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Source: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 68, No. 1 (Jan., 1995), pp. 48-63 Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3317464 . Accessed: 14/04/2011 08:41
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into emand face the painfulprocessof incorporation a their simultaneous constructand reconstitute differentsocietyand culture(Handlin1973. lorated in the economyand politicalinstitutions. to delineatesome of the from St.becomespossible. immigration." Contemporary multiplelinkages firmly rooted in their new countrybut maintaining migrants. Vincent." whose daily lives dependon multipleand constant transmigrants.membersof the public.S.the methe expertsillustrate myopic transactions.a wholenew ship imto understanding approach et al.S.that questionsthis gration migrationand use ethnographyof transnational of to this anthropology explorethe ways in whichthe long-held conceptualization immigrants. and Europe. aboutimmigrants in the sense that they grantsand commonassumptions they are engagedelsewhere maintain connections.FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT: THEORIZING TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION NINA GLICKSCHILLER Universityof New Hampshire LINDA BASCH WagnerCollege CRISTINA SZANTON BLANC ColumbiaUniversity as Many are transimmigrantscan not be characterized the "uprooted. 1994).S.However.experience. for of migrationand explorethe reasons and of parameters an ethnography transnational connecthe implicationsof transnational migrations. as the tionalmigration searchershave viewed immigrants personswho emphasize ongoingandcontinleave behindhomeand country. Philippines. 48 .conduct made by scholars.increas. the UnitedStates anthropologists engagedin buildinga transnaand tional anthropology rethinkingtheir data on immigration.Basch et al.becoming In are to their homeland. 1992a. beddedness more than one society. can be as are ing numbersof immigrants best understood readas a nation-state buildingprojectthat delimits Transmigrantsare immigrants and constrainsthe allegiances and loyalties of "transmigrants. and influence local and national dia and publicofficials in demonstrated much public eventsin the countriesfromwhichthey emigrated.The purpose in miTakaki 1993).The vignettespointto the need to redefine Transnationalmigration is the process by someof our basic and which immigrantsforge and sustain simultaneous our terminology reformulate social relations that link together conceptualizationsof the current immigrant multi-stranded their societiesof originand settlement. proves to be an Migration to process that reflectsand contributes the currentpolitical conimportanttransnational global economy. aboutthe meritsof nationalism. of scholars transnaIn the United States several generationsof reing a new processof migration. the very same time.In identify. A new conceptof transnational of of this articleis to delineatethe parameters an is emerging.build institutions. They are not sodebateaboutimmigration and migrants the current journersbecause they settle and become incorpo. view of immigrants debate.sugin gestingthat in both the U.S.identity] nation-state. and patternsof daily life of the countryin of servedbetweenthe transnational practices immiat whichthey reside. Oncewe reframethe conceptof imacross internationalbordersand interconnections migrant and examine the political factors which in whose public identitiesare configured relation.have as shapedthe image of immigrants the upto more than one nation-state(Glick Schiller rooted. [transnationalism.In this articlewe use our studies of migration figurationsof the emerging the Grenada.however.currentdebateon immigration the U. uing ways in which current-day immigrants uprootthemselves. immigration.and Haiti to the U.We concludethat the transnational tions of immigrants providea subtextof the public debatesin the U. we Threevignettesof discontinuities have obcalities.
