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The Bronze Age Shipwreck at Ulu Burun: 1986 Campaign

Author(s): George F. Bass, Cemal Pulak, Dominique Collon, James Weinstein

Source: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 93, No. 1 (Jan., 1989), pp. 1-29
Published by: Archaeological Institute of America
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American Journal of Archaeology.
The BronzeAge Shipwreckat Ulu Burun:
1986 Campaign

Abstract perhaps during the Amarna period;and, in a pithos, the

earliest known diptych of the type which held wax for
The Institute of Nautical Archaeologyin 1986 com- writing surfaces. More weights, bronze tools and weap-
pleted its third excavationcampaign at Ulu Burun, near ons, pottery,and copperand tin ingots also came to light,
Kas, Turkey. New finds include a unique gold scarabof as did another faience ram's-headrhyton. At the deeper
Nefertiti that may provideconfirmationfor a recentthe- end of the site, several more stone anchors were uncov-
ory that she servedas coregentsometimeduring the latter ered, bringing the known total on board to 12. The site's
years of Akhenaten'sreign; a gold medallionwith a nude ultimatecontributionsto the historyof trade,internation-
goddess holding a gazelle in each hand, as well as other al relations, and technology must await complete exca-
typically Canaanitegold medallions;a rock-crystalcylin- vation and more positive dating.
der seal with gold caps, probablyKassite;an Old Babylo- The following report is divided into three sections,on
nian hematite cylinder seal recut by an Assyrian artisan, the excavations,the cylinderseals, and the gold scarab.


George F. Bass and Cemal Pulak

During the summer of 1986, the Institute of Nauti- Diving twice daily, with nearly six hours between
cal Archaeology (INA) continued excavation of a Late dives, six days a week, we compiled 60 dives to be-
Bronze Age shipwreck off Ulu Burun, near Ka?, in tween 50 and 140 ft (15 and 43 m), 1125 dives to be-
southern Turkey.' Diving began on 7 June and con- tween 140 and 150 ft (43 and 46 m), 1580 dives to
tinued until the end of August. Once more, part of the between 150 and 160 ft (46 and 49 m), and 2 dives to
staff lived ashore in a camp built onto the southeastern 170 ft (52 m), totalling 512 hours on the site in 1986.
face of the rock promontory, while others lived aboard Work was again concentrated on the shallower half
the Virazon, again moored above the site. Diving, of the site, west of the large rock outcrop (figs. 1 and
mapping, and excavating techniques were the same as 2). We hoped to excavate completely the area upslope
those used in previous campaigns. of the uppermost rows of amphoras and copper ingots,

* The 1986
campaign was financedby the INA Board of coveryof the site. A 10-day inspectionin 1983 is described
Directors, the Anna C. and Oliver C. Colburn Fund of by G.F. Bass, D.A. Frey, and C. Pulak, "A Late BronzeAge
INA, the Institutefor Aegean Prehistory,the National Geo- Shipwreck at Kas, Turkey," IJNA 13 (1984) 271-79, and
graphic Society and the National Science Foundation.The the first excavationcampaignby G.F. Bass, "A Bronze Age
excavatorswere G.F. Bass, director;Cemal Pulak, assistant Shipwreck at Ulu Burun (Kas): 1984 Campaign,"AJA 90
director;Donald A. Frey, photographer;Robin C.M. Pier- (1986) 269-96, and G.F. Bass, "The Ulu Burun Ship-
cy, chief of operations;Tufan Turanli, captain of INA's re- wreck,"VII. KazzSonuclarzToplantzsz(Ankara1986) 619-
search vessel Virazon;Murat Tilev, engineer; and Yancey 35 (hereafterVII. KST). For the 1985 campaignsee C. Pu-
Mebane, Karl Ruppert, and David Perlman, physicians. lak, "The Bronze Age Shipwreck at Ulu Burun, Turkey:
Staff also included archaeologistsDouglas Haldane, Faith 1985 Campaign," AJA 92 (1988) 1-37, and G.F. Bass,
Hentschel, Lisa Shuey, and Shelley Wachsmann; Texas "Underwater Excavations of the Ulu Burun Shipwreck,"
A&M graduate students Nicolle Hirschfeld, Ralph Peder- VIII. Kazz SonuclarzToplantzsz2 (Ankara 1987) 291-302
sen, Lillian Ray, and Stephen Vinson; conservatorsJane (hereafterVIII. KST 2). The site has also been publishedin
Pannell and Robert Payton; and illustrators Netia Piercy popular form, with color photographsof many of the arti-
(figs. 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, and 18), Sema Pulak (figs. 7, 11, 16 facts, in G.F. Bass, "Oldest Known Shipwreck Reveals
and 21), and Anika Liversage (fig. 27). Yasar Yildlz repre- Splendorsof the Bronze Age," National Geographic172:6
sented the Turkish General Directorateof Antiquities and (December 1987) 692-733. The two cylinder seals de-
Museums. scribed here have been illustrated previously: D. Collon,
See C. Pulak and D.A. Frey, "The Search for a Bronze First Impressions:CylinderSeals in the Ancient Near East
Age Shipwreck,"Archaeology38:4 (1985) 18-24 for the dis- (London 1987) 135-37, nos. 570-71.

AmericanJournal of Archaeology93 (1989)

Fig. 1. Wreckseenfromnortheast

approximatelygrid squaresL-10 to N-10 and L- 1 to ingots extending downslope to the north of the rock
N-11, where many small finds were recovered in outcrop were mapped but not removed. Lastly, to-
1985, includinga scaraband a plaque with Egyptian ward the end of the campaign,exploratorydivesat the
hieroglyphs, as well as all of the gold jewelry found deepestvisible part of the site revealedtwo previously
that year. This goal was not realizedbecausethe area unknownanchorsat a depthof 51 m; these may mark
continued to be surprisingly rich in small artifacts, the westernmostextent of the site. During these ex-
and becausenewly discovereddepositsof artifactsex- ploratorydives, a pithos, which seems to have rolled
tended the known boundariesof the site. We contin- down the steep slope, was spottedlying far below the
ued mapping and removingthe aforementionedrows rest of the wreck, at an estimateddepth of 58 m.
of amphoras and ingots, which had been discovered Grid squareM-l 1, in the firstarea mentioned,con-
undera thick layer of marineencrustationin 1985. To tinued to yield gold jewelry, including pendants of
the south of these regions,we completedexcavationof four known Canaanite types: KW 703 is a pear-
the narrow, sand-filled gully that had in 1984 pro- shaped sheet of gold, 9.1 cm high, its ribbon loop for
ducedsuch diversifiedfinds as a gold chalice,a falcon- suspension rolled forward and scored vertically (fig.
shaped gold pectoral, elephant and hippopotamus 3). The pendantbears the framedrepoussefigureof a
tusks, glass ingots, amber and faience beads, an am- nude female holding a gazelle in each raised hand.
phora filled with glass beads, and several bronze The figure faces forward, wearing a crown, but her
weapons, and which in 1985 had yielded two bronze feet are in profileto her right. She wears fourbracelets
swords and scrap silver in the vicinity of pithos on each wrist, and pairs of anklets. The figure is al-
KW 250. Excavationwas extendedbelow this gully to most certainlythat of a deity of uncertainidentifica-
the rock outcrop and across the remainderof the up- tion, being a good example of Ora Negbi's "Pictorial
per half of the wreck. During this time the rows of Qudsu"group,2as well as of K.R. Maxwell-Hyslop's

0. Negbi, CanaaniteGods in Metal: An Archaeological

1976)99-100,excepttheUlu Burunfiguredoesnotweara
Study of Ancient Syro-Palestinian Figurines (Tel Aviv Hathorwig.

H I I | J |j K L M J N I 0 P

9 9

110 I10

111 11

112 12

I13 13

114 14

8058 f
'61 819,727

115 15

. o ? +

16 16 i

17 17

18 18 I

4-. .q:
.. . .

19 19 I

+ + . .+ +

20 20
. . 0
INA 1986
21 21 I

O .5 1m

H I J K I L MN 0

Fig. 2. Site plan. Objectsmentionedin text are indicatedby their K(as) W(reck) numbers.

:ii : ::: :b

'5 :::

Fig.4. GoldroundelKW756.3:2

(fig. 4). It is decoratedin repousseby a four-pointed

star with curvedrays betweenits straightrays, all out-
lined by incised lines; single repoussebosses are cen-
teredin the fieldsbetweenthe rays, and the edge of the
pendant is outlined by repoussedots. This star-with-
curved-raymotif is much more like the commonmotif

". 1: -,: " W.",

.e '-

Fig. 3. Goldpear-shaped

group b of nude goddesspendants3and P.E. McGov-

ern's type II.B.1.4 Four of these are in sheet gold from
Minet el-Beida and one in cast bronze from Akko,
while another, of cast gold from Zincirli in Anatolia,
may be of later, Iron Age date;5a parallel from Minet
el-Beida has gazelles held in a mannersimilar to that
on the Ulu Burun medallion.6
Sheet-goldpendant KW 756 is a roundel, 4 cm in
diameter,with its suspensionloop also rolled forward Fig. 5. Goldrectangular

3 K.R. Maxwell-Hyslop, Western Asiatic

Jewellery c. Schaeffer, "Lesfouillesde Minet-el-Beida
et de RasSham-
3000-612 B.C. (London 1971) 139. ra, troisiemecampagne,"
4 P.E. McGovern, Late Bronze Palestinian Pendants Syria13 (1932) pl. 9.1; C.F.A.
Schaeffer,UgariticaII (Paris1949)36-37, fig. 10;Negbi
(JSOT/ASOR Monograph 1, Sheffield1985) 30. (supran. 2) 100 with fig. 119, pl. 53.1701,and 191 for
Negbi(supran. 2) 100, 135. bibliography.
Maxwell-Hyslop(supra n. 3) 139, pl. 106; C.F.A.

;:I::!-::: :::-:: .. -;::: :: .--;-;- ::;l:;:,(-:-::_:(i:I-

Fig. 6. Goldhorn-shaped
pendantKW892. 3:2

seen in variousmaterialsat Ugarit, Alalakh, and She-

chem than is that on gold roundel KW 138, found on
the wreck in 1984.7Two gold roundelsfrom Shechem
provideparallels for KW 756.8
Rectangularpendant KW 757, with roundedcor-
ners, is 2.5 cm high (fig. 5). The figure of a standing
woman, facing right, is scratchedon its surface. Her Fig. 8. BronzehoeKW839. 1:3
hair hangs straightbehindher ear to below her shoul-
der. Three horizontal scratchescross her waist. Her hem, like those of the wife of the Syrian merchant,
skirt is flounced,with three horizontallines abovethe shown newly arrived in Egypt by ship, in the 15th-
century Tomb of Nebamun at Thebes.9 The figures

;:- ~

Fig. 7. WhetstoneKW701. 1:1 Fig. 9. BronzefishhookKW924. 1:1

7 Bass,AJA90 (1986)289-90,pl. 17.4,withreferences to VI.G.1in McGovern(supran. 4) 75.

thoseat Ugarit,AlalakhandShechemin notes117-19,121; 8Maxwell-Hyslop(supran. 3) 144,pl. 115.
Bass,VII.KST (supran. 1) 628, 635 fig. 11. This is Type 9 T.
Save-Soderbergh,Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs

her lower skirt, perhaps an underskirt, is cross-

hatched,and there is only one line abovethis, perhaps
the hem of an outer garment;two lines crossher waist;
!I both elbows are bent sharply, the forearms held up
with the palms of the hands facing away from the
body. Another pendant, from the same hoard, has a
male figure on its surface,"Ias does a pendant of the
same family from Tell Abu Hawam.12 All of these
pendants have their suspension loops rolled forward.
It is of interest that the two females face to the right,
: whereas the males face left.
The fourthgold pendantfromUlu Burun, KW 892
(fig. 6), is of Maxwell-Hyslop's horn-shapedtype,'3
with solid-casthorns and a rolled-overhollow loop for
suspension;its crescentis 4.4 cm wide. Maxwell-Hys-
lop says the type was especially popular in the 15th
and 14th centuries.'4 Good parallels appear in the
hoard at Shechemthat producedthe best parallels for
roundel KW 756, above. The type also occursat Me-
giddo,'5 Tell el-Ajjul,'6 Beth Shan, Gezer, and Ras
Shamra,17and in Greeceand Cyprus.18
Also found here were two cylinder seals (KW 714
and KW 881), discussedin Part II by Collon, and a


Fig. 10. Bronze knife KW 800. 1:2

resembleone anotheralso in that on each the arm far- I I

ther from the viewer hangs down but slightly forward,

whereas the arm nearer the viewer is held forward
and upward. The Ulu Burun pendantis similar to but
slightly smaller than a sheet-gold pendant found in a
hoard of probable Late Cypriot IIIA1 date at Hala
Sultan Tekke that may be jewelry "ofa non-Cypriote a b
woman, from Egypt or Palestine."'0On the Hala Sul-
tan Tekke example, the woman's hair is similar, but Fig. 11. Agate lentoids a) KW 840, and b) KW 793. 1:1

(Private Tombs at Thebes 1, Oxford 1957) pl. 23; G.F. II.B.3 in McGovern (supra n. 4) 32-33, 156 pl. 6.76 (cf.
Bass, Cape Gelidonya:A Bronze Age Shipwreck(TAPS 57, Type II.B.l.b on p. 30).
part 8, 1967) 65, fig. 74. 13Maxwell-Hyslop (supra n. 3) 149-50, pl. 115; this is
10P. Xstrom et al., Hala Sultan Tekke 8. Excavations Type VI.B.1 in McGovern (supra n. 4) 68-69.
1971-79 (SIMA 45:8, Goteborg1983) 8 no. N 1157j, 9-10, 14Maxwell-Hyslop (supra n. 3) 151.
13 fig. 9. The hoardwas originallythoughtto be fromperhaps 15Maxwell-Hyslop (supra n. 3) 150-51.
as early as 1500 B.C., K. Nicolaou, "ArchaeologicalNews 16F. Petrie,Ancient Gaza IV. Tell el Ajjul (London 1934)
fromCyprus, 1977-1978,"AJA 84 (1980) 67, pl. 13.24. pl. 20.168 and 174.
11Astrim et al. (supra n. 10) 8 no. N 1157k, 13 fig. 10; 17Maxwell-Hyslop (supra n. 3) 151.
Nicolaou (supra n. 10) pl. 13.23. 18 K. Niklasson in Astrom et al.
(supra n. 10) 177-78
12R.W. Hamilton, "Excavationsat Tell Abu Hawam," no. 1247, 201 fig. 471.
QDAP 4 (1935) no. 416 on p. 64, pl. 39.1, designatedType


