was quite clear that the underlying contradictions were as much a product of religious and cultural issues as those of 'race'. The 'northern riots' of 2001 precipitated a further step-change in policy. The report which was prepared in their aftermath, Building Cohesive Communities (Cantle 2002), was promptly adopted as government policy. Remarkably, the sharp switch in emphasis which Cantle recommended attracted heavyweight intellectual support. As Prospect Magazine argued, Lifestyle diversity and high immigration bring cultural and economic dynamism, but can erode feelings of mutual obligation... In the
on-Trent and London: Trentham Books and SOAS. Sack, Peter (ed.) (1986) Legal Pluralism. Canberra: University. Sen, Amartya (2006) Identity and Violence. The Illusion of Destiny. London: Alien
Lane and Penguin. Shah, Prakash (2000) Refugees, Race and the Legal Concept of Asylum in Britain.
London: Cavendish. Shah, Prakash (2005a) 'Introduction: From Legal Centralism to Official Lawlessness?'. In: Shah, Prakash (ed.): The Challenge of Asylum to Legal Systems, London:
Cavendish, pp. 1-11. Shah, Prakash (2005b) Legal Pluralism in Conflict. Coping with Cultural Diversity in
Law. London: Glasshouse Press. Shah-Kazemi, Sonia Nurin (2001) Untying the Knot. Muslim Women, Divorce and the Shariah. London: Nuffield Foundation. Simon, Julian S. (1989) The Economic Consequences of Immigration. Oxford: Basil
Blackwell. Sondhi, Ranjit (1987) Divided Families. British Immigration Control in the Indian Subcontinent. London: Runnymede Trust. Spencer, Sarah (1995) Migrants, Refugees and the Boundaries of Citizenship. London
and Swansea: IPPR and University of Wales. Sutherland, Gail Hinich (2003) The Wedding Pavillion: Performing, Recreating and Regendering Hindu Identity in Houston.' Hindu Studies, Vol. 7 Nos. 1-3, pp. 117-146.
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Visram, Rozina (2002) Asians in Britain. 400 Years of History. London: Pluto Press. Watson, Alan (1993) Legal Transplants. An Approach to Comparative Law. Second
edition. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press.
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decades ahead, European politics itself may start to shift on this axis, with left and right being eclipsed by value-based culture wars and movements for and against diversity.... The progressive centre needs to think more clearly about these issues to avoid being engulfed by them... to that end it must try to develop a new language... that transcends the thin and abstract language of universal rights on the one hand, and the defensive, nativist language of group identity on the other... People will always favour their own families and communities; it is the task of a realistic liberalism to strive for a definition of community that is wide enough to include people from many different backgrounds, without being so wide as to become meaningless. (Goodhart 2004) At first sight, the 7/7 explosions confirmed Goodhart and his supporters' fears; in their aftermath Britain's 'failed policies of multiculturalism' attracted much criticism. Such policies, it was argued, had facilitated the emergence of unincorporated communities within which extremism thrived unchecked. Britain was adversely compared with France, where the policy of laicite was comprehensively antithetical to multiculturalism. Since the Republic's citizen are all by definition French, minorities remain deliberately unrecognised. Homogeneity is a central objective of public policy, and the manifestation of diversity - especially if religiously grounded - in public is consequently deemed illegitimate. Hence in sharp contrast to multicultural Britain where halal school dinners are widely available and uniform adjustments to cope with minority proclivities have become the norm, the French authorities successfully prohibited Muslim pupils from wearing the hijab in state-funded schools. Suddenly France came to be admired for its refusal to concede to 'divisive' (and hence community-cohesion sapping) demands for minority rights. Nevertheless, uncritical support for the colour-, religion- and cultureblind policy of laicitt did not long survive the events of 7/7. Four months later the banlieue of Clichy-sous-Bois on the outskirts of Paris -in which (largely Muslim) migrants of African origin and their locally born offspring were warehoused in soulless high-rise apartment blocks -erupted in a series of night-time confrontations between local youth and the gendarmerie. The initial reaction of the authorities was entirely dismissive: Interior Minister Sarkozy described the rioters as 'vermin' who should be swept away with high pressure hoses. However, his reaction was read as provocative. As the intifada spread round the banlieues
of Paris and then to many provincial cities, the authorities had no alternative but to pay attention to the causes of these uprisings. Once peace was restored - which did not occur until troops had been called out to reinforce the buckling resources of the police there was widespread agreement that new initiatives were required to address the underlying issues. We have yet to see whether these will be sufficient to prevent further trouble. But so long as the Republic's overarching commitment to laicite remains unchallenged, there appears to be a substantial prospect that further eruptions will occur in due course.
The challenge of plurality
France and Britain face similar problems. Like most industrialised countries, they experienced a mass influx of non-European migrant workers during the years of prosperity which followed the Second World War, such that their populations were rendered substantially more diverse in ethnic terms. Contrary to widespread (if naive) expectations of swift assimilation, the resultant patterns of plurality have become a permanent feature of the social order. Confusion now reigns over how best to respond. Numbers are too large for expulsion to be a realistic option, and the final solution of genocide is manifestly off the agenda. Yet all the more acceptable solutions - whether framed in terms of antiracism, of multiculturalism or of laicite - appear to precipitate equally unviable outcomes. These contradictions are by no means confined to Britain and France. Mass migration is now a global phenomenon, and ethnic plurality has become the most salient locus of violent conflict in whichever direction one looks. Yet the source of these contradictions - the presence of religious and cultural plurality within a single social arena - is in no way a novel phenomenon. Human society has always been culturally diverse. It is easy to see why: members of the species Homo sapiens are unique in their capacity to create the terms of their own social existence, and hence to be cultured in innumerable differing ways. Likewise our species has also always been exceptionally spatially mobile, and just as eager to trade. What is novel about the contemporary world is not so much the coexistence of persons using differing social, cultural, linguistic, and religious conventions to order their lives, but rather the acute feelings of discomfort which are now routinely precipitated in circumstances of this kind. Contrary to widespread (modern) belief, the explosions which now so often occur when those who differ find themselves confronting one another are not innate. Rather they stem from our newly entrenched
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expectation that societies can only be expected to cohere on an orderly basis if they are ethnically homogeneous. Given such a mindset, ethnic plurality is routinely perceived as an unwelcome and destabilising threat to the integrity of the established social order. Yet just how accurate is that supposition? Are plural societies necessarily unstable? Or are our current assumptions merely a consequence of having entrapped ourselves within the ideological limitations of our taken-for-granted 'presentist' and 'unitarian'1 expectations? A brief historical excursion produces some illuminating results.
The historical roots of Britain's current condition of ethnoreligious plurality
Most contemporary societies are cross-cut by ethno-religious divisions of one kind or another. Some are of such antiquity that they have come to be regarded as autochthonous, whilst others are of much more recent origin. Britain - or more accurately the United Kingdom - provides a clear example of the range of possibilities. Over the millennia the indigenous Celtic population of the Atlantic Isles was marginalised by successive waves of immigrants. Those who arrived from North Germany and Scandinavia came to be defined as Anglo-Saxons, and were in turn subordinated by further invaders from Normandy. In the centuries that followed these two disparate immigrant groups gradually merged, leading to the construction of the Anglo-Norman Creole which we now know as English. However, English was much more than a language: as an ethnic category it provided a vehicle whereby all those resident south of the Scottish borders and east of the Welsh marches could close ranks, thereby enabling them to differentiate themselves from - and to legitimate their hegemony over - those of their predecessors who had been relegated to the Celtic periphery. Although the English, Scots, Welsh, and Irish components of population of the Atlantic Isles were eventually brought together in the United Kingdom, the underlying condition of plurality was not eliminated: each of the Celtic nations maintained a strong sense of distinctiveness, not least because of the England's maintenance of a position of hegemonic dominance within the Union. Moreover England's carefully constructed condition of internal homogeneity was further overlaid (and hence compromised) by successive migrant inflows. These included Huguenots, Irish Catholics and Eastern European Jews prior to the two World Wars, and the more immediately visible settlers from Asia, Africa and the Caribbean thereafter. In other words migration is nothing new to English
(or British) history; nor is ethnic plurality. Whatever current mythology may suggest, both have long been the order of the day. Likewise the arrival of newcomers has rarely, if ever, been regarded as welcome by the indigenes. Over and above the additional competition for scarce resources which their presence inevitably precipitated, the newcomers' alien beliefs and lifestyles were routinely perceived as a threat to the integrity of the established cultural, linguistic, and religious order. Immigration was only part of that story, however. As a result of the systematic changes precipitated by the Henrician and Elizabethan reformation, the English became acutely averse to the prospect of plurality. At an institutional level, the reformation transformed England into one of the world's first nation-states. Having disengaged his kingdom from papal imprimatur, Henry's state required a new source of legitimation. He and his associates found it in the English nation, which was held to have manifested itself in its people, its language, it Parliament and its Church - of which Henry promptly proclaimed himself the head. Henceforward the English were in a position to identify themselves as body of people united in their linguistic, cultural, and religious homogeneity, free of subjugation by their external enemies (especially in the shape of Spain, France and behind them the Pope), and answerable only to the authority of the Crown in Parliament. A nationstate, no less. All this had far-reaching socio-political consequences. In the context of this explicitly non-plural dispensation, it followed that anyone who failed to accept the theological principles of the Church of England could be labelled a (political) traitor no less than a (religious) heretic. As a result the so-called 'recusants' - those who doggedly resisted the new dispensation by maintaining their commitment to the Catholic faith were in constant danger of harassment. Whilst dissidents were promptly burned at the stake for their pains, most, usually as the result of a very public refusal to conform to the requirements of the regime, simply lowered their profile, keeping their Catholic commitments as private as possible. Even so, the resultant de facto condition of religious plurality was an implicit challenge to England's normative commitment to comprehensive uniformity. What was to be done, given that efforts to eliminate all such deviance would risk something akin to civil war? A solution was eventually found in the regularly renewed Test Acts. These required all those seeking public office or entry to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge to swear an oath of allegiance which was composed in such a way that it would only be acceptable to those of an Anglican persuasion. So it was that a substantial minority of England's
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population - some indigenous (as in the case of Catholic recusants) and others of immigrant origin (as in the case of Jews and Huguenots) - were reduced to the position of second-class subjects, a position from which they were not formally 'emancipated' until 1831,2 following several decades of acrimonious debate. Emancipation did not resolve the underlying issues. When the Act was passed no one was aware of the extent to which the industrial revolution was about to transform the British social order. In the decades that followed Britain's industrial cities grew at an unprecedented speed, and once the resources of the surrounding countryside had been exhausted, their insatiable demand for additional labour led to millions of migrant workers being drawn in from further afield. The arrival of Irish and Eastern European settlers rendered Britain's cities steadily more plural, no less in religious and ethnic terms. The English socio-religious order had been rendered more plural than ever before, and conflict over the issue soon became acute. As Karl Marx himself a German Jewish immigrant - observed, Every industrial and commercial centre in England now possesses a working class divided into two hostile camps, English proletarians and Irish proletarians. The ordinary English worker hates the Irish worker as a competitor who lowers his standard of life. In relation to the Irish worker he regards himself as a member of the ruling nation and consequently he becomes a tool of the English aristocrats and capitalists against Ireland, thus strengthening their domination over himself. He cherishes religious, social, and national prejudices against the Irish worker. His attitude towards him is much the same as that of the 'poor whites' to the Negroes in the former slave states of the U.S.A. The Irishman pays him back with interest in his own money. He sees in the English worker both the accomplice and the stupid tool of the English rulers in Ireland. This antagonism is artificially kept alive and intensified by the press, the pulpit, the comic papers, in short, by all the means at the disposal of the ruling classes. This antagonism is the secret of the impotence of the English working class, despite its organisation. It is the secret by which the capitalist class maintains its power. (Marx 1870/1975: 220) Most latter-day Marxists have interpreted this final observation as an indication that ethnic conflict is best understood as the outcome of cynical efforts by the ruling class to divide and rule the opposition.
