Poul Andersen

The Practice of Bugang
In: Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie, Vol. 5, 1989. pp. 15-53.

Résumé La pratique taoïste du bugang est une démarche (ou une danse) rituelle qui retrace les configurations cosmiques. On la trouve décrite dans des sources du début des Six Dynasties mais il s'agit déià là de versions élaborées sur la base de formes beaucoup plus anciennes, notamment le Pas de Yu, Yubu, attesté dès la fin des Royaumes Combattants. Les légendes de Yu ont toujours joué un rôle important dans les théories sous-jacentes à la pratique du bugang. Cette danse est, en effet, interprétée comme une façon d'établir ou de reconfirmer l'ordre cosmique et humain, à l'instar de l'aménagement du monde par Yu après le grand déluge. Les configurations du bugang sont intimement liées aux concepts du temps. Il existe, en effet, un rapport entre la pratique du bugang et différentes techniques de la divination, notamment le système de dunjia. On trouve des descriptions du bugang dans des textes du dunjia et, même, la technique divinatoire peut suivre une procédure qui est à la fois une forme de comput et une performance du bugang. Dans les différentes versions du bugang, la démarche suit généralement le mouvement de l'Unité Suprême, Taiyi, à travers les cieux. En fait, le prêtre exécutant le bugang personnifie souvent cette divinité. Il y a deux catégories de bugang : ceux de purification et ceux d'ascension. Ces deux genres remontent à la tradition Zhengyi et furent adoptés dans la liturgie générale depuis le début des Tang. Beaucoup de versions figurent encore dans le rituel contemporain.

Citer ce document / Cite this document : Andersen Poul. The Practice of Bugang. In: Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie, Vol. 5, 1989. pp. 15-53. doi : 10.3406/asie.1989.942 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/asie_0766-1177_1989_num_5_1_942

THE PRACTICE OF BUGANG Poul Andersen La pratique taoïste du bugang est une démarche (ou une danse) rituelle qui retrace les configurations cosmiques. On la trouve décrite dans des sources du début des Six Dynasties mais il s'agit déià là de versions élaborées sur la base déformes beaucoup plus anciennes, notamment le Pas de Tu, Yubu, attesté dès la fin des Royaumes Combattants. Les légendes de Tu ont toujours joué un rôle im portant dans les théories sous-jacentes à la pratique du bugang. Cette danse est, en effet, interprétée comme une façon d'établir ou de reconfirmer l'ordre cosmique et humain, à l'instar de l'aménage ment du monde par Tu après le grand déluge. Les configurations du bugang sont intimement liées aux con cepts du temps. Il existe, en effet, un rapport entre la pratique du bugang et différentes techniques de la divination, notamment le système de dunjia. On trouve des descriptions du bugang dans des textes du dunjia et, même, la technique divinatoire peut suivre une procédure qui est à la fois une forme de comput et une performance du bugang. Dans les différentes versions du bugang., la démarche suit généralement le mouvement de l'Unité Suprême, Taiyi, à travers les deux. En fait, le prêtre exécutant le bugang personnifie souvent cette divinité. Il y a deux catégories de bugang : ceux de purification et ceux d'ascension. Ces deux genres remontent à la tradition Zhengyi et furent adoptés dans la liturgie générale depuis le début des Tang. Beaucoup de versions figurent encore dans le rituel contemporain. Historical Introduction1 I. Origins and Archaic Forms The topic of this article is the Taoist practice oïbugang #M (or ft), "walking the guideline," that is, the ritual walk or dance following the basic, cosmic 1) This article has been written within the framework of a research project aiming at the preparation of a comprehensive monograph on the practice of bugang, for which I have received the generous support of the Carlsberg Foundation, Denmark. As a part of this project I have spent one year, from April 1986 to March 1987, doing field work in Taiwan and in the People's Republic of China. The major part of this year I spent in Tainan, Taiwan, where I continued work with the Taoist priests of the area begun during a previous one-year stay from March 1978 to February 1979. The classical Taoist priests of the area define themselves as representat ives £hengyi IE — tradition and will be referred to as such in this article. It should be of the Cahiers d'Extrême- Asie 5 (1989-1990): 15-53

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patterns. This practice has occurred as an element of Taoist ritual since the early Six Dynasties, but its history quite clearly goes even farther back. The Taoist bugang appears as a further development of certain forms of shamanistic dances attested for the period of the late Warring States. An ancient term for these dances is Tubu 0k<&, "Steps of Yu."2 It has r emained the generic term for the style of walking used by the Taoist priest when he performs bugang, and the legends of Yu have continued to play an important part as basic formulations of the myths underlying the performance. In his Danses et légendes de la Chine ancienne Marcel Granet has reconstructed a system of religious dances of the Zhou dynasty, based on scraps of legends found in ancient philosophical and literary texts. Concrete descriptions of the actual forms of ritual reflected in early legends are of course virtually absent from such texts, and in his discussion of the Steps of Yu — when he wishes to give precise substance to his ideas — Granet can do no better than refer to a much later, Taoist source, the Baopu zi of around 320 A.D. (Granet 1926:549-50). We have today the advantage of recent archaeology, which has brought to light two texts containing detailed descriptions of early forms of Tubu. These are the Day Book, Rishu 0 H, one of the bamboo-slip manuscripts recovered in 1975-76 in Shuihudi, Hubei, from a tomb dated 217 B.C., and the Remedies for 52 Ailments, Wushier bing fang 2l+H^^, which is the title chosen by Chinese scholars for one of the medical texts written on silk scrolls unearthed in 1974 from Tomb Three (dated 168 B.C.) in Mawangdui, Hunan.3 It is noteworthy that these descriptions confirm the direct relationship noted, however, that it is common usage among the priests of the Taipei area (of the category described in the article in this issue by John Lagerwey) — priests who likewise claim to represent the ^hengyi tradition— to distinguish themselves from the classical priests of south Taiwan and the Xinzhu area by referring to the latter as Lingbao fljif priests. According to the %hengyi priests of the Taipei area the distinctive mark of a Lingbao priest is that he performs funeral services, gongde 5^Ë?, in addition to the jiao fti liturgy of renewal, the funeral services being left in the Taipei area to a separate category of practitioners. But quite apart from this difference it may be noted that the jiao liturgy of the tyengyi priests of south Taiwan contains in fact a number of elements that were crucial in the ancient Lingbao liturgy, and which are absent from the liturgies of the Taipei area. See notes 54, 60 and 62 below. In the present article I do occasionally draw upon my experiences in the present-day field and quote from the ritual manuscripts that I have been allowed to copy from the holdings of living priests. But it has not been my purpose to give a detailed account of present-day forms of bugang. The purpose of the present article has been to lay the conceptual foundations of and give the historical background for such an ac count, which I hope to be able to publish in the near future. 2) See for instance Fayan by Yang Xiong (53 B.C.- 18 A.D.), 7.152: "Formerly Sishi iiXS: (i.e., Yu) regulated the waters and the earth, and the steps of shamans in many cases are those of Yu" MiP&ffb, and Shizi (probably third or fourth century A.D.) T .30, which states that as a result of his great efforts Yu "developed unilateral paralysis, so that his steps did not pass each other. People call it the Steps of Yu." 3) The Rishu has been edited, with an introductory study of the text by Rao Zongyi and with notes and an index by Zeng Xiantong, in Rao 1982. See also Harper 1985 and Kalinowski 1986. The Wushier bing fang has been published in Wenwu 1975, 9: 35-48. Cf. Early China 2 (1976): 68-69, and Harper 1982.

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(postulated also by Granet) between the early forms of Tubu and the later, Taoist bugang. It may be mentioned for example that the Tubu described in both of these texts always occur in a series ot three. The cures contained in the Wushier bing fang comprise various elements, such as the preparation of medicines, the waving of twigs, the spewing of purifying water, and the pro nouncing of incantations. The last two elements are often combined with Tubu and in many cases constitute the concluding part of the cure. The de scriptive phrase used invariably is Tubu san rS^H, "'Steps of Yu, three times." The same phrase occurs once in the Rishu, where in another place it is expanded to Tubu sanmian ^fH|, "Steps of Yu, three exertions" (Rao 1982:20). This triple usage of the steps accords with the descriptions ot Tubu found in the Baopu zi (DZ 1185:17.ba). We meet in this connection the terms sanbu, "three steps," and jiuji jh^f, "nine traces," each "step" being in fact composed of three separate steps. Indeed the term Sanbu jiuji came later to be used currently as a synonym for the term TubuA It may be noted, finally, that the same triple usage is found in one of the rare descriptions of bugang preserved in ^hengyi material probably from the Six Dynasties. It is in a passage on the writing 01 talismans, contained in Chisong zi znangu (DZ 615:2.1b-3a). The writing is accompanied by an incantation ior the transformation of the body, by means of which each part of the body is identified with a specific deity. The incantation concludes as follows: "My feet are white horses, 1 step forward through the Three Officials (qia?ibu Sanguan HU^Eiig'). Each of them leads a host of seven million who, riding in a large chariot, issue forth from my body to assist me in writing the talisman and to manifest their power and exterminate evil demons, monsters, goblins, wicked devils, and noxious influences." This walk through the Three Officials is clearly related to the walk through the Three Powers, Sancai bu EL~JfJp, occurring in the beginning of the Tang dynasty version of the great puriricaUon ot the altar, Chitan $]W.- The walk through the Three Powers is there perlormed at the end of the summoning of the tour Numina, Siling OS, while pronouncing the following sentence: "May I endure as long as the Otficials oi Heaven, Earth, and the Waters!"5 The two basic forms of bugang are the walk along the seven stars of the Big Dipper — beginning usually trom the star closest to the celestial north pole, in accord with the ancient, universally accepted numbering of the stars — and the walk through the eight trigrams arranged in the pattern of the Luoshu tërlt (commonly following the sequence of the numbers arranged to form the soLi) in Taoist texts of the Tang and Song dynasties the two terms are used interchangeably tor the torui of Tubu described in the Baopu zi, then commonly presented as a lull variant of bugang (see pp. 42-43 below). It should be noticed, however, that the term Tubu is frequently used in the same texts also for the style of walking used in other variants oi bugang and probably with the same signification as in present-day liturgy, that is, referring simply to the trailing style of walking in which the same foot is constantly placed ahead and the other pulled to its side. 5) DA 1212: 5b; DZ 800: 2b; DZ 1226: 7.3a-b. The commentary of the latter text specifies that one step should be taken, while pronouncing each of the words Heaven, Earth, and Waters

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called magic square).6 Concrete ritual walks along any of these patterns, as opposed to general notions of ritual movements following the same patterns, are not to my knowledge documented in texts that are earlier than the Six Dynasties. The earliest preserved descriptions of— and also the earliest con crete references to — bugang following the pattern of the Luoshu appear to be those found in Shangqing huangshu guodu yi (DZ 1294), an early /(hengyi text (see below). The earliest preserved descriptions of bugang along the stars of the Big Dipper are those which form part of the Shangqing Jifra corpus, revealed in the years 364-370 A.D.7 As is well known, the Shangqing revelations rely heavily on religious practices already current in South China, giving these a new and more meditational shape and conceiving the revelations as the "true" versions of the already circulating texts on which these practices were based. This is also apparent in the case of the forms of bugang. For example, some of the practices described in Bu tiangang jing (DZ 1316) — and included partly in Jiuchen yujing (DZ 428) — seem clearly related to the scripture entitled Bu sangang liuji jing ^HgT^iB^, mentioned in the Baopu zi (DZ 1185:19.4b).8 The Bu tiangang jing is exceptional in that it discusses the earlier forms on which it is based, that is, in the words of the text, the simplified and debased forms of which it is the correct version. The history of bugang is traced back to 24 B.C., when Wang Feng zEMj a member of the clan of Wang Mang EE#, obtained a summary of the methods from the Taoist Liu Jing §Um, who in turn had studied the methods with Lord Zhang of Handan ft|$W3t?l (DZ 1316:28b-29a). Although the time scheme presented in this account may prove to correspond to the actual history of bugang, the story also gives ample cause for suspicion. Thus the emphasis on the clan of Wang Mang —who is reported to have received himself a copy of the summary by Liu Jing, carved on gold plaques by Wang Se EEfe, a disciple of Wang Feng— may well be a reflection of the well-known story reported in the Hanshu, concerning the last 6) On the numbering of the stars of the Big Dipper, see for instance Tundou shu (Taiping yulan 5.4a). On the Luoshu and the magic square, see below. 7) On the texts of this corpus dealing with bugang, see Robinet 1976; 1979: 281-328, and Lagerwey 1981:235-37 and 251. Two of the main texts of this category are Bu tiangang jing (DZ 1316) and Jiuchen yujing (DZ 428). The first of these appears to be the earliest, as it is r eproduced in an abridged form in the latter (DZ 428:25b-34a), where it is presented under the heading Bu tiangang P^M, Walking the Celestial Guideline. Cf. the edition of Jiuchen yujing included in Yunji qiqian (DZ 1032:20). 8) The terms sangang and liuji occur frequently in Bu tiangang jing (see for instance 12a.line 5), and in one place, where the title of the book is given in the text itself, the term Diji ±É$B, Terrestrial Sequence, is replaced by liuji (27a.line 6). The term sangang, "three guidelines," is clearly related to the practice, described in the text, of pacing back and forth three times through the stars of the Dipper — and to the concept of three cosmic planes: Heaven, Earth, and Man. The term liuji, "six sequences," is left unexplained by the text, but in the Jinsuo liuzhuyin (DZ 1015) —a work which appears to be of the late Tang dynasty (see note 57) — we find that it is related to the term liujia a\¥, that is, to the combinations of the celestial stem jia with six different terrestrial branches (see for instance DZ 1015:2.3a; cf. the dunjia technique described below, pp. 33—34). For earlier occurrences of the terms sangang and liuji, relating them to the philosophy of social relations, see Bohu tong, chapter 29:8.442-51.