Fig. 12. Faienceram's-head

rhytonKW707.Ca. 1:1

uniquegoldscarabof Queen Nefertiti(KW 772) thatis 9; pres. 1. 0.05), of a type known throughoutthe east-
illustratedand treatedin Part III by James Weinstein. ern Mediterranean.21Here, too, was found a bronze
In this same deposit were bronze arrowheads, fingercymbal(KW 923) which matchesthat found in
quartz and faience beads, lead fishing-net weights, a 1984.22KW 800 (fig. 10; 1. 0.23), the only complete
few small bronze tools, a whetstone (KW 701: fig. 7; bronze knife of its type yet recoveredfrom the wreck,
1.0.06), and stone balance-panweights. has a down-curvingblade like examplesfoundat least
Less than half a meter upslope from these finds in Mycenaean contexts in western Asia Minor and
were three bits of scrap gold. Two are the joining Rhodes.23Other finds in the depositincludelead fish-
halves of roundel KW 956, identical to the pendant ing-net weights, a lead and severalstone balance-pan
with granulatedlotus palmette found here in 1985.19 weights, and faience beads of a type recoveredduring
The third is part of a possible gold bar or disc previouscampaigns.24
(KW 928), its edges removedby chisel. Bronzesin this In neighboringsquares N-11 and N-12 were seven
deposit included a hoe (KW 839: fig. 8; 1. 0.30) of fragmentarytin ingots, some easily recognizedas hav-
Cape Gelidonya Type 5;20three sickles; several ar- ing been cut from the typical four-handled"ox-hide"
rowheads;and four fishhooks,includingKW 924 (fig. shape.25Here, too, were found two possible Minoan

19Pulak(supran. 1) 26-27, fig. 32; Bass, VIII.KST 2 23N.K. Sandars,"LaterAegeanBronzeSwords," AJA67

(supran. 1) 292, 299 fig.3. (1963) 140-42, pl. 27.54, 56-57, and J. Deshayes,Les
20 Bass
(supran. 9) 91 withfig. 104.B68. outilsde bronze,de lIndus au Danube2 (Paris1960) 136
21 F. Petrie,Ancient Gaza III. Tell el Ajjul (London
1933) no. 2596, pl. 43.2596;132 no. 2529, pl. 42.2529;and,for
pl. 22.85-88;J.-C. Courtois,AlasiaIII (Paris 1984) 18, knivesfromMycenaewithstraightbladesbutwithhandles
with additionalreferencesto Syriaand Cyprus,and 176 terminating in knobslikethatat Ulu Burun,134nos.2554
fig. 6.12-13; S. Iakovidis,Excavationsof the Necropolisat and2555,pl.43.2554-2555.Otherexamples,fromtheMy-
Perati(Instituteof Archaeology,Universityof California, cenaeancemeteryat Musgebi,nearBodrum,aredisplayed
LosAngeles,Occasional Paper8, 1980)95, 96 fig. 118;S.G. in the BodrumMuseumof Underwater Archaeology.
Miller,"Excavations at Nemea,1975,"Hesperia45 (1976) 24 Bass,AJA90 (1986)286-87, 289 ill. 26; Pulak(supra
184,pl. 33a suggeststhelongevityof thetype. n. 1)25.
Bass,AJA90 (1986)288-89,290 ill. 28. 25Pulak(supran. 1) cf. 9 fig.4, 10 fig.5.

Fig. 15. Glass relief bead KW 829. 2:1

In disassemblingthe row of copperingots marking

the lower border of the amphora deposit, we discov-
ered that they were stacked neatly on a cushion of
Fig. 13. Bronze fishhookor gaff KW 1225. 1:2 thorny burnet (Sarcopoterium spinosum)30 reminis-
cent of the dunnage found beneath copper ingots on
or Mycenaean seal blanks of agate:26 KW 840 the Cape Gelidonya wreck.31Seeds of this species,
commonthroughoutthe eastern Mediterranean,have
(fig. 1 la; diam. 0.016) in N-12, and KW 793 (fig. 1lb;
diam. 0.026) in M-12. been found on virtually all of the shipwreckswe have
Fourteen Canaanite amphoras and two pilgrim excavatedin the Mediterranean,as well as in ampho-
flasks were raised from the heavily encrusted deposit ras of various periodsrecoveredduring INA's annual
just downslope; other amphoras remain embedded in surveys,32but this discoveryat Ulu Burun provides
the concretion. Here, also, was a nearly intact faience the firstdirectevidenceof the plant'suse. Preservedby
rhyton (KW 707: fig. 12; 1. 0.18) in the shape of a copper corrosion products between the ingots were
ram's head. It is the fifth rhyton of this type found on many more murex operculalike those notedprevious-
the wreck, and its condition allows us to note that it is ly.33 Perhaps preserved in the same way were numer-
similar to, but not identical to, faience rhyta in the ous tiny faience beads in several colors, like discoid
same form from Enkomi27 and Tell Abu Hawam.28
Conservator Robert Payton notes that it seems to have
been broken and mended in antiquity.
Close to this area was the joining fragment of stone
mace-head KW 278, found in 1985.29

Fig. 14. Bronze balance-panweight KW 873. 1:1 Fig. 16. Rock-crystal

beadKW767. 1:1

26 Cf. 30 C.W.
J. Boardman,GreekGems and Finger Rings (Lon- Haldane, "ArchaeobotanicalRemains from Four
don 1970) 49 [colorplate] no. 3; on p. 63, however, Board- Shipwrecks off Turkey's Southern Shore,"Proceedingsof
man cites evidencethat the string-hole was bored after the the Fifth Conferenceof the Organizationfor the Phyto-Tax-
engraving of a seal, and the Ulu Burun stones are al- onomic Investigationof the MediterraneanArea, Istanbul,
ready bored;a Mycenaean preferencefor banded agates in 12 September1986, forthcoming.
LH I-IIIA is noted on p. 57. 31 Bass
(supra n. 9) 49, 168-69.
27A.S. Murray, A.H. Smith, and H.B. Walters, Excava- 32 Haldane
(supra n. 30). W. van Zeist first broughtthis
tions in Cyprus (London 1900) 33, with fig. 61.1212 and identificationto our attention (letter of 21 April 1986 to
pl. 3. Aleydis van de Moortel).
28 Hamilton 33Pulak (supra n. 1) 5.
(supra n. 12) 65 no. 428, pl. 30.
29 Pulak
(supra n. 1) 24.

Fig. 17. Africanblackwoodlog (Dalbergiamelanoxylon).3:20

beads found in 1984,34the latter seemingly bleached a large bronze fishhookor gaff, with its barb on the
of color. outside (KW 1225: fig. 13; pres. 1. 0.10). A few bal-
Downslope of these ingots was a row of three pairs ance-pan weights here include KW 727, a recumbent
of anchors, one anchor in each pair resting on the young animal (perhaps a calf) weighing 3.15 g, and
other.A solitaryanchorlay at the northernmostend of KW 873 (fig. 14; 1. 0.021), shaped like a water fowl,41
the row, but a newly uncoveredanchor,far down the weighing 2.02 g. Among a number of glass, faience,
steep slope in squares P-18 and P-19, may be a miss- and stone beadswas a blue glass relief bead (KW 829:
ing mate for it, suggestinga fourth pair. fig. 15; 1 0.026) of seeming Mycenaean manufac-
In the approximate area from which pithos ture,42a rock-crystalbead (KW 767: fig. 16; diam.
KW 251 was raised in 1984, a numberof Cypriot ce- 0.016) similarto one froma Late Minoan tomb,43and
ramic pieces were found, some identical to those re- another possible Minoan or Mycenaean seal blank
movedfrom the pithos in 1984.35They may represent (KW 819) of a green stone,possiblysteatite.A broken
additionalcontentsof the pithos:White Shavedjuglet ostrich egg44 and a meter-long, unworked piece of
KW 1058, Base-ring II bowl KW 730, and a frag-
mentaryWhite Slip II milk-bowl, along with saucer-
shaped lamp KW 105936 and pitcher KW 812 with
trefoil mouth. In the same general area, but slightly to
the south, were pilgrim flasks37in at least three sizes
(large KW 747; mediumKW 795; small KW 761 and
776), wall brackets KW 759 and KW 1001,38 saucer-
shaped lamp KW 760 with fire-blackenednozzle,39a
badly damagedstirrupjar (KW 905), four amphoras,
a glass ingot,40fragmentsof tin ingots, over 100 lead
fishing-netweights in two sizes, several small bronze
tools, parts of what may be a pair of bronzetongs, and Fig. 18. BronzechiselKW748.3:5

34Bass, AJA 90 (1986) 274. J.-C. Courtois,"Le tresorde poids de Kalavassos-Ayios

35Bass, AJA 90 (1986) 279-81, ills. 10-12; Bass, VII. Dhimitrios1982,"RDAC(1983)123,126,pl. 17.5,wherea
KST(supran.1) 626-27, 633 figs.6-7. fowlalsowitha longneckis identifiedas a duckor related
36Cf. Bass,AJA90 (1986)281,282ill. 14;Bass,VII.KST animal.
(supran. 1) 626,634 fig.9. 42 Cf. V.R.d'A.Desborough, The Last Mycenaeansand
37 Cf. Bass,Freyand Pulak(supran. 1) 276, 277 fig. 7; TheirSuccessors(Oxford1964) pl. 20a, relief beadsof
Bass,AJA90 (1986)284-85, 286 ill. 21;Bass,VIII.KST2 "glasspaste,"probablyfromlalysos.
43 Cf.
(supran. 1) 295, 301 fig. 8; Pulak(supran. 1) 12 fig.7. C.W. Blegen, Prosymna (Cambridge 1937) fig.
38 Cf. Bass, Frey and Pulak (supran. 1) 273, 276 with 599.10;andS. Hood,G. HuxleyandN. Sandars,"AMino-
fig.6; Bass,VIII.KST2 (supran. 1) 297,302 fig. 12. an Cemeteryon Upper Gypsades,"BSA 53-54 (1958-
39 Cf. Bass,AJA90 (1986)285, 287 ill. 22; Pulak(supra 1959)250 no. X.11, 258 fig. 35.X.11foran examplewith
n. 1) 13, 12 fig.6. sevenflutes.
40 Cf.
Bass,AJA90 (1986)281-82 withills. 15-16;Bass, 44
See D.S. Reese,"TheKitionOstrichEggshells,"Ap-
VII.KST (supran. 1) 624, 633 fig. 5. Seealso"GlassGal- pendixVIII(B)in V. Karageorghis, Excavations at Kition
lery Opensat BodrumMuseum,"JGS 28 (1986) 117-18 V, Part2 (Nicosia1985)371-82,andA. Caubet,"Lesoeufs
withfig.2. d'autrucheau ProcheOrientancien,"RDAC(1983) 193-
41 This doesnot seemto be a duck,as is clearlythe case 98 forreferences
to pastdiscoveriesin theeasternMediter-
with KW 350 (Pulak[supran. 1] 30 with fig. 37, 31; see ranean.See now D. White,"1985Excavations on Bates's

Fig. 19.WoodendiptychKW737. 1:1

dark, dense African blackwoodor Dalbergia melan- ments, is of obviousimportancefor our knowledgeof
oxylon (fig. 17), called ebony by the ancient Egyp- Bronze Age literacy. It consists of two rectangular
tians,45represent exotic trade goods. Lastly, scarab woodenleaves,6.2 cm wide by 9.5 cm high,joinedby a
KW 904, discussedby Weinstein in Part III, is of the three-piece,cylindricalivoryhinge;pluggedholesindi-
SecondIntermediatePeriod. catethat the hinge had beenreplacedor repairedin an-
Before being raised, seemingly intact but badly tiquity. The centralpiece of the hinge couldnot be lo-
crackedpithos KW 252, just south of pithos KW 251 cated,despiteour efforts.The inner facesof the leaves
(fig. 2), was emptied of sediment and then disassem- were slightly recessed,and scoredwith crosshatching
bled under water. The sedimentcontainednumerous for the retentionof wax writing surfaces.The inner-
seeds and other parts of pomegranates,suggesting to most margin of one leaf was incised with geometric
Cheryl Haldane that the jar containedwhole pome- marks.A pair of smallholes piercingthis leaf mayhave
granates.Also recoveredfromthejar were severalbal- been for a deviceto keepthe diptychclosed.It is proba-
last stones,bronzechisel KW 748 (fig. 18; 1.0.92) of a ble that the diptychwas closedwhile in the pithos, for
type especially commonin the Levant,46bronze razor its inner faces had not sufferedas much erosionas the
KW 749 (similar to KW 344 raised in 1985),47and outer surfaces.The earliestpreviouslyknown writing
wooden diptychKW 737 (fig. 19). tabletsof this sortwere foundin a well at Nimrud,from
The diptych, reassembledfrom more than 25 frag- the late eighth centuryB.C.48On the walnut Nimrud

Island,MarsaMatruh,"JARCE23 (1986)79 with n. 71. CenterforWoodAnatomyResearch,U.S. ForestProducts

We thankDominiqueCollonforreferringus to C.S.Gans- Laboratory,Madison,Wisconsin.For Egyptianebonysee
dale,AnimalsofBibleLands(Exeter1970)191-92,forthe A. Lucas, AncientEgyptianMaterialsand Industries4
Near Easterndistributionof the ostrichin more recent (London1962)434-36.
times. Nicolle Hirschfeldhas broughtto our attentiona 46 Bass(supran. 9) 99-100 fig. 112.B129.
fragmentfromthe storeroom complexat Gla (Prakt1982, 47 Pulak(supran. 1) 14, 15 fig. 10;Bass,AJA90 (1986)
105-108). 292-93 withill. 33, wherea similarbladeis calleda knife.
45 The woodwas identifiedby DonnaChristensen of the 48M.E.L. Mallowan, "The Excavationsat Nimrud