However, closer reading of the text promptly reveals that whilst Marx was well aware of the likelihood of such developments, it was analytically irresponsible to halt the argument at that point. By expanding his analysis to include a consideration of how the dialectics of imperial and racial inequality can intersect with - and in doing so undermine -the contradictions of class, he develops the argument still further, and in doing so develops a further point which remains as relevant as ever: that when ethnic antagonisms come to the boil, all contending parties can be expected to pursue their own interests, whether as 'poor whites' seeking to maintain their position of privilege over former slaves, or as Irish Fenians busy repaying English workers in their own terms. Marx's point is crucial. Throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century, ethnic contradictions were at least as salient a feature of British working-class experience as were those of class. When Churches and Synagogues became defensive rallying points for Irish and Jewish migrants, they immediately became the foci for attacks by English workers. Riots frequently ensued. Education also became a battleground, given the Church of England's stranglehold over the curriculum of publicly funded schools. Hence when Catholics finally managed to gain public support for a separate educational system of their own, the initiative was promptly criticised as 'Papism on the rates' (Fielding 1993). During the course of the twentieth century this particular disjunction has gradually faded, so much so that it is now a pale shadow of its former self. Whilst the Orange order once flourished in most of Britain's industrial cities, today its presence is felt only in Liverpool and Glasgow, and of course in Ulster. But if the existence of this ethno-religious disjunction has gradually been excised from public discourse, so much so that it has successfully been replaced with a myth of proletarian unity, the underlying issues have in no way disappeared. English hostility towards Catholic and Jewish presence may indeed have declined sharply during the course of the past half century - but only because a new set of targets for popular xenophobia have appeared to replace them. Although structurally similar to their predecessors, Britain's current patterns of ethno-religious polarisation nevertheless include some distinctive features. First, the latest waves of newcomers are easier to target, given their physical identifiability; secondly, the religious and cultural traditions which they brought with them differ much more sharply from indigenous ideas and practices than did those of their predecessors. Hence whilst the reactions to their arrival, including their collective allocation to a status of second-class citizenship, is a close match with established precedent, the additional dimensions of
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distinctiveness which the newcomers have introduced are such that contradictions let loose by their arrival are proving to be particularly severe.
A changing world
During the latter part of the twentieth century the structure of the global order has changed radically. Three interlinked developments have been of particular importance. First, the collapse of European empires - of which Britain's was by far the largest - in the aftermath of the two World Wars; secondly, the dramatic increase in personal prosperity which has been experienced in every developed economy, leading to shortage of those prepared to undertake menial tasks and a corresponding increase in the demand for migrant workers. Thirdly, a dramatic decline in the cost of long-distance travel, enabling non-European migrants to penetrate metropolitan labour markets on an unprecedented scale. In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War gaps in Britain's labour market were filled by several hundred thousand 'European Voluntary Workers' recruited from Poland and the Ukraine. Following the erection of the 'Iron Curtain', migration from these sources came to a halt, and was rapidly replaced by an inflow from British possessions in Africa, the Caribbean and South Asia. Over the years this nonEuropean inflow grew steadily in scale. As colonial subjects, the newcomers had an automatic right of entry into the United Kingdom, and at least at the outset little thought was given to the long-term consequences of their arrival. By the early 1960s this initial absence of mind had ceased to be sustainable. The demand for labour remained high, and numbers were rising rapidly, but there was no sign that the settlers were on the brink of return, and still less of their assimilation into the indigenous mainstream. Whilst the Confederation of British Industry insisted that in the absence of a steady inflow of migrants many factories would have difficulty in maintaining production, especially at night, the Trades Unions viewed the steadily growing inflow with alarm. It was feared that employers would use access to cheap migrant labour as an opportunity to drive down wages of indigenous workers. In fact these fears were largely unfounded. On arrival migrants invariably took jobs which no one else wanted, and so were rarely in direct competition with indigenous workers. Nevertheless Caribbean busdrivers and nurses were becoming an increasingly visible in London, as were Indian foundry workers in the West Midlands and Pakistani
mill-hands in the Pennine region. Moreover their presence began to put pressure on other scarce resources, such as housing, prompting further fears of unwelcome competition. Whilst the Labour Party initially stood firm in the face of populist pressures, this principled stance cut little ice amongst its working-class supporters. Matters came to a head in the 1964 General election. A hitherto unknown Conservative running under the slogan of 'If you want a Nigger Neighbour, Vote Labour' toppled a leading Labour politician standing for a safe seat in the industrial West Midlands. Abandoning their earlier scruples, Labour joined the Conservatives in a competition to introduce more restrictive immigration policies. There appeared to be no other means of retaining the support of white industrial workers on which the party depended.
Enoch Powell's intervention
These developments brought 'immigration' to the forefront of political debate, with a consequent focus on the likely future course of 'race relations' in Britain. Breaking ranks with mainstream thought within the Conservative party, Enoch Powell emerged as the champion of those who demanded not just an instant halt to further immigration, but systematic repatriation of the unwelcome aliens. In his notorious 'rivers of blood' speech (1968), Powell chose to hang his arguments around recent efforts of local Sikh bus-drivers to be allowed to wear turbans rather than caps as part of their uniform. Having quoted a fellow Labour MP's remarks to the effect that The Sikh communities' campaign to maintain customs inappropriate in Britain is much to be regretted. Working in Britain, particularly in the public services, they should be prepared to accept the terms and conditions of their employment. To claim special communal rights (or should they say rites?) leads to a dangerous fragmentation within society. This communalism is a canker; whether practised by one colour or another it is to be strongly condemned. Powell went on to insist that For these dangerous and divisive elements the legislation proposed in the Race Relations Bill is the very pabulum they need to flourish. Here is the means of showing that the immigrant communities can organise to consolidate their members, to agitate and campaign against their fellow citizens, and to overawe and dominate the rest with the legal weapons which the ignorant and the ill-informed have
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provided. As I look ahead, I am filled with foreboding; like the Roman, I seem to see 'the River Tiber foaming with much blood'. (Powell 1968) Stripped of its rhetoric, the logic of Powell's argument is plain to see. Just as it had once been argued that if the Catholics would take a mile if they were given an inch, he envisaged that the newcomers would likewise promptly gain a vested interest in the preservation and sharpening of racial and religious differences, with a view to the exercise of actual domination, first over fellowimmigrants and then over the rest of the population... Only resolute and urgent action will avert it even now. Whether there will be a public will to demand and obtain that action, I do not know. All I know is that to see, and not to speak, would be the great betrayal. (Ibid.) Although Powell's views were widely condemned as 'racist', careful inspection of his arguments show that he was in fact far more concerned with ethnic than with racial plurality. Moreover, in keeping with arguments which had been repeatedly articulated ever since the reformation, he grounded his case in the thesis that aliens could never be a part of the English nation, and that their presence threatened its very integrity. It was on this basis that Powell argued that legislation designed to bar discrimination was completely wrong-headed: instead he insisted that further immigration should be brought to a halt, and replaced by a programme of publicly funded repatriation. Although his views were by now so extreme as to be regarded as intolerable by the Conservative Party - so much so that he was forced to relinquish his seat in Parliament - his arguments nevertheless attracted a great deal of popular support. They could no longer be ignored. Roy Jenkins' response In an era when Home Secretaries still sought to lead rather than defer to popular opinion, Roy Jenkins challenged Powell head-on. Insisting that the minorities could, would and should become integral components of British social order, Jenkins rejected as naive the suggestion that once immigrants had 'fitted in' they would abandon all aspects of their ancestral heritage. Instead he sketched out an overtly pluralistic vision of the future course of integration, which should be understood 'not as a flattening process of assimilation, rather of equal opportunity, accompanied
by cultural diversity, in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance'. Although this vision remains prescient four decades after it was first articulated, it attracted remarkably little support, even in progressive circles. Despite his comprehensive rejection of Powell's nationalistic essentialism, even Powell's most vociferous critics remained unimpressed. No less than their opponents, the prospect of plurality appears to have left them with feelings of acute unease, albeit on quite different grounds. No less committed to a Unitarian vision of the future than Powell, his liberal critics argued that the migrants' problems stemmed above all from their condition of deprivation, precipitated in their view at least as much by the retrogressive parochialism of their cultural traditions as by their condition of material poverty. To those who adopted such a perspective, Jenkins' position appeared to be incurably romantic. Hence those on the left regarded the assimilation of indigenous ways as one of the migrants' most urgent priorities, on the grounds that this would open the way to progressive modernity. However well meaning their intention may have been, the consequences of their adoption of this line of argument were disastrous. First, Enoch Powell's core arguments remained unchallenged, whilst his central conclusion - that prospect of comprehensive assimilation was an illusion - was abusively dismissed as 'racist'. Secondly, and yet more seriously still, those who advanced such arguments made themselves hostages to fortune. If Powell was right and the minority presence did indeed precipitate ethnic plurality, the assimilationist ground on which they had taken their stand would be swept from beneath their feet.