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days of the usurpant emperor. Wang Mang is shown there to have used the Dipper as a cosmic weapon to protect himself against his approaching enemies, but the story makes no reference to any walking in this connection {Hanshu 99, ~f. 4190). 9 We find ample information in Han dynasty texts on the use of the Dipper as an exorcistic weapon, but I have found no trace of bugang in any of these accounts.10 But while the practice of bugang in accordance with the two patterns discussed above cannot be demonstrated to go farther back in history than the early Six Dynasties, there are other elements of the practice which certainly have a much longer history. As we have seen, the style of walking called Tubu is described already in the Rishu and the Wushier bing fang. In these texts we may note another element which is related to later forms of bugang, namely, a circular movement leading to the centre. The most detailed description of Tubu found in the Rishu presents it as a way of securing a safe exit through the gate of the territory, bangmen #i$H. The text mentions the three steps and the accompanying incantation and then continues: "First, representing Yu, you clear the road and then draw a line on the earth five times. You collect the soil at the centre of the drawing and keep it" ^M^^M., .BP2l1ë%, W^M.^ :&rhffi'K£ (Rao 1982 -.20).11 It is of course debatable whether this drawing on the earth refers to a circle divided into four stations and leading finally to the centre or to five circles around the centre, but it appears in any case to be related to forms of move ment used in connection with bugang in many contexts. To give but one ex ample, the Bu tiangang jing prescribes a circling of the Dipper, representative of the centre of heaven, before undertaking the walk along the stars (DZ 1316:la-b, 9b).12 But perhaps even more to the point, the drawing on the earth seems to correspond to the very basic pattern guiding the proceedings of many different forms of Taoist ritual and determining that action should take place in the five directions, in the order east, south, west, north, centre. 9) Similarly the reference to Lord Zhang of Handan may have its source in the story, found in ^huangzi, chapter 17:6 T .601, about the boy who went to Handan in order to learn a new way of walking. He did not succeed, but in the process forgot his own original way of walking and thus in the end had to crawl back home. 10) This applies also to the passage produced by Donald J. Harper, and through which he claims to "have been able to trace a separate exorcistic dance related to the Big Dipper back into the Han period" (Harper 1979:5). It is the "method of pronouncing an incantation against thievery," zhudao fang MiêS.~2j, described in the biography of Xifu Gong M.^fc$B in the Hanshu. We are told there that Xifu Gong dishevelled his hair during the night and stood in the central courtyard. He faced north and held a dagger —prepared from a mulberry branch, and with the seven stars of the Dipper drawn on its surface —waving it and pointing with it and pronouncing the incantation (llanshu 45.2186). Harper interprets the passage, saying that "Hsi-fu laid out a pattern of the Big Dipper using mulberry branches and then intoned incantations while making wild motions with his hands and feet." This interpretation becomes possible, however, only through a misreading of the passage in question. 11) Cf. Wushier bing fang, cure no. 13, which is concluded by the sentence: S*±tfeD^l (Wenwtt 1975,9:36). 12) Cf. DZ 1015:17.6a-b and DZ 1227:8.3b.

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Thus for instance the implanting in the ritual area of the five Lingbao talismans still performed today by the ZJiengyi priests of south and central Taiwan takes place in this order.13 And the same is true for the establishing of the five camps, wuying 51|f, which is perhaps the most basic practice of the hongtou %LM. priests. The way certain priests in present-day Taiwan perform this rite makes it particularly clear that the sequence represents an ascent to heaven.14 This interpretation also emerges from the descriptions of the rituals of popular priests, duangong )%&£;, of Gucheng county in northwest Hubei, published recently by Du Disheng. These rituals include the presentation of offerings to the spirit of the mountain by the duangong, who dances along the above five directions while holding a banner which clearly is representative of the world-axis leading to the centre of heaven (Du 1984:254). The very archaic character of these rituals supports Du Disheng's assertion of a connection with the rites of ancient shamans, w u 3a, of the state of Chu. In any case, the same structure is manifest in some of the poems of the Chuci, which are clearly related to shamanistic practices. In the Summoning of the Soul, £haohun IB5&, for example, the shaman calls upon the soul of the deceased to return by describing first the perils of the east, the south, the west, and the north, and then finally those of the centre (represented here both by the up ward and the downward directions). The shaman informs the soul that it cannot ascend to heaven and then describes the beasts guarding the Gate of Heaven, whereupon he advises the soul also to refrain from descending to the underworld governed by the terrible Earl of Earth. We may see in this an attempt to persuade the soul not to undertake the journey which is customary for deceased souls and shamans alike (Chuci 491-92). The ritual movements described above clearly have a cosmological basis, 13) The implanting of the five talismans is performed during the Suqi ritual and is derived from the ancient Lingbao tradition. See note 60 below. 14) Thus when Lin Jirui #ï^§, a hongtou priest of Tainan, establishes the camps, he imper sonates in each of the four directions the emblematic animal of the direction in question —that is, the Four Numina, Siting Hfi — and finally, as he arrives at the centre, two interlacing drag ons,which according to Lin himself representjin andyang. The relationship of the pair of dragons to the idea of ascent is well attested in ancient sources, both literary and iconographie. See for instance Sfmnhaijing 7.209 on the travels to heaven of Qi ^, the son of Yu (cf. Granet 1926:581), and the painting found in Tomb One in Mawangdui, discussed in Loewe 1979:17-59. The hongiou establishing of the five camps is comparable to the Cleansing of the Altar, Jingtan WE., that is, the common rite of purification and entrance used by ^hengyi priests in the beginning of all rituals. (Note that entrance to the altar is generally referred to as "ascending the altar," dengtan SËîfi.) When the Jingtan is performed in its fullest form, the line and movements of the five priests are referred to as Siting zhen E3SP$, "the array of the Four Numina," each of the assistant priests being identified in this connection with one of the emblematic animals. The group of priests, having circled the ritual area purifying it with water, in the end return to the centre, where the four assistant priests separate into pairs walking in two independent circles. The high priest alternately joins one or the other of the two groups, thus uniting the two circles by moving in the pattern of the number eight. As it has been explained to me by certain priests, the two groups symbolize yin and yang and the movement of the high priest the union of the two forces, that is, the Supreme Pole, Taiji jfcH.

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and it seems likely that this basis must be sought in concepts of the alternation of the seasons. Ancient Chinese ritualists in general seem to agree on the point that ritual should be governed by the patterns of time. To quote but one example, it is stated in the Liyun WkM. chapter of the Liji that "ritual is united with the times of heaven" EHfc^-o^^iBt and, shortly afterwards, that, "as regards ritual, time is the most important" H.B#^^: (Liji 10.314-15). The ritual systems proposed for the use of the emperor in the period of the late Warring States and the Han dynasty all show a heavy reliance on calendrical science and divination. Thus we find that most of the ritual classics contain calendars with descriptions of the ritual obligations of the emperor throughout the year, as well as references to systems of divination for calculating avoidances, re commended actions, etc.15 It was from the Han dynasty milieu of ritual and divinatory speculation, commonly associated with the fangshi Jjzb, that the Taoist practice of bugang derived its theories. For the following exposition I shall therefore take my point of departure from some of the ritual classics, transmitted in Han dynasty editions. II. Ideology of the Practice As mentioned, the practice of bugang derives, at least partly, from the ritual form of Tubu, Steps of Yu, and the concept of these steps is, of course, related to the legends of Yu. In Chinese mythology Yu is known first of all as the one who regulated the waters after the great flood, a fact he accomplished by walking through the world. His steps provide the exemplary model for the ritual form of Tubu. The flood may be equated with primordial chaos or, in a more synchronie mode of thought, the chaos underlying the existing state of order. And the cosmic order established by Yu may be identified with the societal order instituted by the emperor in accordance with the patterns of the universe. Such interpretations would appear to be in order when one considers the historicized forms of the legend of Yu to be found in the ritual classics of the late Warring States and the Han dynasty. In the Da Dai liji we find the following version of the legend of Yu : "He was the grandson of Gaoyang jlfjUl and the son of Gun %. His name was Wenming ~$Cw$. He was generous and capable of helping; his virtue was un failing. Attractive in his humanity and reliable in speech, his voice created the standards of sound and his body those of measure. He was praised as a superior person. Indefatigable and reverent he laid down the basic principles 15) Sec tor instance Liji 6.201-41: Tueling R<£ and Da Dai liji, chapter 47: 2.3b-18b: Xia xiaozheng Jf/JNIE. An earlier example is found in the third section of the Silk Manuscript of Chu, Chu boshu JHfëiB, dated fifth to fourth century B.C. This section of the manuscript is distributed in the circumference of the two main sections, and it contains prescriptions for avoidances to be observed during each of the twelve months of the year, accompanied by pictures of the deities of each month. See Rao 1985: 71-85, 97-147, and plates 1-7; Li 1985: 29-48 and 139-53; Barnard 1972: 2-3. See also the Risku (third century B.C.), which contains a large amount of material on various techniques for calculating avoidances, etc. Cf. Kalinowski 1986.

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(gang Hi and ji IB).16 He inspected the nine provinces and opened up the nine roads. He dammed the nine marshes and measured the nine mountains. He was the host of the gods, the father and mother of the people. To his left was the level and plumb-line, to his right the compass and square. He set the four seasons in motion (literally, "walked the four seasons," lii sishi ftEQ^f) and took possession of the four seas. He pacified the nine provinces and carried the nine heavens on his head. He made his ears and eyes perceptive and regulated the world. He elevated Gao Yao Ippf&I and Yi ê; to his service. He made use of shield and spear in order to punish the insubordinate and reckless (^lË^jlt^èJc;) • Within the four seas, wherever boat or cart could reach, all submitted and gave allegiance to him" (Da Dai liji, chapter 62 :7.5b-6a). We see in the above account a picture of Yu as the model ruler (founder of the Xia dynasty), who establishes the empire by making the norms of the cosmos govern the life of the people. The legend occurs at the end of a chapter entitled Wudi de 3£ïff|g, "The Virtue of the Five Emperors," and it is preceded by quite similar legends concerning these Five Emperors, or high gods. Each emperor is, of course, credited with a different contribution to the development of human culture, but they all have one thing in common : they all concern themselves with determining the calendar. Thus we read of the Yellow Emp eror, Huangdi îïc'Sf , the first of the five emperors in the system of the Da Dai liji, that he "calculated and distinguished [the movements of] the sun, the moon, and the stars," and of Shun ffî, the fifth of the emperors, that he "ordered Xi He ti^P to manage the calendar and respectfully transmit the [patterns of] time to the people." Yu, as we have seen, "walked the four seasons." A similar expression is used of Gaoyang, the grandfather of Yu and the second of the five emperors: he "walked [the patterns of] time in order to resemble (i.e., be in accordance with) heaven" M^fïilM.^.It would appear that in the ideology of the Da Dai liji —which in this respect agrees with other ritual classics of the period such as the Liji —the walk through the world done by Yu, as well as by other model emperors, is symbolic of the orderly movement of time. It is at the same time a transfer of the patterns of heaven — the movements of the celestial bodies and various divine forces —to earth, as expressed in one of the standard phrases about the mythical emperors, "He carried heaven on his head and walked the earth," daitian liidi W^W$fo, and in the statement about correct government found in the chapter Sidai Eft, "The Four Eras," of the Da Dai liji, to the effect that it consists of "cal culating [the movements of] the Great Way in order to lay down [the patterns of] time for life on earth" M^tÊU^M^ (Da Dai liji, chapter 69:9.9a). Clearly the role of the emperor as conceived in the ancient ritual classics is not just managerial. He does not only establish the social order in accordance with the patterns of the universe, he affects the very functioning of the uni verse. The calendar does not merely describe the course of the year, it institutes that course. The emperor is the cosmic man who unites heaven and earth, 16) For a discussion of these terms, see pp. 25-26 below.

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enabling them both to function. In other words, his role is ritual as well as managerial. The ritual functions of the emperor in relation to the calendar are described in the Tueling ft-%-, "Monthly Commands." This work, which has been pre served both as a chapter of the Liji and in the Lilshi chunqiu and the Huainan zi, contains a systematic record of the ritual obligations of the emperor throughout the year. These obligations include the performance of a ritual circulation over the period of the entire year through the ritual structure of the Hall of Light, Mingtang 55^-17 In each of the twelve months the emperor must station himself in the appropriate compartment of the temple in order to promulgate the "commands" of the month in question; he visits the larger, central hall in the brief period between the sixth and the seventh month. A reconstruction of the plan of a Mingtang, based on excavations in present-day Xi'an, the an cient capital of the Former Han dynasty, and on textual sources, is shown below:18

North

Clearly the disposition of the rooms corresponds to the general notion of the movement of the seasons as a spatial flow from east to south, to west, to north. From the earliest times, this flow of the seasons has been related to the annual movement of the Big Dipper in the sky, and already in texts of the 17) See Kaltenmark 1961:42-45. 18) From Wang 1987:plate 2.1. The numbers have been added by me on the basis of the description found in the Tueling.