Fig. 20. Hippopotamus

canineKW744. 1:4

diptych,traces of beeswax bearing cuneiforminscrip-

tions were preserved;analysisof the beeswaxshowedit
to be mixed with about 25%orpiment,49and this may
explain why an amphoraof orpimentwas on the Ulu
Burunship.50The Ulu Buruntabletdemonstratesthat
Homer's mentionof foldingwoodentablets (II. 6.169)
was not anachronistic.
Removal of the fragments of pithos KW 252 re-
vealed three more hippopotamus teeth, one incisor
and two canines (fig. 20); the four hippopotamusteeth
so far recovered51do not seem to come from the same
animal. Recent discoveriesof hippopotamusteeth at
other Bronze Age sites in the eastern Mediterranean
suggest that hippopotamusivory was used more ex- Fig. 22. MetalpilgrimflaskKW 1085.1:2
tensivelythan previouslyknown.52Potterydiscovered
underthe pithos includedtwo pilgrim flasks (KW 791 and 1183), several Canaaniteamphoras,spindle bot-
tle KW 844, and coarse-warestirrupjars KW 1188
(h. 0.44) and KW 1198 (h. 0.45). KW 1198, which
containedalmosteverytype of seed we have recovered
from the wreck, as well as several dozen faience and
stone beads and a large fleckof orpiment,is similar in
shape and painteddecorationto LH IIIA:2-IIIB stir-
rup jars from the House of the Wine Merchant at
Mycenae.53Also in this area were two rings, most
likely fashionedfrom Mediterraneantop shells,54one
found in the mouth of stirrupjar KW 1198. A central
groove inscribed completely around each ring pre-
serves a black substanceprobablyintended for affix-
ing pre-cut inlays to the ring. One ring preservesan
impressedzigzag patternin this bitumen-likematerial
that probablycorrespondsto the triangularshapes of
Fig. 21. ShellringKW801. 1:1 missing inlay pieces, while the second has impressed

(Kalhu),"Iraq 16 (1954) 98; D.J. Wiseman,"Assyrian ris 1987) 278-83, 290-94; see also bibliographyin D.S.
WritingBoards,"Iraq17 (1955)3. Reese,"Hippopotamus and ElephantTeethfromKition,"
49Mallowan(supran. 48) 99;Wiseman(supran. 48) 5. AppendixVIII(D) in V. Karageorghis, Excavationsat Ki-
50 Bass, AJA 90 (1986) 278-79; Bass, VII. KST (supra tionV, Part2 (Nicosia1985)391-98.
n. 1) 626. 53 H.W. Haskell,"Coarse-Ware Stirrup-Jarsat Myce-
Bass,AJA90 (1986)283, 285 ill. 19. nae,"BSA76 (1981)225-26.
52 A. Caubetand F.
Poplin,"Lesobjetsde matieredure 54Pulak(supran. 1) 26, 27 fig.31.
animaleetudedu materiau,"Ras Shamra-OugaritIII (Pa-
artifactsor seeds. In the crevicewere four Canaanite
amphoras, terra-cotta pilgrim flask KW 1084, and
metal pilgrim flask KW 1085 (fig. 22; h. ca. 0.18),
visually identifiedas tin, which remindsus of the tin
pilgrim flask from 18th-Dynasty Egypt.55Large rim
fragmentsfound here and elsewheremay be from the
brokenpithos spottedfar below the site, at a depth of
approximately58 m, a discoverythat bringsthe num-
ber of pithoi on the wreck to seven.
In cleaning for mapping the rows of copper ingots
north of the rock outcrop, coarse-ware stirrup jar
KW 790, several tin ingot fragments, two pilgrim
flasks, and a dozen copper bun ingots were chiseled
free. The ingotsof the shallowerof these rows, stacked
11 deep in places, rest directlyon large, unidentified
ship timbers.Two stone anchorslying deeperthan the
lowest coherentrows of ingots, but not as deep as the
pair found during the exploratory dives mentioned
above,bring the total numberof anchorson the wreck
to 12.
An isolated find, beaked jug KW 725 (fig. 23;
h. 0.26) was chiseled out of a pocket on the eastern
side of the large rock outcrop.Jeremy Rutter, who is
studying the Mycenaean pottery from the wreck for
our final publication, but has seen only preliminary
drawingsof the jug, finds its shape closerto FS 144 of
LH IIIA:1 date than to FS 145 of LH IIIA:2,but sees
Fig. 23. Beakedjug KW725. 1:3 the decorationas LH IIIA:2 and concludesthat the
jug dates to the LH IIIA:2 early period,56contempo-
alternating rectangles and circles (KW 801: fig. 21; rary with kylix KW 57 foundon the wreckin 1984.57
diam. 0.023).
A meter to the south, pithos KW 253 (fig. 2) was INSTITUTE OF NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY
chiseled out of the crevicein which it was concreted. AT TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY
Preliminary examination of its sediment revealedno COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS 77843


Dominique Collon
Two cylinder seals58 were found in grid square tions meet is extremely narrow. Strips of gold were
M-1 1, which yieldedthe four gold pendantsdescribed wrapped around and flattenedover each end to form
in Part I and the gold Nefertiti scarab discussed in gold caps.A pink powderresiduewithin the caps, now
Part III. Seal KW 714 (figs. 24-25; h. 2.8 cm; diam. being analyzed, may indicate that an adhesive was
1.06-1.10 cm), of quartz var. crystal (rock-crystal),is used. When in position the caps, which are 0.7 cm
slightly chipped around the edges. Its perforation high, overlapthe design and add 0.2 cm to the height
(diam. 0.3 cm) is off center. The seal was perforated of the seal and increasethe diameterup to 1.4 cm.
from each end, but the point where the two perfora- The designof KW 714 was executedwith a cutting

55Lucas(supran. 45) 253. 58 I havenotbeenableto examinetheseseals

56J. Rutter(lettersto the authorson 12 December1986 myself,but
haveworkedfromnumerousphotographs, a detaileddraw-
and29 September1987). ing of KW881 (fig.27) by AnikaLiversage,andtheexcel-
57Bass,AJA90 (1986) 285, 288 ill. 23; Bass, VII.KST lent notes and sketchessuppliedby RobertPaytonfor
(supran. 1) 624, 633 fig.3. figs.24 and26.

shorter in front than at the back. The hemlines are

I indicatedby doublediagonallines. The first figureon
the left has two vertical lines on the skirt of his gar-
ment, the secondhas a single line and two shorttassels
{70Xi hanging from the hem, while the third has only a
single line down his skirt. The last holds a short bow
behind him, but the others are empty-handed.
The fourthfigurewears a flatterheaddress,or pos-
sibly a hair band, but his hair style and beard resem-
ble those of the otherfigures.His right arm is bent and
h4Ws held horizontallyat waist level;there are two horizon-
tal lines acrossthe garmentbelow it. He raises his left
hand in greeting. He wears a long garmentwith one
verticalline down the skirt,two horizontallines across
the bottom, and a heavy, slightly angled line indicat-
ing the hem. Two short horizontal lines below this
Fig. 24. CylindersealKW714. 1:1 representthe feet. Whereas the first three figures are
well spaced,the fourth is smaller and looks cramped,
wheel and drill. It consistsof a processionof three fig- althoughthere are no indicationsthat he was inserted
ures approachinga fourthfromthe left, as depictedon later or that any recuttingwas involved.
the impression.They standwith one foot forwardand Betweenthe figurestherearevarioussymbols.From
a drill hole at the ankle;the other foot is indicatedby a left to rightthese are an eye-shapeset vertically;a cross
short horizontal line just below the angle formed by abovea fishor bird;a crescent;a V-shape, set on its side
the back of the skirt. The left arm is bent and held and pointingright, abovea diamond-shape.There are
level with the waist, and the right arm hangs down line bordersroundthe top and bottomof the seal.
behind. The hands are indicatedby drill holes. The The closest parallel, as regardsboth subjectmatter
figures wear globular headdresses.A drill hole at the and execution, is a seal in the Chicago Field Muse-
nape of the neck indicates the hair which is either um.59 This seal is Kassite, but its inscription is a
worn in a bun or, more probably, is worn shoulder prayerand cannotbe dated.In attemptingto establish
length. All are bearded.Two parallel diagonal lines a more precise date for the Ulu Burun seal we shall
indicate the upper edge of each of their garments. have to rely on style of dress and posture as depicted
These garmentsare drapedfromtheir right shoulders on the few Kassite seals which can be assigned to a
and pass under their left arms, and are considerably specificreign.

Fig.25. Impression
of cylindersealKW714. 3:2

59W.H. Ward, The Seal Cylindersof WesternAsia (Washington 1910) 188 no. 531.

I 0


Ani- 86

Figs. 26, 27. Cylinder seal KW 881. 1:1. IEnlargeddrawing of impression.3:1

The posture adopted by the first three figures is that but crosses at this period may well have been used to
of the "king with a mace" on Old Babylonian seals. depict the sun. The fish, however, would signify the
This is often, and almost certainly erroneously, water god. The crescent moon may indicate that the
thought to be a god, but is probably the king in war- moon god is depicted.The V-shape is probablya fly,
rior dress.60 The posture of the fourth figure goes back used to symbolizecourage and victory,63and its posi-
to the third millennium B.C. In Old Babylonian times tion next to the god with a bow would support an
it is that adopted by the king in ceremonial dress.61 identificationof this figure as a warriorgod. The dia-
Normally deities face left, but in view of the more im- mondand eye-shapeare probablythe same symbolfor
posing size, headdress and stance of the three advanc- which variousinterpretationshave been proposed(ear
ing figures and the attitude of worship of the fourth, it of wheat, vulva), generallywith fertility connotations.
seems probable that the first three figures are gods and These may be placed on either side of the worshipper
the fourth is a worshipper, perhaps the king.62 as good-lucksymbols.
The various symbols in the field may perhaps iden- On the earliest datable Kassite seal, that of the son
tify the gods, but this is by no means certain. The cross of King Karaindash, ca. 1420 B.C., single figures
may be an abbreviated star indicating an astral deity, stand in the same posture as the gods on the Ulu Bu-

60 D.
Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the indicatesthat the Ulu Burun seal is of provincialmanufac-
British Museum, Cylinder Seals III: Isin/Larsa and Old ture and is exceptional in not having an inscription (a fea-
BabylonianPeriods (London 1986) 35, 100-104. ture of virtuallyeveryother seal in the First KassiteGroup).
61 Collon
(supra n. 60) 36-38. I am most grateful to him for allowing me to see the draftof
62 In a
recent, computer-basedstudy of Kassite seals of the his results and for his commentson the Ulu Burun seal.
First Group, Donald Matthews of Cambridge University 63 E. Porada, "Problems of Iranian Iconography,"The
has reached exactly the opposite conclusions and has pro- Memorial Volume of the Vth International Congress of
vided compelling arguments in support of his views. The Iranian Art and Archaeology, 1 lth-18th April 1986 I
three advancing figures would therefore be kings and the (Teheran 1972) 173ff.
single figure facing left would be a god. His study further

Fig. 28. CylindersealKW881 andimpression.


run seal, but their garmentsare drapedover their left contemporarywith Level I1C elsewhere on the site
shoulders and hang open over kilts.64A similar gar- and date to the reign of the last Kurigalzu. They are
ment is worn by a figure on an undated seal in the generally thought to representdignitaries.68The fig-
British Museum, but here the garment, although ures wear either fezzes or hair bands and their short-
draped diagonally as on our seal, covers both shoul- sleeved garments seem to consist of a knee-length
ders.65On both of these seals the figurefaces a goddess overskirt and a long underskirt,but details are not
and is not necessarilydivine, but he also appearshold- clear.
ing weaponswhich are divine attributeswhile facinga Edith Poradahas suggestedthat the hems of robed
robed worshipper on another related, and probably figures were curvedon the earliest seals, but were cut
early, Kassite seal.66 back at an angle during the reign of Kurigalzu I. By
There are marchingfigures on an undated Kassite the reign of BurnaburiashII (1359-1333 B.C.) they
cylinder seal impression from Nippur, and on three were straight.The cursorystyle of the Ulu Burunseal
glass beakers from Hasanlu found in a much later does not allow us to differentiateclearly between a
context.67The upper part of the garmenton the Nip- curvedor angledhemline,but the latteris morelikely;
pur impression is draped as on the Ulu Burun seal, it is definitelynot a straightline. The seal may there-
while the Hasanlu figures wear garmentswith hori- fore tentativelybe dated to the second quarter of the
zontal yokes. Their skirts are no longer worn over 14th centuryB.C.
kilts, but are shorter in front, as on our seal, which Hematite cylinderseal KW 881 (figs. 26-28; h. 2.8
presumablydenotes a change in fashion at some time cm, diam. 1.15-1.20 cm) has been abradedon one side
during the Kassite period. and, as a result, the perforation(0.4 cm) is off center.
Parallels for both types of figures (gods and wor- There is a "collar"halfway down the perforation,as
shipper) are found in the wall paintings which deco- describedby Gorelickand Gwinnett.69
rate the doorwaysof Palace H at Dur Kurigalzu,the The seal was originally cut in the Old Babylonian
Kassite capital. The paintings were found in a level period with a scene consisting of the king with a

