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¡Viva la Revolución! Part 2
The New Bonapartism, 1910-1940
WHILE THE MOST violent stage of the Mexican Revolution called, which saw armies as large as 50,000 men in the field was over by 1920, the country faced a series of new crises in against the revolutionary government, lasted f r o m 1926 until its final gasp in the early 1930s. the 1930s. The era opened in 1928 with the assassination of former President Alvaro Obregón, killed by a Catholic militant Catholic peasants, some of whose very mixed goals opposed to the secularizing Revolution in the formerly offiincluded both the restoration of the Catholic Church and cially Catholic country. a Zapatista-style land reform, were OUR CENTENNIAL DtSCUSSION of the put d o w n by Calles and his leading Óbregon, who had served as Mexican Revolution began in our previous issue. General, Joaquín Amaro, using the president from 1920-24, had thrown Against the C u r r e n t ¡47 (July-August 2010). most brutal methods.' Over one the country into political panic by The first part of Dan La Botz's historical essay million Mexicans fled the violence, as announcing that he would run a secappeared there, along with Olivia Gall's article on many as had fled during the violent ond time for the presidency. Since the significance of the refuge given by the Lázaro years of the Revolution itself, most the Revolution had been fought to Cardenas government to the exiled Russian t o the f o r m e r Mexican t e r r i t o r y that end Profirió Diaz's decades-long revolutionary Leon Trotsky. In this issue we are had become the U.S. Southwest. practice of presidential self-succesdelighted to publish contributions from Adolfo sion, that move had outraged many. During the period f r o m 1920-28, Gilly and James Cockcrofi on the charaaer of While the Catholic assassin had been Obregón and Calles had been the the Revolution, as well as Scott Campbell and apprehended, some believed that Luis Bonapartist bicephalic strongman of Fred Rosen on dimensions of Mexico's current N. Morones, head of the Regional the Mexican Revolution, the caudillocrisis — which will be continued in our next Confederation of Mexican Workers in-duplicate w h o had been able t o issue, particularly with regard to Oaxaca. Thanks (CROM) and one of the regime's rise above and become relatively again to guest editors Micah Landau and Rene main backers, had been the intellecautonomous f r o m all of the counRojas. To follow Dan LaBotz's campaign for U.S. tual murderer in order to advance try's social classes, as they created Senate in Ohio on the Socialist Party ticket, visit his own ambitions. The Obregón the new state. W i t h the creation of v^wv/.danlabotz.com. § assassination shook the new revothe PNR, the individual Bonapartist lutionary regime to its foundations, leader gave way t o something new: threatening to throw the nation back into civil war. a Bonapartist party-state. Calles modeled the new regime in Outgoing President Plutarco Elias Calles, Obregón's principal collaborator in the ruling Sonoran Dynasty, as the ruling group was known, moved decisively to prevent the political crisis from leading to a new period of confiict. In 1929, Calles summoned the country's political elite from every state to create a new revolutionary party that would have the social support and the political legitimacy to rule the country. The National Revolutionary Party (PNR) brought all of the various revolutionary factions into one political organization, subordinating to a large degree their regional, social or personal interests to the goals of national stability and capitalist reconstruction.The PNR was, however, principally a fusion of factions and a party of political functionaries without a broad base of support.
part after Benito Mussolini's fascist government in Italy, trying t o fit the Mexico Revolution into Italy's counter-revolutionary institutions. W h i l e three men — Emilio Portes Gil, Pascual O r t i z Rubio and Abelardo L. Rodriguez — would serve as presidents between 1929 and 1934, Calles was the power behind the throne during this period, which came t o be known as the Maximato.