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Warring States we find widespread use of the system of counting the months in accordance with the immediate position of the Dipper.19 This system is referred to variously as yuejian BW-, "monthly establishing," and doujian 4-H, "Dipper establishing," and it is based on the arrangement, shown below, of the terrestrial branches, dizhi }=&££, in the circumference of the earth: % -7- a J^ #P /[^ 1 i North |

In the first month at dusk the Dipper points to the terrestrial branch yin jit, in the second month to the terrestrial branch mao $\l, and so on. Obviously the above disposition of the compartments of the Mingtang accords with this system of counting the months, and in fact we find that in the Huainan zi version of the Tueling the text for each of the months begins with a statement of the direction of the Dipper during the month in question, in accordance with the system of doujian {Huainan zi 5.69-87). Some further elaborations of ritual systems relating to the Mingtang are found in the weishu f#|t, the apocryphal texts of the Han dynasty.20 The Mingtang is there explained to be a replica of heaven, as in the Diming yan îtr^plt, where the five divisions of the building are associated with the seats in the constellation Taiwei ~fe$jk of the emperors of the five directions {Shiji suoyin 1.23). It is stated in the same text that "the emperor, having received [the essence of] heaven, establishes the five offices {wufu Hffî) in order to honour the repeated images {chongxiang "ÊM) of heaven," and the central office is said to be named Shendou )jî$4-> "Divine Dipper" {Suishu 68.1589). This designation clearly reflects the central position of the Dipper in Han cosmology, widely attested in the weishu. The Dipper is seen as the instrument of the emperor of heaven, Taiyi ;fc— , who resides in the bright, reddish star Kochab {fi Ursae Minoris) near the pole of heaven. "It contains the primordial breath and dispenses it by means of the Dipper," says the Wenyao gou 3&JS$ïJ {^houli yishu 18.119/3), and of the Dipper itself: "It is the throat and tongue of heaven" {Shiji suoyin 27. 1292) . The latter metaphor, repeated again and again in the weishu, is of course all the more apt, since the Dipper is not only the universal outlet of the breath of life, but also the celestial baton which directs the alternations of time. It is seen as commanding the movements of "the seven administrators (of time)," 19) See for instance the divinatory technique called jianchu Sife, "establishing and expulsion," described in the Rishu (Rao 1982:4-11). Gf. Kalinowski 1986:197-99. 20) For a survey of modern research concerning the weishu, see Seidel 1983:296-308.

I

The Practice of Bugang

25

qizheng -bBc, that is, the sun, the moon, and the five planets, each of which is believed to be governed by one of the stars of the Dipper. It is therefore only natural that the emperor in his command over the world should be identified with the Dipper. "The Dipper is the image of the lord of men and the master of commands," says the Tuanming bao juiw^ {Tang kaiyuan zhanjing 67.9b). And in a commentary by Song Jun %^ (fl. 220-65) on the Shuo tici fftMi? we find the following statement: "The Dipper rests at the centre of heaven and has its rules of demeanour (weiyi fScil). The king takes the former as his model and brings the latter to completion. He attains in this manner the central harmony of heaven" (Taiping yulan 610.2a). As mentioned, the Dipper is conceived in the weishu as the instrument of Taiyi, the supreme emperor of heaven. It is described variously as the ladle by means of which he pours out the primordial breath and as the chariot in which he moves through the heavens. The underlying cosmographie concept is that of the Dipper as a pointer — and a conductor— stretching out from the pole of heaven to the belt of the celestial equator and, by its annual move ment, like the outer leg of a compass, describing a circle which is the circum ference of heaven. The Dipper is referred to as gang M and the circle as ji $2, and their point of connection is said to be in the constellation Horn, Jiao p}, that is, the one of the twenty-eight mansions, xiu ?if, to which the Dipper points.21 The terms gang and ji are found already in the earliest Chinese classics (such as the Book of Odes), where they refer to the norms of conduct estab lished by the emperor. The words appear originally to have signified, respect ively, "the guiding rope of a net" (gang) and a "leading thread" (ji),22 but at an early date they were applied to the structure of the universe as well. Thus, in the calendrical treatise of the Hanshu, the Dipper is called the "gang of Heaven," tian zhi gang ^^.M, and the term ji is associated with the Jupiter cycle of twelve years, corresponding to the twelve stations of Jupiter in the sky, the second of which is called Xingji JLic1, Stellar Calculator, and said to to be the point of departure of the cycles of the sun and the moon (Hanshu 21 _h .965). The cosmological usages of the termjï, as documented in a large number of Han dynasty texts, clearly relate to various kinds of calendrical sequences and cycles of time, and it should be noted that the cognate term ji |S, with which it is sometimes used interchangeably, has the meaning of "record." It is with these calendrical connotations that the term is adopted into the technical vocabulary of the Taoist practice of bugang, where a basic term is Diji jfefB, the Sequence of Earth. This term was coined in contrast with the term Tiangang ^.M, Guideline of Heaven, and appears originally to have referred to the seasonal changes on earth, activated by the movements in heaven, and conceived as a spatial 21) Shiji 27.1291 and 1297, Yuanming bao (Shiji suoyin 27.1297), and Hanwenjia {Tang kaiyuan zhanjing 65.1b-2a). 22) Grammata Serica Recensa: 697e and 953i.

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flow on the circumference of the earth.23 Thus it represents the terrestrial pattern to which the powers emanating from the pole of heaven are transferred by the Dipper performing its annual revolution in the sky.24 This interpreta tion is supported by passages found in the Shangqing huangshu guodu yi (DZ 1 294) . This text, which belongs to the early %hengyi tradition, presents a wed ding ritual, or perhaps one should rather say a rite of sexual union. In any case, sexual union takes place as a part of the ritual, which also includes cer tain dances performed by the couple. These dances are described as forms of bugang, and they represent some of the earliest, if not the earliest, preserved descriptions of the practice. It should be noted, first, that the term bugang does not occur in the Huangs hu. soon became the general term for the practice and has remained so to It the present day, but in the Huangshu the general term is nieji $|$E, "treading the sequence," with the variant expression nieshi SSB^f, "treading [the pattern of] time," the latter referring to a dance of the couple each with one foot in opposing terrestrial branches and joining the two other feet in the centre, then shifting to the next terrestrial branch and so on until they have gone 23) The term occurs in the Huangdi neijing suwen, where it is presented as the terrestrial response to the alternations of the six breaths of heaven (Huangdi mijing suwen chapter 66:19.36768; chapter 68:19.389; chapter 9:3.61). It may be noted in this connection that the interpreta tions terminology of bugang introduced by Edward H. Schafer — and widely quoted by of the other scholars — in my opinion do very little justice to the cosmological ideas governing the practice. See the discussion of bugang found in Schafer 1977:238-42. Schafer uses the translations "Mainstay" [gang) and "Strands" or "Filaments" (ji), denning the terms on the basis of their reference to the larger and smaller strands of a net. It is true that these are perfectly valid dic tionary meanings of the terms and that in many ancient texts the metaphor of the net is used for the total system of social relations and obligations: the gang and ji (i.e., major and minor principles) of social life. See for instance Bohu long chapter 29 :8.442-43. It is also possible to find a few Taoist texts which define the terms gang and ji as invisible threads connecting the stars. See for instance DZ 1032:24.1a. But the image of a celestial net represents at the most a very limited aspect of the cosmological ideas governing the practice of bugang. Most importantly it does not accommodate the crucial, temporal aspects of the terms involved in the practice. These are totally disregarded by Schafer, who reduces the practice to an erratic "shaman's shuffle over the dominions of the night sky." His aim is less to explore Taoist ritual as such than to present the concrete background for the phantasies of Tang dynasty poets. It therefore hardly comes as a surprise when he concludes the exposition with the remark that "the best space nights were to take place through the cosmos of the spirit, and to find their Baedekers not among the historians and the compilers of alchemical manuals [i.e., the Taoists], but in the poets" (Schafer 1977:242). 24) Cf. Huangdi neijing suwen chapter 70:19.369-70. As mentioned, the term Diji appears originally to have referred to a cycle of time conceived as a spatial flow on the circumference of the earth, and thus it seems closely related to the concept of the twelve terrestrial branches. It should be noticed, however, that in the application of the term which is most current in Taoist texts on bugang, the Terrestrial Sequence is adapted to the pattern of the seven stars of the Dipper (i.e., the gang). Thus already in some of the earliest specialized scriptures on bugang we find that the "treading of the Terrestrial Sequence," nie diji SSife^2, is in fact performed as a walk along the stars of the Dipper. See DZ 1015:1.1a, 2.1b etc., and compare DZ 1316:27a-29a, where the "flight along the Terrestrial Sequence,"/^ diji ffëifefcl, is contrasted with the "walking of the Celestial Guideline," bu liangang

The Practice of Bugang

27

through the whole circle (DZ 1294:21b). Nieji refers specifically to the practice, performed repeatedly during the ritual and in turns by both participants, of "toeing" with one foot the body of the other while lying side by side. The movement starts from the heart and describes a circle in eleven steps, the man moving his left foot clockwise to an end point on the right side of the woman and the woman moving her right foot counter-clockwise to an end point on the left side of the man. In both cases it is clear from the accompanying in cantation that the notion of the movement of the four seasons is involved. The practice, which is described also as a form of massage, clearly intends to establish an inner circulation in accordance with the patterns of the universe. It leads into a long series of inner circulations, directing the inner forces of the two participants so that together they may reach the Gate of Life, Shengmen ^f% and concluded by prayers that the life-giving breath emanating from the union oîyin anàyang may affect the bodies of both. The text continues with a series of incantations, the first of which, pronounced by the man, opens with the following lines: I wish to mount the Guideline of Heaven and enter the Sequence of Earth. The four seasons and the five elements are each of themselves apposite. The corresponding incantation pronounced by the woman begins : I wish to lie on earth and receive heaven, unitingjjw andyang. The four seasons and the five elements are each of themselves apposite. The two incantations continue with identical lines and both end as follows: The five breaths —both the dark and the yellow — adhere of their own [to my body]. They return to my five organs, which glow with light. (DZ 1294:14b) The sexual implications of the text are of course unmistakable, and in this respect the text is unique. It nevertheless clearly illustrates some of the motifs operative in most versions of the practice of bugang, and these motifs may conveniently be discussed in this connection. Firstly, there is the motif of the union of cosmic planes, which in the Huangshu is expressed not only in the union of man and woman— representative of heaven and earth— but also in the inner circulation of breaths activated by the "walk" on the body in accordance with cosmic patterns. Walks with the feet on the body do not to my knowledge occur in any other Taoist ritual, but they are clearly comparable to the practice, widespread since the Song dynasty and in present-day Taoist ritual, of walking with the thumb in the hand. In the £hengyi liturgy of present-day south Taiwan, for example, the priest very consistently performs the practice of bugang simultaneously as a walk on the ground and a walk with the thumb in his left hand (except in the few

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variants of bugang in which he has to carry the sword and the bowl containing holy water), according to identical patterns. It is prescribed emphatically in the secret manuals of the high priests that the two movements should be synchronized, as in the following passage from the secret manual of the Zeng family: "With the foot one treads the Dipper, while in the hand one points to the fingers. There must be absolutely no disorderly movement. When the foot reaches the Gate of Heaven, the hand reaches the Gate of Heaven. When the foot reaches the Door of Earth, the hand reaches the Door of Earth. The secret instructions of Taoism embrace heaven and earth" (Xuanke miaojue 28a).25 The manuals also commonly prescribe simultaneous visualizations of assistant deities or of the stars on the ground — corresponding to a meditative flight through heaven — and the total outcome is thus a unified movement on the three cosmic planes : in heaven, on earth, and in man. The concept of such a unified movement is underlined by several of the great masters of the Song dynasty as the basic principle which explains the efficacy of bugang. In Wushang xuanyuan santian yutang dafa (DZ 220) by Lu Shizhong HB^^, founder of the Tutang dafa Bi'sL'X.^k tradition in the 1120s we find the following passage: "Between heaven and earth man is the most numinous of all things. Therefore, whenever he points in his hand or walks with his feet, he is united with Perfection (zhen H). The method of bugang arises from this. To perform bugang is to fly along the essences of heaven, to tread the numinae of earth, and to set the perfection of man in motion. Through it the Three Powers (Sancai EÎ^J", i.e., the three cosmic planes) unite their virtues, the nine breaths are alligned, and demons and spirits spin" (DZ 220:19.1b). The second motif to be noticed in the Huangshu is that of "distribution" from and return to the centre. As we have seen, the walk with the foot on the body starts out from the heart, which corresponds naturally to the centre of heaven (the Dipper and the celestial north pole together being commonly referred to as the Heart of Heaven, Tianxin ^ù*).26 As we saw, the whole process is called nieji, "treading the sequence," and the following eleven steps probably are to be identified with the Terrestrial Sequence, Diji, the move ment thus corresponding to that of the Dipper along the circumference of the earth in the course of a year (cf. the line of the incantation translated above : "I wish to mount the Guideline of Heaven and enter the Sequence of Earth"). The following inner circulations then lead back to the centre, now represented by the Gate of Life, from where the breath is once again diffused into the bodies of the participants. The pulsating movement outlined in this sequence of practices corresponds 25) The title of the manual is Xuanke miaojue ZenSP 5^fcl>I£1tBB, "Zeng records of wondrous instructions for thç mysterious liturgy," and an old version, in the hand of Zeng Yanjiao #S§jSc (1818-66), is included in the collection of K.M. Schipper (AS 062). I quote here from the foun tain pen copy of this version possessed by Chen Rongsheng W^lkÊt, ^hengyi high priest of Tainan. 26) See for instance DZ 1227:1.1a.