64 L. Legrain, The Cultureof the Babyloniansfrom Their 67 Porada(supran. 63) figs. 7-8; Legrain(supran. 64)
Sealsin the Collectionof the Museum(Publications of the no. 561.
Section14, Philadelphia1925)no. 530. 68 T.
Babylonian Baqir, "Iraq GovernmentExcavationsat 'Aqar
65 E.D. van Buren,"TheEsotericSignificance of Kassite Qiif- Third InterimReport,1944-5,"Iraq8 (1946) 80-
GlypticArt,"Orientalia 23 (1954)1-39, pl. 2.14. 82, figs.5-7.
66 E. Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in 69 L. GorelickandA.J. Gwinnett,"Further Investigations
NorthAmericanCollectionsI: The PierpontMorganLi- of the Methodof Manufacture of an AncientNearEastern
braryCollection(The BollingenSeries 14, Washington CastGlassVessel,"Iraq48 (1986)15-18.
1948)pl. 79, no. 574.
mace,70 facing the suppliant goddess, and a three-line griffin-demonwhich has been cut with considerable
cuneiform inscription. The king is bearded and kilted, expertise.Two starsand two rosettesmasksomeof the
wears a turban headdress, holds a mace at his waist, cuneiform signs, and it is possible that the circular
and represents the concept of active, warrior kingship. drillings between the original figures were cut with a
The goddess wears a horned headdressbelow which worn tubulardrill also at this time.
her hair is looped in the nape of her neck, numerous The griffin-demonstands upright. Its arms, ending
necklaces (now barely visible), a necklace counter- in talons, are held out horizontallytoward the shoul-
weight down her back, and a flounced robe. She raises ders of the kilted figure and the king. Its torso is de-
both hands in intercession for the owner of the seal picted frontally, with nipples and navel indicatedby
whose name, together with that of his father and a small drill-holes. Its legs, ending in talons, are twisted
third line describing him as servant of a deity or ruler, towardthe right, but its head is turnedtowardthe left.
appeared in the inscription. This type of design is too Its long, beak-likejaws are open wide to reveal fangs
well known to require a more detailed description. and a pointed tongue, its staring eye is set below a
Between the figures are a star-disc and crescent and sharply angled brow, and it has the pricked ear of a
the small figure of a kilted priest holding a cup and, horse. Its two-tiered upper wings rise from its shoul-
originally, a situla. ders. Two longer, three-tiered wings hang down on
The seal must have been extremely worn when, at either side of its body.
some later date, it was partially and somewhat crudely The initial design of this seal probablydates to the
recut along the lines of the earlier design. This recut- secondhalf of the 18th centuryB.C., when the cutting
ting affected all the figures. The king's beard, splayed wheel was used to cut the deep grooveswhich formthe
across his chest, was misunderstood in the recutting. basis of the figures, especially the goddess.73It is not
The priest, whose head had probably been shaved clear when the kilted figurewas added,but this is like-
originally, was given a cap or headband and his kilt ly to have been considerablylater, at a time when the
was altered. His cup was recut, but no trace of his design was already worn. The griffin-demoncan be
situla remained.71 Possibly, but not necessarily, at this securely dated, thanks to its presenceon seal impres-
time a thin, kilted figure was added behind the sup- sions on tablets from the reigns of the Middle Assyr-
pliant goddess. He faces left, raising his right hand, ian kings Eriba-AdadI (1390-1364 B.C.) and Assur-
and in his left hand, which hangs by his side, he holds uballit I (1363-1328 B.C.).74
a sickle sword of a type known throughout the second Hematite seal KW 881, in its latest form, and rock-
millennium B.C . He wears a round cap or hair band crystalseal KW 714 are thereforeprobablycontempo-
and a kilt marked by two lines at the waist, three lines rary, the one fromAssyriaand the other from Babylo-
at the hem, and two lines down the front. This figure nia. We know that cylinder seals were being sent as
is shorter and slimmer than the others, and the carving gifts in the Amarna period, and Assur-uballit writes
is relatively flat and uninspired. Although kilted fig- to the pharaohto informhim that he is sendingto him
ures are occasionally added to scenes consisting of the a "genuine lapis lazuli seal."75 Indeed, lapis lazuli was
king and suppliant goddess,72 in this case the differ- one of the principal requirements of the Egyptian
ence in style is too great for the figures to have been court at all periods.Old lapis lazuli cylinderseals and
contemporary. scrap lapis were collectedand sent off as gifts to Egypt
It is not clear when the inscription was erased. The and Greece.76The Ulu Burun cylinders are not of
fact that the figure we have just discussed does not over- lapis, but the fact that they were found with items of
lap it may well indicate that it had not yet been abraded goldjewelry, some of it scrap, is surely significant.
at that stage. Traces of the verticals dividing the lines of
cuneiform and many of the more deeply cut wedges can DEPARTMENT OF WESTERN ASIATIC ANTIQUITIES
still be seen. The lower part of the right arm of the king THE BRITISH MUSEUM
with a mace may have been partly erased at this time. In LONDON WCIB 3DG
the place of the inscription we have a four-winged ENGLAND

70 Collon
(supra n. 60). rian Glyptic Art,"Akkadica13 (1979) fig. 11.
71 Collon (supra n. 60) 33-35. 75Amarna Letter EA 16, 1.12.
72 Collon (supra n. 60) nos. 543-45. 76 SeeE. Porada,"Remarkson the T6d Treasurein
73 Collon (supra n. 60) 2, 199, nos. 161ff., esp. 185, 246 Egypt,"in M.A.Dandamayev
et al. eds.,SocietiesandLan-
and 252ff. guages of the Ancient Near East, Studiesin Honour of IM.
74T. Beran, "AssyrischeGlyptik des 14. Jahrhunderts," Diakonoff(Warminster1982) 285-303, and E. Porada,
ZAssyr 18 (1957) 141-215, figs. 2, 3, 11, 12, 18, 19; E. Po- "TheCylinderSealsFoundat Thebesin Boeotia,"
rada, "Remarkson Mitannian (Hurrian) and Middle Assy- (1981)1-70.



James Weinstein

A major discovery of the 1986 season at Ulu Burun cm long, 1.00 cm wide and 0.5 cm high (figs. 29-30).78
was a splendid little gold scarab.77 This object is in- The back has an open head and plain clypeus. A wide,
scribed with the name of Nefertiti, wife of the Egyp- deep line divides the pronotum and elytra. A similar
tian pharaoh Akhenaten. It is one of the few late 18th- line separates the elytra. The humeral callosities are
Dynasty Egyptian objects excavated in the region of not marked on the elytra, which instead are incised
western Asia Minor and the Aegean. Moreover, it is with thin parallel ribbing.79 The elytra, attachment
the first object naming either Akhenaten or Nefertiti hole, and front edge of the clypeus exhibit consider-
to be found in this area of the ancient world; as such, it able wear. The wear on the elytra is particularly no-
is one of the most important Egyptian finds ever made ticeable, with the left wing-case having lost most of its
in the eastern Mediterranean. ribbing. The fore, mid and hind legs meet where the
pronotum and elytra join. Three short diagonal lines
THE SCARAB are incised near the top of the left rear leg.
The Nefertiti scarab (KW 772) is very small: 1.4 The hieroglyphic signs on the base of the scarab are

77 The author wishes to thank

George F. Bass and Cemal kare 'Belovedof the Aten,'"Gottinger
Pulak for granting him permissionto publish the gold scar- Miszellen 57 (1982) 61-67.
ab and the other Egyptian small finds and for providing Samson (1985) J. Samson, Nefertiti and Cleopatra:
much of the descriptiveand contextual data on these arti- Queen-Monarchs of Ancient Egypt
facts. Cemal Pulak has providedmost of the informationon (London 1985).
the dimensions and condition of the objects. He and Prof. Tawfik (1973) S. Tawfik, "AtonStudies I. Aton before
Bass also supplied the authorwith photographs,casts, slides the Reign of Akhenaton,"MDIK 29
and field drawings of the Egyptian finds, on the basis of (1973) 77-86.
which their typological features and inscriptions could be Tawfik (1975) S. Tawfik, "AtonStudies 3. Back again
described. to Nefer-nefru-Aton," MDIK 31
The author also expresses his gratitude to Profs. John (1975) 159-68.
Coleman and Albert Leonard, Jr., for reading this manu- Tawfik (1981) S. Tawfik, "AtonStudies 6. Was Nefer-
script and offering their insightful commentson Egyptian- nefruatenthe ImmediateSuccessorof
Aegean relations in the Late Bronze Age. Akhenaten?,"MDIK 37 (1981) 469-
Abbreviationsused in this article are the following: 73.
Davies (1908) N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombsof El Tufnell (1958) O. Tufnell, Lachish IV: The Bronze
Amarna VI. Tombs of Parennefer, Age (London 1958).
Tutu, and Ay (ASE 18th Memoir, Tufnell (1984) 0. Tufnell, Studies on Scarab Seals 2:
London 1908). Scarab Seals and Their Contribution
Harris (1973) J.R. Harris, "Nefernefruaten,"Gottin- to History in the Early Second Mil-
ger Miszellen 4 (1973) 15-17. lennium B.C., 2 vols. (Warminster
Harris (1974) J.R. Harris, "Nefernefruaten Reg- 1984).
nans,"Acta Orientalia36 (1974) 11- 78
Preliminarycommentson the discoveryand significance
21. of the scarab as well as a color photographof this item ap-
James (1974) T.G.H. James, Corpus of Hieroglyphic pear in Bass, National Geographic(supra n. 1) 731-32.
Inscriptionsin the BrooklynMuseum 79 Such lines are commonon the elytra of scarabs used in
I: From Dynasty I to the End of Dy- pectorals and other pieces of jewelry in the tomb of Tut-
nasty XVIII (Brooklyn 1974). ankhamun:K. El Mallakh and A.C. Brackman,The Gold
Samson (1977) J. Samson, "Nefertiti's Regality,"JEA of Tutankhamen(Montreal 1978) pls. 90, 92, 94-95, 104-
63 (1977) 88-97. 105, 106 (third bracelet from top); H. Carter and A.C.
Samson (1978) J. Samson, Amarna. City of Akhenaten Mace, The Tomb of Tut.ankh.AmenI (New York 1923)
and Nefertiti, Nefertiti as Pharaoh pl. 65C-D. They also appear on the gold scarabof Akhen-
(Warminster 1978). aten in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (see below), as
Samson (1982) J. Samson, "Nefernefruaten-Nefertiti well as on the gold scarabof Queen Mutnodjmet,wife of the
'Beloved of Akhenaten,' Ankhkhe- last king of the 18th Dynasty, Horemheb: C.R. Williams,
prure Nefernefruaten'Belovedof Ak- Gold and Silver Jewelry and Related Objects (New York
henaten,' Ankhkheprure Smenkh- 1924) 71-72, pl. 6.15a-e.

Nefertiti's daughters.He believesthat the orientation

can be explained by the queen's "extraordinaryreli-
gious prestige"and by her desire to be close to the
Aten even in the writing of her name.80Fischeroffers
the additional suggestion that since the queen's car-
touche often follows the cartouches of Akhenaten,
which in turn face the cartouchesof the Aten, "there-
versal in her cartouchemay indicatethat her husband
is the sourceof her contactwith the god."'8
Every hieroglyph on line 1 of the Nefertiti scarab
inscriptionis set in the appropriatepositionfor a com-
plete reversalof the god'sname. However, one sign-
the reed-leafi-instead of facingleft, towardthe seat-
Fig. 29. NefertitigoldscarabKW772,back.3:1 ed-queen determinativeon line 3, faces right, toward
the t, n and solar-diskdeterminative.This means that
there is only a partial reversalof the god's name: the
small, closelypacked,and a bit clumsy.The nfr-signat name as a whole is reversed,but one element in the
the beginningof line 3 is missing the cross-barjust be- name is in retrogradeorder.This resultsin the i in itn
low the top of the windpipe. The two shortstrokesbe- and the seated-queendeterminativefacingin the same
neaththe lettert on the sameline arewrittenin charac- direction.
teristicAmarna style, i.e., verticallyratherthan diag- The compositionof this scarabis of some importfor
onally. The seated-queendeterminativeat the end of the history of New Kingdomjewelry. Gold and silver
line 3 is wearing a diademand holdinga flower.
The inscription has the long form of Nefertiti's royal-namescarabsare not numerousat any time dur-
ing the New Kingdom, but they are particularly
name, i.e., nfr-nfrw-itn nfrt-iiti, "Nefernefruaten scarce in the Amarna Age. This phenomenonis re-
Nefertiti."The long form is more commonon scarabs lated to the close mythologicalassociationof the scar-
and rings than the shortform, fromwhich it differsby ab beetle (4prr) with the theriomorphicsolar deity
the addition of the epithet or title, "Nefernefruaten."
Khepri (hpri), which resultedin a significantdecline
The long form normally occupies four lines of text- in the outputof scarabsin all materialsduringAkhen-
two for "Nefernefruaten,"two for "Nefertiti"-but on aten's reign.82Gold and silver rings largely replaced
this small objectthe entire text has been compressed their scarab counterparts as finger ornaments for
onto three lines. To accomplishthis, the artisan re-
movedthe walking reed-leaf sign from its normal po-
sition in the name nfrt-iitiand transferredit to the end
of line 2 (after nfr-nfrw-);this allowed him to squeeze
the remaininghieroglyphicsigns in the queen's birth
name onto line 3.
A distinctivefeature of Nefertiti's long name is the
reversal of the word itn at the beginning of the car-
touche.This orientationresults in the name of the god
facingthe seated-queendeterminativeat the end of the
cartouche.When the cartoucheenclosing the queen's
long name is written vertically, as it is most of the
time, the deity's name occupiesthe top line of the car-
touche, while the seated-queendeterminativeis at the
end of the bottomline. Tawfik points out that this re-
versal is not attested in the Nefernefruatenname of
Smenkhkareor in the names of any of Akhenatenand Fig. 30. NefertitigoldscarabKW772,base.3:1

80Tawfik (1973) 82-86; Tawfik (1975) 162; Tawfik biien und andere Siegelamuletteaus Basler Sammlungen
(Agyptische in derSchweiz1, Mainz1976)67.
81 H.G. Fischer, The Orientationof HieroglyphsI. Rever- The connectionbetweenthe hprr-beetleand Khepriin
sals (Egyptian Studies2, New York 1977) 92-93. Egyptianmythologyis describedin W.A.Ward,Studieson
Scarab Seals 1: Pre-12th Dynasty Scarab Amulets (War-
82 W.C.
Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt 2 (Cambridge,
Mass. 1959) 292; E. Hornung and E. Staehelineds., Skara- minster1978)44-45.
Amarna Period royalty and officials. The heavy signet rendered, with the fore and mid legs meeting where
ring, not the smaller ring with movable scarab bezel, the pronotum and elytra join. The hind legs project
was generally used for official purposes during this backward from near the rear corner of the wing-cases.
period. Gold signet rings were employed as official Altogether, the legs give the impression that the beetle
seals and symbols of authority in the Amarna royal is walking on the base-plate. There are tubular pro-
court, and they were handed out as gifts to the king's jections at both openings of the longitudinal hole
loyal followers.83 The popularity of these heavy gold through the scarab; these aided in threading the scar-
rings is reflected in the occurrence of at least eight ex- ab on a wire or piece of string.
amples in the tomb of Tutankhamun.84 Even Nefertiti The bottom of the scarab has a relatively large
is represented by no less than four gold rings, all of
base-plate. It is inscribed with the king's nomen, hi-
which are inscribed with the long form of her name; n-itn, "Akhenaten." The signs are much cruder than
there is one each in Paris,85 Cairo,86 Edinburgh87 and those on the Nefertiti scarab. The bird is especially ill-
Birmingham.88 formed and inappropriate; it is not the crested ibis
Gold scarabs dating to the Amarna Period, on the
other hand, are rarities. Only one gold scarab is at-
tested for Akhenaten (fig. 31).89 This tiny object (1. 1.0
cm, w. 0.7 cm, h. 0.3 cm) is of unknown provenience.
Originally in the Timmins collection in Cairo, it was
subsequently acquired by the Earl of Carnarvon and
then, in 1926, by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in
New York.
The back of this scarab shows a lunate head with a
depressed base line. The eyes are indicated by single
lines radiating outward from the back of the head to
the edge of the scarab. A single line divides the prono-
tum and elytra. The humeral callosities are not
marked. As on the back of the Nefertiti scarab, the
Fig. 31. Gold scarab of Akhenaten.New York, Metropol-
elytra are incised with thin parallel ribbing. The fore, itan Museum of Art 26.7.201. 3:1(CourtesyMuseum. Pur-
mid and hind legs of the beetle are naturalistically chase, EdwardS. Harkness, 1926)