The rise and fall of anti-racism For the while that prospect still lay someway down the road. In the meanwhile once Powell and his many (mostly working class) supporters were defined as racist, it followed that those who opposed that position should identify themselves as anti-racist. In the event both racism and its antonym turned out to be exceedingly slippery concepts. Anti-racists took it for granted that they occupied the high ground; but how could they sustain that claim? Were their arguments primarily moral, on the grounds that racism was as irrational as it was wicked? Or were they primarily political? In the heated atmosphere of the 1970s those who argued that anti-racism was a political project soon found themselves facing acute problems. If racism was an irrational manifestation of false consciousness, as was widely argued at the time, it followed that antiracism was a component of wider agenda whose ultimate objective was
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to overthrow fascism and capitalism. Amongst those who most vigorously supported such views were those who argued that as a result of their condition of super-oppression, black people could be expected to play a vanguard role in the coming revolutionary upsurge. The outcome was predictable. Whilst this far-left agenda proved attractive to many disaffected radicals who had participated in the student uprisings of the late 1960s, those onto whom they sought to project the role of 'vanguards of the revolution' soon realised that this agenda meshed poorly with their own experientially grounded interests and concerns. Other forms of ethno-racial and then of ethno-religious mobilisation proved to be far more to their taste. Whilst politically oriented anti-racism was steadily marginalised by lack of support, its more moralistic dimension continued to thrive. Once conceptualised as a poisonous mixture of ignorance, stupidity and sin, it followed that racism was best remedied not so much through political action, but rather through educational programmes which would enable those who had been seduced by racist ideologies to see the error of their ways. 'Anti-racism' became the theme of innumerable training programmes, so much so that many Local Authorities began to require all those seeking employment to demonstrate 'a commitment to anti-racist and anti-oppressive practice'. But just what was the 'racism' of which trainees were expected to be aware? And rhetoric aside, just how was 'anti-racism' to be practised? Given its narrow conceptual foundations, all manner of issues were excluded from the anti-racist agenda. Two deficiencies were of particular significance. First, the absence of any reference to issues of ethnic plurality, and secondly any recognition that people of colour might have the capacity to set their own agendas. Hence far from opening all the issues for debate, the narrow moralist framework within which almost all anti-racist initiatives were conceived effectively closed off discussion, on the grounds that the exploration of these allegedly diversionary issues was inherently racist. The outcome was often little more than a charade. Whilst a small minority of trainees could often be persuaded to accept the invitation to flagellate themselves in an effort to eliminate the last vestiges of original sin, most of those required to participate in such initiatives were far more sceptical. Although challenges to an agenda with which they were required to agree was disallowed, several escape routes were readily available. One option was simply to take the opportunity to gain the capacity to talk the talk - even if this had little impact on the way in which one interacted with people of colour. Nevertheless the acquisition of an anti-racist vocabulary did
make a difference: should trained anti-racists subsequently find their behaviour challenged, they were now in a position to produce waves of patronising verbiage highlighting their awareness of, and sympathy for, the plight of black people. Other escape routes were less sophisticated, if rather more popular. Having returned to the canteen after having been released by one's mentors, one could simply mock the political correctness of the ideas with which one had been required to agree (Ballard and Parveen 2007). In the face of such developments support for anti-racism steadily crumbled. Moreover the wider political agenda changed radically after MrsThatcher came to power in 1979: 'socialistic' notions such as antiracism were in no way to her taste. Central government support for such initiatives - and indeed for any kind of targeted support for the new minoritieswas soon withdrawn. Instead 'multiculturalism', often in the form of unfocussed celebrations of the most superficial aspects of ethnic diversity, became the order of the day. With hindsight, the most salient feature of all these developments was their top-down perspective. Remarkably little attention was devoted to what the minorities were up to - or why.
The development of ethnic colonies in post-war Britain
Life was not easy when the first pioneers set about establishing themselves in Britain. In post-war Britain, finding a job, let alone a place to stay, was not straightforward. This was an era when notices announcing 'no coloureds need apply' were commonplace. However, in facing up to these challenges the newcomers were far from being the helpless pawns which the anti-racist agenda so often sought to suggest. Having made their way to Britain under their own steam, settlers took advantage of every available opportunity to establish self-constructed footholds in what was self-evidently a hostile terrain. Since gaining allies was crucial to survival, and since the natives mostly turned their backs, all the early settlers looked to others in the same position as themselves as a source of guidance and support. Whilst fellow immigrants were normally willing to help each other out, relationships of reciprocity were far easier to construct, as well as much more resilient, when established between those who shared some prior sense of commonality. Hence whilst initial linkages were largely ad hoc in character, it was not long before those who shared some degree of linguistic and cultural commonality began to cluster together. In so doing they established the foundations for subsequent processes of ethnic crystallisation, a process which was strongly reinforced once chain migration began to
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take off. Far from arriving in Britain as blundering pioneers, the majority of newcomers began to arrive with clear objectives in mind: to link up with friends and kinsfolk who had already established themselves in the United Kingdom. As they did so a whole series flourishing ethnic colonies soon began to emerge (Ballard 1994,2003). Whatever their origins, the trajectories of adaptation followed by each stream of migrants initially followed much the same pattern. New arrivals looked out for those of similar backgrounds: prior connections »n the form of shared linguistic, religious and cultural codes, and better still immediate ties of kinship, offered a highly effective basis around which to construct networks of mutual reciprocity. Once in place, these networks enabled settlers to face the challenges of their new environment on a collective rather than an individual basis. A dynamic of settlement began to emerge. As local ties of reciprocity became steadily more entrenched, temporary sojourners found themselves transformed into firmly rooted colonists, committed to reconstructing all the most significant social, cultural, religious, and familial institutions with which they were familiar back home. Such developments were not driven by nostalgia, nor by mindless 'tradition'. Rather they were highly adaptive in character: the resultant processes of community-construction were a highly effective means of facilitating survival in adverse circumstances. At the outset such initiatives were largely defensive in character. But as settlers began to feel more firmly rooted, they gained the confidence to assert themselves more openly. At the outset they had kept their heads down in the face of the exploitation and marginalisation; now they became increasingly willing to raise the heads above the parapet.
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Overt resistance initially emerged where the shoe pinched tightest of all: on the shop floor. Resentful about being allocated the hardest, dirtiest, most dangerous, and ill-paid jobs, people of colour began to challenge the processes whereby they were assigned to such tasks. As they did so it became clear that managers were rarely responsible for relegating them to such positions. This was a period when the Trades Unions were a powerful force on the shop floor, where shop stewards in a position to determine who was deployed to which task. In doing so they invariably favoured the union's white membership over those drawn from the visible minorities - even though most of them were also union members. During the late 1960s and early 1970s the resultant tensions reached boiling point: people of colour began to take collective action in
an effort to challenge these practices. The confrontations so precipitated had a number of striking features. First, almost all were self-organised: if the local branch secretary and his immediate colleagues were the principal source of their difficulties, there was no point in challenging them through established union structures. Secondly, there was frequently an ethnically specific catalyst behind these initiatives, most notably in the form of the Jat Sikh-dominated (and largely communist-inspired) Indian Workers Association (IWA). Thirdly, their approach to mobilisation was one which consciously sought to unite all rangdar log (people of colour) - be they of Asian or Caribbean descent - the better to pursue their common interests (John 1969; Beetham 1970; Brooks and Singh 1979). At the time these incidents attracted a good deal of attention, they were the first overt signs of collective self-mobilisation by people of colour. But as the 1970s progressed such challenges became steadily less frequent, and have by now been forgotten by almost everyone bar the participants. There were several reasons why challenges of this kind faded away. First, the industrial recession which followed Prime Minister Thatcher's assumption of power, together with the restrictions on industrial action which she imposed, gave those protesting 'from below' ever less space within which to manoeuvre. Secondly, the trajectories of adaptation followed by different sections of the minority population were becoming increasingly diverse. As Afro-Caribbean and South Asian communities began to move off in different directions, inter-ethnic alliances amongst people of colour became steadily more difficult to organise and sustain. Last but not least the majority of better-educated South Asian settlers (who provided the IWAs with their leadership) began to leave the shop floor to pursue more profitable opportunities elsewhere, thereby removing a vital catalyst from the industrial scene. As a consequence active resistance began to move away from the shop floor and onto the streets, and from an older to a younger generation. The resultant uprisings proved to be of far-reaching significance. The challenges to exclusion articulated from the early 1980s onwards differed sharply from those which erupted in the 1960s and 1970s. First, they were public confrontations - usually with the police - and normally occurred in the residential neighbourhoods where the protestors themselves lived. Secondly, they were precipitated by a much wider range of grievances: initially local, but as time passed increasingly inspired by issues of national and indeed international character. Last but not least all the uprisings became ethnically specific: far from uniting all people of colour, they articulated the concerns of specific local communities.