The Bonapartist State-Party
The re-organization of the ruling party sparked the last great rebellions of the period. In the northern state of Sonora, Gonzalo Escobar led a quickly defeated rebellion from within the Sonora Dynasty. Calles' new government also soon entered into conflict with the Catholic Church and with its parishioners in the western states of Jalisco and Zacatecas. The Cristiada (or Cristero War) as the rebellion came to be
lthough the United States and most foreign investors declined t o invest in Mexico, the economy, initially devastated by the Revolution, had begun t o grow again in 1916 and continued through 1926. The new revolutionary state of Obregón and Calles w o r k e d in the 1920s t o rebuild the foundations of a capitalist economy: the banking system, state finances and taxation, customs and duties, as well as agricultural policy and industrial relations. The country's bourgeoisie, however, resisted the state's attempt t o dominate the economy, just as workers resisted the capitalists and landlords. All of this made the re-establishment of the capitalist economic order extremely difficult. Progress was slow and the w o r l d economy's vicissitudes only exacerbated the problems.^ The U.S. stock market crash of 1929 detonated the Great AGAINST THE CURRENT »9
Calles had absolute confidence 1920s saw the growth of widespread movements of peasants. and the petroleum workers on the Gulf Coast and docks of Veracruz and Tampico. partly a result of conflicts between the state and the foreign oil companies. the post-revolutionary conflicts. N. but also in the raised the hopes and aspirations of millions.'» More importantly. to Calles' surprise. Some sectors of the Mexican economy had already gone into crisis.Depression that spread around the world and also engulfed Mexico. With the crash. would ensure his election. workers and the urban poor. the Mexican economy in general began to stagnate. Mexico's Great Depression lasted roughly from 1927 to 1932. The struggles between the state and its official unions and the radicals was brutal and bloody. also denounced the Cárdenas government. organized los Dorodos. constructing his own ruling group. Cárdenas took up the banner of social reform and even began to talk about a socialist Mexico. in the pre-election period Cárdenas The most powerful agrarian reform movements developed in the western state of Michoacan and in the Gulf State of Veracruz. reorganizing the commanders of the military districts into which the country was divided. Still seeking stability. they began to organize and take action. The Communist Party. The labor movement was most militant and radical among industrial and service workers in Mexico City. with coffins labeled ed them less. some attempting to push the Lázaro Cárdenas' Struggle with Calles revolutionary state to realize their dreams. When the newspapers . established a small but solid organization in Mexico. however.' to six years. many of the most radical workers gravitated to the anarchist General Confederation of Workers (CGT) and some to the new Mexican Communist Party (PCM). had come up through the Constitutionalist ranks ary government under the leadership of the Sonoran Dynasty and had served not only in the revolutionary.The oil industry had taken a downturn in 1921. Then in their radical "third period. revival would form the basis for the social movements and his rubber stamp legislature lengthened the presidential term political changes ofthe 1930s. Nicolás Rodríguez. Cárdenas. however. the coming to power of the new revolutionMichoacan. He was wrong. by 1929 it was in decline. Calles himself began to organize to remove Cárdenas from the presidency.Various rival revolutionPost-Revolutionary Social Movements ary generals jostled for the position. the Golden Ones. Following his election. The left also led an important rent strike by the urban poor in Veracruz. By 1933. a former Villista and Escobarista." the Communists called for the government's revolutionary overthrow. W i t h the economic recovery. Cárdenas began to exert his presidential authority. and developing relations with labor unions and peasant leagues. and partly a result of the exhaustion of existing wells. In 1927. continued to pull the strings of the three presidential puppets during the 10 • SEPTEMBER / OCTOBER 2010 traveled throughout Mexico meeting with peasant and Indian communities. he then sought a candidate who would serve as his front man for the 1934-40 period. even before the Crash. originally from ended by 1920. this difficult and tumultuous 1928-33 period. Consequently. but in the end Calles While the most violent stage of the Mexican Revolution had chose General Lázaro Cárdenas. Small groups of radical workers. The Dorados and the Communists engaged in fights in the streets of Mexico City. and by 1924 President Obregón and CROM leader Luis N. the railroad workers. the anarchist street car workers in Mexico City. to fight against a feared Communist-Jewish takeover. as he had in the past imposed and deposed others. the prices of metals — among Mexico's most important exports — also fell precipitously. Morones had succeeded in crushing the railroad unions. but Cárdenas ignored both. having. others concluding that it was nothing more than a new capitalist state and workThough Calles' backing and the PNR political machine ing to overthrow it. that Cárdenas would be his loyal minion. by the early 1930s. While the new state promoted its own labor union federation — the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM) — and attempted to take control of the various peasant leagues. Calles. the econ. The new dynamism in the Mexican government and the change of direction toward the left brought responses from all sides. C T M Archives omy began to recuperate. the jefe Máximo of the Revolution. and visiting towns and cities.Plutarco Elias Calles and Luis Morones. and marginalizing the CGT. survived in all of the important industries and urban centers. talking with workers. The fact that many Mexicans lived from subsistence agriculture meant that the worldwide economic depression affect1921 CGT action opposing theCROM and its dose relationship with the government.