83 For
example, a relief in the tomb of Ay at Amarna de- E. Vernier, Bijoux et orfevreries(Cataloguegeneral des an-
picts Akhenaten, Nefertiti and three of their daughtersbe- tiquitesegyptiennesdu Musee du Caire,nos. 52001-53855,
stowing valuable gifts on the owner of the tomb: Davies Cairo 1927) no. 52191. The source of this ring is the Kar-
(1908) 22, pls. 29, 42. Amongthese presentsare severalsig- nak Cachette: G. Legrain, "Sur quelques monuments
net rings-but no scarabs.A succeedingscene shows Ay re- d'Amenothes IV provenant de la cachette de Karnak,"
turning with the royal gifts to his friends: Dayies (1908) ASAE 7 (1906) 229.
pl. 30. Again, signet rings ratherthan scarabsare depicted. 87Edinburgh, Royal Scottish Museum 1883.49.1: G.T.
At his investitureas Viceroy of Kush in the reign of Tut- Martin, The Royal Tomb at El-'Amarna I: The Objects
ankhamun, Huy received a gold signet ring as his seal of (ASE 35th Memoir, London 1974) 77, 105, pl. 50.274; Al-
office: N. de G. Davies and A.H. Gardiner, The Tomb of dred(supran. 84) pl. 69 (thirdfromleft). This ring is one of
Huy (The Theban TombSeries4th Memoir, London 1926) a group of objectsreportedlyfound by peasants in or near
11, pls. 5-6. the Royal Tomb at Amarnain the early 1880s.
84 A group of seven gold
rings and the ornamentalbezel of 88
Birmingham,City Museum and Art Gallery 547'35-39.
an eighth were discoveredtied in a scarf in the antechamber This ring was kindly broughtto my attentionby Dr. Ber-
of Tutankhamun's tomb: Carter and Mace (supra n. 79) trandJaeger (letterof 2 February1987).
114, 138, pls. 30, 67A; C. Aldred,Jewels of the Pharaohs 89New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 26.7.201:
(New York 1971) pl. 91, cf. p. 217. A ninth gold ring, said to P.E. Newberry, The Timins (sic) Collection of Ancient
be from a tomb "somewhere... in Upper Egypt,"is now in
Egyptian Scarabsand CylinderSeals (London1907) 28 and
the MetropolitanMuseum of Art: H.E. Winlock, "AGift of pl. 9.14; Hayes (supra n. 82) 293. I wish to thank Dr.
Egyptian Antiquities,"BMMA 17 (1922) 171-72, fig. 2; ChristineLilyquist,Curatorin the Departmentof Egyptian
Hayes (supra n. 82) 300-301. T. Hoving, Tutankhamun: Art, the MetropolitanMuseum of Art, for grantingme per-
The Untold Story (New York 1978) 351, is undoubtedly mission to publish this scarab,and Dr. Peter Dorman, for-
correctin attributingthis ring to Tutankhamun'stomb. merly Assistant Curator in that departmentand now Di-
85 Paris, Musee du Louvre E 7688: W.M.F.
Petrie, His- rectorof ChicagoHouse in Luxor, Egypt, for facilitatingmy
toricalScarabs(London 1889) 43, no. 1332;P.E. Newberry, studyof the scaraband arrangingfor photographsof it to be
Scarabs(London 1908) 168, pl. 31.30. taken.
Egyptian Museum Journal d'Entree 36804:
der seals (KW 714 and 881)-both of which show
signs of wear-and the Nefertiti scarab.
The 1985 and 1986 seasons of excavationyielded
five other small inscribed Egyptian artifacts. Three
came fromthe immediatearea of the depositdescribed
above;these includea scarab(KW 338), a rectangular
stone plaque (KW 481), and half of a gold ring (KW
603). Anotherscarab(KW 904: fig. 32) was found in
square M-14; its original relationship to the other
Egyptian objects in the wreck is unclear. Finally, a
silver ring (KW 650: fig. 33) came from L-11, the
square situated directlysouth of the area from which
the Nefertiti scarabemanates.Sincefour of the six ob-
Fig. 32. ScarabKW904. 3:1 jects camefroman area of abouta half squaremeterin
square M-11, it is likely that these four items orig-
inally were storedtogetheron the ship.
bird (;6), but rather the pintail duck (s') or white- The widely varyingdatesof these items are instruc-
frontedgoose (gb). tive. KW 338 (max. 1. [including the tubular gold
Two scarabsof Akhenatenwith base-platesof pre- mount] 2.5 cm, w. 1.8 cm, h. 1.9 cm) is probably a
cious metals have also been reported.The first, which 15th-Dynasty type.93The back of this bone or ivory
has a silver base-plate, is probablya fake,90while the scarab has a trapezoidal head and clypeus, a single
second, which has a gold base-plate, is lost.91Two horn projectingfrom the centerof the head and small
gold decorativeelements in the form of scarabswere side notches to indicatethe division between the pro-
found in Tutankhamun's extraordinarilyrich tomb. notum and elytra.94The side type is unknown;its de-
These tiny specimens, surmountedby sun disks and scriptionwill haveto await removalof the gold mount.
flanking an equally small scarabof lapis lazuli, sit on The design on the base consists of three columns of
the bezel of a gold ring, and thereforecannot be con- amuletic hieroglyphicsigns, the two outside columns
sideredtrue scarabs.92No gold or silver scarabshave of signs flanking a central column of hieroglyphsen-
been identified for Smenkhkare or Ankhesenamun, closedwithin a "shrine."Abovethe "shrine"is a scar-
while the Ulu Burun example is the first scarabfabri- ab beetle with outstretchedwings.95Scarabsin bone
cated in a preciousmetal that is known for Nefertiti.


The Nefertiti scarabcomesfromgrid square M-1 1,
where it was found in a cluster of small metal, stone,
and faience objects. The items in this heterogeneous
assemblage can be divided into two categories:tools
and weapons, and jewelry. The first group is repre-
sented by small bronze tools and arrowheads, lead
fishing-net weights, a whetstone and stone balance-
pan weights. The second group includes quartz and
faience beads, four gold pendants of Levantine types
(KW 703, 756, 757 and 892), two Near Easterncylin- Fig.33. SilverringKW650.Ca. 1:1

UniversityCollege 12458: Martin (supra KW338 canbe foundin Pulak(supran. 1) 2, 19,fig.34.
n. 87) 80 andn. 4, pl. 51.294. 94See D. O'Connor,"TheChronology of Scarabsof the
91 Martin
(supran. 87) 80, no. 293. A blue-glassscarab MiddleKingdomandtheSecondIntermediate Period,"The
with a goldbase-platewas foundin the tombof Tutankh- SSEAJournal15 (1985)figs.2 and4 (backtype10) forthe
amun:CarterandMace(supran. 79) pl. 65A-B. datingof thisschematic
backtypeto the 15thDynasty.
92 Aldred
(supran. 84) pl. 91 (topcenter),cf. p. 217;Car- 95 Tufnell
(1984)124,pl. 20, assignsthedecoration
ter andMace(supran. 79) pl. 67A (topcenter). baseto her "panels-'shrine'"group(designclass3E5). A
93This scarab
appearsin a colorphotograph in Bass,Na- commonmotif at the top of many scarabdesignsis the
tionalGeographic(supran. 1) 732. Initialcommentson wingedsun disk. The flyingscarabbeetle,on the other

or ivory are rare prior to the New Kingdom,96 but were manufactured, in Egypt as well as in the Levant.
since the other features of this object are altogether As a result, such objects often turn up in deposits of
typical of the Second Intermediate Period, the scarab much later date.?00
is unlikely to be a New Kingdom imitation. The rectangular plaque (KW 481: 1. 1.6 cm, w. 1.0
KW 904 (1. 1.45 cm, w. 1.0 cm, h. 0.65 cm) is an- cm, h. 0.6 cm) is probably made of steatite.101 It is
other Second Intermediate Period item; it too should inscribed pth nb m) 't ("Ptah Lord of Truth") on the
be assigned to the 15th Dynasty.97 This scarab, made obverse, pth nfr hswt ("Ptah Perfect in Favors") on the
reverse.102 Scarabs and plaques inscribed for the god
of a stone or frit-like material, has a trapezoidal head
Ptah and containing various epithets occur through-
and clypeus, and side notches separating the areas of
out most of the New Kingdom in Egypt, as well as the
the pronotum and elytra.98 The design on the base
Late Bronze Age-early Iron Age in Palestine. They
consists of a single hieroglyph (the sn-sign) flanked on
are more common in the Ramesside Period than in the
either side by a flower with bent stalk; the flowers are 18th Dynasty; in the latter period they are substan-
arranged in tete-b&he fashion.99 tially outnumbered by specimens inscribed for the god
The appearance of two Second Intermediate Period Amun. The neat cutting and careful arrangement of
scarabs in the Ulu Burun shipwreck is not surprising. the signs on this particular plaque are consistent with
Scarabs and plaques were often retained as amulets a dating in the 15th or 14th century B.C., i.e., the mid-
and trinkets for decades, even centuries, after they to-late 18th Dynasty.103

hand, is ratherunusual;for anotherexample, see P.E. New- J.L. Starkeyand L. Harding, Beth-PeletII [BSAE 52, Lon-
berry, Scarab-shaped Seals (Catalogue general des antiqui- don 1932] 26, pl. 57.375); 2) tomb 934 was severely dis-
tes egyptiennes du musee du Caire, nos. 36001-37521, Lon- turbed (Beth-Pelet II, 24), and the small finds in this cham-
don 1907) no. 37358. ber tomb cannot be related to individualburials;and 3) the
Among the few pre-18th Dynasty examples are Ward design on the Gelidonyascarabappearson a scarabfoundin
(supra n. 82) 34, pl. 1.10; G.T. Martin, Egyptian Adminis- an 18th-Dynasty shaft tomb (J 39, in chamberF) at Buhen
trative and Private-name Seals (Oxford 1971) no. 1277. (D. Randall-MacIverand C.L. Woolley,Buhen [University
The bone or ivory scarab from the Cape Gelidonya ship- of Pennsylvania, Egyptian Department of the University
wreck, originally dated by A.R. Schulman ("The Scarabs," Museum, Eckley B. Coxe Junior Expedition to Nubia 8,
in Bass [supra n. 9] 144, fig. 150.Sc 4) to the Second Inter- Philadelphia 1911] 176, pl. 59.10187). Although this tomb
mediate Period, has recently been reassignedby R. Giveon was disturbed,the survivingpotteryand small finds appear
("Datingthe Cape GelidonyaShipwreck,"AnatSt35 [1985] to be of 18th-Dynasty date, and none can be considered
99) to the New Kingdom. diagnosticof the 20th Dynasty. Hence, Sc 5 does not provide
97This scarab
appears in a color photographin Bass, Na- justification for redating the Cape Gelidonya shipwreckto
tional Geographic (supra n. 1) 732. the early 12th century B.C.
98 This scarabalso belongs to back type 10 in the typology 101Previous
publicationsof this objectare Bass, VIII. KST
established by O'Connor (supra n. 94) fig. 2. No informa- 2 (supra n. 1) 292, fig. 5; Pulak (supra n. 1) 2, 19, fig. 35
tion is available on the side type, except that a photograph (reverseside).
seems to show a groovedbase, with a single groovealso indi- 102 On the reverse
side, the plural strokes are set between
cated for the legs. the nfr and hs signs, rather than after the hs-sign, as would
99 Tufnell
(1984) 116, pl. 2, assigns this decorationto her be expected.This reorderingof the signs was probablydone
"floralmotifs-two stems"category(design class 1E2). for artisticeffect.
varying dates of the four scarabs and a scarab- 103 A greenjasper plaque from Tomb 221 at Lachish (Tuf-
shaped plaque recovered from the Cape Gelidonya ship- nell [1958] 126, 235, pls. 39-40.377) providesa useful par-
wreck offer a useful parallel for the Ulu Burun finds. The allel for the Ulu Burun specimen. The obverseside of this
objectsin the former group, originally published by Schul- rectangular plaque with rounded corners is inscribed
man (supra n. 96) 143-47, and discussed subsequentlyby "Amun-Re,"while the reverse side is inscribed (vertically)
Giveon (supra n. 96) 99-101 and H. Catling ("The Date of "Ptah Lord of Truth." The careful cutting of the signs on
the Cape GelidonyaShip and CypriotBronzework,"RDAC this plaque is reminiscentof the engravingon the Ulu Bu-
1986, 68-71), covera minimum of several hundredyears. run specimen.Tomb 221 is contemporarywith Fosse Tem-
The latest item in the Gelidonya group is probablySc 5. ple II, i.e., the 14th century B.C. (Note that a scarab from
The design on the base of this scarab shows the Ram of this same tomb [Tufnell (1958) 125, 235, pls. 39-40.376] is
Amun; an Atef crown is set on the animal's head. Giveon also inscribed"Ptah Lord of Truth.") A rectangulargreen
recently lowered the date of the Gelidonya wreck to the schist plaque inscribed"PtahLord of Truth"down one long
reign of Ramesses III or even IV, principallyon the basis of face was found by Petrie at Amarna:W.M.F. Petrie, Tell el
sphragisticparallels for this design from the multiple-burial Amarna(London 1894) pl. 15.138. Two other Ptah plaques
tombs 984 and 934 at Tell el-Far 'ah (South) in Palestine. probablyof the same general periodare in Leiden and Lon-
But Giveon failed to take into accountthree chronologically don. The formeris a well-cut plaque, inscribed"Amenhotep
significant points: 1) these two tombs contain materials of is (my) Lord"on one side, and "PtahLord of Truth"on the
13th and 12th century date, with tomb 984 even possessing other:C. Leemans,Monumens egyptiensdu Musee d'Anti-
two scarabs inscribed for Ramesses VIII (E. Macdonald, quitesdes Pay-Bas a Leide. Objetsd'habillement.Ustensiles