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With this in mind I have deliberately chosen to use the term intifada to identify such developments. Like their counterparts in Palestine, these uprisings emerged from the grass roots: they were not a product of careful prior organisation formulated from above. But in using the term, I do not wish to glamorise such incidents: no one who has first-hand experience of an intifada would do so. The damage they precipitate is immense, and the greater part of their costs and consequences is invariably borne by the protestors and their families. Nevertheless they convey powerful symbolic messages: that is why I have highlighted them here. The Afro-Caribbean intifada of 1981 In January 1981, 13 Afro-Caribbean teenagers lost their lives in a house-fire in New Cross, apparently as a result of a Molotov cocktail being thrown through the front window of the house where a birthday was being celebrated. But in sharp contrast to the wave of public sympathy which an equally bloody IRA bombing in Ulster had precipitated a few days beforehand, the press and the police promptly blamed the local Afro-Caribbean community as the authors of their own misfortune. Hostility towards the local police was further exacerbated as they continued to target young Afro-Caribbean men in a major stop-and-search operation. The tinder was dry, and the fuse was soon lit. During the following summer confrontations erupted between the police and the young Afro-Caribbean men, first in inner London and then in other cities in which substantial Afro-Caribbean ethnic colonies had also crystallised. The police were ill-equipped to cope. Their command and control mechanisms broke down, their riot shields turned out not to be fire-proof, and before long the officers called out to confront the protestors night after night were so tired that they could hardly stand. Had the troubles not subsided when they did, there would have been little alternative but to call out the troops to restore order. Alarm bells promptly rang in both Whitehall and the press. Enoch Powell's prognostications appeared to be coming true. Two major initiatives were set in train. First, the Police were retrained and re-equipped for riot control; and secondly, substantial funding was made available to Local Authorities under Section 11 of the Local Government Act, to provide them with (Financial) means of addressing the underlying stresses and strains. On the face of it this response was entirely appropriate: the new minorities had long been complaining about the poor quality of
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the public services, and the irrelevance of what was on offer to their needs. But whilst lack of ethnosensitivity in service delivery was a central focus of their complaints, the agenda within which the remedial initiatives were conceived did not mesh with these concerns. As a result the greater part of the newly released funds were ploughed into 'community projects' designed to keep young people off the streets, whilst also providing employment opportunities for minority activists. Once so coopted, it was hoped - often correctly - that their commitment to political activism would diminish. At least as far as the Afro-Caribbeans were concerned, these initiatives appeared to have had the desired effect. Apart from isolated incidents such as that on the Broadwater Farm (a public housing project in northwest London) in 1985, where a police officer was bludgeoned to death in the midst of protests about a bungled arrest, there was no repetition of the multi-city intifada which erupted in 1981. Yet it would be idle to suggest that all is well on this front. Despite substantial efforts to retrain the police, relationships between front-line officers and young black men remain highly problematic to this day. Meanwhile the AfroCaribbean community has become deeply fragmented. Whilst its many Churches are a focus for resilience, especially for women, drugs and gun-crime attract the attention of many (although by no means all) young men. By 2002 just under 11% of Britain's prison population was made up of people of African or Afro-Caribbean descent. Intifada has been replaced by incarceration. Pakistani Muslim intifadas Given that the participants in the 1981 intifada were overwhelmingly Afro-Caribbean, many commentators argued that as a result of their much more orderly cultural heritage, Indians and Pakistanis were unlikely to emulate their 'more excitable' Afro-Caribbean counterparts. That comfortable assumption fell apart in the uproar which followed the publication of The Satanic Verses in 1989. The initial reaction was relatively low-key: Bradford Council of Mosques organised a public burning of Rushdie's novel to highlight Muslim disgust at its contents. But when neither the press nor the authorities nor even the Commission for Racial Equality displayed the slightest sympathy with Muslim concerns, protests escalated - only to be dismissed as an indication of the inherent backwardness of the Islamic tradition, and of its followers' inability to appreciate the more sophisticated intellectual, literary, and cultural conventions of the contemporary world. For the
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rising generation of young Muslims such a humiliating dismissal of their dearly held values was too much to take: in the face of public taunts, their initially well-ordered protests began to degenerate into violence. In the years that followed local incidents sparked of a whole series of small-scale intifadas, of which some of the most spectacular - and certainly the most publicised - were the so-called 'northern riots' which exploded in the former textile towns of Burnley, Oldham, and Bradford in the summer of 2001. Bungled efforts by the police to regain control over the streets in inner city residential areas in which Pakistani Muslims had established tight-knit ethnic colonies precipitated violent resistance to the riot squad, whom local youths regarded as enemy occupiers. In comparative terms the level of violence was relatively mild: it was much more limited than that which ensued when Caribbean youths took to the streets two decades earlier. Moreover this time the police were better prepared. Command and control remained intact, and welltrained and adequately-shielded riot squads soon reclaimed the streets. They also came equipped with video cameras, producing evidence on the basis of which several hundred stone-throwers received substantial prison sentences (Carling etal. 2004). Nevertheless the outcome was very different. In the first place improvements in video technology meant that images of burning cars in Oldham and Bradford were flashed around the world. Secondly, the perpetrators were Muslims. Even though 9/11, let alone 7/7, were yet to occur, the events were widely publicised and precipitated a great deal of alarm. The authorities in Whitehall dispatched Tom Cantle, an experienced Local Government administrator, to investigate the causes of the disturbances. When Cantle and his colleagues returned to London to prepare their report, they appear to have been suffering from shell-shock. It was not so much the incidents themselves which disturbed them, but rather the depth of the ethnic divide out of which they erupted. This shines out from the opening paragraph of their report: Whilst the physical segregation of housing estates and inner city areas came as no surprise, the team was particularly struck by the depth of polarisation of our towns and cities. The extent to which these physical divisions were compounded by so many other aspects of our daily lives, was very evident. Separate educational arrangements, community and voluntary bodies, employment, places of worship, language, social and cultural networks, means that many
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communities operate on the basis of a series of parallel lives. These lives often do not seem to touch at any point, let alone overlap and promote any meaningful interchanges. (Cantle 2002: 9) On the face of it, their observations confirmed Enoch Powell's prediction that non-European migration in general, and South Asian migration in particular, was bound to precipitate unbridgeable patterns of ethnic polarisation. But whilst Powell saw no solution other than repatriation, Cantle and his colleagues took a different tack: they concluded that efforts to bridge the divisions they had observed through the introduction of active policies of 'community cohesion' should now be the priority. Unlike previous reports on these matters, Cantle's was not placed on a shelf to gather dust. Instead it was promptly adopted as a central strand of government policy: every local authority received instructions to take urgent steps to promote 'community cohesion'. Policies designed to promote 'multiculturalism' suffered the same fate as those of 'anti-racism': they were swept aside. Before exploring the implications of the new policy - commitment to which was further reinforced in the aftermath of the events oil 17 - it is worth pausing to consider the specific context to whose problems it was initially devised as a remedy. Bradford, Oldham, and Blackburn are oncethriving mill-towns into which migrant workers from South Asia were drawn in large numbers during the 1960s and 1970s. Most came from Mirpur District in Pakistan, or from Sylhet District in Bangladesh. By the time of their arrival the local textile industry was in terminal decline; it finally collapsed in the early 1980s. This had a disastrous impact on the local economy of the textile towns, since no alternative source of employment was readily available. No section of the local population was more seriously affected than the Pakistanis and the Bangladeshis, since they were overwhelmingly concentrated in this narrow sector of the labour market. Despite this setback, as a result of which virtually everyone lost their jobs, this was a period of rapid development within the local Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities. Many men were in the midst of reuniting their families in the United Kingdom; despite everything they continued to do so, even if they had to use their hard-earned savings to finance the transfer. Hence the 1980s and 1990s witnessed a rapid growth of tightknit and mutually supportive ethnic colonies in the close-packed streets of Victorian terraced housing in which the migrants had settled. The reunion of families also led to a rapid growth of a locally born
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second generation, whose members began to reach adulthood come the turn of the millennium. The virtual disappearance of opportunities for unskilled people, for people of colour with a limited command of English to gain access to waged employment had severe consequences for members of the older generation. Most found themselves permanently unemployed. By contrast many of their offspring successfully turned to self-employment as a means of earning an income. A multitude of corner-shops, restaurants, takeaways and taxi services opened for business, enabling members of still-burgeoning ethnic colonies to press their way forward, despite their initial condition of severe disadvantage. However, their achievements were far from universally welcome. Whilst many of the newcomers' immediate neighbours, the largely indigenous residents of nearby council estates, had also been significantly disadvantaged by industrial collapse, their capacity to cope with adversity proved to be considerably less extensive than their Pakistani neighbours. However, rather than emulating the newcomers' commitment to frugality and collective reciprocity, by displaying a similar willingness to take entrepreneurial initiatives, most of their neighbours responded with feelings of jealous hostility. From their perspective, the fact that the despised newcomers appeared to be doing better than they seemed was deeply unjust.
The indigenous perspective
regularly asserted that the minorities are disproportionately favoured by government-sponsored programmes which provide them with mosques and community centres, whilst 'we', who have always lived here, get nothing. 'Pakis', it is consequently (if erroneously) argued, enjoy special privileges. They've even got a race relations law especially for them; but if we open our mouths to complain, we just get shouted down as racist.' Those who have reached such conclusions view the policies put forward by the British National Party with much favour.