Vicente Lombardo Toledano and let the Lombardistas and Comunistas play a leading role in the labor movementThe Secretariat of Education became peopled with Communist officials and PCM leaders held some few posts in some other government departments. but when that failed to happen. or in other ways enrich themselves. This required federal intervention on numerous occasions. also rallied to support Cárdenas. The w o r l d w i d e depression and consequent failure of many haciendas made the elimination of that ancient economic institution easier than it might otherwise have been. They played an important role in several of the industrial unions. W h i l e thought of as being "collectively owned. Mexico remained a fractious society. landlords and their gunmen in many states. . also brought those unions into the pro-Cárdenas column. Most strategically. At the same time. Zapata's old slogan. Through a series of dramatic actions taken between 1936 and 1940. supported Cárdenas' policies.The Communist Party. O n the coasts land was distributed t o villages of fishermen and their families. providing the regime with greater strength. The agrarian reform thus provided the occasion for Cárdenas t o remove resisting conservative opponents.The state itself. Cárdenas encouraged the organization of unions. Thus industrial workers had the Mexican Confederation of Workers (CTM).reported that Calles had accused Cárdenas of promoting "individual differences" among the revolutionaries and encouraging social chaos. except for some of the generals who had in the course of the revolution used their positions to acquire land. Cárdenas established a kind of political partnership with Stalin's man. The new party had deeper roots and a far broader reach than Calles' PNR. They hoped Cárdenas would fulfill the Revolution's promises. The Cárdenas government distributed hundreds of times more land in the mid. With the Army. During 1935 and 1936. Still most of the capitalist class remained outside. While Cárdenas proved to be a political genius. and some contemplated revolt. they were happy enough to simply endorse the president's policies. From the left Cárdenas had nothing to fear. based on the four constituent groups. o r other foreign owners. however. all completely dependent on Cardenas' good will. he would broaden and deepen the structures of the state-party. through the "politics of masses. industry and agriculture.Thus the state-party continued to have a Bonapartist character. necessarily established relations and negotiated with capitalists as it developed the banking system. distributing arms t o those local militias that were sometimes incorporated into the Army. He had broken free. Fidel Velazquez. Carrying o u t this great agrarian reform met resistance f r o m local political leaders. state-leased land t o be held in perpetuity by them and their descendents. Strangely enough.When family lines died out. One important supportive figure was Vicente Lombardo Toledano. stability and flexibility. Cárdenas was able to maintain the support of most of the generals of the Mexican Army. along with many of his supporters. The labor movement rallied to his defense. meanwhile. peasants. the self-employed and public employees into the party. The organization of the party thus excluded the Mexican bourgeoisie. one of the principal leaders of the Mexico City unions." drawing workers.S." ejido land was held in the f o r m of individual parcels belonging t o the male heads of families. the CTM and the CNC supporting him. W i t h i n just a few years Cárdenas distributed 45 million acres of land t o peasants throughout Mexico. and other workers each have their own separate organizations. Lombardo Toledano declined to join the Communist Party. Cárdenas would fulfill many of the goals of the Mexican Revolution of 1910. the President called Calles an enemy of the revolutionary government and of the Mexican people. rising above all the classes. based on the principle of usufruct. visited the Soviet Union and returned to Mexico a staunch ally of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin. but insisted that industrial workers. o r for some serious offense were removed f r o m the AGAINST THE CURRENT • 11 W ith the reins of power now firmly gathered in his hands.Throughout the country peasant leagues rushed to support Cárdenas in his struggle with Calles. the CTM.t o late-1930s than all of the previous revolutionary governments. Land was