The silver ring (KW 650: 1. of bezel 1.9 cm, max. w. ing an 'nh-sign (the latter being extremely faint). The
of bezel 1.3 cm, internal diam. of hoop 1.8 cm) was m' 't-sign and seated woman face toward the left,
enclosed in a concretion when it was brought to the while the bird is facing right. Both the m 't-feather
surface in 1985. The object was cleaned in 1986 and and the vulture have carefully incised interior lines. In
subsequently catalogued. The bezel is extremely addition, the vulture displays a most peculiar feature,
worn, and the reading of its vertically inscribed in- namely, a female human head.106 This attribute
scription must be considered tentative. A nb-sign is brings to mind a Middle Kingdom limestone statue in
visible at the bottom. Standing on the nb is a short the Cairo Museum that also has the body of a vulture
vertical line intersected at about the half-way point by and the head of a queen.107 The bird has a cap remi-
what seems to be a pair of crossed arrows. If indeed niscent of that on a Horus falcon, but since this cap is
these are arrows, then the sign should be understood out of place on a vulture, it probably represents a short
as the symbol of the goddess Neith. An elongated, wig. A triangular indentation (a nb-sign? part of the
somewhat rounded sign which is slightly wider at the Red Crown?) is just above the head of the seated wom-
top than at the bottom and has incised horizontal and an, and small depressions, probably accidental, can be
vertical interior lines, surmounts the putative Neith seen above the vulture and the triangular indentation.
symbol. It has been suggested to the author that this The closest well-dated parallel for the design and
top sign may be a counterpoise.104 The author has not general character of the bezel inscription appears on a
yet discovered any exact parallels for this ring, which gold ring in Leiden.108 The center of the upper half of
is certainly a New Kingdom product and may well the Leiden ring is dominated by a human-headed fal-
belong in the 15th or 14th century B.C. con or ba bird. Surrounding the bird on three sides are
The fragmentary gold ring (KW 603: 1. of remain- the hieroglyphs comprising the prenomen of Ay, hpr-
ing portion of bezel 1.4 cm, max. w. of bezel 2 cm, hprw-r' ir m' 't. The m 't-sign behind the falcon is
max. preserved h. 2.0 cm) is another worn piece.105 oriented toward the left, just as it is on the Ulu Burun
The wear is especially noticeable on the bezel. Chisel ring. The lower half of the Leiden ring contains a mr-
marks along the break show that this object was delib- sign, perhaps to be read with the falcon and sun disk
erately cut in half; about half of the bezel and a fourth above as mr r', "beloved of Re," and the epithet ',
of the hoop survive. The preserved upper half of the phty, "great of strength." The naming of Ay, Tut-
bezel displays three hieroglyphs, while the missing ankhamun's successor, on this ring suggests that the
lower half probably contained an additional group of Ulu Burun piece may be a product of the late 18th
signs. A mJ 't-feather is visible on the left side. The Dynasty, i.e., the late 14th century B.C.
thin bird in the center is an Egyptian vulture, while A second parallel for the Ulu Burun ring is a su-
the figure on the right is a seated woman perhaps hold- perb silver-tin alloy ring in the Brooklyn Museum.109

de toilette. Bijoux et autres objets de parure (Description (letter of 10 January 1986).

raisonnee E. F. G.) (Leiden 1848-1850) pl. 44.646. The 107
Cairo, Egyptian Museum Journal d'Entree 64770:
London plaque is inscribed "Ptah Lord of Truth" on the L. Keimer, "Surun fragmentde statuetteen calcaireayant
obverseside, while the reverse side is said to have the name la forme d'un oiseau (vautour?)a tete de reine,"ASAE 35
of Amun-Re: W.M.F. Petrie, Buttons and Design Scarabs (1935) 182-92; L. Troy, Patternsof Queenshipin Ancient
(BSAE 38, London 1925) 19, pl. 11.624. The phrase "Ptah Egyptian Myth and History (Acta UniversitatisUpsalien-
Lord of Truth" is especially commonon scarabs,less so on sis. Boreas. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterraneanand
plaques, during the Ramesside Period (e.g., Macdonald, Near Eastern Civilizations14, Uppsala 1986) 118. This cu-
Starkey and Harding [supra n. 100] pls. 48.7, 53.194-98, rious figure (h. 24.5 cm) is of unknownprovenience.
55.281, 303, 57.350, 352, 357, 386; cf. the clumsy writing of 108Leemans (supra n. 103) pl. 40.202; Petrie (supra n. 85)
the text on many of these poorly made specimenswith that 44, no. 1355; Newberry (supra n. 85) 169, pl. 31.34. An-
found on the Ulu Burun plaque). other parallel can be seen in Leemans (supra n. 103)
104 1 am indebtedto Susan
Hollis, Harvard University, for pl. 40.142; the designon this heavy signet ring also has a hu-
this suggestion,which was offeredon the basis of a replicaof man-headedfalcon on the base. There is no royal name on
the ring that I showed to her in December 1987. this object,however,and a date for it is difficultto ascertain.
105Bass, VIII. KST2 (supra n. 1) 293, fig. 7; Bass, Nation- 109
Brooklyn Museum 37.727E: Egypt's Golden Age: The
al Geographic(supra n. 1) color photographon p. 732; Pu- Art of Living in the New Kingdom, 1558-1085 B.C. Cata-
lak (supra n. 1) 2, 18-19, fig. 33. logue of the Exhibition (Boston 1982) no. 335 (entry by
106 A
plaster impressionof the ring shows the human head M. Eaton-Krauss). This ring formerly was in the New
much more clearly. Cemal Pulak concurs with the author York Historical Society: Williams (supra n. 79) 92-93,
regardingthe identificationof a human head on this figure pls. 8.27a-c, 10.d-e.

This item, like the Leiden example and probablyalso ing saved for eventual sale or melting down. They
the Ulu Burun ring, is characterizedby two groups of should not be viewed as royal gifts from Egypt to an
signs, one above the other. The upper half of the bezel Aegean or Asiatic potentate.
has a human-headedfalcon or ba bird flankedon the
left by a hk, -sign, and on the right by a seated figure
of the goddessMaat. The bottomhalf of the bezel con- Because gold scarabs are so uncommonduring the
tains various amuletic hieroglyphs: two dd-pillars, Amarna Period, it is worth speculatingon the origin
two hs-vases, and the htp and nb signs. Williams of the Nefertiti scarab. The least likely origin is the
datedthe ring to the first half of the 14th centuryB.C., Royal Tomb at Amarna.No objectsinscribedfor Nef-
but Eaton-Krauss reasonably proposes reading the ertiti can be relatedwith certaintyto this tomb, which
signs on the upper half of the bezel as hk. -ml 't-r',i.e., probably was destroyedin the reign of Horemheb or
the prenomenof Ramesses IV of the 20th Dynasty. 10 shortly thereafter.One possible item of Nefertiti's fu-
In either case, the engravingon this ring is so superior neraryequipmentthat may comefromthis tombis the
to that on the Ulu Burun ring that the subjectmatter gold signet ring in Edinburgh which was mentioned
and layout of the design probablyhave little value for earlier in this article.13 There is no reason to doubt
dating the Ulu Burun piece. that this objectcomes from Amarna, but its proposed
The intentional destructionof the Ulu Burun gold association with the Royal Tomb is problematic.A
ring shows that this item was on the ship as scrapmetal secondobjectis a calciteshawabti,fragmentsof which
or bullion, not as a piece ofjewelry. Otherscrapgold- are in the Brooklyn Museum and the Musee du
including four halved roundels (KW 551 and 956), Louvre.'14Two other artifactsthat have been attrib-
part of a bar or disk (KW 928) and some bits of the uted to the burial of Nefertiti are a fragmentaryfa-
metal-was found slightly upslope and in the general ience throw-stick and some now lost gold "winding-
area of the gold scarab.1 Scrapsilver was also discov- sheets."'15These items are not from controlledexca-
ered in the wreck.112Presumablyall of this discarded vations, however, and it seems likely that Nefertiti
material was being shipped to western Asia Minor was buried some place other than the Royal Tomb.
and/or the Aegeanwhere it would be sold for its metal- Thus there is littlejustificationfor associatingthe gold
lic contentand eventuallymelted down for reuse. scarabwith the Royal Tomb.
It may be concluded that most of the inscribed A more likely scenario is that the Nefertiti scarab
Egyptian objects in the wreck were either heirlooms belonged to an official of the Amarna Age or his
or objectsbeing kept for their intrinsicvalue. The con- spouse, and was exportedfrom Egypt duringthe post-
text of the gold scarab,the wear on this item as well as Amarna phase of the 18th Dynasty. Any item naming
on the silver ring and the gold ring, the deliberatecut- a member of the despised Amarna royal family and
ting of the gold ring, and the widely varying dates of the Aten would have becomequite useless to its Egyp-
the Egyptian small finds cumulatively indicate that tian owner once the Amarnaheresywas over.A sensi-
the Nefertiti scarabwas on the ship as a piece of bric- ble Egyptian would have disposed of the scarab as
a-brac. These objects may have belonged to a mer- quickly as possible, either by having it melted down
chant,jeweler or even the ship's captain, and were be- for its metallic value or by selling it to someone who

110The viewsof WilliamsandEaton-Krauss

appearin the "EineBestattungdergrossenkoniglichenGemahlinNofre-
publications citedin n. 109above. tetein Amarna?Die Totenfigurder Nofretete," MDIK42
11' The roundeland bits of
gold were foundduringthe (1986) 99-107, pl. 7. No informationis availableon the
1985season:Bass,VIII.KST2 (supran. 1) 292,fig.3. The provenienceof eitherfragment,andreservations havebeen
baror diskfragmentwas recovered duringthe 1986season. expressedaboutthe supposedassociationof the Brooklyn
Anemptygoldscarabmount(KW479)wasdiscovered dur- piecewith the RoyalTomb:see, e.g., James (1974) 171;
ing the 1985seasonnearscarabKW 338 andplaqueKW R. Krauss,Das EndederAmarnazeit (Hildesheimer Agyp-
481;this itemmayalsohavebeena pieceof scrapgold:Pu- tologischeBeitrdge7, Hildesheim1978) 97-100; Martin
lak (supran. 1) 19. (supran. 87) 38 andn. 11,72 andn. 2, butseep. 105,where
112 Pulak
(supran. 1) 17. The silverring (KW 650) is so Martin says the shawabtiis "almostcertainlyfrom the
badlywornthatit toois likelyto havebeena pieceof scrap. tomb."
13 Seeaboveandn. 87. 115See Loeben(supran. 114) 107, n. 69. The "winding-
Brooklyn Museum 33.51: James (1974) 171, pls. sheets"arementioned byA.H. Blackman, "TheNugentand
12.423,83.423;Martin(supran. 87) 72, 105,pls. 18.256, Haggard Collectionsof EgyptianAntiquities,"JEA 4
47.256. Paris, Musee du LouvreAF 9904: C.E. Loeben, (1917)45;see alsoMartin(supran. 87) 80.

had no interest in the subject of the inscription on the additionalEgyptian artifactswill be discoveredin the
base. One can easily envisage an Egyptian official sell- wreck that will shed light on this question.
ing this attractive little bauble, which could no longer
be worn in public, to a foreigner, who probably could
not read the name inscribed on the scarab-and pre-
sumably would care little about the name even if he The Nefertiti scarab and the other Egyptian finds
could understand it. in the wreck are an importantnew sourceof informa-
Yet a third possibility is that the scarab derives from tion for the historyof Egyptian relationswith the Ae-
the tomb of an Egyptian governmental or military of- gean world (assuming, of course, that this was the
ficer, and was sold off or stolen when the tombs of the ship's destination).But before we can fit these objects
major functionaries of the Amarna Period were into our expanding knowledge of Late Bronze Age
cleaned out. It is not known for certain, however, trade, we must first establish the date of the wreck.
when the officials' tombs at Amarna were abandoned. For this we currentlyhave two sourcesof information:
All were left unfinished, and many seem never to have the Egyptian artifactsand the Mycenaeanpottery. 18
been used for interments. It may be supposed that any The Egyptian scarabs,rings, and plaque include at
tombs that were actually used would have been emp- least one object (the Nefertiti scarab) dating to the
tied and their contents transferred to Memphis or Amarna Period. A second item, the cut gold ring,
Thebes either when the royal court abandoned Amar- probably also belongs in the late 18th Dynasty and
na in the reign of Tutankhamun, or when the Royal may even be slightly later in date than the Nefertiti
Tomb was destroyed in the reign of Horemheb or scarab. Since both of these objects are well worn, a
shortly thereafter. certainamountof time must be allottedfor their use in
An interesting feature of the gold scarab, cut gold Egypt. It is thereforereasonableto supposethat one or
ring and silver ring is that the inscriptions on all three both pieces came aboardship in the post-Amarnaera.
items have some sort of royal affiliation. The gold Since none of the Egyptian objects in the wreck are
scarab is inscribed with the name of an Egyptian diagnosticof the RamessidePeriod, the Egyptian evi-
queen. The design on the bezel of the gold ring is dom- dence suggests that the wreck is contemporarywith
inated by a vulture with female human head; this fig- the late 18th Dynasty or, at the latest, the very begin-
ure can be related to the vulture goddess as a symbol of ning of the 19th Dynasty. In absolute terms, this is
Egyptian queenship.1"6 The silver ring seems to have approximatelythe last quarterof the 14th centuryor
the symbol of Neith, a patron deity of the Red Crown the early years of the 13th century.
and kingship, and in earlier times a goddess linked to The Mycenaean pottery in the Ulu Burun wreck
Egyptian queens. 17Since the first two objects are as- providesa measureof confirmationfor this date. This
sociated with female royalty, and the third may con- material is basically LH IIIA:2, with some pieces be-
ceivably be also, one is tempted to relate these three longing to types that may continue into early LH
artifacts to a single source. But such a connection may IIIB.19 This pottery can only be of secondaryvalue
be totally spurious, inasmuch as it cannot be demon- for dating the wreck, however, since there is no evi-
strated that the three items even date to the same peri- dence for dating the transitionfrom LH IIIA:2 to LH
od. Moreover, since both the vulture goddess and IIIB any more precisely than to about the last three
Neith would have been officially proscribed during quartersof the 14th centuryB.C.120Hence the Myce-
the Amarna Period, an active participant in the naean potteryprovidesat present no more than a ter-
Amarna heresy is unlikely to have worn the gold and minus post quem for the wreck in the secondquarter
silver rings (at least openly). Hence this feature of of the 14th century B.C.
commonality may not provide evidence for the origin Assuming that the ship sank a generation or two
of the scarab and two rings. One can only hope that after the deathof Akhenaten,the Nefertiti scarabcan-