The Pakistani perspective
As far as most members of the indigenous population of Oldham, Burnley and Bradford are concerned, the familiar social order within which they grew up has disintegrated. As they see it, the unthinkable has happened: the 'immigrants' who originally arrived as unskilled and largely invisible night-shift workers have made substantial parts of the town their own; and having done so, they appear to be pulling ahead of the towns' 'real' inhabitants in material terms. How can this be explained? No matter how much objective observers may suggest that the newcomers' achievements are the outcome of hard work, frugal lifestyles and the application of entrepreneurial talent, such arguments leave most members of the indigenous population unimpressed. Nowhere are such feelings of hostility more acute than in the 'sink' council estates which surround the emergent ethnic colonies. Already feeling betrayed by the powers that be, they routinely ascribe all their difficulties to the unfair competition from 'the Pakis', who in their view have been allowed to 'get away with it' by a supine state. Hence it is
Those on the other side of the fence dismiss these alleged 'privileges' as entirely fictional. Acutely aware that their achievements are the outcome of their own hard work, they point out that if the ghore (white people) are jealous of their achievements, they could follow in their footsteps if they wished. They are also sceptical about the benefits which have actually accrued from the numerous urban regeneration schemes designed to assist the 'socially deprived'. From their perspective the impact of such initiatives have been largely symbolic. They may have provided many Asian youngsters with jobs as link-workers and teaching assistants, but the permanent benefits arising from them have been few. Constantly vulnerable to changes in Whitehall priorities (as, for example, when Section 11 funding was suddenly withdrawn), short-term bolt-on initiatives have done little to provide the (still overwhelmingly white) teachers, doctors, social workers, and police officers who continue to dominate the professional mainstream with improved levels of linguistic and cultural competence. Hence their capacity to provide effective services to their minority clientele remains as inadequate as ever. Although urban regeneration initiatives receive a great deal of publicity - provoking further ire amongst jealous white neighbours - the best that can be said about such programmes is that they have operated as job-creation schemes for restless youth.
The tinder box explodes
Cantle and his colleagues had every reason to highlight the depth of the polarisation with which they found themselves confronted. The underlying contradictions had been brewing for decades. On the one hand large sections of the indigenous population were alarmed by what they saw as an alien canker emerging in their midst, and by the refusal of the powers that were to take cognisance of their concerns. Meanwhile the newcomers, and even more so their British-born offspring, were acutely
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aware of the hostility that their presence generated amongst their white neighbours, and of the authorities' reluctance to take serious cognisance of their concerns. Recently a further explosive factor had been added to the brew. Whilst the older generation of migrants had come to regard the position in which they found themselves with resigned equanimity, members of the rapidly expanding British-born generation refused to accept their marginalisation. Suggestions that their colonies had become 'no go areas' for outsiders were particularly irritating. As far as they were concerned, the parts of town which best deserved that appellation were the all-white council estates by which their settlements were surrounded. Asian families unfortunate enough to be rehoused on such estates invariably found the abuse to which they were subjected intolerable, and promptly moved back into the safety of their own community. Meanwhile the late-night drinkers who form a substantial part of their clientele of their restaurants, and takeaways took it for granted that they had a right to abuse those who served them, whilst taxi-drivers unwise enough to demand payment from recalcitrant customers whom they had driven home to an all-white estate had much to fear. In a series of incidents well known within the community, but largely ignored outside it, such arguments had been settled by a resort to homicide. The tinder was dry and ready to burn. The initial spark may well have derived from reports in the press, and especially on BBC radio, suggesting that Muslim-majority areas in Oldham and Bradford had become no-go areas for whites - and indeed for Hindus. The British National Party promptly sought to raise the temperature. Rallies were organised in both cities, but only attracted a limited response. Then a small group of thugs staged a provocative incident. On the fringe of one of Oldham's major Pakistani ethnic colonies they insulted and assaulted two women. News of the incident quickly circulated by mobile phone, and a large number of young men went to defend the community's honour. By the time police arrived, the BNP thugs had left the scene; instead they encountered a gathering of angry young Pakistanis. It was at this point that the plot was lost. The most senior police officer in Oldham had recently been interviewed on the BBC, where he suggested that localities such as this were becoming 'no-go areas'. His prophesy promptly became self-fulfilling. As police poured reinforcements into the neighbourhood in an effort to regain control, its young residents vigorously resisted the alien incursion. After several hours of riotous confrontation the protestors were driven back indoors - but on the following day similarly structured confrontations erupted in Bradford and Burnley.
Some analytical reflections
On the face of it these uprisings did not pit the 'immigrants' and 'natives' directly against each other. Echoing similar confrontations involving the Irish settlers who arrived in industrial Lancashire more than a century beforehand, young Mirpuri men rose to the bait which had been provocatively dangled before them - and promptly got hammered by the forces of law and order. However, just as in earlier times, it would be wrong to assume that the police stood outside the underlying disjunction. Its officers, from constables to their commander, were overwhelmingly drawn from the majoritarian side of the ethnic boundary. Doubtless they had all attended racism awareness courses; but in the event they still acted as an army of occupation, displaying no obvious understanding of the possible motivations of the young men defending the honour of their homes, their families and their community. From this perspective the incidents which Cantle was sent to investigate were both a symptom of, and had yet further exacerbated, the contradictions which so alarmed him. At one level the contradictions with which Cantle and his team found themselves confronted were the outcome of a locally specific set of contingencies: no other part of Britain received such a heavy inflow of non-European migrants from a single rural source, suffered so badly from local industrial collapse or received so little infrastruc-tural investment to make good the resultant deficiencies. But whilst polarising processes which precipitated the intifada were consequently particularly acute, they were by no means unique to the 'northern cities'. Ethnic plurality is now a de facto characteristic of most British cities, and similar patterns of polarisation - governed in each case by specific local contingencies - can be detected everywhere. The issues highlighted by Cantle and his colleagues are a general rather than a localised feature of the contemporary British social order.
A theoretical perspective: The dynamics of ethnic plurality
Whilst Cantle does not seek to generalise in this way, a further feature of his argument is worth highlighting: the assumption that disjunctions with which he found himself confronted were unprecedented. He is clearly mistaken on this point. Britain's industrial cities have a long history of ethno-religious disjunctions of just this kind, and similarly structured patterns of polarisation can be observed throughout the
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contemporary world. If so, it follows that his assumption that ethnic homogeneity (and its assumed correlate, 'community cohesion') is a normal state of affairs from which ethnic plurality can be regarded as an unfortunate deviation is seriously misleading. Empirical data points firmly in the opposite direction. Viewed from a less parochial, and less paranoid, perspective, ethnic plurality is much more a normal than an abnormal human experience. With this in mind it is worth turning to Furnivall's carefully argued but long overlooked account of the political economy of colonial Southeast Asia, in which he set out a sophisticated analysis of the everyday operation of plural societies. For Furnivall, a plural society is one in which two or more elements or social orders live side by side, yet without mingling, in one political unit... In its political aspect a plural society resembles a confederation of allied provinces, united by treaty... for certain ends common to the constituent units and, in matters outside the terms of union, each living its own life. But it differs from a confederation in that the constituent elements are not segregated each within its own territorial limits. In a confederation secession is at least possible without the total disruption of all social bonds; in a plural society the elements are so intermingled that secession is identical with anarchy. In a plural society, social demand is disorganized; social wants are sectional, and there is no social demand common to all the several elements... this... is the root cause of all those properties which differentiate the political economy of a plural society from unitary economy of a homogeneous society. Of necessity it raises the economic criterion to a new place in the scale of social values. There is one place in which the various sections of a plural society meet on common ground - the market place; and the highest common factor of their wants is the economic factor. They may differ in creed and custom, in the kind of music or style of painting they prefer; the members of different sections may want one thing rather than another; but if they want the same thing, they will all prefer to get it for twopence rather than for threepence. Individuals of all sections have in common... the economic motive, the desire for profit; and they all join... in forwarding the economic process.
[a further] characteristic of plural society is a sectional division of labour; although the primary distinction between the groups may be race, creed or colour, each section comes to have its own functions in production, and there is a tendency towards the grouping of the several elements into distinct economic castes. (Furnivall 1939: pp. 446-450) Furnivall drew most of his empirical material from his observation of Dutch-controlled Indonesia, where well-established Buddhist, Hindu and Islamic traditions were cross-cut by numerous more parochial disjunctions, and where the whole edifice had been overlaid by further disjunctions precipitated by the arrival of two rival sets of immigrant entrepreneurs, the Dutch and the Chinese. No group occupied a position of comprehensive hegemony. Rather members of each of its component communities (including the soon-to-be-toppled Dutch colonialists) deployed their own distinctive moral and cultural agendas to order activities within the arenas which they were in a position to control. In the midst of all these diversities, it was the marketplace which ultimately brought these disparate components together: as Furnivall observed, trade across boundaries simultaneously united and divided all those involved. Hence the edifice was underpinned by a division of labour in which members of every component community found themselves in constant competition with, as well as being economically dependent on, all the others.