given t o male members of peasant o r indigenous communities in the f o r m of ejidos. Cárdenas began to set a new direction. Conservatives feared the transformation of jacobin nationalism into what seemed to be evolving into a kind of Mexican socialism. changing its name to the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM). the peasant leagues joined together in what would later become the National Confederation of Peasants (CNC) and the labor unions formed the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM). the land t o those w h o w o r k it. create business partnerships. Cárdenas ordered Calles arrested and deported to the United States in 1936. with few exceptions. The Communist Party. transforming Mexico into an altogether different country than it had been in the days of Porfirio Díaz. he encouraged a great popular mobilization in support of his administration. peasants.They would have preferred that Cárdenas create an actual political front and parliamentary coalition in which they could participate as a party. The Great Reforms W i t h much of popular society now organized into labor unions and peasant leagues. CNC. Many generals resented the incorporation of the Army into the ruling party. brought together in the Party of the Mexican Revolution w i t h its slogan "For a Socialist Mexico. although serving as Stalin's agent in Latin America and Mexico. Cárdenas' political strategy required that he continue to push forward in order to keep the right off balance. Cárdenas encouraged the organization of agrarian defense leagues. Given the tenuous nature of his political superiority. Cárdenas then reorganized the ruling party. formerly the house intellectual for Morones and the corrupt CROM unions. about a tenth of that land taken f r o m U. having left its "third period" and entered the Popular Front period. CNOP and the Army and other armed services. peasants' the National Confederation of Peasants (CNC). Various regional leaders resisted Cárdenas." Cárdenas now u n d e r t o o k t o deal w i t h the central issue of the Revolution: land reform. The Mexican people by and large enthusiastically supported this destruction of the old political machine that had dominated the government for 16 years. left. and the self-employed and the public employees' the National Confederation of Popular Organizations (^CNOP).
Throughout the 1920s U. the Catholic Church provided education for Mexico's people. the great powers would not be prepared to undertake a new war in Mexico. and was seen as the new father of his country. After the adoption of the Mexican Constitution of 1917 with its Article 27 proclaiming that the people owned the country's subsoil. and the country's educational transformation began. with the companies still refusing to pay.communities. and been involved in long-term occupations in Haiti and Nicaragua. the father of a new country. During the mid. Cárdenas called upon all Mexicans to go to their local government offices and contribute. and later the Mexican Communist Party had always been at the center of these efforts both in the oil fields and on the docks.000 Marines on a failed expedition to capture Francisco "Pancho" Villa. in the La Laguna region in the north. 1938.' Vasconcelos held the view that the Mexican government should educate and uplift Mexico's masses through literacy campaigns to teach the Spanish language (at the time a large percentage of the Mexican population in rural areas still spoke only their indigenous languages) and should base the curriculum on European. School teachers in Mexico in the post-revolutionary period played a key role in Mexican urban and rural society During Nationalization of the Oil Industry Cárdenas calculated. literature. "Socialist" Education Cárdenas also dealt with the other major issue of the Mexican Revolution: education. and later dealing with the vacillating support of the revolutionary federal and state governments. Just as the Romans had once called the Mediterranean "mare nostrum. Once Cárdenas came to power. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries the United States had seized Cuba and Puerto Rico from Spain.S.