116 See
Troy (supra n. 107) 117-19. The possibility that chronological value, but this material has not yet been
this bird and that represented in the Cairo statue are in- studied.
tended to be ba birds has been consideredby the author, but "9 This dating is based on Pulak (supra n. 1) 22-23, per-
ultimatelyrejected,primarilybecausethe vulture is not used sonal correspondencefrom Jeremy Rutter, who is studying
in Egyptian art and inscriptionsto representthe ba bird. the Mycenaean pottery, to Cemal Pulak (29 September
117 Ramadan el-Sayed, La Deese Neith de Sais 1: Impor- 1987), and a letterto the authorfrom Mrs. Vronwy Hankey
tance et rayonnement de son culte (Bibliothequed'Etude (9 April 1988).
86:1, Cairo 1982) 92-99. 120See below and n. 123.
1 8 The
Cypriot potterymay eventually proveto be of some

not be used as evidence for Egyptian-Aegean relations the LH IIIA:2-IIIB pottery at this site surely belongs
during the Amarna era. But this does not in any way to the period of the 18th Dynasty rulers who suc-
diminish the significance of this artifact or any of the ceeded Akhenaten, the amounts and types that belong
other Egyptian finds in the wreck. To the contrary, in this category are uncertain. Hankey favors a date
the importance of these items is that they testify to the for the small quantity of LH IIIB pottery at Amarna
nature and extent of Egyptian-Aegean relations dur- in the reign of Horemheb,'22 and there is no inherent
ing the period for which we heretofore have had al- reason for denying such a late attribution. However,
most no indication for contacts, namely, the time be- there is no published stratigraphic evidence for this
tween the death of Akhenaten and the early years of date or for dating any of the LH IIIB pottery at
the Ramesside era. Amarna more precisely than to the period from
Egyptian connections with the Aegean world did Akhenaten to Horemheb, i.e., to the entire occupation
not come to a complete halt with the death of Akhen- of Amarna during the late 18th Dynasty; hence it can-
aten, but they did decline sharply from their peak in not be determined whether the LH IIIB pottery ar-
the reigns of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV/ rived at Amarna before or after its abandonment as a
Akhenaten. This is apparent from the limited, rather royal capital in the reign of Tutankhamun.123
ambiguous archaeological data in Egypt as well as in In the Aegean world, Egyptian imports during
the Aegean world. On the Egyptian side, contact is post-Amarna times are limited to a few items found on
probably evidenced by a portion of the Mycenaean Crete.124 One artifact is inscribed with the name of a
pottery discovered by Petrie and more recent excava- pharaoh; this is a scarab containing an abbreviated
tors at Amarna.121 Unfortunately, although some of version of Horemheb's prenomen.125 It was a surface

121V. Hankey, "The Chronology of the Aegean Late a chronologicalframework for Mycenaean pottery that is
Bronze Age," in P. Xstrom ed., High, Middle or Low? Acts based on unprovableassumptionsregardingEgyptianchro-
of an International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology nology and stratigraphy.
Held at the University of Gothenburg20th-22nd August 124 Rectangular faience plaques inscribed for Amenhotep
1987 2 (Goteborg 1987) 48-50. While some of the Aegean III occur in LH IIIB contexts at Mycenae, but there is no
materialsrecentlydiscoveredon Bates's Island, Marsa Ma- reason to see these objects as post-LH IIIA imports:
truh, may also fit into the post-Amarna era (D. White, E. Cline, "AmenhotepIII and the Aegean:A Reassessment
"1985 Excavations on Bates's Island, Marsa Matruh," of Egypto-AegeanRelationsin the 14th CenturyB.C.,"Ori-
JARCE 23 [1986] 75-84), the finds at this interesting site entalia 56 (1987) 9, 11. As for a supposedlylate 18th-Dy-
cannot be dated specificallyto this short period. nasty scarab found at Zafer Papoura (J.D.S. Pendlebury,
Hankey (supra n. 121) 48-49. Aegyptiaca:A Catalogueof Egyptian Objectsin the Aegean
123For the
problemof dating the abandonmentof Amarna, Area [Cambridge1930] 27, pl. 1.47), the parallel cited by
see M. Bell, "A Hittite Pendant from Amarna," AJA 90 Pendleburyfor this item from Amarna is weak. The three
(1986) 150. P.P. Betancourt ("Dating the Aegean Late signs on this scarab-the nfr, falcon, and winged uraeus-
BronzeAge with Radiocarbon,"Archaeometry29 [1987] 46, can in fact be read as the trigram imn, "Amun."In crypto-
table 1) has recently pushed for the second quarter of the graphic writing, the nfr would stand for i, by acrophony
14th century B.C. as the beginningof LH IIIB. This dating from ib, "heart";the falcon would represent m, by acro-
is based on two critical but unstated assumptions: 1) LH phony from Mntw, "Montu";and the uraeus would be read
IIIB ceramicsbegan arriving in Egypt already in the reign as n, by acrophonyfrom ntrt, "goddess"(E. Drioton, "Tri-
of Akhenaten, and 2) the high chronologyfor Akhenatenis grammesd'Amon,"WZKM 54 [1957] 13-14). Scarabsand
the correctone. Neither of these suppositionsis demonstra- plaques having the falcon in the center of the design, the
ble; in fact, both may be wrong. If one acceptsHelck's ultra- uraeus (with or without outstretchedwings) to the left and
low chronologicalscheme for the 18th Dynasty (W. Helck, one of several possible signs to the right, are commonin the
"'Was kann die Agyptologiewirklich zum Problemder ab- New Kingdom,especiallyin the RamessidePeriod:see, e.g.,
soluten Chronologiein der Bronzezeitbeitragen?'Chrono- Tufnell (1958) pls. 37-38.319 (obverse);Macdonald,Star-
logische Annaherungswertein der 18. Dynasty,"in Xstrom key and Harding (supra n. 100) pls. 50.98, 55.291-92, 312;
[supra n. 121, Vol. 1] 26: Akhenaten = 1340-1324 B.C., A. Rowe, A Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, Scaraboids,
Horemheb = 1305-1293 B.C.) and follows Hankey's view Seals and Amulets in the Palestine ArchaeologicalMuseum
that the LH IIIB pottery reached Amarna in the reign of (Cairo 1936) no. 594. Hence the design on the base of the
Horemheb, it could equally well be argued that the LH Zafer Papoura scarab does not allow us to date this piece
IIIA:2/IIIB transition took place ca. 1300 B.C. Thus, on specificallyto the late 18th Dynasty.
the basis of the Egyptian evidence,we can only bracketthe 125 H.W. Catling, "Archaeologyin Greece, 1974-75," Ar-
transition from LH IIIA:2 to LH IIIB within a range of chaeologicalReportsfor 1974-75 (London 1975) 27, fig. 50.
approximately three-quarters of a century. While such a The publishedphotographshows dsr-hpr-r'ratherthan the
conclusion effectively destroys the value of the Mycenaean full writing of dsr-hprw-r'.The plural strokeslikewise are
potteryat Amarna for providinganythingresemblinga pre- missing in severalother Horemhebcartoucheson small ob-
cise date for the transition from LH IIIA:2 to LH IIIB:1, it jects: R. Hari, Horemhebet la reine Moutnedjemetou lafin
is betterto acknowledgethis situationthan to continueusing d'une dynastie (Geneva 1965) pl. 61a.7, 14, 17 and 38. For

find in the modern village north of the palace at Knos- Amarna era, then it is likely that the Egyptians were
sos, so its time of arrival in Crete cannot be estab- only minor participants in this activity. Foreign mer-
lished. A scarab allegedly containing the name of chants handled the Egyptian trade goods being
Ankhesenamun, the wife of Tutankhamun, has been shipped to the Aegean and Asia Minor, and the Egyp-
reported from an LM IIIB floor in a house at Po- tians themselves had little or no direct contact with the
ros.126 Finally, a small amount of Egyptian pottery ultimate recipients of this material.
has come from LM IIIA:2 and IIIB contexts at Kom- Whether these items were even acquired in Egypt is
mos.127 Some of this pottery may reflect Egyptian uncertain. It is conceivable that the Egyptian and
trade with Crete in the final decades of the 18th Dy- other African items were not picked up in Egypt but
nasty, but Minoan chronology is not sufficiently pre- on Cyprus or somewhere along the Levantine coast,
cise to allow us to date this material within such nar- where any one of a number of major trading emporia
row limits. probably could have supplied the Egyptian and other
The relatively small numbers of late 18th Dynasty African objects (including the ebony and ostrich egg)
Egyptian finds at Aegean sites and in the Ulu Burun found in the Ulu Burun wreck.129 On the other hand,
wreck is striking. In contrast to the far more numerous a ship such as that found at Ulu Burun may have ac-
Egyptian imports that arrived in the Aegean world quired substantial quantities of raw materials and fin-
during the reign of Amenhotep III,128 the few finds ished goods in Egypt and then sold off most of this
from the post-Amarna era are little more than trinkets cargo in Levantine and Cypriot ports, i.e., before the
and bric-a-brac; none demonstrate that Egyptian-Ae- ship headed out toward the Aegean. In such a situa-
gean contacts were anything more than sporadic and tion, the wreck's contents would reflect mostly what
insignificant at this time. The paucity of the Egyptian the ship had picked up at its most recent port(s) of call,
merchandise on the Ulu Burun vessel in comparison and not what it had sold along the way.
to the goods aboard this ship which originated in Cy-
prus, the Levant and the Mycenaean world reinforces
this view. If the Ulu Burun ship's contents give a fair HISTORY
and reliable picture of the state of maritime trade in The appearance of Nefertiti's long name on the
the eastern Mediterranean world during the post- gold scarab offers only minimal assistance in delimit-

larger objects containing cartouches missing the plural 129 It may be

significant in this regard that the names of
strokes,see H. Gauthier, Le Livre des Rois d'Egypte II: De Amenhotep IV/Akhenaten and Horemheb appear on ob-
la XIIIe dynastiea lafin de la XVIIIe dynastie(MIFAO 18, jects excavated in Syria and Cyprus. These two kings (as
Cairo 1910) 385, no. 12; 389, no. 27; 390, nos. 33 and 36; well as Nefertiti) are mentioned on calcite vase fragments
394, no. 62. found in the palace at Ugarit: C.F.-A Schaeffer, Ugaritica
126Heraklion Museum 2474: A. Kanta, The Late Minoan III (Mission de Ras Shamra 8, Paris 1956) 164, fig. 120;
III Period in Crete: A Survey of Sites, Pottery and Their C.F.-A. Schaeffer, "Les fouilles de Ras Shamra-Ugarit.
Distribution (SIMA 58, Goteborg 1980) 4, 315; W. Heick, Quinzieme, seizieme et dix-septieme campagnes (1951,
Die Beziehungen Agyptens und Vorderasienszur Agiis bis 1952 et 1953), Rapport sommaire,"Syria 31 (1954) 41.
ins 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Ertrige der Forschung 120, From British Tomb 93 at Enkomi has come a silver ring
Darmstadt 1979) 95, 284 n. 118. Accordingto V. Hankey inscribedwith AmenhotepIV's name:London,British Mu-
and P. Warren, "The Absolute Chronology of the Aegean seum 97-4-1-617; A.S. Murray, A.H. Smith and H.B. Wal-
Late Bronze Age," BICS 21 (1974) 152 n. 3, the scarabhas ters, Excavations in Cyprus (London 1900) 17, 36, pl.
been identified by Roger Moorey. There are no published 4.617; H.R.H. Hall, Catalogueof Egyptian Scarabs,etc. in
illustrations of this object, however, and since most of the the British Museum I: Royal Scarabs (London 1913) no.
scarabssaid to contain the name of Ankhesenamunactually 2678. Horemheb's name has recently been found on the
read imn 'nh.s, "Amun(is) her life,"or contain some related pommelof a staff or cane from Hala Sultan Tekke: G. Hult,
statement (see, e.g., Hornung and Staehelin [supra n. 82] Hala Sultan Tekke 7 (SIMA 45:7, Goteborg 1981) 40, 43,
237, nos. 234-35), comments regarding the chronological figs. 98-99, 101; P. Astr6m, "A Faience Sceptre with the
and historical significanceof this object should be withheld Cartoucheof Horemheb,"in StudiesPresentedin Memory
until this piece is properlypublished. of Porphyrios Dikaios (Nicosia 1979) 46-48; P. Xstrom,
127 Accordingto L.V. Watrous
("ForeignTrade at the Mi- "Aegyptiacaat Hala Sultan Tekke," OpAth 15 (1984) 18,
noan Harbor Town of Kommos:The Late Bronze Age Im- fig. 15a-b; R. Hari, "Un monumentcyprioted'Horemheb,"
ported Pottery," paper presented at the 6th International in Studi in onore di Edda Bresciani (Pisa 1985) 249-54.
Symposium on Aegean Prehistory in Athens, 1987), the One wonders whether the occurrenceof objectscontaining
Egyptian and Levantine pottery is most common at Kom- Horemheb's name in Syria, Cyprus, and Crete (the latter
mos in LM IIIA:1, becomesless commonin LM IIIA:2, and having no stratigraphiccontext)might indicatethe revivalof
practicallydisappearsin LM IIIB. A typologicaldating for Egypt's relationswith the Mediterraneanworld in the peri-
the Egyptian ceramicsis not yet available. od immediatelyfollowing the AmarnaAge.
Cline (supra n. 124) 1-36.