S. Expertson Haiti routinelyignorethe impactof transnational migrationon all aspects of Haitian society. Hannerz 1989. 1990). In the 1960s the word"transnational" widely was used by studentsof economicprocesses referto to the establishment corporate of structureswith established organizational bases in more than one state (Martinelli1982). 1991b. Appadurai has stated that ethnography now has the task of determining "the nature of locality.S.Thesespecialistsdid not consultwith the only Haitianat the table. officialsof governmentaland civic institutionsoften formulatepolicies and capturethe programsbased on census data that inadequately immistructureand mode of operationof many contemporary grant households. the Philippines. while participating with census organizersand Filipinoimmithat precededthe adgrantsliving in New York in discussions ministrationof the 1990 U. At Expo 1993.the ongoingrelationships membersliving in both locations marked by a constant exof change of funds and resources. In anthropology2 newed interest in the flows of culture and populationacross nationalborders.and other countries.Indeed.For example.Knightand Gapthere has been a repert 1989).one of the panelsexploredthe extent to which the curriculum New York City schoolsgives voice to Afriin can-Caribbean African-American and experiences. is this usage that can be found it in standarddictionaries.and the organization activities acrossborderswere not examined.many paringchildrento live a transnational West Indianyoungstersare sent home to the West Indies for part of their educations.S. betweenhousehold the two countries." The recentuse of the adjective "transnational" in the socialsciencesandculturalstudiesdrawstoof getherthe variousmeanings the wordso that the of restructuring capitalgloballyis seen as linkedto the diminished of significance nationalboundaries in the production distribution objects." a need that flows from the current world .. Transnational processesare increasof ingly seen as part of a broaderphenomenon markedby the demiseof the nationglobalization.definingthe term as "extending or going beyond national boundaries" (1976: 2430). The partial characterof many of the Filipino in householdslocated in the U. 1991. In a separateintellectual traditionseveralgenerations scholarshad been of to using the adjective"transnational" signal an abatementof nationalboundaries the developand ment of ideas or politicalinstitutions that spanned nationalborders. as lived experience. permanently.goods. 49 At a dinnerrecentlyGlick Schillerlistenedwhile internationaldevelopment expertsdebatedthe degreeto whichland in was the Haitiancountryside cultivatedby squatters. havingcut their ties with their countries of origin.resources.past interests culturaldiffusion.andcontrol(Knox1994.It soon became clear that manyimmigrant familiesopt to send theirchildren to privateWest Indian schools in New York where the curriculum reflectsboth Caribbeanand U.Yet Szanton Blanc noted. and services moving back and forth betweenthe U.S. Decisionsthat affectthe daily lives of household members are made across national borders. Webster's Third New International Dictionary." the secondciof In tation EdwardSapir reportsthat "by the diffusion of culturally wordstransnational vocabuimportant laries have grownup.S.ideas. He has further argued that there is a need to reconceptualize the "landscapes of group identity. nication. The firstfrom the New Republicmagazinespeaks of the "abatement nationalism the creation of and of transnationalinstitutions which will render boundaries minorimportance. Census. since he was a teenager. state and the growthof worldcities that serve as commukey nodesof flexiblecapitalaccumulation.S.S. the Haitian scholarrelatesto Haiti throughdiverseand ongoingsocial and class relationships that influencehis stance towardsdevelopment in Haiti. preexistence.3 to Manycontributors this scholarly trendsee it as part of an effortto reconfigure anthropological thinkingso that it will reflectcurrent transformations the way in whichtime and in and represented space is experienced (Appadurai 1990. Like so many Haitians in the U. Gupta and Ferguson1992.However. and of and people. that participated the census The frequency travelbetween of interviewwas not recognized.reviving.1 questionsassumedthat all Filipinosresided in the U. They did not expect him to be familiarwith questionsof land tenure in Haiti because he was an authorityon Haitian cosmology who had been livingin the U. experiences..public officialsengaged in curriculum often do not recognizethat the socialidevelopment zation of many transmigrant childrentakes place in an interconnected social space encompassingboth the immigrants' West Indianhome societiesand the U.What they did not consider was that the Haitian scholar and his brotherownedland in Haiti and that the two brothershad newith the squatterswho livedon gotiateda workingrelationship that land. in a globalized.S. into cluding Haiti's relationship the U.Hence. deterritorialized world" (1991: 196). a tradeand culturalfair in Brooklyn sponsoredby the Caribbean AmericanChamberof Commerce that Baschattended. providestwo examples. Kearney 1991a. that census questions of about householdsdid not reflectthe transnationalism these The populations.FROMIMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT Towardsa Transnational Anthropology A large numberof Filipinohouseholdsare transnational with individuals.in a new globalandtheoretical in context.S.