-owned oil industry." The United States had invaded Mexico twice during the Mexican Revolution. Mexico's oil industry. the land was to be redistributed among remaining members. and established Cárdenas' reputation for generations to come. The conflict then became a matter for the Labor Board and the Federal government. It had. Radical labor activists from the Industrial 12 • SEPTEMBER / OCTOBER 2010 . He was referred to as "Tata" or father. especially Spanish. On March I. He agreed to pay the companies what they had estimated to be the value of their property. Roosevelt involved in assisting the Allies. and had been invaded and occupied by France with British complicity between 1862-66. once by sea in Veracruz on the Gulf Coast In 1914. or better. the anarchist General Confederation of Mexican Workers. the two largest and most powerful petroleum corporations of the era. fleets and troops had been mobilized on Mexico's borders in order to intimidate its government Workers of the World. now backed by the new Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM). landing 3. foreign powers became increasingly worried that the government would seize the foreign-owned oil industry.S. and the company was forced to open its books. To pay the compensation. initially facing repression from the oil companies and the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz. virtually throughout the country." so too the Americans had come to consider the Caribbean to be "our lake. that with Europe about to be embroiled in World War II and the United States likely to be drawn into the war. leading to conflicts overseen by the Federal Labor Board (JFCA) and the Secretary of Labor. located on the Gulf Coast. the oil workers received more constant support from the government in their organizing efforts and by 1935 succeeded in bringing all of the regions workers together into the Mexican Petroleum Workers Union (STPRM).^ Cárdenas had foreseen correctly: W i t h Europe about to go to war and U. Vasconcelos and his literacy brigades would throw cheap government editions of Cervantes. correctly as it turned out.The agrarian reform cemented the foundations of the new Party of the Mexican Revolution and of the state that it ruled.000 occupying troops. and. Since this estimate was for tax-paying purposes. lost about half of its territory to the United States in a series of wars and concessionary treaties between 1836-54. and its curriculum was intellectually wanting.1930s. reached only a small percentage of the population. it was an amount far below their real value. W ith the labor unions and peasant leagues having been recognized. each giving what they could in order to control their own oil and their own country. The foreign-owned companies responded by saying that they could not afford to pay such a sum. and the land having been distributed to the peasants. their possessions protected by fleets of battleships and cruisers. struck. of course. the oil companies were left in the lurch. for that matter. Mexican oil workers had been organizing since the 1910s. On March 18. from little children with their pennies to wealthy women with their gold necklaces and earrings. In 1936 the STPRM. In 1920 Alvaro Obregón named left-wing philosopher José Vasconcelos the first rector of the Autonomous University and then Secretary of Education. The government found that the company could easily pay such a sum but the companies decided to take the matter to the courts. The occasion for the nationalization of the oil industry was presented by a conflict between petroleum workers and the foreign companies. Cárdenas was now able to take on the greatest revolutionary challenge: the British. Tens of thousands of Mexicans came. and a second time by land in Chihuahua in 1916 when General "Blackjack" Pershing led 4. President Franklin D. But the Catholic school system was largely confined to major cities. Mexico's concerns about foreign intervention were well founded. Both the United States and Great Britain were world powers looming on Mexico's northern border and nearby in Central America and the Caribbean.and U. The distribution of land to the peasantry who still made up the vast majority of Mexican society made Cárdenas a hero in his home state of Michoacan. Dante and Homer into the trunks of their cars and head out to rural villages to teach Indian communities Spanish. taken Panama from Colombia. was dominated by Royal Dutch Shell and Standard Oil. 1938 the Mexican Supreme Court ruled that the companies could and must meet the workers' demands. its total economic demand amounting to 14 million pesos. Before the Revolution. oil worker strikes against the foreign-owned companies grew.S. President Lárazo Cárdenas went on the radio and nationalized them.