The Practice of Bugang

29

to the theories developed during the Han dynasty concerning the movement of Taiyi, the Supreme Unity. The term taiyi ^c— occurs already in texts dating from the early Han dynasty with the meaning of "the supreme emperor of heaven" who resides at the pole of heaven and from there distributes the primordial breath.27 It should be noticed, however, that quite commonly the very same texts use the term also in a more abstract sense, signifying "cosmic unity" or, simply, primordial breath as such. Thus in the Shuo tici we find the remark on the manifold essences of heaven that "united they constitute the supreme unity, separate, the different names" (Taiping yulan 1.9b). And in the Huainan zi, which contains ample information on Taiyi as a personal deity, we also find a passage defining the term as referring to the chaos before the creation of things and stating that the Perfected, zhenren JBÀ, are those who have not yet separated themselves from the supreme unity (Huainan zi 14.225). What most texts seem to agree on is that ritual is based on taiyi and the emperor should embody taiyi, but it is not always stated clearly whether this refers to a ritual achievement of unity or to an impersonation of the deity.28 The ambiguity of the term is demonstrated also by the cases when the texts do in fact make it clear that the deity is intended by using the expanded phrase taiyi zhi shen ~X\—~£lM, "the god Taiyi," as in the following passage from the jfi tuzheng ffiKiit : "When the drums sound in the eastern suburb, the ancestral souls arrive, and the god Taiyi descends" (Chuxue ji 15.6a). Given the fact that the term taiyi is met in philosophical texts of the late Warring States apparently in the abstract sense only, one might be inclined to see this deity as a hypostatization of the state of unity (achieved perhaps basically in ritual), but it should not be overlooked that the deity also has a prehistory in the ancient state of Chu, which may go back to remote antiquity.29 In any case it is im portant to notice that the double intent of the term is widespread in Han dynasty texts and is maintained also in much later Taoist material.30 27) For the history of the cult of Taiyi, see Cammann 1961 :60-64. 28) See for instance the following passage from the Liyun chapter of the Liji: "Ritual neces sarily has its root in the Great Unity {Dayi ^T—). Divided it becomes heaven and earth. Revolving it becomes yin and yang. Changing it becomes the four seasons. Arranged in order it becomes devils and spirits. Its descent is called fate (or the mandate, ming ifo). Its agency {guan 1=F) is in heaven" {Liji 9.306). Compare Huainan zi 8.119: "The emperor embodies the Supreme Unity, the king models himself on yin and yang, the hegemon imitates the four seasons, the lord uses the six regulations {liulu 7a^)." In both these passages the underlying model appears to be that of cosmic creation from primordial unity, but it may be noted that the late Han commentator, Gao You MM (fl. 205-12), defines the Supreme Unity of the Huainan zi passage as referring to "the celestial god of punishments," tian zhi xingshen 5c^?PJff . 29) An early example of the use of the term in the more abstract sense is found in the Lûshi chunqiu, in a chapter on music. Music is said to have its root in the Supreme Unity, and the term is denned as referring to the Way {Lûshi chunqiu 5.4b-7a). The Supreme Unity is met as a per sonal deity already in the first of the Nine Songs, Jiuge ihW, of the Chuci, where the god is ident ified as the Sovereign of the East, Donghuang taiyi JKji.;fc-~ {Chuci 121-26). Note the suggestion by Rao Zongyi that this deity is related to the bird of spring, Dayi ~X%L, said in the Chu boshu to arrive in the first month of the year (Rao 1985:71-73). 30) See for instance DZ 1015:6.14a-b.

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The movement of Taiyi is conceived as occurring either along the stars of the Dipper or through the palaces of the eight trigrams, in both cases leading eventually to a return to the point of departure. In the case of the movement along the stars of the Dipper it naturally poses a problem how this return is to be conceived. One solution to the problem, reported in the weishu, introduces the three pairs of stars in Ursa Major below the Dipper called the Three Terraces, Santai E£"ï=f. These are said to constitute "the staircase of heaven" and "the road along which Taiyi descends and ascends" (HanwerAjia iS^CM Tang kaiyuan zhanjing 67.2a). Thus we find that in a large number of variants of bugang the priest begins by walking along the stars of the Dipper — starting out from the star closest to the pole — and ends by returning to the Gate of Heaven along the Three Terraces.31 The two major forms of bugang are modelled on the two patterns of the move ment of Taiyi, and indeed the incantations accompanying the performance frequently express that the priest impersonates Taiyi.32 But the different variants of the practice, within either of the two forms, emphasize different aspects of the movement of Taiyi. According to ritual functions we may dis tinguish two major categories, namely the bugang serving purposes of exorcism and those serving purposes of ascent. The first category concentrates naturally on the outward movement of Taiyi — his distribution of strength —whereas the second focuses on his return to the centre. The notion of the distribution of strength from the centre plays a part in several of the weishu. Thus in the Tundou shu M^WL we find a passage describing the activity of the Three Sovereigns, Sanhuang HM, which includes the fo llowing sentence: "They contained all vastness and walked in the centre; they opened upyin and yang and distributed strength" (bugang JfiW\) (Fengsu tongyi Lib). The relationship of this description with the Dipper may be seen from another passage of the same book, in which the Dipper is described as follows : "It rests inyin and distributes yang" (Taiping yulan 5.4a). It is also clear from the Taiping yulan edition of the first passage, where gang M (guideline) replaces gang Wl (strength) (Taiping yulan 76.3a).33 The important thing to notice in this connection is that in quite a few Taoist scriptures on bugang the two characters for the word gang are used interchangeably, just as the character bu $? meaning "to walk" is commonly replaced by bu ^ meaning "to dis tribute." It may be said that not infrequently the notions of walking the guideline, spreading out the guideline, and distributing strength are subtly 31) See pp. 46-47 below. 32) See for instance the incantation opening with the sentence: "I am the Perfected Taiyi in the centre of the grotto" ^skM'&Jk: — M. It is found in the beginning of the version of the great purification of the altar included in Daomen tongjiaoji and said to be based on Tang dynasty editions (DZ 1226:7.5a). See also DZ 1227:8.5b. In the version of the great purification used by gkengji priests of present-day south Taiwan it accompanies the final bugang for the "closing; t)f the boundaries," Jiejie gang fâ^M- See pp. 42-43 below. 33) For a discussion of the textual variants of this passage, see Tjan 1949:296-98. Compare the similar passage found in Tuanming bao {Taiping yulan 79.4b).

The Practice of Bugang

31

blended.34 It should be noted further that the notion of bugang as a distribution of the forces of heaven has been preserved up to the present. In the ritual manuals of present-day ^hengyi priests the character bu, to walk, is occasionally replaced by the one meaning to distribute, as in a manuscript in my possession, deriving from master Chen Dingfeng of Xinzhu, where the heading of the description of the walk of the Nine Phoenixes — which is, it should be noted, a basic bugang of purification— is Bu jiufeng gang ^J^MjEj "Distributing the guideline of the Nine Phoenixes" (Lingbao yutan fazou keyi 3a). It may be added that the prac tice of "collecting the guideline," shougang J&ie, performed in some variants at the end of the walk — and complementary to the initial "invitation of the guideline," qinggang |§ fg— has been explained to me by some priests as refer ring quite simply to a gathering together of the celestial forces deployed on the floor by means of the walk. The practice of shougang is sometimes performed by the J^hengyi priests of south Taiwan as a turning of the body on itself, and it is always accompanied by the incantation : The Guideline of Heaven, the Sequence of Earth. The Sequence of Earth, the Guideline of Heaven. The thousand guidelines and the ten thousand Dippers follow my hand and rise. (Xuanke miaqjue 8b) It is performed by the ZJxengyi priests of the Taipei area with a movement of the hand over the breast, and the implication appears to be that the celestial forces are being reinserted into the body of the priest from which they were originally distributed. The practices described above from the Huangshu relate to the theory of the outflow of the primordial breath along the stars of the Dipper, but the book also contains practices relating to the other basic theory concerning the move ments of Taiyi. This is the theory of his travels through the Nine Heavens, represented by the palaces of the eight trigrams plus the centre, and commonly referred to as Taiyi bujiugong ^-^^%^, "The walk of Taiyi through the nine palaces." It forms the basis of the dances performed in the ritual of the Huangs hu to the walks on the body (nieji) . The initial dances, which apparently prior serve the purpose of creating the sacred area, are described under the heading Bujiugong fa 'fàfL'Ëfè, "The method for distributing the nine palaces" (DZ 1294 :8b- lia). The couple moves around together in the ritual area and in each of the eight directions and in the centre establishes a palace by joining fingers or toes so as to give a varying total number and in each position calling out the name of the palace in question (i.e., the name of the trigram or, for 34) Gf. the remarks by Lu Shizhong in Wushang xuanyuan santian yutang dqfa: "Spreading out the Dipper (^F4") is implicating the guideline (Wi) and moving the sequence (ffi) in walking. Therefore it is referred to as strength (pspj). Strength \s yang. The walk attains the natural yang and thereby regulates the demons ofyin" (DZ 220:25.14a).

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the centre, Central Palace) and the number. The resulting structure is shown below and is, of course, the Luoshu arrangement of the numbers from one to nine — also called the magic square — with the corresponding arrangement of the trigrams:

ss |ë xun 4 il zhen 3 8 == & ger

li 9 5 1 kan ik

kun W == 2 7 dui ft £3 6 qian fê S

South

The concept of the movement of Taiyi following the pattern corresponding to this arrangement of the numbers is extremely important both in the ritual thought of the Han dynasty and in the techniques of divination developed during the same period, as well as in the later Taoist practice of bugang.sri One of the diviner's boards excavated in 1977 in Fuyang county, Anhui, and dating from the beginning of the Han dynasty is based on this movement. It has been shown to be related to the description found in chapter 77 of the Lingshujing, which is entitled Jiugong bafeng JllÈîAMi, "The Nine Palaces and the Eight Winds" (Lingshujing 11.117-19).36 According to these two sources the eight palaces distributed on the circumference are indeed combined with the numb ers of the Luoshu, but at the same time each of them is associated with a period of the year, consisting of either forty-five or forty-six days and succeed ing other in a straightforward way around the circle. As stated in the each Lingshu jing, each palace represents the residence of Taiyi during the period in question. It is clear, however, from the same text that within these periods Taiyi also moves around on a daily basis and in this movement follows the numbers of the Luoshu. It would appear from the structure of the diviner's board that divinatory answers were obtained by the confrontation of these two movements. The names of the palaces and the divinatory values associated with the numbers of the Luoshu are of some interest. Whereas the number one on the central "plate" of heaven (tianpan ^M) is associated with the lord (jun H"), the number nine is associated with the people [baixing 15" IE). Of the nine palaces through which Taiyi circulates according to the Lingshu jing, the palace of the south, associated with the height of summer and the number nine, is called Shangtian _h^, "Ascending to Heaven." It is quite clear that Taiyi, when following the sequence of the Luoshu, is conceived as setting out from the north 35) See Cammann 1961 and Kalinowski 1985. 36) See Yan 1978:335-36 and the excavation report in Wenwu 1978, 8:12-31.

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— the number one — and ending up at the number nine in the south, just as the lord of men, facing south, governs his people. The name of the palace in the south clearly indicates that it is from there that Taiyi ascends and thus returns to the centre of heaven (in accordance with actual facts associated with the north in the northern hemisphere) . We may compare the above with the commentary by Zheng Xuan M& (127-200) on the description of the movement of Taiyi found in the Qian zuodu. It says that when Taiyi has reached the palace of the trigram li, corresponding to the number nine, "the move ment is completed. He travels upwards, resting in his palace of Celestial Unity {Taiyi tianyi zhi gong ;fc— ^-^^HT, i.e., c Draconis), and returns to the Purple Palace (i.e., the centre of heaven)" (Tiwei qian zuodu ~f .3b). In quite a few variants of bugang based on this pattern the movement actually proceeds from north to south and from one to nine, that is, in accordance with the above descriptions. But this is usually not the case in the most widespread variant of this kind, namely the Jiuling gang, "Guideline of the Nine Numina" (see below) . This variant is directly related to the dunjia i§ ? system of divinat ion, which will be considered in the following. The dunjia system had obtained wide circulation already at the time of Ge Hong H$^ (283-343), the author of the Baopu zi, who informs us that he hims elfpossessed more than sixty volumes (DZ 1185:17.5a). He proceeds to give extracts from one of these works, the Dunjia zhongjing M ¥4*82, in order to provide the essential information needed by anybody who wishes to enter a sacred mountain. The basic method is a bugang, performed in the Steps of Yu and leading through various points in the peripheral arrangement of the twelve terrestrial branches.37 As is well known, the branches are combined with the ten celestial stems, tiangan ^.:f-, in such a way as to form a cycle of sixty, used in a continuous counting of days. In the course of this cycle each of the stems is combined with six of the branches, and these combinations are referred to as the Six Jia, liujia 7\¥> the Six Yi, liuyi T^Zi, etc. For each group of ten days, xun /&], each stem is combined with a different branch, which means that the place of the stem in relation to the arrangement of the terrestrial branches changes as we move from one xun to the next. In the Dunjia zhongjing quoted by Ge Hong these changing places of the stems are referred to by particular names (found also in the later divinatory texts ment ioned in note 37). The place occupied by the Six Jia, for example, is called the Green Dragon, Qinglong Hft, that of the Six Ding, liuding, /\T, is the Supreme Yin, Taiyin ~X.^; the place of the Six Gui, Liugui ;a\1§, is called the Storehouse of Heaven, Tianzang %Wl, and that of the Six Ji, liuji T^E, the Door of Earth, Dihu i&^. The bugang described proceeds through the places designated by these terms, and it follows that the position of each step must 37) See the diagram p. 24 above. A large number of variants of the method are found in later divinatory texts contained in the Daozang. See for instance Lingbao liuding bifa (DZ 581), Huangdi taiyi bamen rushi jue (DZ 586), Huangdi taiyi bamen rushi bijue (DZ 587), Huangdi taiyi bamen nishun shengsijue (DZ 588), Bicang tongxuan bianhua liuyin dongwei dunjia zhenjing (DZ 857), and Taishang liuren mingjianfuyinjing (DZ 861).