Ethnic homogeneity and its alternatives Although Furnivall used his observations of developments in Southeast Asia as the foundation for his model, his theoretical perspective is of universal applicability. If so, the consequences are far-reaching: whilst pluralistic social orders of this kind remain as commonplace as ever, they stand in comprehensive antithesis to the ethnically homogenous nation-states which 'modernists' have come to regard as the only viable basis for the construction of a stable and harmonious social order. Ironically, Furnivall completed his magnum opus just before the outbreak of the second of the World Wars, which were largely fought in pursuit of nationalist dreams of ethnic homogeneity. Moreover, despite the dreadful consequences of efforts to implement such dreams, especially in Nazi Germany, the hopeless pursuit of 'nation-building' has continued unchecked to this day. Formerly plural societies continue to break apart,
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accompanied by endlessly repeated efforts to achieve a condition of homogeneity by means of 'ethnic cleansing'. Whilst the industrial-scale efforts to achieve that goal manifested in the gas chambers have not been repeated, the loss of life precipitated by outbreaks of organised homicide in a swathe of hitherto plural societies, including Punjab, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Rwanda, Yugoslavia and now Darfur, has already surpassed that achieved in the European holocaust. The agendas underpinning these developments were rooted in similar principles. On the grounds that plurality would render their societies socially, culturally, and politically unstable, ethnic homogeneity came to be regarded as a necessary prerequisite for national coherence. Precisely that vision also underpinned Enoch Powell's arguments; although few commentators have since been prepared to articulate that vision as clearly as he did, popular opinion in much of Euro-America is now moving ever more firmly in this direction. The currently favoured concept of community cohesion brings us back to precisely these issues. How much homogeneity is required to enable Britain - or any other contemporary society - to achieve social coherence? That some degree of commonality is a necessary prerequisite for viable social order is selfevident. Unless everyone in any given arena is agreed about which side of the road to drive on, chaos is inevitable. Likewise, without agreement about how commercial transactions should be ordered, and how arguments over matters of common concern should be negotiated and resolved, public order would collapse. But how far must agreement about common principles go to ensure that chaos can be avoided? Does it necessarily follow that everyone should routinely speak the same language? Is it essential for everyone to follow the same principles in organising their families and marriages? Should diversity be formally respected? And if so, in what spheres and on what basis and how far? With such considerations in mind, Cantle's position is comprehensively anti-pluralistic. With Furnivall's formulation in mind, Cantle's description of a situation in which 'separate educational arrangements, community and voluntary bodies, employment, places of worship, language, social, and cultural networks, means that many communities operate on the basis of a series of parallel lives' is entirely familiar. But instead of recognising that these contradictions are an outcome of differing interests as between subsections of the population, such that the equitable negotiation of conflicting interests would become a central goal of public policy, Cantle concludes that diversity itself is the source of the problem. Hence his advocacy of a policy of community cohesion.
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An absence of community - or its mislocation? In a remarkable irony, Cantle did not find himself confronted with an absence of cohesive communities in his excursion to the northern cities, but rather a plurality of them. Moreover, as in the rest of urban Britain, the arena where a sense of community was at its weakest was not amongst the minorities, but rather amongst the poorer sections of the indigenous majority. Hence it is not so much the absence of community which the policy initiative would seek to remedy, but rather its mislocation. His model demands the destruction of communities in the plural and their reconstruction in the singular. Moreover, precisely because a sense of community is much more strongly sustained amongst the various minorities than it is amongst the indigenous majority, the processes of social reconstruction which he advocates would of necessity be ethnically specific in their impact. As in the rest of Britain, the indigenous residents of the inner-city council estates in Oldham and Bradford are not renowned for the strength of the local networks. Conventions of kinship reciprocity have been severely eroded by individualism and consumer capitalism, as well as a further paradoxical consequence of the welfare state: the collective structures which were once the backbone of English workingclass communities have by now all but disappeared. 'Community' in indigenous working-class contexts is now but a shadow of its former self. The contrast with most sections of Britain's minority population could not be greater. Internal networks within most of the longer established groups such as the Jews and the Irish Catholics still flourish, and are yet stronger amongst their South Asian successors; indeed the biradari-based networks which underpin Mirpuri ethnic colonies in the Pennine region are amongst the tightest-knit of all (Ballard 2003). However, Cantle pays no attention to the extent to which ethnic consolidation has been a key feature in the trajectories of upward mobility which members of Britain's once marginalised immigrant minorities have so routinely traversed. The results of this deficiency are clear. In his analysis, as in those developed by the great majority of contemporary social commentators, the networks of inter-personal reciprocity around which ethnic colonies are constructed are not identified as a resource. Instead they are routinely dismissed as problematic, on the ground that they isolate those within them from contact with the indigenous mainstream. Cantle explicitly picks up this 'common-sense' view by highlighting a comment made by a Pakistani interviewee on the opening page of his report: 'When I leave
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this meeting with you I will go home and not see another white face until I come back here next week.' How should this statement be read? Is it an empirically accurate account of everyday experience within local ethnic colonies, as Cantle suggests? Or is it no more than tendentious hyperbole? My experience suggests the latter. Despite the tight-knit character of local minority communities, I know of none in which white faces are entirely absent. Nor are their members entirely cut off from the wider social order. No matter how intense interactions within the biradari may be, their members regularly encounter members of the indigenous majority as they take their children to school, consult GPs, go to work, go shopping in town or take a walk in the park. They routinely enter alien social arenas when they do, so social interactions across the ethnic boundary are a routine component of everyday life. The experience of most members of the indigenous majority is quite different. Even if they live in cities with a substantial South Asian presence, the great majority of white Britons rarely interact with people of colour; moreover, when such interactions do indeed occur, the terms of engagement are invariably oneway. Despite the inherently plural character of the British social order, the existence of ethnic diversity is routinely overlooked by most members of the indigenous majority. Hence when members of the ethnic minorities enter the ghore social universe, they are expected to suppress their distinctiveness and to order their behaviour in terms of indigenous social, cultural, and linguistic conventions. By contrast on the rare occasions when members of the indigenous majority traverse the ethnic boundary in the reverse direction, they rarely step right through it, because they have not acquired the social, linguistic, and cultural competence which would enable them to do so. Hence even when they cross the boundary, they find themselves unable to engage with those whom they encounter on their hosts' own terms. The exercise of hegemony is a personal as well as a structural phenomenon (Ballard and Parveen 2007). In hierarchically organised plural societies, cross-boundary transactions are invariably markedly asymmetrical. Whilst those at the bottom of the social order soon acquire a shrewd appreciation of the conventions deployed by the powerful, those in a position of privilege have little need to familiarise themselves with the ways of those whom they dominate. On the contrary they have every reason to dismiss them as mistaken. Cantle displays no awareness of this asymmetry. Instead he goes out of his way to suggest the disjunction is symmetrical, since he follows up the quotation from his Pakistani interviewee with another from a White
informant: T never met anyone on this [council] estate who wasn't like us from around here'. In my view this second comment is far more likely to be empirically accurate than the first: if only for reasons of safety, brown faces are rarely seen on council estates. In his efforts to highlight symmetry, Cantle misses a further crucial point: that even in sharply polarised societies interactions across ethnic boundaries occur as a matter of routine, and are ordered in terms of a well-established set of social conventions. Ethnic groups and the construction of boundaries That such interactions are a key feature of plural societies is the core theme of Frederik Earth's classic study Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Roundly criticising the naive assumption that ethnic groups maintain their cultural distinctiveness as a result of the absence of interaction between them, he produces extensive empirical evidence to show First... that boundaries persist despite a flow of personnel across them Secondly, one finds that stable, persisting, and often vitally important social relations are maintained across such boundaries, and are frequently based precisely on the dichotomized ethnic statuses. In other words, ethnic distinctions do not depend on an absence of social interaction and acceptance, but are quite to the contrary often the very foundations on which embracing social systems are built. Interaction in such a social system does not lead to its liquidation through change and acculturation; cultural differences can persist despite inter-ethnic contact and interdependence. (Barth 1969: 10) Having explored the interactive character of plural systems, Barth dismisses the commonplace assumption that ethnic disjunctions are the outcome of primordial (and hence immutable) patterns of difference. Instead he argues that they are maintained by - and indeed the outcome of - dialectical interactions across mutually constructed boundaries. Moreover, once such patterns of ethnic interaction and differentiation are firmly entrenched, 'the ethnic boundary canalizes social life' (op. dr.: 15), so much so that 'ethnic identity is superordinate to most other statuses.. .and is thus imperative, in the sense that it cannot be disregarded and thus set aside by other definitions of the situation' (op. dr.: 17). But in what sense is it imperative? Barth takes it for granted that power relations across such boundaries are rarely equal. Hence whilst
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excluded groups can be expected to close ranks as a means of selfdefence, and to utilise their solidarity as the means of articulating their collective interests, those further up the hierarchy can be expected to use exactly the same tactics to marginalise their challengers, and hence defend their position of advantage. Hence ethnic closure is by no means a tactic deployed solely by disadvantaged minorities. Rather 'the boundaries of pariah groups are most strongly maintained by the excluding host population' (op. tit.: 31). Yet, however stoutly defended the resultant disjunctions may be in conceptual terms, Earth follows Furnivall in arguing they nevertheless remain readily permeable: no matter how powerfully they may have been reinforced by mutual competition. Such cross-boundary transactions are an everyday occurrence in the Pennine region. Most minority businesses attract a large non-minority clients: many could not survive without them. Minority families routinely access educational and health care services, shop in city centre stores, and access (often on an extended family basis) mainstream leisure facilities. Members of the locally born younger generation are yet more familiar with indigenous ways: most work for mainstream employers, and regularly use the same leisure facilities as their indigenous peers. An analysis informed by Furnivall and Earth's insights highlights the shallowness of Cantle's understanding of the issues. This is not to suggest that the disjunctions which caused him such concern are fictitious. Far from it: their consequences are only too real. The most serious deficiency in his analysis is his failure to recognise that far from being the outcome of a lack of inter-ethnic contact, the disjunctions he observed are the outcome of competitive interactions across them. What renders those interactions problematic is not lack of contact, but the lack of symmetry in the organisation of those contacts, and above all the character of the rules of engagement which members of the indigenous majority routinely seek to impose. These routinely disregard the linguistic, conceptual, and cultural conventions deployed within the minorities' ethnic colonies, and also insist that when members of such communities emerge into public arenas they should order their behaviour, speech and self-presentation in 'acceptable' terms: those routinely deployed by members of the hegemonic majority. In this scenario the minorities' commitment to ethnic alterity, even when restricted solely to domestic contexts, is immediately identified as pathogenic. Far from being identified as an asset, it is routinely perceived as a source of selfinduced social disadvantage. Such arguments are steadily being expanded. As demands for homogeneity become more insistent, those
who choose different way can find themselves accused of betraying their basic obligations of citizenship - as in the case of the Hispanic population of the United States.