so to speak.The conservative right wing increased of the service sector and middle classes. and failed for many reasons. although the power of the Secretary of Education bureaucracy and control over teachers and many communities increased. under the Lázaro and intellectual advisor of the railroad v/orker or peasant Cárdenas government.The Mexican state would prove was the leader. ist future toward which the world was evolving. of the illiterate or that swept over much of Latin America in the period from monolingual indigenous-language speakers in the countryside. although those unions became increasingly dependent upon the party generally under Communist tutelage. After the Revolution teachers often served as to be both durable and resistant to the military dictatorships shop stewards or lobbyists.' In reality. history of Mexico and Latin America. they often took it to Cárdenas created a paternalistic. for the its attacks on teachers as atheists. and turn peasants and workers into stalwart between indigenous and peasant communalism and the socialdefenders of the revolutionary government. Similarly. The Revolution is Dead: Long Live the Revolution! The Mexican Revolution that began in 1910 had by 1940 been completed and in many ways fulfilled.education program out of hand in order to to protect their own language and culture. Calling for "socialist education. recognition In 1938 President Lázaro Cárdenas annour)ced over íhe radio the expropriation of the oil companies. When Cárdenas came to power. Communists and libertines. full flowering of a modern capitalist society. While some mestizo communities embraced the program to promote democracy and equality in their regions. and the state) and peasants had land (but the land too was dependent on the Agrarian Bank and government officials). When peasants had a grievance. teacher was often hanged alongside the leader of the village. Workers and peasants now had unions (although tions stood on the left wing of the labor movement. with all of its class killing many. benefactor state which he the teacher to write up. jobs. The great issues of the Revolution — distribution of land to the peasants. by and large the "socialist" education project failed. the school teachers' unions and other organizaeducation. lay the Revolution the school teacher was often the secretary education — had all been realized. the reforms of the Cárdenas era laid the basis for The attempt to implant socialist education in rural Mexico an expansion of industrial capitalism. And when the landlord or Mexican people. Sometimes they asked the teacher believed could and would provide land. finally. that is to say. however. he too wished to continue the program of uplift in the rural communities and to support When workers got jobs in the state-owned oil company or those teachers who fought for agrarian reform alongside the railroad." Cárdenas and the and automatically became members of that party. It was an historic turning point in the ization of the oil industry. and so came to be citizens of a sort of state should challenge religion — what they called "obscurantism within the state. nationalpay them what they had estimated to be their value for tax-paying purposes.Yaqui and Nahua indigenous groups rejected the AGAINST THE CURRENT • 13 . Sometimes the teacher state on a much broader basis. and creation of a national system of free. Cárdenas also rebuilt the Mexican turned leader of a revolutionary band. the the new modernizing capitalist class that had come to power. public. agreeing to of labor unions. Communists whom he had put in charge of the Secretariat peasants on the ejido became members of the CNC and thus of Education shared the notion that Mexico's teachers of the party. and justice to the to serve as their spokesperson.The state would stand as the arbiter between governor sent his pistoleros to respond to the grievance. and fanaticism" — as well as teach the Spanish language and Adolfo Gilly has suggested that Cárdenas and the cardeniMexico's mestizo cultural values. they joined the unions affiliated with the state-party. increase the productivity stas believed that the revolutionary state served as a bridge of rural areas. peasants. of the working class. 1964 to 1984. and the workers and peasants who sought living wages and In the cities.
• The development of educational and cultural programs. 14 • SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 2010 original. entre ia Restauraààn y h Revolución 1920-1924 (Mexico. Direaor of the IDA-MCLTAC. una utopia n^exicana (Mexico. on site. Balkan. 301-346. Full Professor. symposia. Grandson of Leon Trotsky. Siglo Veintiuno Editores. 1977). payable to Global Exchange (write "Trotsky Museum" on Memo line of your check). if possible — related to the institution's subjects. 3. such as it was kept by Natalia Sedova and by Sieva Volkov's family between 1939 and the early 1970s. Please send your checks. Environment. his friends. interested in the analysis of historical facts and in the exchange of ideas through • Consultation of printed. political. T/ote/o/co massacre. audiovisual and interactive materials. the economy. México y los Estados Unidos en el conflict petrolero (1917-1942) (Mexico. October 2. A r t Crafts. The goal is an institution that will establish agreements with academics. and (d) some music or poetry evenings. (b) the access to reading. (c) a decoration that will portray the style of Mexican restaurants In the thirties. Enrique Krauze. and the 20th anniversary of the founding of the Institute on the Right of Asylum. without military dictatorship. A Research. 