Mauritian diplomats, political elites and business representatives are 'human agents' that contribute to the understanding of Africa's engagement in the IPE.
Mauritian diplomats, political elites and business representatives are 'human agents' that contribute to the understanding of Africa's engagement in the IPE.
Mauritian diplomats, political elites and business representatives are 'human agents' that contribute to the understanding of Africa's engagement in the IPE.
WTO POLSIS Graduate Colloquium 2010-11 9th March 2011 Collin Zhuawu Focus of research • My thesis traces the activism and co-operation of Africa in the World trade Organization (WTO) negotiating and decision-making process through examining the activities of Mauritius. • Demonstrate that Mauritius diplomats, political elites and business representatives are ‘human agents’ that contribute to the understanding of Africa’s engagement in the IPE. Research Question
• The thesis investigates the increased engagement of
Africa in the IPE beyond the political elite interests and client-patronage relationships through establishing that Mauritian activism and co-operation in the WTO serves not only the elites but the welfare of Mauritians. I argue that because of the changing IPE and the ability of Africa to adjust and adapt to these changes, coupled by changing domestic political and socio-economic conditions, African states have come to realise and refocus on the need to increase their participation and engagement in the IPE for the betterment of their people. Methodology • Qualitative - Use of a) WTO documentation b) Mauritian government documents such as budget statements , speeches, reports, minutes etc. c) Interviews . d) News papers, magazines, bulletins. e) National statistics. Why Mauritius? • Evidence of rapid economic growth. • Evidence of improving the livelihoods of Mauritians. • Rapid economic development can be attributed to trade growth. – reliance on trade for further economic development. • A history of Government private sector partnership in policy formation and sound domestic reforms. Original Contribution • Make a contribution to the examination of the relationship between domestic policy changes and global policy paradigm changes. • Build on the engagement approach by examining the activities of other actors besides the political elite. • used the Strategic Relational Approach to explain policy formulation and policy change at the domestic level and the engagement of Mauritian agency at the international level beyond the political elite interest only. My case study confirms the Strategic Relational Approach; the case study leaves the approach “stronger than it was before.” Existing approaches • Marginalisation approach -as propounded by African scholars (Adedeji 1993, Okibo 1993, Rasheed 1993, Nabudere 2000) stems from the relationship of unequal partners with Africa being the weaker partner. • Engagement approach (Clapham 1996, Thomson 2000, William and Taylor 2004, Gayama 1993) argue that African states have survived in a world of domination especially in the post independent era by the privatising or ‘de-stating’ of African relations in the international system. Changes in the IPE and Effects on Africa Changes in the IPE led to changes in • the composition of the African elite (Tyalor 2001, Taylor and Nel 2002 and Kotze` and Steyn 2003) • in the composition of the client relationships i.e. who is being served by the African elite? • in domestic policy formulation especially foreign policy – in the case for this study trade policy. • in the way African countries engage in the IPE. Critique of existing approaches • Do little to account for the changes mentioned above. • See the international system as non transformative. • Do not give an adequate explanation on the role of ideas. • Engagement approaches focuses on the political elite and marginalization on the state. Alternative Approach • Strategic Relational approach as developed by Hay (2002) to explain -the centrality of human actors in exercising agency both at the domestic and international level. - Both the domestic and international contexts are characterised by uneven/ unequal power structures and that structures ‘select for ‘ certain kinds of agency or agents over others. - that the domestic and international political systems are transformative, inter-subjective and discursive (Hay, 2002; Penna, O`Brien and Hay, 1999; Giddens 1999). • Approach allows the opportunity to ask questions about a) trade policy formulation at the domestic level . b) why African human agency acts the way it does in the WTO. b)how African human agency shapes the context in which Africa states are situated . c) how the behavior of African human agency is also shaped by the same context and the action of other actors with which African human agency interact with. • My approach allows me to explain a number of questions that have been given little attention by other approaches in that it allows me to examine how Africa produces and reproduces and redefine the constitutive principles and structures in which Africa is situated. Defining the Mauritian state • Problems of defining or identifying states in Africa. (Clapham, 1996; Brdham, 1997, Fukuyama, 2005) - Juridical artefacts (Jackson 1987) - Artificial states (Bardhan 1997) - Collapsed states (Cristopher 1997) - Patrimonial and neo-patrimonial states (Taylor 2005) - Development states (Mkandawire 2001) These descriptions of the African state contribute to the weakening of a critical understanding of the different African states. • Hay, (1996) offers an alternative that is useful to defining an African state. -Move away from defining the state as a single, elusive, essence of ‘stateness’ -define a number of different moments of stateness – the state as a nation, state as a territory and the state as an institution. • Mauritius tends to embody all the three forms of stateness. • However to understand the interests of Mauritius in the WTO there is need to understand the Mauritian state in the structure – agency approach. Mauritian state Structure • provides the political, economic and social context in which political elites and other stakeholders are situated. • Discursive nature of Mauritian policy formulation: political elites and stake holders discuss and formulate national policy (Joint Economic Council , National Economic Council and Trade Policy Unit and Joint Public Private Sector Committee on International Trade Issues). • Political elites do not have an outright domination. • Political elites rely on the survival of the state and not the other way round. • Mauritian state seems to have the sovereignty and policy-making capacity at the domestic level albeit acting under a constraining international structure. Trade policy consultation in Mauritius Extracted from Ancharaz (2006) WTO Institutional Structure
• Emphasise the importance of human agency
instead of state agency. • diplomats, political elites and business representatives are human agents acting on behalf of the state. • The WTO in most instances is regarded consciously and unconsciously as an institution/organisation. WTO Institutional Structure Cont • As a result we fail to understand and explain social relations. • Structure – agency approach allows us to explain the social, political and economic dynamics in the WTO. • Move away from the view of the WTO determining the outcomes. • It allows us to explain why there are coalitions in the WTO. Constraints on Human agency
• WTO is an uneven terrain.