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be calculated in accordance with the time of the performance, that is, in accordance with the immediate xun. The walk begins with an exit from the Storehouse of Heaven (replaced in later sources by the Gate of Heaven, Tianmen ^cH, corresponding to the place of the Six Wu) and continues with an entrance through the Door of Earth. It is followed by a movement from the Green Dragon to Supreme Yin, that is, along the stations of the four consecutive stems jia, yi, bing, and ding. In later texts the conclusion of this movement is generally referred to as "mounti ngJade Girl," chengyunti. ^3E£", or "hiding with the Jade Girl," yin yunù the W-3L~k- There are six such Jade Girls, and they are the spirits of the Six Ding, whose place is called the Supreme Yin. The later divinatory texts of the Daozang contain a rich lore concerning these Jade Girls of the Six Ding. Their basic quality is that they confer invisibility on the one who is able to find them and join them.38 They represent the opening in the cycle of time, which leads to the world of nothingness beyond, and it is important to notice that in order to find this opening one must follow a procedure which is at the same time a form of divinatory computation and a performance of bugang. Closely similar ideas are expressed in the dunjia technique which is based on the pattern of the movement of Taiyi along the numbers of the Luoshu.39 In this technique the trigrams of the Luoshu are associated with eight gates, namely the Gate of Rest, of Life, of Injury, of Closing, of Brilliance, of Death, of Fright, and of Opening {xiu ffc, sheng ^È, shang %, du £fc, jing H, si fc, jing W, kai IS). While the trigrams remain fixed, each in its own direction, the gates change places according to the sequence of the numbers of the Luoshu and at intervals of, for instance, a double-hour, three days, a month, or a year. To add even further to the complexities of the technique, it envisages both a forward {yang) and a backward {yin) movement, and the structures of trigrams and gates are further combined with the nine stars of the Big Dipper, which move in the direction opposite to the gates but in the same pattern. I shall in this connection make no attempt to give a detailed account of the divina tory technique, but will limit myself to considering its relationship with the practice of bugang. This relationship hinges on the combination of the trigrams and gates with the nine stars of the Dipper. The number of nine stars is reached by the ad dition to the seven stars of two assistant stars, namely the Fuxing $§ M (Alcor, 80 Ursae Majoris) and the Bixing ffijM., an invisible star in the neighbourhood of the handle of the Dipper. The tradition of combining the stars of the Dipper with the trigrams is quite old. Rudiments of it are found in the Bian zhongbei, where one of the extra stars appears to be £haoyao J§fê {y Boôtis), one of the prolongation stars of the Dipper {Tiwei bian zhongbei la-2b). But the precise 38) See for instance DZ 861 :4.11b. Cf. Schipper 1982:190-91. 39) My sources for the description of this technique have been mainly DZ 586-88, a group of texts which appears to be of the Song dynasty, and the Dunjia yanyi by Cheng Daosheng of the Ming dynasty.

The Practice of Bugang

35

form of the union of the nine stars and the trigrams occurring within the dunjia system is specific to this system, as it involves a special nomenclature for the stars. The stars of the Dipper are here referred to by the names Tianpeng 3ÇH, Tiannei ^p9, Tianchong ^M, Tianfu ;^fif> Tianqin 3^|£, Tianxin ^<ù, Tianzhu ^ft, Tianren ;*;££, and Tianying ^^. These names occur in the Wuxing dayi by Xiao Ji (a Sui dynasty text) in chapter 5, paragraph 20, which describes the movements of Taiyi and Tianyi through the Nine Palaces. The stars are said to be present in the trigrams, which are listed in the sequence resulting in the formation of the magic square, and they are said to represent the nine spirits of the dunjia system, Dunjia jiushen M¥^Lifl$ • Three of the names ( Tiannei, Tianqin, and Tianxin) occur in the passage of the Baopu zi described above which quotes from the Dunjia zhongjing. They there designate the proper hours for entering a mountain. We may therefore assume that this particular combination of the stars of the Dipper with the trigrams and numbers of the Luoshu goes back at least to the early Six Dynasties. The first of the dunjia stars, Tianpeng, corresponds to the northern trigram kan and the number one in the Luoshu and is commonly identified as the ninth star of the Dipper, whereas the last, Tianying, corresponds to the southern trigram li and the number nine and is the first star of the Dipper.40 Thus, by moving ahead along the stars of the Dipper, beginning from the trigram li in the south, one may reach back to the point of departure, kan, in the north at the pole of heaven, and this is exactly the principle utilized in this form of dunjia divination. The calculation starts from a point representing the present hour (i.e., from one of the trigrams), and from there the diviner counts back through the gates (forward through the nine stars) along the pattern of the magic square, in order to find the Gate of Rest. Together with the two adjoin ing gates, the Gate of Life and the Gate of Opening, it forms the Three Odd Gates, San qimen H^ F1, or the Three Odd, Sanqi, for short. The Gate of Rest is the central of the Three Odd, and it is defined in one of the Song dynasty divinatory texts as the place where Taiyi rests (DZ 586 :1a).41 40) See for instance Taishang zhuguo jiumin zongzhen biyao (DZ 1227), dated 1116, 3.15a. Cf. Beidou zhifa wuweijing (DZ 870), apparently a Tang dynasty text, 2a-3a, in which neither the first, nor the eighth and the ninth of the stars are given the dunjia names beginning with Tian, but in which the second to the seventh, designated with these names, are presented in the order which makes Tianpeng the ninth and Tianying the first. Some later texts disagree with these definitions and consider Tianpeng to be the first star of the Dipper. See for instance DZ 1220: 156.5a. It seems clear, however, that the other version is the original. The Wuxing dayi, which distributes the nine dunjia stars over the seven basic stars of the Dipper, places Tianpeng in the seventh and Tianying in the first. And the name Tianpeng itself appears to be derived from Tianfeng ^^, the Lance Point of Heaven, which in Han dynasty texts is said to designate Xuange ~*£%. (X Boôtis), one of the prolongation stars of the Dipper. See Shiji 27.1294, and compare Baopu zi (DZ 1185:17.5b), which writes Fengxing iÉSL. Thus Tianpeng appears from the begin ningto have been associated with the area of the tip of the handle of the Dipper. Cf. Rao 1982: 13-16. 41) Note that the same text relates the three gates to the celestial stems yi, bing and ding, which we have seen in the first dunjia technique described here were the three steps of approach to the Jade Girls, the Six Ding.

36

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As in the first dunjia technique described here this form of calculation is* closely related to (or indeed performed as) a bugang. It is a bugang which is one of the most widespread in Taoist texts since the Song dynasty and which as a general rule is always found in texts on dunjia divination (including manuals that otherwise have no clear relation to ritual performances).42 In historical Taoist texts it is usually referred to as the Jiuling gang jlM^t, "The Guideline of the Nine Numinae," or the Huoluo dou t^^^, "The Dipper of Wide Clarity," and in the ritual manuals of present-day £hengyi priests we find the name Tianhuang dou ^Jl-4, "The Dipper of the Celestial Sovereign," the Celestial Sovereign being another name for Taiyi. The text of the incanta tion begins as follows : The essential wonder of the Dipper, the twelve chronograms {chen M.)I. mount the numinous light, and the majestic martial forces are deployed. The breaths appear like floating clouds. Their seven movements correspond to heaven above. I know that the transformations have auspicious and inauspicious times. I enter the constellation of the Dipper and cross the Threshold of Heaven (Tiangiian %M, i-e., the seventh star of the Dipper). I obey the law of the six combinations and abide by jia and yi (DZ 220:19.7a) Then follows the actual walk through the stars, accompanied by sentences that contain little more than an enumeration of the names of the stars. The walk starts in Tianying and ends by an exit in Tianpeng. The incantation con cludes as follows : The way of the Dipper is accomplished, the hard and soft (i.e., yang and yin) reach their full capacity 4jtS1^!!^ (DZ 566:5.3a). The ten thousand evil influences are exterminated, the hundred devils destroyed. Happiness and blessing are increased and passed on to following generat ions. I enter the region of obscurity and live forever.43 42) See for instance DZ 587:13b, DZ 861 :4.9b- 10a, and Dunjia yanyi 4.293-94. 43) The translation has been based on the version found in DZ 587 : 1 3b, which I have revised on the basis of the versions in DZ 220:19.7a-b, DZ 1227:8.10b-lla, and DZ 566:5.3a. The Tianhuang dou is used in the ghengyi liturgy of present-day south Taiwan and the Xinzhu area as a part of the Jinbiao, the Presentation of the Memorial, a ritual which is performed in a jiao on a theatrical stage outside the temple, and during which a memorial is presented to the Jade Emperor. The Tianhuang dou is performed by the high priest after his ascent to the stage, as a way of achieving the final approach to the Jade Emperor. See the manuscript collected by Michael Saso in Xinzhu, and entitled Lingbao jinlu dengtai baibiao keyi Kfï^lïïÊiSPflëfcïiê, Saso 1973:3323-3436 (the bugang: 3396-98). It is identical to a manuscript used by Chen Rongsheng of Tainan and entitled Taishang lingbao jinbiao keyi quanbu %±MMiféMPt'&.^.aï>. On the place of the Jinbiao in the total program of a jiao, see note 61 below.

The Practice of Bugang

37

Within the dunjia system this bugang is used to find the Odd Gate. By reach ing this point and going out through the gate one may obtain invisibility, which is equivalent to protection from all dangers.44 This purpose is expressed in the Baopu zi in connection with the dunjia technique for entering mountains, but a similar idea is to be found already in the descriptions of Tubu included in the Rishu. As we have seen, this performance of Tubu is likewise connected with an exit into the "wilderness" through a gate (the gate of the territory, bangmen), and the accompanying incantation opens with the sentence: "I walk and there is no calamity" (Rao 1982:20). It should be noted that there is a close connection between the forms of dunjia and methods of strategy. This connection appears for instance in the names of the eight gates given above, and in fact the Song dynasty divinatpry texts frequently refer to the techniquesi as basically serving purposes of military action.45 III. Adoption into Communal Liturgy As mentioned above the earliest major corpus of methods of bugang forms part of the Shangqing revelations of 364-70 A.D. The forms of bugang occurring within this corpus are almost exclusively walks along the stars of the Dipper (in its actual shape, as it appears in the sky) and through the five planets, with a few texts relating also to the Southern Dipper, Nandou ^f-^K46 They are generally subsumed under the term feibu zhi dao ^i^è.?Ê, "the way of the flying walk," which occurs for instance very frequently in Jiuchen yujing. This text gives detailed descriptions of walks through the stars of the Dipper and is largely overlapping with Bu tiangang jing. Although we find in these texts a substantial number of terminological reminders of divinatory techniques, the only functional elements of such techniques included are found in the short description of the technique of calculating the immediate position of the Dipper by means of the system of doujian and in the lists of the proper days for per forming the practice.47 The inclusion of the description of this technique is necessitated, of course, by the requirement that the walk be orientated in accordance with the actual position of the Dipper in the sky — coordinating the forces of man and heaven — but it should be noted that quite early this requirement was dropped. Thus in Taishang wuxing qiyuan kongchang jue (DZ 876) , which likewise forms part of the early Shangqing corpus, we find a passage commenting on the statement of "the scripture" that the practice should always be directed towards the north. The passage explains that this prescription is 44) See for instance DZ 861 :3.1a-3b and DZ 1220:183.7a-b. 45) See for instance DZ 857:1.10b-12a, where dunjia techniques are denned as the methods of war of the Mysterious Woman of the Nine Heavens, Jiutian xuannù jv%.~&i)t;. We are told that the techniques were first transmitted from the Mysterious Woman to the Yellow Emperor, in order that he might be capable of fighting his arch-enemy, Chiyou jë£. 46) See Taishang jeibu nandou taiwei yujing (DZ 638). 47) Bu tiangang jing 20b, 21a. Jiuchen yujing includes a similar list (24b-25a) and acknowledges the need for the use of the doujian technique (4a), without however describing the technique.