5. 63-69. Appeal to Readers WE ARE WRITING this letter to invite you to support the effort to preserve and renovate the Leon Trotsky Museum (IDAMCLTAC) in Mexico City as we mark the 70th anniversary of the assassination of Leon Trotsky. We invite you to donate to our Museum preservation/renovation fund and to join our International Friends of the Leon Trotsky group and campaign. María del Carmen Collado Herrera. • The house's garden. museotrotsky@gmail. Colegio de Ordaz's "security forces" open fire. • Permanent as well as temporary exhibits built on visual. £/ cardenismo. Box 40009. Adolfo Gilly. La Cristiada. 60-61. on site or via the web. passim. graphic. organized according to different subjects of historical. but also approaches the various ideological and political currents of socialist thought. San Francisco. Jean Meyer and Cayetano Reyes. gall. De la Revolución a la Industrialización (Mexico. 1996). Vasconcelos was in the 1910s a supporter of the Convention that included Francisco Villa and Emiiano Zapata and by the 1920s a self-proclaimed socialist. possim. 1973).' contradictions. Jean Meyer. Los Códigos ocultos del tio. courses and workshops.Turkish. Raquel Sosa Elizaga. simple. painters. visual and bibliographical archives from all over the world. the 35th anniversary of the opening of the Trotsky Museum. 1996). Plaza y Valdés. 2. CEIICHUNAM. guards. The Revolution Is Dead! Long Live the Revolution! § Notes 1. documentary and interactive materials.I". though by the 1930s 1968. A Cinema Club In it. musicians. Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución Mexicana. the national health plan. Mexico. mimes. Cal y Arena. By dents that the old Mexican Revolution was over. U N A M . to International Friends of the Leon Trotsky Museum. not very prosperous. Esteban Volkov Bronstein. pastries and appetizers. old and new short films. A Space for A r t . eyewitnesses saw President Diaz Lorenzo Meyer.cow. actors. and that another Mexican Revolution loomed on the horizon. intellectual and cultural interest will be shown and discussed. etc. even as the paternalistic aspect of Mexican government continued to expand through the nationalization of other industries and the establishment of social programs such as the Mexican Institute of Social Security (IMSS). and society. A space that will try to constitute an . Jewish. Colegio de Mexico. typical of the countries where Trotsky lived or was exiled. the right of asylum and the history of revolutionary and post-revolutionary Mexico. not always but sometimes joyful. The Renovation Project consists in gradually transforming the museum into an institution that takes the figure of Leon Trotsky as its central axis.The government claimed Cardenismo (Mexico." a government which. 4. La Reconstrucción económica (Mexico. Hundreds lay dead or wounded. in order to offer the public: I. part of which moved to the left. movies and documentaries. amy and police opened fire on the demonstra4. student strike. it had become clear 7. French. RO. where Trotsky was admitted as a political refugee. which will consist in conferences. tea. ¡968: After months of a national 2006). • A small bookstore in which our visitors will find books — in three languages. some international newspapers and magazines. poets. could exert control over every aspect of Mexican society. marching for democracy atTlateloIco. secretaries and guests lived between May 1939 and August 1940: a tense and anguished environment. Culture. elegant and international cultural option that will harbor: • Diverse cultural expressions of our contemporary world: sculptors. Norwegian and Mexican dishes. • A cafeteria that will serve very good coffee. 1994). actions and debates. CA 94140. Sergio de la Peña and Teresa Aguirre. (Mexico. Empresarios y políticos. During subsequent decades. 2. the capitalist class came to play a larger role within government. when the Mexican military killed hundreds of stuand 40s he became very rightwing and sympathetic to fascism. President of the IDA-MCLTAC Board and Olivia Gall. but of hard work and comradeship. 405. storytellers. Meyer argues that the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy did not lead the Oisitada which was a popular rebellion. 1968). audiovisual. 6. Educational and Information Center.. dancers. extremists initiated the violence. and that will offer in Coyoacán a touch of originality given by four combined elements: (a) a simple international menu made by a few Baltic. 3. Still the Mexican Bonapartist state continued to exist. book presentations. Cuisine and Social Gathering. Sincerely. museums and documentary.A Modern Museum A well-preserved house-museum that will give its visitors an idea of the real environment in which Trotsky. evolving into what Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa called "the perfect dictatorship.
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