• African diplomats and negotiators face constraints from their states an the WTO that affect their capacity to negotiate. • As a result African countries have not been able to sway their trading partners into a direction that is favourable to African countries. State structure constraints • Lack of capacity in capital. • Inability to build their institutional capacity • Inability to formulate domestic priorities • Lack of competent negotiators. • Most negotiators are not trade experts. • Lack sufficient information about the negotiating context which tend to constrain their strategies. WTO structural constraints • Procedural unfairness and lack of transparency. • The power of equal vote has not been put to test and remains theoretical. • Too many meetings taking place at the same time • Penalties on subscription arrears. Coalitions as social constructions • Because of their weaknesses in the WTO, African countries diplomats formed coalitions. • Coalitions are social constructions aimed at empowering African negotiators. • However they remain weak due to human capacity problems. • Hence the need for diplomats to work hard to strengthen coalitions. Role of Mauritius in strengthening Coalitions • Was once the coordinator of the Africa Group (1999-2000) and acting capacity during the Cancun Ministerial • Coordinator of the ACP Activities include -chairing meetings -attending green room meetings -Negotiating on behalf of the group -coming up with proposals for the group -assigns different people to different meetings WTO ideas and Mauritius • Link between trade and development not conclusive. • trade is a critical element for development strategies and the WTO has a significant role to play in making trade an effective tool for poverty reducing growth. WTO Lock in Effect • There has been an overselling of the benefits of trade Rodrik 2000, 2001 1999, Voituriez et al 2006, Rodriguze and Rodrik 1999). • WTO notes that international trade can lead to economic growth and development and the WTO is at the forefront of the efforts to make this happen for developing countries. • Yet the WTO was never envisaged as a developmental organization. • Instead it restricts the policy space for African countries. Engagement with WTO trade Liberalization ideas • In the past Mauritius developed under conditions of partial trade liberalization. • This changed because Mauritius is locked into the WTO. Trade Policy Review Mechanism effective in this respect. • Mauritius has got to live within the WTO rules and its optimal trade policy which involves non- discriminatory liberalization. • Cannot alter its commitments. • Influenced by ideas coming through technical assistance. Trade liberalization as a inevitable process. • Mauritius thinks there is no alternative to trade liberalization for the country to continue on its trade growth path. • Both government and private sector aware that trade liberalization ‘is the only viable option’ for the country’s trade strategy (Ancharaz 2006, Interviews with Sevansing and Boodhoo 2010) Mediation with WTO ideas • Very little rhetoric about this because Mauritius has taken measures to implement WTO measures and even going further. • danger of political rhetoric and overselling of trade benefits is dealt with by one distinctive feature of Mauritius’ domestic environment were government and business work together to shape international trade and investment decisions. • Mechanisms not quite representative disadvantaged groups not fully represented. • WTO ideas fused together with Mauritian ideas from arising from local participation in ideational contestation. • Because of the ownership of ideas arising from local participation in ideational contestation, it means that involvement of outside ideas cannot replace the local ownership of ideas. Conclusions - Generalizations • All interviewed countries claim to take into account the improvement of the livelihoods of their populations when negotiating. According to a Zambian diplomat ‘trade for its sake is meaningless if it does not take on board the concerns of the poor communities’ (Interviews 2010). However to ascertain such a statement there is need for further examination of Zambia trade policy formulations as has been the case with Mauritius. • All interviewed countries have some mechanism / committee that is involved with trade policy formulations. Various stake holders involved. Might be a sign of the weakening of the political elite in policy making. However the strategic relational approach might be useful to explain the relationships in these mechanisms. • All diplomats interviewed feel empowered by coalitions. A view supported by policy communities such as UNCTAD, ECA, WTO, COMESA, and ECDPM. However coalitions remain ‘loose and fragile.’ • All countries interviewed noted that they are involved in trying to balance their activities in the coalitions and outside coalitions just like Mauritius. Conclusions - Generalizations • Even though they are not coordinators they contribute to the strengthening of coalitions through ideas, acting as focal points, consensus building, and feed back on positions initiated by the coordinator. • Most countries expressed the need for better integrated in the world economy. • Most countries interviewed feel pressured by the WTO in terms of trade liberalization. • The WTO has limited policy space for African countries. • WTO ideas influence trade policies for all the countries interviewed. • No mixed perception about the trade liberalization under the WTO as inevitable – countries face the WTO constraints and mediate with them. • Different ways of mediating with WTO ideas. Up to members to mediate with the WTO rules to their advantage. Conclusions and generalizations • I have used the Strategic Relational Approach to explain policy formulation and policy change at the domestic level and the engagement of Mauritian human agency at the international level beyond the political elite interest . My case study confirms the Strategic Relational Approach; the case study leaves the approach “stronger than it was before.”