38

Poul Andersen

meant for beginners, who are not yet familiar with the methods of determining the positions of the stars, and that the more experienced adepts should follow the actual position of the Dipper, as determined by means of the doujian technique (DZ 876:3b and 8a-b).48 The Shangqing forms of bugang present themselves as ecstatic and visionary flights through the stars. In Bu tiangangjing the adept is required first to pace back and forth through the stars three times and then to perform a final walk from the first to the ninth star, in all cases skipping the third star, ^henren, the Perfected, which is to be avoided, and which is instead saluted by the adept, when he is standing in the ninth star.49 Generally, each step is ac companied by an incantation which is pronounced by the adept standing in the star and which evokes the image of the deity of the star in question. Ref erences to the effects of the practice are scattered throughout the incantations, and they centre on the notions of entrance into nothingness, obtainment of invisibility, and ascent to the Purple Court, %iting %%M (i.e., the palace of Taiyi, surrounding the celestial north pole) , by way of the Barrier of Heaven, Tianguan, the seventh star of the Dipper. The long-term results of using the methods are described in the following way, in a passage which is constantly repeated and elaborated upon in later texts: If you constantly tread on emptiness (i.e., the stars), then after one year you will avoid blame, after two years you will avoid weapons, after three years you will avoid death, and after four years you will become a ter restrial immortal. None of thé myriad harmful and evil influences will dare act upon you. From then on your blessings will be countless. You cause the gods to arrive, you command the spiritual forces. You xide a chariot yoked with flying dragons. The heaven of the Supreme . Pole (Taiji jzWL) presents you with the fungus of immortality. The Jade Emp eror (Yudi zE'rjif) gives you immortal lads [to escort you]. If you practice it for two times seven years, you will become a Perfected of the heaven of Superior Purity, Shangqing zhenren (DZ 1316:8a-b).50 The Shangqing form of bugang appears as a separate practice, serving ex48) The passage is quoted in Z^engao (DZ 1016) by Tao Hongjing (456-536), 9.1a, where it is said to be derived from the Feibujing. It may be noted that the secret manuals of the Zhengyi priests of present-day south Taiwan commonly contain descriptions of the doujian technique. The technique is, however, never used in connection with performances of bugang, as all the variants follow patterns that have a fixed position in relation to the structure of the sacred area. 49) Many early Shangqing texts insist on this avoidance, but none of them gives any reason for it. It may be suggested, however, that the Perfected of the third star is to be identified with the Perfected Official, Z^enRuan —occasionally referred to simply as Zhenren —met in the meditat ive of bugang included in the beginning of the Tang dynasty version of the great purifica form tion the altar. The Perfected Official is there represented as a nine-headed phoenix which of is the central divinity of the Dipper. See p. 44 below. 50) Cf. DZ 101 5 :1.2b, 9b-llb and 15.4a-5a.

The Practice of Bugang

39

clusively the purposes of individual salvation, and we find no indication that it may also have been used within the framework of a larger ritual context. Indeed the communal zhai liturgies of the period of the Six Dynasties do not appear to have included performances of bugang. As an example of these liturgies we may consider the ritual system laid down in the Wushang biyao (DZ 1138) of the sixth century A.D., and representative of the Lingbao tradi tion.51 The descriptions of bugang included in the Wushang biyao were found in a now lost part of the concluding section on individual practices.52 It seems beyond doubt that these descriptions, were extracted from the Shangqing texts on bugang in as much as these texts are quoted frequently in other parts of the compendium. The section of the compendium dealing with the zhai liturgy makes- no reference whatsoever to bugang. It is true that the rituals comprise circumambulations of the altar, accompanied by the singing of hymns of buxu ^JÊ, "walking in emptiness."53 But it seems clear that these circumamb ulations should be interpreted as dances symbolic of the blissful state of affairs in heaven, rather than as forms of bugang. The buxu hymns of the Ling baotradition of the Six Dynasties are still used today in the ^hengyi liturgy of south Taiwan. They are sung at the end of the great audiences as a final element in the presentation of offerings, and they are accompanied by a slow, loosely structured walking around the altar, as in the early Lingbao tradition performed by the whole group of priests together.54 While the buxu hymns contain occasional references to the terminology of bugang, the circumambulations nevertheless differ markedly from the forms of bugang also occurring as elements of present-day ritual. The. latter are performed by the high priest alone, and they may be characterized as very purposeful and structured actions, in which each step corresponds to a precise point in a cosmological pattern and is concurrent with a specific sentence in the accompanying incantation. Each variant of the practice fulfils a welldefined function within the ritual such as purifying the ritual area or enabling the priest to reach the place from which he can ascend to heaven. The forms of bugang used as elements of the Taoist zhai liturgy since the early part of the Tang dynasty were incorporated neither from the Shangqing nor from the Lingbao traditions — the latter apparently invented no such form— but rather from the traditions more closely related to popular religious practice and in particular from the £hengyi tradition. This is expressed very clearly in Sandong xiudaoyi (DZ 1237), a text of the Five Dynasties. It describes the various Taoist traditions in hierarchical order and in such a way as to present the ideal 51) See Lagerwey 1981, which contains a detailed and complete resume of the Wushang biyao. 52) See Lagerwey 1981:65. 53) See Lagerwey 1981 :157 and 163. Cf. the paper on the hymns of buxu presented byK.M. Schipper at the conference on Taoist ritual and music, Hong Kong, 1985 (Schipper 1989). 54) A buxu hymn is sung in south Taiwan also in the beginning of rituals, but there it is unac companied by any walking. It is the standard opening of all "Lingbao" rituals (see note 1). Note that buxu hymns are absent from the Zhengyi liturgy of the Taipei area. •

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initiatory progression of a priest throughout his life. The first corpus of reg isters and texts to be received is that of the ^hengyi tradition, and it is followed by those of the Sanhuang, the Lingbao, and the Shangqing traditions. The methods of the latter tradition are to be used by the priest at the end of his life, when he takes leave of his disciples and in a chariot retires to a mountain in order to pursue personal immortality by practicing "the way of flying ascent of the Latter-day Saint of the Golden Portal" &W$MM^£.tE- His practice includes "the several methods of flying walk," feibu zhufa, that is, the Shangqing forms of bugang, and the process as a whole is referred to as "leaving the Three Cosmic Realms," chu sanjie fflHIF- (DZ 1237:7a-8a). The only other references to bugang found in Sandong xiudao yi are in the section on the £hengyi tradition, all the practices of which are said to be "within the Three Cosmic Realms," zai sanjie nei ^EH#p3. The priest initiated into this tradition performs communal liturgy and exorcistic rites for the benefit of other people, and the list of the texts he uses includes a volume on "walking the stellar guidelines in the steps of Yu," Tubu xinggang 0i$/B.M- The special connection with such methods appears also in the title given to the £hengyi priest. The first half of this title defines him as a disciple of the Authority of the Alliance of Orthodox Unity, £hengyi mengwei JE-JS!$C, and a libationer, jijiu %&M, of a diocese of the Celestial Master, and the second half makes of him a Perfected of Primordial Destiny of the Three and the Five of the Red Heaven, Walking the Guideline, Chilian sanzvu bugang yuanming zhenren j^^EiH. #^7C^MA (DZ 1237:4a-5a). In fact this title is very common in /(hengyi texts of the Tang dynasty and the Five Dynasties.55 The /Qiengyi texts of these periods also frequently ment ion the registers related to the performance of bugang, notably the Register of the Stellar Guidelines and the Five Dippers of the Most High Orthodox Unity, Taishang zhengyi .xinggang wudou lu ;fc_hïE—~Jé#P?2l4-$&3 which is given in full in Taishang sanwu zhengyi mengwei lu (DZ 1208), a text of the Tang dynasty (DZ 1208:4. lb— 4a).56 The ZJiengyi practices of bugang are discussed in /^hengyi xiuzhen. lûeyi (DZ 1239), also of the Tang dynasty, where they are said to constitute the central part in a threefold division of the various forms of bugang. It is stated that all of these forms have the effect of leading from existence into nothingness, and that they all cause the spiritual forces to arrive. But they are divided according to their functions (^^Bf^^M), and the text makes it clear that the tyengyi forms of bugang serve basically the purposes of exorcism and purification: they are an essential part of "the many methods of restriction," zhujinfa ffUS (DZ 1239:7b-8a).57 It is clear from several Tang dynasty texts that the specialties of the ^hengyi tradition were on the one hand these methods of restriction, often combined 55) See for instance DZ 797 : 2a and DZ 800: 3a. 56) See also DZ 797:5b. 57) See also the Wuqi xinggang zhenjue S^SijfêliStfc (DZ 1239:12a-17a). It may be mentioned in this connection that an important source for the study of J^hengyi methods of bugang is Jinsuo Uuzhuyin (JJZ 1015). The work is attributed to Li Ghunfeng ^W-M. (602-670) but is clearly

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41

with the use of talismans and the extemalization of inner, divine breaths and, on the other hand, the methods of submission of documents, variously referred to as baibiao ^|ë, baizhang ^|£, and zouzhang |^3fÉ.58 And it was as elements of these methods that the £hengyi forms of bugang were incorporated into general liturgy, as the methods were adopted by the liturgies of the Three Grottoes, Sandong HM, during the Tang and Song dynasties. To exemplify this we shall consider the program for a zhai service contained in Daomen dingzhi (DZ 1224), a ritual compendium dated 1201 but relying heavily on the systems of the great Tang dynasty liturgists, Zhang Wanfu WMWk (fl. 71 1) and Du Guangting ftftE (850-933) (DZ 1224:5.1a-4a). In accordance with the Lingbao liturgy of the Six Dynasties the service is divided in three parts, a structure which is still clearly manifest in the presentday jiao liturgy.59 The central part — in this case lasting three days — is taken .up by the major rituals of xingdao fjjIE, -'practicing the Way," that is, the rituals of fast and communication. The initial part, performed in the late afternoon and the evening of the day before, begins with the Opening of the Altar, Kaitan HJ8, and is concluded by the Vespéral Announcement, Suqi ^^. Through the Suqi one inaugurates the altar, qitan ^^, and announces the imminent fast, gaozhai -^rU, and in the Lingbao tradition the True Writs of the Five Directions, Wufang zhenwen 2L^fii|3C> also referred to as the five Lingbao talismans, are planted in the ritual area during this ritual, thus estab lishing the sacred area.60 The final part, performed during the night following the last day of xingdao rituals, is referred to as the Displaying of Offerings, Shejiao WtW.- It begins with the Statement of Merit, Tangong ff5fr, comprising the submission of a red memorial, zhuzhang 90$., and is concluded by the somewhat later. It is a vast repository of early forms of bugang, derived mainly from the and Shangqing traditions and to some extent worked together in an effort to create a synthesis. As it appears from several quotations and references in Song dynasty texts, the Jinsuo liuzkuyin was by then considered an authoritative scripture on bugang, and it was used as one of the sources for the new form of Z^engyi of this period. See for instance DZ 1226:7.11b-12a and DZ 1227: 8.2b-5a. 58) See for instance DZ 791 :la-3b and DZ 1239:1 la- 12a. 59) See Wushang biyao (Lagerwey 1 98 1 : 1 50-70) . Standard programs for present-day jiao services of various scales, according to the usage of the Zhengyi high priest Chen Rongsheng of Tainan, may be found in Ôfuchi 1983:183-84. 60) Cf. DZ 1224:1.7a-8a. It is somewhat surprising that in the program of the Daomen dingzhi the planting of the True Writs is postponed until the first xingdao ritual of the following day. In another part of the compendium where the structure of the sacred area is discussed, and where Du Guangting is cited as the authority, the planting of the True Writs is said to take place during the Suqi ritual (DZ 1224:6.6a-b). Cf. the Suqi ritual in Jinlu zhai qitan yi (DZ 483) by Du Guangting. This is also the practice in the Zhengyi liturgy of present-day south Taiwan. It may be noted that in the program for a five-day jiao in south Taiwan the initial part of the service takes up all of the first two days. It opens with the Proclamation, Fabiao 10tM, early in the morning of the first day or late at night the day before, a ritual during which a large number of documents proclaiming the start of the service are issued to all parts of the universe, and ends with the Suqi late in the evening of the second day. The xingdao rituals are here represented by; the three Audiences, which take up all of the third day. See Ôfuchi 1983 : 183.