50 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY the infrastructureof transportation.' Thereare. 191). fiscal.makingup the warp and individuals woof of daily activities.historicallyunselfconscious.immigrants confronta deepening economiccrisis that often limits the economicpossibilities and security many are able to obtain. However. and sectionsof countries cities. has fromits beginnings been a sysCapitalism on tem of production dependent globalinterconnections betweenthe people of the world. Reasons for Transnational Migration Threeconjoining potentforcesin the currentglobal to economylead presentday immigrants settle in countriesthat are centersof global capitalismbut lives: (1) a global restructurto live transnational ing of capital based on changingforms of capital social and has accumulation lead to deteriorating economicconditionsin both labor sendingand labor receivingcountrieswith no location a secure terrainof settlement.S.We are enteringan era in whichstates that can claim dispersed populations construct themselves as "deterritorializednation-states" (Basch et al. In this to globalcontextthereis less incentive investin enIt tire nationaleconomies. however. and distribution(Sassen 1994).people. has becomemoreprofitin able to base global operations certaincities and regionsthat are emergingas centersof communication and organization (Sassen 1991). coordination. Capital is beingchanneledinto key sectorsand regionswhile . fears. changesprecipitatedby this emergingform of migration. task of and the task of govcreating capitalist subjects.professionals.defined to superfluous the newly definedcircuitsof wealth and power.Financial interests transnaand continueto rely on the legititional conglomerates macy and legal. However.Rouse who work with mi1991. ment. staffing. all agricultural producers have fled to globalcities or to countries such as the U. and ideas is accompanied a in When resurgence the politicsof differentiation.education. Facedwith wide-spread detein rioration their standards living. Moreover. of and skilledworkers.(2) racism in both the U. spatially bounded. to and Europecontributes the economicand politiand of cal insecurity the newcomers their descendants. healthservicesare strippedaway fromthose counand as tries. we study migrationrather than abstractcultural we flows or representations. in are conjuncture which "groups no longertightly territorialized.""Asian. continues demandthat citizens. continuesto reside primarilyin different and unequal states. The hegemonicpolitical ethic of the U. and the subsequent massive growth of indebtednessand economicretrenchment. concerns. and achievements."or "Black"find that even if they obtaina secureposition. and policingstructuresof the nation-state. they face dailydiscrimination in the pursuitof their life activities.Attackson the infrastructure the take form of structuraladjustment in programs debtor countriesand calls for reducedtaxes and public countries such as the spendingin capitalexporting U.but all partsof the worldhavebeenincorinvestporatedinto a single system of production.those sectorsof the currentimmigrant racializedas "Hiswho find themselves population panic. who erningpopulations will workin and acceptthe worldof vastlyincreased of inequalities wealthand power.S.S.' Migration is one of the important means throughwhich bordersand boundariesare being contestedand transgressed (Kearney1991a. that still play cenoncein tral rolesin capitalaccumulation. these countries. or culturally homogeneous" (p. The conditionsfor migrationin a myriadof states havebeenset by the economically peripheral intensive penetrationof foreign capital into the economyand politicalprocessesof "post-colonial" countriesin the 1960s and 1970s.S. unskilledworkers.bothnative to swearallegianceonly to the bornand naturalized. and (3) the nation buildingprojectsof both home and host society build political loyalties among immigrantsto each nation-statein which they maintainsocial ties. Observingthe permeabilityof borders and boundariessignaled by this form of migration. some observers have begunto speakof the demise of the nation-state's ability to form and discipline the its subjects(Kearney1991a). 1992). Anthropologists to grantshave much to contribute our understandthat ing of a new paradox: the growthand intensification of global interconnectionof economic by processes. merchants. Today we of are facing a reconstitution the structureof acso cumulation that not only are profitsaccumulated globally. states that continueto be bases of capital ratherthan the homelandof migrantsrespondin territorial ways that tightenratherthan transgress boundaries.production. 1994). see that transnational processesare locatedwithin the life experienceof and families. communication.