7/7 and its consequences
All these issues came to a head when four young Muslims from the Pennine region blew themselves up on the London Transport system on 7/7. Their motivations were grounded as much in a belief that Muslims were being systematically marginalised and oppressed on a global scale as they were in more parochial British contexts. Moreover, in sharp contrast to the less spontaneous uprisings by which they were preceded, their actions were carefully pre-planned. Nor can their actions be described as 'popular': the vast majority of British Muslims regarded the carnage they precipitated with horror. But although the perpetrators consequently stood out on an extremist limb, the attitudes and experiences which caused them to behave as they did were a product of the processes described here. Hence the sentiments which underpinned bombers' actions were immediately appreciated by the great majority of young British Muslims, even if the consequences of their display of their anger and despair were simultaneously regarded as being overwhelmingly counterproductive. With this in mind the atrocities the bombers had the effect of making a crucial symbolic point: the consequences of contradictions highlighted in this chapter are by no means restricted to the banlieues of Britain's northern cities, nor were they in any way historically unprecedented. Guy Fawkes hatched a similarly explosive plot four centuries previously, which would have had yet more devastating consequences for the capital if it had not been discovered in time. Disputes about religious pluralism are nothing new in English history.
A singular or a plural future?
Where next? No matter how attractive dreams of a singular future may be, issues of plurality, and the contradictions to which they give rise, can no longer be brushed under the carpet. Neither anti-racism nor laicite offers viable solutions to the underlying problems. Nor does the demonisation and delegitimisation of difference offer any kind of solution. Efforts to repress diversity in contexts of plurality merely reinforce the determination to differ. If so, what are we left with? Now that all other solutions appear to be unviable, it is worth re-examining what
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has hitherto been described as the multicultural approach, above all to identify just how and why it is deemed to have 'failed'. With this in mind it is worth reminding ourselves that one of the reasons why the concept was embraced in the first place was that it was perceived as a more easy-going, less aggressive and hence more palatable alternative to the confrontational arguments pressed forward by the anti-racists. To the extent that understandings of multiculturalism emerged from visions of the rainbow delights of 'multi-culti', they were bound to fail: the political and strategic challenges thrown up when the de facto reality of ethnic pluralism challenges dreams of national homogeneity are far too deeply rooted to be resolved by soft options. Hence for the proponents of multi-culti the events of 9/11 marked the end of an era, and those of 7/7 punched nails into their project's coffin; but far from acknowledging that this might have occurred because of the inadequacy of their vision, most fair-weather multiculturalists simply blamed the terrorists for letting them down. Piqued by this betrayal, they have proved only too ready to line up behind visions of community cohesion. Our inspection of Cantle's understanding of community cohesion has served to reveal its inherent flaws. Whilst all plural societies need to establish a viable basis on which to negotiate social cohesion as between their component parts, attempts to impose cohesion by demanding conformity to a single religious, linguistic, cultural, and moral ideology are bound to fail. The unilateral imposition of homogeneity in contexts of plurality can only be expected to sharpen underlying contradictions, and hence precipitate an increase in heterogeneity. That said, no plural society can operate without some means of ordering cross-boundary transactions. Since no business can be done in the absence of a common transactional code, a negotiated lingua franca invariably emerges in plural contexts. The English language is a classic example of just such a lingua franca. If outright war is to be avoided, the core issue is what the contents, the scope, and above all the symbolic character of such a common transactional code should be. Negotiation is the core issue: there is no more effective recruiting sergeant for polarisation than attempts to impose hegemonic solutions. With this in mind it follows that aspects of our current democratic conventions, and especially the expectation that the will of the majority should normally prevail, stands in urgent need of qualification. A pluralist vision would not only support Muslim girls to wear the hijab to school if they so wished, but also resist the imposition of restrictions on those who wished to use hounds to hunt foxes. A viable condition of plurality must not only recognise that diversity is
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an ever-present dimension of human affairs, but also be underpinned by a presumption of a right to differ, even when the behaviour in question is significantly at odds with established conventions. It goes without saying that this right could not remain wholly untrammelled: even the most plural societies are of necessity underpinned by a restricted number of common conventions. That said, a commitment to plurality demands that such requirements are kept as parsimonious as possible. In doing so it also follows that the liberal dream of identifying a singular set of universally applicable moral principles around which 'the good life' can be constructed must also be set aside, to be superseded by a recognition that every moral system is culturally grounded, ethnically specific and hence non-universal in character (Gray 2000). If it could be accepted that moralistic hubris, no matter how well intentioned, is inherently oppressive, many of our current dilemmas would be far easier to resolve. If political and cultural compromise became the order of the day at every level in the socio-political order, the 'threat' of plurality would simply evaporate. Once humanity regains its capacity to acknowledge and respect difference, our current tendency to regard diversity as the enemy of solidarity could be steadily whittled away, opening the way for the emergence of societies in which everyone could feel at ease within 'a community of communities' as Parekh (2000) felicitously puts it. In so far as the objective of community cohesion is to 'help micro-communities to gel or mesh into an integrated whole.. .[and] to develop common goals and a shared vision' (Cantle 2001: 70), it stands at the opposite end of the spectrum from Parekh's vision.
Conclusion: Ethnic plurality and the challenge of the twenty-first century
The new millennium may well prove to mark a turning point in human affairs. The nineteenth and the twentieth centuries were an age of nationalism, during which the world's empires fragmented into ever more numerous national components, each of which sought stability and justice in the context of separate visions of ethno-national homogeneity. As we enter the twenty-first century, unitarianism is proving an impossible dream. The costs of secession and the attendant processes of ethnic cleansing are manifestly unacceptable, whilst the exponential growth of long-distance migration is undermining all efforts to construct ethnically homogeneous nation-states. That Euro-America should find the resultant contradictions acutely challenging should come as no surprise. It was European thinkers from Hegel onwards who initially provided the
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philosophical basis for dreams of national homogeneity, and their ideas were exported to the remainder of the globe during the nineteenthcentury age of Empire. As we enter the twenty-first century Euro-America's position of global hegemony is fading fast. Millions of non-European settlers have established themselves in the former heartlands of the Imperial order, such that alarm bells have begun to ring across the length and breadth of Euro-America. Populist movements demanding a halt to further (non-European) immigration, the better to sustain our (already irretrievably flawed) condition of ethno-national integrity have emerged on all sides. Yet despite the steady globalisation of the world order, nationalist dreams of Unitarian homogeneity continue to exercise as powerful a hold over Euro-American imagination. Still committed increasingly hubristic expectations of both local and global hegemony, the prospect of living in conditions of religious, linguistic, and ethnic plurality continues to be regarded as a dreadful prospect. The time has come for a re-think. Our Unitarian dreams have passed their sell-by date. The goal of comprehensive ethnic homogeneity - call it 'modernity' if you will - is proving to be unreachable, and its pursuit is precipitating ever more bloody consequences. If our taken-for-granted assumptions are leading us into the wilderness, it is time to turn around. We have much to unlearn. Our un-modern ancestors found plurality far less bothersome to live with than we do. What went wrong? In our doggedly Unitarian pursuit of 'modernity' and 'progress', some salient truths about our human condition have been swept aside. Three of the most obvious include the propositions that • as cultured beings, we humans have an infinite capacity to create the terms of our own existence, and to do so in extraordinarily varied ways; • although we share many commonalities, there is not, is unlikely to be and certainly never has been a single vision of 'the good life' to which all humans adhere; • whilst everyone holds their own vision of the good life in high esteem, any attempt to forcibly impose that vision on others is asking for trouble: more often than not such effort will simply reinforce those alters' determination to pursue their own course. When our ancestors began to construct towns and then empires, they were never so foolish as to attempt to render them ethnically homogeneous. Whilst all pre-modern states included a hegemonic elite whose
members occupied position of enormous privilege, the successful rulers of the far-flung Empires of antiquity never sought to eliminate all traces of ethnic, religious, and linguistic plurality from amongst their subjects. That would only invite rebellion. Instead all they demanded was acknowledgement of and respect for Imperial authority. The epithet 'render unto Caesar that which is Caesar's' promised his subjects a great deal of personal autonomy, provided they accepted the legitimacy of the overarching Roman umbrella. In a post-9/11 context it also worth remembering that all the historical Islamic Empires were markedly plural in character. To be sure every Sultan looked on his Muslim subjects with special favour, but that certainly does not mean that Jews, Christians, Zoroastrians and Hindus were systematically excluded from positions of power and privilege. Moreover, whatever stories of Muslim bestiality may have been circulated in western Europe since the failure of the crusades, it was the Latin Christians, rather than their opponents, who were for long the most enthusiastic exponents of Holy War and conversion by the sword. Hence as Sachedina demonstrates in his illuminatingly titled volume The Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism, the ferocious visions of Islamic unitarianism through which contemporary jihadis legitimate their actions have much shallower historical and ideological roots than do those of the Washington neo-cons who have taken advantage of the assault on the twin towers to launch a global re-run of the crusaders' agenda under the banner of a War on Terror. Building on key Qur'anic messages which insist, amongst other things, on the unity which underpins all the variety found in God's created world, such that all of Adam's offspring will stand as equals - regardless of gender and tribal affiliations - when they are ultimately called to account for their doings during the course of their sojourn on earth, Sachedina concludes that in historical terms the Islamic vision of a just society has never been as monolithic as the majority of its contemporary ideologues so mindlessly insist. Instead, the focus of the Islamic social message has been to make human beings aware of their true potential, to overcome self-cultivated weaknesses that prevent them from dealing with others with justice and fairness. Islam seeks to remedy these weaknesses by improving inter-human relations and emphasising people's civil responsibilities towards one another. The challenge for Muslims today, as ever, is to tap the tradition of Koranic pluralism to develop a culture of restoration, of just intra-religious and inter-religious relationships in a world of cultural and religious diversity. Without restoring the principle of coexistence, Muslims will not be able to recapture the spirit of early civil society under the Prophet (Sachedina 2001: 138-9).