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collection and burning of the True Writs and the Dispersion of the Altar, ' Santan ifciî.61 Within this liturgical framework the ghengyi methods comprising forms of bugang introduced during the Tang and Song dynasties are found primarily in the initial and final parts, namely as the means of purification, essential to the establishment of the altar, and as the means for transferring the docu ment stating the merit. In the program of the Daomen dingzhi the great purifica tion the altar, Chitan M^È., is included at the beginning of the Suqi, which of is also its place in the jiao liturgy of the £hengyi priests of present-day south Taiwan.62 It is said to be performed by the chief cantor, dujiang %$M, and not by the high priest himself, a fact which may be seen as a reflection of the relatively lowly origins of the method in the ^hengyi tradition. The full text of the purification is included in the related ritual compendium Daomen tongjiao ji, dated 1201 (DZ 1226 :7.1a- 16a). The text is based on the editions of the Tang dynasty masters Zhang Wanfu and Du Guangting, as well as on Yang Jie |§$t (fl. 1059), and it corresponds quite closely to the ver sion found in %hengyi chitan yi (DZ 800), a Tang dynasty text, and the summary given by Zhang Wanfu in Jiao sandong zhenwen wufa zhengyi mengwei lu licheng yi (DZ 1212:5a-6a). The variants of bugang included in this Tang dynasty version of the purification of the altar all occur at the end of the rite, in con nection with the closing of the boundaries, jiejie fâïffî-, and the capturing of all evil forces in a prison established at the Gate of Devils, Guimen jfaf^, in the northeast. The first variant is identical with the form of Tubu described in the Baopu zi, that is, the form comprising "three steps and nine traces" (DZ 1185:17.6a; see above). It is commonly compared with the hexagram Jiji g£$| 5S, After Completion, as in ^kengyi xiuzhen lûeyi, where all variants of bugang are said to be derived from this form (DZ 1239 :16a- 17a).63 It is illu strated as follows in Taishang zhuguo jiumin zongzhen biyao (DZ 1227), dated 1116, and it seems clear that the comparison with the hexagram is based on 6 1 ) Gf. the passage on the structure of the sacred area, mentioned in note 60, from Daomen dingzhi 6.6a-b. The establishment of the altar by the planting of the True Writs during the Suqi, and their collection and burning together with the document stating the merit during the final part of the service, are here said to constitute the basic framework, gangling jj?f@, of the liturgy — the essential part of the intervening xingdao rituals being the meditation, cunxiang ÏPi®. In the program for a five-day jiao in present-day south Taiwan the final part occupies the last two days, the two major rituals being the Presentation of the Memorial, Jinbiao M$£ — performed on a stage outside the ritual area and corresponding to the Tangong —and the Formal Offering, Zhengjiao jESI, during which the True Writs are collected. See Ôfuchi 1983:183. It may be added that the subsequent Pudu iaSE, General Salvation, likewise performed outside, and directed towards the saving of orphaned souls, guhun ffî.>&, falls outside the properly Taoist framework of the liturgy. The ritual was adapted from Buddhist liturgy, and in the Daomen dingzhi it is added after the conclusion of the program and under the heading waitan fashi ^f-iS&^t, "rituals at external altars" (DZ 1224:5.3b-4a). 62) According to Du Guangting this is the position of the purification proper to the methods of the l.ingbao tradition. See Taishang huanglu zhaiyi (DZ 507) 40.1a. 63) Note that the comparison with the hexagram is found already in the Baopu zi (DZ 1 185: 17.6a).

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the equivalence of an isolated step with an unbroken line and two juxtaposed steps with a broken line (DZ 1227:8.7a).64

§8

i4

The hexagram is a combination of the trigrams kan and /i, representatives of north and south, water and fire, respectively, but may also be seen as an intertwining of the trigrams qian == and kun 55, which represent heaven and earth. This aspect is emphasized in the incantation accompanying the variant used in the purification of the altar. It refers to the trigrams qian and kun and the great union oîyin axiàyang, while also making it clear that the nine steps correspond to the nine stars of the Dipper.65 Methods of purification, comprising bugang and incorporated into general Kturgy from the £hengyi tradition, clearly were used from an early date also in parts of the liturgy other than the great purification of the altar. I shall not in this connection go into a detailed investigation of these forms, but will limit myself to mentioning that the one most important bugang of purification and entrance occurring in present-day liturgy also has its origins in the early ^hengyi tradition. It is the Guideline of the Nine Phoenixes, Jiufeng gang, which in the present-day tyengyi liturgy of south Taiwan is used in the beginning of the Fabiao, in the part called Shuibai Tfcè, the Declaration over the Water. During the Shuibai the high priest transforms his body into a cosmic body and prepares the water for purification by means of talismans and by leading the forces of the sun, the moon, and the stars into the water, with the Jiufeng gang serving the function of summoning the forces of the Dipper into the water. A shorter form of the Shuibai, including the Jiufeng gang, may also be used in south Taiwan at the beginning of each of the Audiences (i.e., the xingdao 64) The numbers indicating the order of the steps have been added by me, in accordance with the description found in Daomen tongjiaoji (DZ 1226 :7.12a). 65) DZ 800:3b-4a; DZ 1226:7. 12a-b; DZ 1227:8.5b-6a. Cf. the discussion of the pattern in Zhengyi xiuzhen lùeyi, where the combinations of two steps are interpreted as representing the union oîyin and yang (DZ 1239:16a).

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rituals) . Indeed, this variant of bugang is found very widely in the opening, purificatory part of rituals in living forms of classical Taoist liturgy in general.66 The ZJiengyi texts of the Tang dynasty frequently refer to a Register for the Destroying of Filth by the Nine Phoenixes, Jiufeng pohui lu j\MM.WM.- In Taishang sanwu zhengyi mengwei lu it is accompanied by the following illustra tion, showing a nine-headed phoenix on its way along the stars of the Dipper (the three pairs of stars below the bowl of the Dipper being the Three Terraces, Santai) . It may be noted that the similar illustration in Taishang zhengyi mengweifalu (DZ 1209) shows nine phoenixes, instead of one with nine heads.67

The register is discussed more fully in J^hengyi xiuzhen liieyi, which describes a nine-coloured, divine phoenix, which walks the Stellar Guideline and leads the way along the Road of Heaven, Tianlu ^^§, for which reason none of the impure and noxious influences dare oppose the priest (DZ 1239:6a). The phoenix is said to be the Perfected Official, ^henguan jKHfj and it occurs also in the beginning of the Tang dynasty version of the great purification of the altar, which opens with a series of visualizations, including that of a red-robed Perfected Official riding the nine phoenixes and walking the Dipper, or simply riding the Dipper, thus descending to the altar in order to arrest impurities.68 66) See also the version of the great purification of the altar used both in the "Lingbao" liturgy of Xinzhu and by the ghengyi priests of Taipei (see note 1) —and widely different from the ver sion used in the Tainan area (Saso 1973:209-55; the Jiufeng gang: 220-23). 67) The illustration is reproduced from DZ 1208:4.1 lb-12a. The version showing nine phoe nixes is found in DZ 1209 :22b-23a. 68) DZ 1212:5b; DZ 800:1a; DZ 1226:7.2b. Note that a complete version of the Jiufeng gang occurs in this place in the version of the great purification of the altar used in present-day north Taiwan (see note 66).

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It seems clear that the nine phoenixes — or the nine-headed phoenix — per sonify the Dipper, a fact which may indeed give added meaning to some of the references to ritual dances found in ancient texts.69 The forms of bugang occurring as part of the presentation of the memorial, baizhang, like the methods of the memorial, zhangfa, in general, were also incorporated into the general liturgy from the ^hengyi tradition. In the program for a five-day jiao in present-day south Taiwan the presentation of a memorial occurs in the Suqi, in each of the three audiences, and in the Jinbiao, performed outside the temple during the final part of the festival.70 The structure of the presentation is the same in all cases, but only the version used in the Audiences, performed inside the ritual area, includes the inner ritual in its complete form, that is, comprising the long sequence during which the high priest lies still on the floor while undertaking an inner journey to heaven in order to deliver the document to the highest gods. It seems clear, however, from several early ^hengyi texts that the methods of the memorial were originally understood to belong more particularly in the Tangong ritual, corresponding to the presentday Jinbiao, as the means by which the merit of the preceding fast, zhai, was stated in heaven.71 In the Taishang huanglu zhaiyi (DZ 507) by Du Guangting, 69) Note especially the dance to the "nine-fold shao music," Jiushao jlta (Granet 1926:580:83). According to Shanhai jing, chapter 16, Qi, the son of Yu, ascended to heaven, where he obtained this music and brought it down into the world (11.414). Compare the parallel passage in Skanhaijing, chapter 7, where the dance is referred to as Jiudai jhf^, Nine Substitutions, and from where it appears that the ascent of Qi is achieved through the dance (2.209). The Jiushao is mentioned in the Ti Ji V&M. chapter of the Shangshu as a music which makes "phoenixes arrive and put in an appearance" WMffîM (Karlgren 1948:142-43), and in a mural painting in a late Han grave in Helingeer, Inner Mongolia, there is a picture of a large phoenix with the caption : JUBfêiLaB, "the phoenix follows the Jiushao." It strides along with large steps, preceeding Sâkyamuni who rides through the air on a white elephant on the way to his mother's womb (Yu 1985:158-60, plate 15.1). It is a widely held opinion in Taoist sources that the method of Tubu is derived from the imitation of birds. Thus in Dongshen badi yuanbian jing (DZ 1202), a Sanhuang text of the Tang dynasty, we are told that the style of walking was created by Yu, when he had observed a bird overturning great rocks by means of "incantations of restriction," jinzhou SEft, while moving in this particular way (DZ 1202:lla-b). A similar story is found in Jinsuo liuzhu yin (DZ 1015:14.11a), where the birds overturning rocks and wood by walking in this manner are said to do so in order to catch the snakes below. See also the stone relief from an Eastern Han grave in Miaoshan, Xuzhou, depicting a figure which appears to represent Yu. He is barefooted and follows in the footsteps of a large bird, treading on its tail. The two figures are further con nected by what appears to be a snake, Yu grasping its tail and the front part passing below or through the beak of the bird. It is of course highly suggestive that the tail of the bird beneath the feet of Yu is adorned with seven rings that might possibly represent the stars of the Big Dipper (Xuzhoushi bowuguan 1985:plate 90). 70) It may be noted in this connection that forms of bugang are used in south Taiwan also for the sending off of the General Summons, JÇongzhao ISS (commanding the presence of all subordinate spirits), at the end of the Fabiao, the first major ritual oî&jiao service (see note 60). The Fabiao is a relatively new ritual which is not mentioned in sources earlier than the Song dynasty, and in fact it seems likely that the forms of bugang used in connection with the Zongzhao were adapted to the Fabiao from the methods of the memorial as used in the Audiences and in the Jinbiao. 7 1 ) See for instance DZ 785 : 1 0a- 1 1 a, 2 1 b-22a.

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for example, the presentation of the memorial is described for the Tangong only (DZ507:49.6b-8b). The description given by Du Guangting corresponds quite closely to the form used today in the Audiences, with a meditational journey to heaven and with the same song being sung when the priest returns to earth, except that the older version makes no mention of any form of bugang being included in this connection. The forms of bugang found as part of the presentation of the memorial in general liturgy since the Song dynasty derive from the new £hengyi tradition of the Song dynasty, that is, from the Tianxin zhengfa ^'Ù>jEîS, the Orthodox Method of the Heart of Heaven. This is acknowledged by several of the great liturgists of the period, for instance by Bo Yuchan â3Efê (1134-1229), who otherwise associates himself with the new Shenxiao jjifff tradition and who, in a poetical appraisal of the various Taoist traditions, affirms as follows: "The guideline of flight, the instructions of transformation (i.e., the practices in the hand) : the method of the Heart of Heaven of the Zhengyi tradition" ^zEjHbtfc^IE—^'frfê (Song Bo zhenren Yuchan quanji 4.370). In the text of a memorial for a service of ordination he describes the content of the method in the following words: "One makes the spirit soar and the memorial fly, one goes in audience to make the statement" ^f$?H^^|§il^ (Song Bo zhenren Yuchan quanji 5.406).72 The earliest compilation of the methods of the Tianxin zhengfa is the Taishang zhuguo jiumin zongzhen biyao (DZ 1227), dated 1 1 16, by Yuan Miaozong jtM?^. The section of this work dealing with the methods of bugang contains a good deal of material from the Tang dynasty version of the great purification of the altar as well as the following variant for the presentation of the memorial, which occurs commonly elsewhere, both in the ritual works of the Daozang and in the secret manuals of present-day Taoist priests (DZ 1227:8.6a-b) :

72) Bo Yuchan is referring here to the Jiuling gang (see p. 36 above). Like many other Song dynasty liturgists, he appears to consider this to be the basic bugang for the submission of mem orials. Gf. DZ 1220:183.4a-10a, where the Jiuling gang is described as the central of a series of variants which together have the same function as the Jiaoqian Yubufa and the Huitan gang.

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The variant is entitled Jiaoqian Tubufa 3£^êi§l#$?, the Method of the Steps of Yu for Joining (the trigram) ÇHan, and it is used by the high priest as the path of approach to the place were he will lie down and undertake the inner journey to heaven. The accompanying incantation is limited to a simple enumeration of the steps in terms of the trigrams : from kan in the north to qian (the Gate of Heaven) in the northwest. It is, however, made clear in other editions of the variant that the first seven steps at the same time correspond to the seven stars of the Dipper, a fact which is underlined by the concluding sentence of the incantation: "I return along the Three Terraces and then have audience with heaven." The Daozang contains a large amount of material for the study of the methods of bugang of the Tianxin zhengfa and the adoption of these methods in subsequent ritual milieu. Since I plan to present this material in a separate article, I shall conclude the present exposition with a translation of the text of the Huitan gang [UiïjË, the Guideline for Returning to the Altar, that is, the variant used by present-day %hengyi priests of south Taiwan in the presenta tion memorial within the three Audiences, and in the same place as the of the Jiaoqian Tubufa. It is shown here from the secret manual of one of the living Zhengyi high priests of Tainan.73 Each of the sentences of the accompanying incantation is written into the star in which it is pronounced, and they go as follows : The Gate of Heaven is opened above. The wheel of the method of flying to heaven moves with the speed of thunder and lightning and advances like wind and clouds. The yellow memorial reaches upwards and penetrates to the Court of Heaven. My body returns to the Gate of Heaven, where it merges with spontaneity and unites in Perfection with the Way.

described below, that is, the function of leading the high priest to the point from where he may undertake the meditational journey to heaven. 73) Longhushan laozu zhengyi tianshi Zhang zhenren yujue BlJËUl^fflïEZi^6iB5RiSÀ3ii^. The manuscript belongs to Chen Jinxi Ê&^$§, a relative of the above-mentioned Chen Rongsheng. Chen Jinxi attributes the manuscript to his great-great-grandfather, Chen Tinghong WMf&, and the text is identical with the personal copy used by Chen Rongsheng. Chen Jinxi and Chen Rongsheng both descend from Chen Hong E&fcL (1788-1829), likewise a Taoist priest, who came to Tainan from Longxi ftil county in the prefecture of Zhangzhou j^iW.