S.and who was Chairof the SociologyDepartment Oberlin at College in Ohio.S. or "old world" immigrants to the U.strivingto maintain conor tend for state power. These ties were discountedand obscuredby 51 the narratives nation that were prevalent of until the current period of globalization.6 the heart of the metaphorof "Americathe melting pot" was a model of immigrantsettlement in which immithe grantseschewed nationalidentityas well as the customsand languageof their birth.the into ruptureof home ties or their transformation sentimentratherthan connection also a central is of aspect of pluralistand multicultural imaginings America in which immigrant groups are encouraged to preservetheir culture.' Researcherswere surroundedby and reported evidenceof transnational of with their home socieengagement immigrants ties. Takaki 1989. This process of constructing and shaping collective memoriescan be called nation-state building. Forexample.7 ceptable was a migrationin which immigrants settled permanentlyin their new country while maintainingties to countries they still saw as homelands. states imagine their states to exist wherever ing their emigrantshave been incorporated.Key to nation-statebuildingas a politicalprocesshas been the construction a myth that each nationof state containedwithinit a single peopledefinedby their residencein a commonterritory. forget. the forgingof an American has to nationality beenand continues be the underconcernthat unitedall discourse aboutimmilying Whathas beenuniformly definedas unacgration. and the processesby which these connections were discounted historically and obliterated. inhistory way At terpreted.And yet this is an emergingpattern setamongmany immigrant populations currently tling in the U. their and shared cultural heritage. (Portes and Rumbaut 1990). Gellner 1983). dispersed populationswhether of they werediasporas Jews (Clifford1994).S. only became head of the entireprojectwhen HerbertAdolphus Miller.in the U. The Czechs and Slovacks (Witke 1940).who had been leadingthe studies.whosenameis usually linked to the Carnegiestudies. sendingboth lettersand money(Metzker 1971. and define their political identity within its forcesin laborsenddominant borders. and Irish (Highamand Brooks1978) were among the many immigratingpopulationswho built strongnationalist in movements Europefrom a base in the U. Palestinians (Gonzalez 1992).S. In the past immigrants wereforcedto abandon. 1993).S. Thomas and Znaniecki 1927). Hungarians (Vassady 1982). The studies were commissionedduring World War I becausethe home ties and political of from engagement large numbersof immigrants Europeraisedquestionsabout the allegianceand loyalty of immigrants.or denytheirties to home and in subsequent generationsmemoriesof transnational connections were erased. Whetherthe imageryhas beenone of assimilation into a newly emergentAmericanculinto a culturally diverse ture. custom. popularized memoriesof a sharedpast and usedthis historical narrative auto thenticateand validate a commonality purpose of and nationalinterests(Anderson 1991).S. has Recent scholarship made it clear that nationstates are relativelynew inventionsthat can be linkedto the development capitalismand to the of type of politicaland economicloyaltiesthat serve the needs of dominantclasses and strata within modern centralized states (Hobsbawm 1990.FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT U. or incorporation America.their undivided loyalty to a commongovernment. maintained networks interconnection. There is evidencethat in variousways and to different degrees.Assumptions about the uprootedness immigrants of filteredthe in which immigrant was recorded. and in moidentityyet be fully embedded an American saic (Glazer and Moynihan 1970. Italians returnedhome to land purchasedthrough labor abroad (di Leonardi 1984).' A brief recountingof the Americanization studiescommissioned the CarnegieCorporation by in 1918 can serve to illustrateboth the types of transnational that were mainpoliticalconnections tained by previousgenerations immigrants of settled in the U.and remembered. Nation-stateswere constructedas classesand elite strata. Memoriesof Things Past: The Issue of History Studies and Memoryin Immigration It is useful to recall the socially and historically to constructed natureof the conceptof nation-state this aspect of transnational understand migration.RobertPark. Yet transnational wereonly notedin passingand negatively valuedin . resignedin orderto devotemore time to organizing Leagueof CentralEuropean the Nations (Rausenbush ties 1979).However. of Many immigrantsfromEuropewho settledin the late nineteenth and early twentieth century maintained familyties. Meanwhile.