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Democracy, especially when formulated within the context of a nationalist framework, swept such pluralistic understandings to one side. Once plurality was defined as a challenge to national integrity, the only reasonable response to diversity was to seek its elimination. However, it was not democracy per se which precipitated that outcome, but rather the majoritarian basis on which nationalists invariably insisted that it should be interpreted. Democratic orders which leave no space for diversity will of necessity be regarded as oppressive by those who differ; and efforts to suppress those differences invariably sharpen rather than eliminate the underlying disjunctions. In these circumstances the remedy is not to back away from the principles of democracy, but rather to temper simplistic majoritarianism with a recognition that accepting the consequences of ethnic plurality is a necessary civic virtue. As a leading American theorist of the imperatives of plurality argues, this will require urgent steps to encourage. a wide diversity of religious faiths, sensual habits, household organizations, ethnic traditions, gender practices, and so on, and [to] encourage the civic virtues of pluralism to inform relations between these constituencies. But a democratic pluralist won't willingly, for instance, allow the state to torture prisoners; murder to go unpunished; parents to deprive their children of an education; the public school system to deteriorate; wealthy citizens to evade taxes; orphaned children to be placed under the care of incompetent adults; adult citizens to be unemployed for too long; the gap between the real cost of living in a system and the income-earning ability of most citizens to grow large; the income hierarchy to become too extreme; or narrow Unitarians to take charge of the regime.... a diverse culture is one in which pluralistic virtues of public accountability, self-discipline, receptive listening, gritted-teeth tolerance of some things you hate, and a commitment to justice are widespread. (Connolly 2005: 43) The pursuit of such strategies will never be easy. In comparison with the clarity of the Unitarian nationalist's vision, plural societies are grounded in endless compromises and hard-driven bargains. To modernists in search of clear-cut solutions, all this will appear impossibly chaotic. But is there any viable alternative? The orderly world of which unilateralists dream can only be achieved by taking exclusivist positions in which alternative perspectives are eliminated. But as current developments
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constantly remind us, the consequences of so doing in an inescapably plural global order are exceedingly severe. As we enter the twenty-first century the central challenge facing humanity is the re-establishment of respect for difference. If we could regain the capacity to do so, we would have a much brighter prospect of responding with equanimity to the conditions of ethnic plurality which surround us, no less globally than locally. We all have much to re-learn.
1. I happily acknowledge my debt to Michael Banton as the coiner of the first of these terms, and to William E. Connolly as the source of the second. If 'presentist' refers to the anachronistic mistake of seeking to read past events in terms of present-day suppositions, 'unitarian' refers to those who make the parallel mistake of assuming that only non-plural societies can ever be viable. 2. Although England was one of the world's first nation-states, it always firmly rejected republicanism. Hence in formal terms Britain's population still remain subjects of the Crown rather than citizens. The only Act dealing explicitly with UK citizenship was passed in 1981, and is primarily concerned with identifying those who do, and those who do not, have unquestioned rights of entry and abode in the United Kingdom.
Ballard, R. (1994) Desk Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in Britain. London:
C. Hurst and Co. Ballard, R. (1996) 'Islam and the Construction of Europe', in Shadid, W. A. R.
and van Koningsveld, P. S. (eds), Muslims in the Margin: Political Responses to
the Presence of Islam in Western Europe, Kampen: Kok Pharos Publishers. Ballard, R. (2003) The South Asian Presence in Britain and Its Transnational Connections', in Singh, H. and Vertovec, S. (eds), Culture and Economy in the Indian Diaspora, London: Routledge. Ballard, R. and Parveen, T. (2007) 'Minority professionals' experience of marginalisation and exclusion: the rules of ethnic engagement', in Barrett, M.,
Flood , C., Race, R. and Bade, J. (eds) Advancing Multiculturalism, Post 7/7, Cambridge: The Scholars' Press. Earth, F. (1969) Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organisation of Culture Difference, London: Alien and Unwin. Beetham, D. (1970) Transport and Turbans: A Comparative Study in Local Politics,
Oxford: Oxford University Press. Brooks, D. and Singh, K. (1979) 'Pivots and Presents: Asian Brokers in British
Foundries', in Wallman, S. (ed.), Ethnicity at Work, London: Macmillan. Cantle, Ted (2001) Community Cohesion: A Report of the Independent Review Team, London: The Home Office. Cantle, T. (2002) Building Cohesive Communities: A report of the Ministerial Group on Public Order and Community Cohesion. London: The Home Office.
302 Issues Post 9/11 Carling, A., Davies, D., Fernandes-Bakshi, A., Jarman, N. and Nias, P. (2004) The Response of the Criminal Justice System to the Bradford Disturbances of July 2001 www.betterbradford.org.uk/Documents/Fair%20Justice%20For%20All.pdf. Connolly, W. E. (2005) Pluralism, Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Fielding, Steven (1993) Class and Ethnicity: Irish Catholics in England, 1880-1939, Buckingham: Open University Press. Furnivall, J. S. (1939) Netherlands India: A Study of a Plural Economy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goodhart, David (2004) Too diverse? Is Britain becoming too diverse to sustain the mutual obligations behind a good society and the welfare state?', Prospect Magazine, Issue 98, May 2004. Gray, John (2000) Two Faces of Liberalism, London: Polity Press. John, D. (1969) Indian Workers Associations in Great Britain, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Marx, Karl (1870/1975) 'Letter to Sigfrid Meyer and August Vogt', in Marx, K. and Engels, F. (eds), Selected correspondence, Moscow: Progress Publishers. 2 Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich (1975) Selected Correspondence, Moscow: Progress Publishers. Miles, Robert (1993) Racism after 'Race Relations', London: Routledge. Parekh, Bhikhu (2000) Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory, London: Macmillan. Powell, Enoch (1968) 'Like the Roman, I seem to see the River Tiber foaming with much blood.' Speech to the AGM of the West Midlands Area Conservative Political Centre, Birmingham, April 20, 1968. Sachdina, A. (2001) The islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism. New york: Oxford University Press.
In this index personal names have been listed in alphabetical order of first name, as in some cultures this is the significant name. Where authors have been cited for their publications they have been listed under surnames for this is how they would be consulted in bibliographies or catalogues. In some places a page reference is given where the actual word may not be used but the concept is discussed. Page numbers in bold represents chapters. Abdullah Quilliam, 15, 27n4 Aboriginals, 5, American Muslims, 226 upwardly 162, 164, 165, 167, 185 Abrahamic Faiths, mobile, 227 Americanization, 236 181 Abul Hasan All Nadwi, 35 acculteration Asian Americans post 9/11, 223-42 Atlanta, 233 (see also assimilation), 23, 27, 59, 62,122-3,129,135, 236 acharyas, attitudes to religion, 228 brain drain 81, 82, 83, 87, 88 adharma (see also dharma), from South Asia, 230 Californian school history courses, 77 Afghanistan, invasion of, 4, 20, 136, 234 138, 226, 229 census question, 182, 224, 225, 237 African American Muslims, 229 Chicago, 5, 129, 148, 156, 233 Africanisation, 15 Afro-Caribbean converts to Islam, 40 ahl as- Christian diversity of, 144 competition with Islam, 229 sunna wa-jama'at, 26 Ahl-Hadith, 16 Ahmad church and state in America, 239 Riza Khan Barelwi, 16 al-Azhar, Cairo, 31, Council for American Islamic 32, 34, 35, 37, 42, Relations, 229 democracy, 241 50n.6 equality before the law, 237 'faith al-Falah, Bradford youth centre, 46 Albased initiative' post 9/11, Karam College, Nottingham, 36-9 al238 government policy (see also Muhajiroun, 20 Alawiyya of North Africa, 15 alcohol, 87 Alijafarey, 132 'alim, 34, 37, 48 census question), 226, 228, 229, 237, Allah, God in Islam, 40, 43, 44, 101 Allama 238, 239, 240, 249 gurdwaras in, Nishtar, 39 America (see also immigration; 231 Hindus in, 232-4 Hindutva in Parsis; America, 233 Hispanics convert to Twin Towers; USA), 1, 3, 6, 143-57, 223-42 African Americans, 229 Islam, 229-30 Houston, 5, 147, 233 ignorance of South Asian religions, American Islam, 230 American Muslim 231 immigration, 223, 224, 225, identity, 226 226, numbers, 228-9 227, 228, 229 303 Indian Christians in, 234-5 leaders counter stereotypes, 233
TD Q J_
The outcome of an international scholarly collaboration, this collection examines how religions from South Asia have been reconstructed within Western settings and how identity is shaped, not only by migrants but also by subsequent generations. Focusing on Britain, USA, Canada and Australia, the chapters address the religious, social and political issues facing South Asian diasporas and examines how they have been affected by 9/11 and other terrorist atrocities. The book concludes with an examination of how policy should react and adapt to the issues raised by the growing presence of South Asian diasporas. John R. Hinnells is Research Professor at Liverpool Hope University, UK, a Senior Member of Robinson College Cambridge, UK, and Honorary Professorial Research Fellow, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, UK. His books include Zoroastrians in Britain; Zoroastrian and Pars/ Studies; and The Zoroastrian Diaspora. He has also edited The New Penguin Dictionary of Religions and The New Penguin Handbook ofLiving Religions.
Jacket photograph © jeremy Edwards . www.istockphoto.com