48

Pou! Andersen

The sentences below the diagram describe the continuation of the ritual: "The body (of the high priest) enters the Gate of Heaven below the Golden Portal. He offers three sticks of incense and after this submits the memorial" {fuzhang, that is, lies down on the floor and undertakes the inner journey to heaven).74

74) The character cao ^ in the manuscript is an error for zhang $.

The Practice of Bugang

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BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES 1. General works Bohu tong shuzheng ë!Ë5lSit!Ij by Ban Gu SI® (32-92), JÇhongguo zixue mingzhu jicheng, Taipei 1978. Chuci zhushi @f^£ÈiP, Chuci yanjiu jicheng, Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1985. Chuxueji $J#i!B, by Xu Jian $iH (659-729), Sibujiyao, repr. Taipei 1966. Da Dai liji jiegu ^UtitlîSJIIfÈ, Zhon%guo xueshu mingzhu, Shijie shuju, Taipei 1962. Dunjia yanyi M¥^lë by Cheng Daosheng M:M.%L (Ming dynasty), Wuling chubanshe, Taipei 1985 (frontispiece title: Qimen ^fi dunjia yanyi). Fayan ^"g" by Yang Xiong i§H (53 B.C.- 18 A.D.), ghongguo zixue mingzhu jicheng, Taipei 1978. Fengsu tongyi MtêSlti, by Ying Shao M$) (ca. 140-ca. 206), in Han-Wei congshu mHHH, Sibujiyao, repr. Taipei 1966. Hanshu §1(1, by Ban Gu, Zhonghua shuju, Peking 1962. Huainan zi zhu $|$f ï^Si , ^engding £hongguo xueshu mingzhu, Shijie shuju, Taipei 1965. Huangdi neijing suwen z0*.iftrftl%&M?r>\, Renmin weisheng chubanshe, Peking 1963. Liji jinzhu jinyi H!fB4*I£4"P) Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, Taipei 1969. Lingshujing IBÊMWt, Guoxue jiben congshu, Shangwu yinshuguan, Changsha 1949. Lushi chunqiujishi Bft#l^^#, ^engding ^hongguo xueshu mingzhu, Shijie shuju,, Taipei 1969. Rishu 0# (see Rao 1982). ' Shanhai jing jiaozhu m^icfëSSîj Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980. Shiji ^.13, by Sima Qian WJ-JUjg (ca. 145 B.C.-ca. 86 B.C.), Zhonghua shuju, Peking 1959. Shiji suoyin ^fg^H, by Sima Zheng W]J§j| (fl. 713-41), in Shiji, Zhonghua shuju, Peking 1959. : Shizi F3-^, ^hongguo sixiang mingzhu, Shijie shuju, Taipei 1959. Song Bo zhenren Tuchan quanji SfcêHÀrÈlfet^:^, by Bo Yuchan (1134-1229), Taipei 1969. Suishu pg% by Wei Zheng -fSfâ&L (580-643), Zhonghua shuju, Peking 1973. Taipingyulan X^M%, by Li Fang $fô (925-96), Zhonghua shuju, Peking 1960. Tang kaiyuan zhanjing MWijt&Wk, by Qutan Xida Hft^^ (fl. 718), Siku quanshu zhenben siji 172-81, Taipei 1973. Wushier Ungfang S+Zl^^, Wenwu 1 975, 9 :35-48. Wuxing dayi jiaozhu Sfr^S^S, by Xiao Ji M^n (Sui dynasty), Wuling chubanshe, Taipei 1986. ! '>

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Tiwei bian zhongbei M;$&Wt&iË, commentary by Zheng Xuan $&■£ (127-200), Wuqiubei zhai Tijing jicheng 160, Taipei 1976. Tiwei qian zuodu M;W&!ÊBt> commentary by Zheng Xuan, Wuqiubei zhai Tijing jicheng 157, Taipei 1976. Zhouli yishu MWtfÊffî» by Jia Gongyan M£r;§£ (fl. 655), in Shisan jing zhushu -\-=M:&M, Zhonghua shuju, Peking 1980. i jishi tË^MW) Zhonghua shuju, Peking 1961. 2. Daozang texts Abbreviated titles: Baopuzi: DZ 1185 Bu tiangang jing: T>7, 1316 Huangshu: DZ 1294 Jiuchen yujing: DZ 428 DZ220: DZ 42S: DZ 483 : DZ 507 : DZ566: DZ 581 : DZ 586: DZ 587: DZ 588: DZ 615: DZ 638: DZ 785: DZ 791 : DZ 797: DZ 800 : DZ 857: DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ Wushang xuanyuan santian yutang dafa HJb^TCEÎ^ïE^lJciîë, by Lu Shizhong &m* (fl. 1120s). Taishang feixing jiuchen yujing ^-hffëfr^JtEEtL Jinlu zhai qitan yi ^fe^lRMii, by Du Guangting thSÈli (850933). Taishang huanglu zhaiyi j^J^MMMM, by Du Guangting. Shangqing tianxin zhengfa JdÊ^'t>lE^ by Deng Yougong (fl. early 12th century). Lingbao liuding Ufa wk Huangdi taiyi bamen rushijue J Huangdi taiyi bamen rushi bijue Huangdi taiyi bamen nishun shengsijue Chisong zi zhangli zfctfà^MMTaishangfeibu nandou taiweiyujing Laojun yinsong jiejing ^'fïiifïSiMin£hengyi weiyijing IE— *l5ciiiiL Taishang zhengyi yuelu yi ;fcJbIE^I?fillti, by Du Guangting. Zhengyi chitan yi jE-^Sit . Bicang tongxuan bianhua liuyin dongwei dunjia zhenjing |& He M SU ffc

861 : Taishang liuren mingjian fuyin jing 870 : Beidou zhifa wuweijing ;jfc4fê^$;$c 876: Taishang wuxing qiyuan kongchang jue 1 0 1 5 : Jinsuo liuzhu yin & MMï% 3 1 . 1016: Zfungao f$^, by Tao Hongjing M'&m (456-536). 1032: Tunji qiqian W&-&M, by Zhang Junfang MMB (fl. first quarter of 1 lth century). DZ 1 1 38 : Wushang biyao M _h W£ .

The Practice of Bugang DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ DZ

51

1 185 : Baopu zi neipian &*H?ftM, by Ge Hong M$k (283-343). 1202 : Dongshen badiyuanbianjing WfcPtâ%W$k> 1208: Taishang sanwu zhengyi mengwei lu ;fc_hH:5lïE— ^^MM.1 209 : Taishang zhengyi mengweifalu X _hIE— ^M^M. 1212: Jiao sandong zhenwen wufa zhengyi mengwei lu Hcheng yi j§IHil5lj!H3t 51&IE— WMaOiïM, by Zhang Wanfu mMM (fl. 711). 1220: Daofa huiyuan pH^#7C1224: Daomen dingzhi Mf^MU, by Lu Yuansu Stc^I, 1201. 1226 : Daomen tongjiaoji M.?VM$kM, by Lu Taigu BX^, 1201 . 1227: Taishang zhuguo jiumin zongzhen biyao X3i^M&^WL9lMlè, by Yuan Miaozong 7cfel>^, 1116. 1237: Sandong xiudaoyi H^H^HM. 1 239 : ZJimgyi xiuzhen liieyi IE— ££»&&. 1294: Shangqing huangshu guoduyi -k.WiW1tMlE.Wt1316: Dongzhen shangqing taiwei dijun bu tiangangfei diji jinjian yuzi shang-

3. Present-day ritual manuals Lingbao yutanfazou keyi ifïilifH, from the collection of Chen Dingfeng gjfcTM, Xinzhu. Longhushan laozu zhengyi tianshi Zhang zhenren yujue H^UU^|B.ïEZj^SB5IMÀ 3E1&, from the collection of Chen Jinxi ^|$^, Tainan (see note 73). Taishang lingbao jinbiao keyi quanbu X1lM9.MMPcWl^M) from the collection of Chen Rongsheng W.^k^, Tainan. Xwnke miaojue J^engji ^f^^sfcHIE, from the collection of Chen Rongsheng (see note 25). SECONDARY WORKS Barnard, Noel 1972 Scientific Examination of an Ancient Chinese Document as a Prelude to Decipherment, Translation, and Historical Assessment — The Ch'u Silk Manuscript, Canberra. 1973 The Ch'u Silk Manuscript— Translation and Commentary, Canberra. Cammann, Schuyler 1961 Religion," History of Religions 1, in Old "The Magic Square of Three1 :37-80. Chinese Philosophy and Du Disheng tt#& 1984 "Guchengxian duangong wu yuanliu chutan" QfàWfâfèMWW&i $£, in Chushi luncong /engrail} Hubei renmin chubanshe, %0i$, pp. 252-57. Granet, Marcel 1 926 Danses et légendes de la Chine ancienne, Paris.

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Harper, Donald J. 1979 "The Han cosmic board (shift ^)," Early China 4 : 1-10. 1982 The Wu Shih Erh Ping Fang: Translation and Prolegomena, Ph.D. dis sertation, University of California, Berkeley. 1985 "A Chinese Demonography of the Third Century B.C.," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 45, 2 :459-98. Kalinowski, Marc 1985 "La transmission du dispositif des neuf palais sous les Six-Dynasties," in Michel Strickmann, éd., Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honour of R.A. Stein, vol. 3:773-811; Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques XXII, Bruxelles. 1986 "Les traités de Shuihudi et l'hémérologie chinoise à la fin des Royau mes-Combattants," T'oungPao 72:175-228. Kaltenmark, Max 1961 "Religion et politique dans la Chine des Ts'in et des Han," Diogène 34:18-46. Karlgren, Bernhard 1948 "Glosses on the Book of Documents," The Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities Bulletin 20 :39-315. Lagerwey, John 1981 Wu-shangpi-yao : Somme taoïste du VIe siècle, Paris. Li Ling $^ 1985 Changsha £itanku £hanguo Chu boshu yanjiu jkW^WW$M?$L^i Zhonghua shuju, Peking. Loewe, Michael 1979 Ways to Paradise: The Chinese Quest for Immortality , London. 1983 Chùgokujin no shûkyô girei ^ilAO^ffciiiit, Tokyo. Rao Zongyi ^^5EI, Zeng Xiantong jJtMM. 1982 Yunmeng Qinjian rishu yanjiu ISg^flg B ffW^, Hong Kong. 1985 Chu boshu Jl^jft, Hong Kong. Robinet, Isabelle 1976 "Randonnées extatiques des taoïstes dans les astres," Monumenta Serica 32:159-273. 1979 Méditation taoïste, Paris. Saso, Michael 1973 ^huang-Lin xu daozang %tWSiMM, Chengwen , chubanshe, Taipei. Schafer, Edward H. 1977 Pacing the Void: T'ang Approaches to the Stars, Berkeley. Schipper, Kristofer M. 1982 Le corps taoïste : Corps physique— corps social, Paris. 1989 "A Study of Buxu: Taoist Liturgical Hymn and Dance," in Pen-yeh Tsao and D. Law, eds., Studies of Taoist Rituals and Music of Today, Chinese University of Hong Kong, pp. 110-120. ■

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Seidel, Anna 1983 "Imperial Treasures and Taoist Sacraments; Taoist Roots in the Apocrypha," in Michel Strickmann, éd., Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honour of R.A. Stein, vol. 2:291-371; Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques XXI, Bruxelles. Tjan Tjoe Som 1949 Po Hu T'ung: The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall, vol. 1, Leiden. Wang Shiren BEifet: 1987 "Mingtang xingzhi chutan" tyiiELi&M^BW; £hongguo wenhua yanjiu jikan ffcgl^fbff^L^T!!, Fudan daxue chubanshe, Shanghai, 4:1-43. Xuzhoushi bowuguan ^#[rfjf#%i§il 1985 Xuzhou Han huaxiang shi ^ffiSIltâ^Ei, Jiangsu meishu chubanshe, Nanjing. Yan Dunjie JKSfciil 1978 "Guanyu Xi Han chuqi de shipan he zhanpan" MTWM^JMt^i Wfc&m,Kaogu 5:334-37. Yu Weichao ftfëjg 1985 Xian Qin Hang Han kaoguxue lunji ^c^M^#^"^^^5 Wenwu chu banshe, Peking.

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