The Portuguesegovernment.S. (See. build. Vincentians. also soughtto diminishthe continuation of home ties. peoples. Similarly. for example. . for example. and internetcerfacilitate maintainingclose and immediate tainly ties to home. 1994). and capital have been accompanied by an increasein an identitypoliticsthat is a celebrationof a nation. essentialized nationalisms(Appadurai 1993.) And yet we arguethat the currentconnections of immigrants of a different are orderthan past immigrant linkages to home societies.and in the contextof the successfulincorporation of past generations immigrants.reconstruct. Merchants and intellectuals Greekoriginsettledin Western of actors in the politicaland Europewere important culturalprocesses the late eighteenthand early of nineteenthcenturiesthat resultedin the modern Greek state (Jusdanis1991). Jet planes. Rather. ideas. polytechnic.Much researchremainsto be done. no longerrootedin a single place.52 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY the same time parties.Thereis evidencethat impoverished. This is a momentin which large numbers peoof ple. and reinforce multiple linkages with their countries of origin seemsto be facilitatedratherthan produced the by possibilityof technologicallyabridgingtime and is space.S. They also providethe context in which these linkages are again becomingvisible.The studiesdescribed asand sessedthe progress madetowards imincorporating migrantsinto U. Its global nation (Feldman-Bianco and the descendants the emigrants of are emigrants part of Portugal even as they live within other countries.homogenous.multiplicity. Haitians.The increasein of density. Portes and Rumbaut1990.meanwhile.S.as well as wealthy families.by contributions illiterate pora. faxes.S.telephones.1 Crucialintegrative institutions such as local schools. In subsequentgenerations these connectionsgenerallywere not remembered or reported social scienceresearchers.We are witnessing simultathe neousgrowthof globalizing and processes the preeminence of exclusive. Althoughthey seemingly rupture boundaries and borders. stadiumwere fromthe diasbuilt. 1994).often in fully incorporated the countriesof settlement such as the U.the public campaignsto insure that these immigrantswere loyalto the U. The current of and processes restructuring reconfiguring global have affected both international capital migration and nation-statebuildingin significantways.factions. in large part.and libraries. is remembering persistconnections past generations of of ing transnational immigrants. of that a revisionisthistoryin the U.Transnational processesseem to be accompaniedby the of of "re-inscription" identityonto the territory the homeland(Gupta 1992). but it wouldseem that the currentforms of capital accumulationand concomitantalterations in the formationof all classes and strata inthe of terpenetrate politicaland economicprocesses the nation-states throughout world. maintainor construct anewtransnationalinterconnections differin their intenthat fromthe hometies maintained sity and significance by past migrations(Basch et al. the and university. Anderson 1992). immigranttransnationalism best understoodas a responseto the fact that in a globaleconomycontemporary migrantshave found full incorporation the countries within which in At they resettleeithernot possibleor not desirable. academy. The new circuitsof capitalprovide contextin which the migrantsand the descendantsof migrants. abroadbut be seen as constituents their home of country. Greeceis one of the manycases in whichdishave been engaged in nationpersed populations state building over several centuries. contemporary transnational culturalprocesses and movements of people. go to great or lengths to revitalize.and importance the transof nationalinterconnections immigrants certainly is made possibleand sustainedby transformations in the technologies transportation communicaof and tion. These studies contributed to the publicperception that such populations were in fact immigrants. and Filipinosmay residepermanently Grenedians.has declaredPortugalto be a 1992. society. is only It by now.and leaderswithin many countrieswhichcan claim dispersed populations have lookedto their diasporas a globalreas sourceand constituency. However.the tendency of today's transmigrantsto maintain..Moreover ists" (Anderson1992: 12) insist that their collective claims to ancestralland bear witnessto their identityas ancient. The difference betweenthe relationship past of societies towardstheir diasporasand the sending currenteffortsof both immigrants states with and to dispersedpopulations constructa deterritorialized nation-state that encompasses diasporic a population within its domain can be understood of throughexaminingthe trajectory Greekmigration. reinventnot only their traditionsbut their political claims to territoryand historiesfrom which they have been these "longdistancenationaldisplaced. bounded. peasants.contributed the published studies.