ing the date of the artifact within the lifetime of Nefer- middle chronology gives a probable dating for this
titi. The epithet or title nfr-nfrw-itn was incorporated king's rule at 1364-1347 B.C.'34The low chronology
into the queen's cartouche early in Akhenaten's favored by Krauss dates Akhenaten to 1352-1336
reign-certainly by regnal year 5, but possibly as ear- B.C.,135while that of Wente and Van Siclenplacesthe
ly as regnal year 2 or 3-before the royal family had king's reign at 1350-1334 B.C.136Finally, a very low
left Thebes for Amarna.'30 It continued to be used on dating scheme recently espoused by Helck dates the
monuments into the second decade of Akhenaten's king to 1340-1324 B.C.137Thus, the maximum dates
rule; its last-dated appearance is in the famous scene for the scarab could be as high as about 1376-1358
of regnal year 12 in the tomb of Huya at Amarna, B.C. (on Redford'schronology),or as low as approxi-
where Akhenaten and the "Great Royal Wife" are mately 1339-1317 B.C. (on Helck's chronology).
shown riding in a palanquin to a reception to receive A more precise date for the scarab can perhaps be
13 obtainedthrougha study of the unusual writing of the
foreign tribute.
The latest possible date for the scarab is regnal year epithet or title nfr-nfrw-itn.There are no other pub-
3 of Tutankhamun, when the young king abandoned lished examples of this partial reversal in Nefertiti's
the worship of the Aten and transferred his seat of long name, whether on the talatat from Akhenaten's
government to Memphis or Thebes.132 Although temples at Karnak, the inscriptionsemanating from
there is no direct evidence for the date of Nefertiti's Amarna or Hermopolis or on any other objects on
death, it is generally assumed that the queen had died which Nefertiti's name appears. It is not altogether
when these events took place, which may have been impossiblethat the writing is a scribalblunder or re-
anywhere from three to seven years after Akhenaten's flects the decision of an artisan to have the three tall
death. (The precise number of years is dependent on signs on the left-handside of the inscriptionface in the
two factors: 1] the number of regnal years given to same directionfor some aestheticor other idiosyncrat-
Smenkhkare, and 2] whether one allows for a core- ic reason. As argued below, however, it is more likely
gency between Akhenaten and Smenkhkare, and if so, that the partial reversalis deliberate.
how many years one assigns to this coregency.) Scar- A parallel for this unusual writing of the god's
abs naming Nefertiti and the Aten would not have name occurson a pair of gold sequins fromthe tombof
been produced after this time, and reissues of scarabs Tutankhamun.'38 Both ornaments contain the car-
inscribed for members of the Amarna royal family are touches of a king. One cartouchereads 'nh-hprw-r'
unknown; hence it is safe to assume that this scarab mr-ltn, "Ankhkheperurebeloved of the Aten," while
was not manufactured after year 3 of Tutankhamun. the other has nfr-nfrw-itn hk', "Nefernefruatenthe
The maximum theoretical dating range for the scar- Ruler." In the latter cartouche,the reed-leaf i on the
ab is thus the period from early in Akhenaten's reign to top line faces left, toward the remaining signs in the
about regnal year 3 of Tutankhamun. Absolute dates god's name as well as towardthe seated-kingdetermi-
for this time-span vary widely because of the current native on the left side of the bottom line. Thus, while
fluidity of 18th-Dynasty Egyptian chronology. Red- most of the god's name on the Nefertiti scarab is re-
ford's high chronology places the reign of Amenhotep versed to face the (seated-queen) determinativeeven
IV/Akhenaten at 1377-1360 B.C.'33 Hornung's while the i is oriented in the same direction as that

130 R.W. Smith and D.B. Redford, The AkhenatenTemple 35Krauss (supra n. 114) 200-202.
Project 1: Initial Discoveries (Warminster 1976) 80 n. 31; 136E.F. Wente and C.C. Van Siclen III, "A Chronologyof
D.B. Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic King (Princeton the New Kingdom,"in J.H. Johnson and E.F. Wente eds.,
1984) 188, cf. pl. 4.10. Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, January 12, 1977
131 N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna III. (SAOC39, Chicago 1976) table 1.
The Tombsof Huya and Ahmes (ASE 15th Memoir, Lon- 137Helck (supra n. 123) 26.
don 1905) pl. 13. 138J.R. Harris (1974) 16 n. 20, fig. 3; see also Harris
132 The question of whether Memphis or Thebes became
(1973) 15. These ornamentsare also mentionedby Samson
the new royal residence and/or administrative capital of (1977) 94-95; Samson (1978) 108, 127, figs. 8, 15; Samson
Egypt continuesto be debated;for the latest evidencelinking (1982) 66; Samson (1985) 95. They are now in the Nelson-
Tutankhamun to the Memphite area as well as earlier Atkins Museum of Art in Kansas City, nos. 67-21/5 and
views on this controversy,see J. van Dijk and M. Eaton- 67-21/6, and will soon be published by Rolf Krauss in an
Krauss, "Tutankhamun at Memphis," MDIK 42 (1986) article entitled "Einige Kleinfunde mit Namen von Amar-
35-41. naherrschern."(I wish to thank Dr. Krauss for providing
133Redford (supra n. 130) 13. me with a prepublicationcopy of this paper.) The checkered
134 E.Hornung, Untersuchungenzur Chronologieund Ge- historyof these objectsaftertheir discoveryby Howard Car-
schichtedes Neuen Reiches (AgyptologischeAbhandlungen ter is recountedby Hoving (supra n. 84) 356.
11, Wiesbaden 1964) 108.

determinative,on the sequins most of the god's name and sequins. If such is the case, then the individualcan
reads in the same direction as the rest of the car- only be Nefertiti.'41
touche-but the i is reversedto face the (seated-king) There has been much discussionin recentyears re-
determinative. garding the political and religious status of Nefertiti.
The critical question is whether these jewelry ele- The most radical proposal offered on this topic has
ments from Tutankhamun's tomb contain the car- been that of John Harris and his principalsupporter,
touches of Nefertiti or Smenkhkare. Tawfik has Julia Samson, who argue that Nefertiti and Smenkh-
pointed out that the word itn in the Nefernefruaten kare were one and the same person, with Nefertiti
name of Smenkhkareis not reversed"becausethere is abandoningher position as queen sometimeafter reg-
no king determinativewithin the cartouche that the nal year 12 of Akhenatenand taking a new name as
god Aton should face."139The appearance of the well as the title of a king.'42Both Harris and Samson
seated-king determinativeon the sequins thus can be interpretthe nameson the sequins as referringto Nef-
interpretedin one of several ways: 1) the sequins be- ertiti as pharaoh, with Samson assigning the sequins
long to Smenkhkare, whose Nefernefruaten name to a brief periodjust afterAkhenaten'sdeathbut prior
here partially imitates Nefertiti's practiceof reversing to Nefertiti's adoption of her new throne name of
the word Aten; 2) the partial reversal in the second Smenkhkare.143
cartoucheis a miswriting and has no bearing on the James Allen has recently put forth an intriguing
identificationof the personnamed on these sequins;or theory which accepts the Harris-Samson claim that
3) the names on these ornamentsbelong to Nefertiti. Nefertiti became king late in Akhenaten'sreign (cer-
The fact that we now have a partial reversalattested tainly no earlierthan regnalyear 12, since in that year
on a scarab of Nefertiti, and both the scarab and se- Nefertiti still held the title of "GreatRoyal Wife" in
quins are made of gold (not some cheap materialsuch the tomb of Huya), but also suggests that at her hus-
as steatite or faience, which not infrequently are in- band's death or perhaps shortly thereafter, Nefertiti
scribed with miswritings) argues for the writing on was succeededby another ruler, Smenkhkare.'44Al-
the latter object being a legitimate variant of a pha- len's argumentthat Nefertiti and Smenkhkareare two
raoh's Nefernefruaten name and not an error. This different rulers-the conclusion drawn by the great
variant is so unusual-other than on the scarab and majority of Egyptologists-is based on a complex
sequins, it is known only from a cartouchereading h- analysis of the various sets of names associatedwith
n-itn, "Akhenaten,"on an alabaster plaque in Ber- Nefertiti and Smenkhkare. His conclusion that the
lin'40-that one can hardly be blamed for thinking gold sequins belong to Nefertiti is based on two fac-
that the same person is referredto on both the scarab tors: 1) reversalof the god's name occursonly in Nef-

139 Tawfik theScarabsBelongingto GeorgeFraser(London1930)34,

(1973) 86. Tawfik was clearly botheredby the
peculiarwriting on the sequins, since on one occasionwhere pl. 10.271a; Hall (supra n. 129) nos. 1966-67. The lintel
he mentions these objects, he remarks that "the word overthe entranceto the tomb of Ahmoseat Amarnacontains
Aten ... is not reversedas is usually (italicsthe author's)the two cartoucheswith the long name of Nefertiti (Davies [su-
case in the Nfr-nfrw-itn name of Smenkhkare"(Tawfik pra n. 131] pl. 27); interestingly,the cartoucheon the left
[1981]470). side of the lintel has the word itn facing toward the seated-
140 G. Roeder, Aegyptische Inschriften aus den Staatlichen queen determinative,while the cartoucheon the right side of
Museen zu Berlin 2 (Leipzig 1924) 253, no. 2045. The par- the lintel has the same word facing in the same direction
tial reversal on this plaque is especially interestingbecause (towardthe left) as the seated-queendeterminative.
it is just like the one on the Nefertiti scarab:the word itn as a 142 Harris (1973); J.R. Harris, "Nefertiti Rediviva,"Acta
whole is reversed,but the reed-leaf i is in retrogradeorder. Orientalia35 (1973) 5-13; Harris (1974) 11-21. The prin-
The major differencebetween the two reversals is that the cipal supporterof Harris's claim is Julia Samson,who has
end of Akhenaten'scartouchedoes not contain a determina- written extensively on this topic; see, e.g., Samson (1985)
tive for the god's name to face. 83-99; Samson (1977); J. Samson,"Akhenaten'sCo-regent
141 There is evidence for at least one other variant in the and Successor,"G6ttingerMiszellen 57 (1982) 57-59; Sam-
writing of Nefertiti's name. At Amarna, Petrie found 32 son (1982). For some negativeassessmentsof this theory,see
clay molds used for making double-cartouche plaques. Tawfik (1975); Redford(supra n. 130) 191-92.
Eighteen of these are in University College, London,and on 143 See referencesabovein n. 138. The
datingof the sequins
them and apparentlyalso a brokengreen faienceplaque, the early in Nefertiti's "reign"appears in Samson (1985) 95.
word itn in the left cartoucheconsistentlyfaces in the same 144 J.P.
Allen, "Nefertiti and Smenkh-ka-re,"to be pub-
direction (toward the left) as the seated-queen determina- lished in the proceedingsof the InternationalSymposiumto
tive: J. Samson, "Royal Inscriptionsfrom Amarna,"ChrEg Commemoratethe CentennialAnniversaryof the Discovery
48 (1973) 247-48, fig. 2; see also G. Fraser, A Catalogueof of Tell El Amarna, February 1-3, 1987, Chicago.
ertiti's name, where there is a determinativefor itn to case the titles on her shawabtiwould only reflectthose
face; and 2) the nomen nfr-nfrw-itn plus epithet nor- that she held at her death rather than those that she
mally does not have a reversalbecause there is no de- possessedwhen she was king.
terminative for itn to face, but in the one case where
there is a determinative (namely, on the sequins), a CONCLUSION
reversalhas been inserted. The Egyptian finds from the Ulu Burun shipwreck
Allen sets the length of Nefertiti's reign as pharaoh form a remarkablecollectionof artifacts.I believethat
at about three years based on a hieratic graffitoin the they point to the late 14th/early 13th century B.C. as
tomb of Pere at Thebes.145 This inscription is dated to the most likely date for the wreck. They fill a con-
regnal year 3 of "Ankhkheperurebeloved of..., the spicuous lacuna in the history of Egyptian-Aegean
Son of Re, Nefernefruaten beloved of Waen[re],"a trade in the Late Bronze Age, demonstratingthat
king who is to be identifiedwith Nefertiti accordingto commercial relations between the two areas-while
Allen's analysis. Whether Nefertiti's reign was entire- limited in scope and probablyindirect-persisted into
ly coeval with that of her husband,or continuedon for the post-Amarnaphase of the late 18th Dynasty. Fi-
a short time after his death, remains a mystery. nally, they indicate that most of the Egyptian goods
The inscription on the Ulu Burun scarab does not being shipped to the Aegean during this period were
provide decisive evidence for linking "Nefernefruaten trinketsor raw materials.
Nefertiti" with "Nefernefruaten the Ruler," but it The gold scarabis the key piece in this group.Nefer-
does support the equation. The principal objectionto titi is one of the most interestingfigures in Egyptian
this identificationcomes from the shawabti of Nefer- history, but only recently has her role in the develop-
titi. The inscription on this piece of tomb equipment ment of the Amarna Revolution been the focus of so
gives Nefernefruaten Nefertiti the titles of "Heiress," much scholarly attention. This scarab offers a new
"GreatOne in the Palace"and "GreatRoyal Wife"- piece of evidence to identify Nefertiti with a king
impressive titles, but not those of a pharaoh. If this namedon a pair of sequinsas "Ankhkheperurebeloved
objectwas inscribedafter Nefertiti died, then she was of the Aten, Nefernefruaten the Ruler." While the
not a king at the time of her death. And yet the fact linkageis not indisputable,it may be consideredproba-
that this figure is holding acrossher chest the flail and ble that sometimelate in Akhenaten'sreign or shortly
scepter, symbols of Egyptian kingship, indicates that after his death, Nefertiti was pharaohof Egypt.
Nefertiti was much more than an ordinary queen.
Allen has suggested that Nefertiti may have been de- 2250 NORTH TRIPHAMMER ROAD
posed by Smenkhkare after her brief reign; in that ITHACA, NEW YORK 14850

145 A.H. Gardiner, "The Graffitofrom the Tomb of Pere,"JEA 14 (1928) 10-11.

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