writingaboutAsianimmigrant populations in the U. large body recentethnographic A accounts containsomedescripof ethnographic data on transnational China.Rubenstein(1982) and ThomasHope (1985) in the 1980s and more recently Gmelch (1992). intervals. ."'12 Scholars such as Takaki (1989) and Pido In the remaining sectionsof this articlewe examine (1986). in describing return migration from England.to visit at regular At present. have been even more focusedon the some of the similaritiesthat emerge from such problemsof immigrantintegration. many long settled. networkshas been producedby researchers work.a significantchange is underway. immigrants.although these nation-builders engagedin multiple.They were deeplycommittedto the struggle to constituteGreeceas a state with its own auThis separation nation-state of tonomousterritory. a place.S.assimilation.and examinethe implications of Americanand Caribbean this anthropology transnational of for Nonetheless. yet they think of themselvesas membersof two (or more) Evidenceof Transnational Processes societies. and to purchase property and build and Both the Greekgovernment personsof Greek homes and businessesin their countriesof origin." have docuof mentedthe interweave transnational familyrelathat a and transactions reserved tionships economic place for returnmigrantsat home. nessesin their countriesof settlement. to continueas danis 1991: 216).overlapactivitiesin ways that are simiping transnational lar to present-daytransmigrants."amongthoseborn 53 of est descriptions transnational processesare of householdand family economiesrooted in both sendingand receivingsocieties.illustratethemwith someof our and belonging. have "become United States citizens.offsettingtheir in this country . the transnational linkagesthat they wereobserving in are participating and definingthemselvesas a had implicationsfor the immigrantsand their part of the Greekpolitywhile they simultaneously homeand host societies (Chaney1979).For a sectorof these people. Even thoughthey litical processof reimagining historyof Norththe had not fully developed conceptof transnationala ern Greece (Karakasidou1994. . the nation-state of Greece. but the While such sojourns sometimes are retemporary. comparative study."the cure class mobilityin the DominicanRepublicby is unifyingforceof the Hellenicdiaspora no longer working or setting up businessesin New York. migration the debateon the meritsof immigration. immigrant tions of immigrantsfrom the Philippines. so that manyimmigrants up livinga end their own needs and interests" (Jusdanis 1991: settledexistencein the U. Danforth n. one's identity is not that of a These connectionshave enaglobal vulnerability. However. cited in Juschildrencared for by kin at home. imagined transcendentalterritory of Greekness turnhomeis often andPessar (Grasmuck "fragile" whichgroupsof individuals to may appropriate suit 1991:86).and the point is critical. For examremain embeddedin the nation-statesin which ple.d. to the island nation-statesin the West Indies. actors in key family decisions. than those writing about Latin own field studies.Canada. .Wong 1982.and the U.S.and Koreacontinuing maintainties back home to and ing in the Caribbean LatinAmerica. they participate the poAs in urbanworking-class households.). It is in this new transnational space that the businesses socialstatusin the Dominican and Greek governmentis mobilizingpopularopinion erty. The direction of the change is signaled by the Georges (1990) and Grasmuckand Pessar adoptionby the Greek governmentof the term and (1991) have notedthat individuals households or "spodemoi" "Greeksabroad"for all personsof or struggledto maintaintheirclass positions to seGreek ancestry. a few scholarsof migrationrecognizedthat membersof these populations. origins settled in various countries around the even as they have boughthomesand createdbusito world are redefiningtheir relationship Greece. from emigrant populationcan still be found in statementsof Greek-Americans writingon GreekAmerican identity:for example.they did not claim that their settlementsabroadwere part of Greece.The rich(Pido 1986.but ratherthe sensibility an transplanted bled immigrants duringtheir yearsabroadto have Americanethnic"(Moskos1989: 146.FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT to building national educational institutions (p.S. (1978) and Brown(1991) have Republic.fewer descriptions and are availableof transnational organizations political processes.. ism. but investingin prop217).Laguerre for its currentopposition the newlyindependent to described Haitiantransnational of familynetworks state of Macedonia.Kim 1987). Gonzalez(1988: 10) notedthat manyGarifuna they are settled. of Greek. 213).
"Dollar" houses recentlyhave been noted to transformthe and inflatelocal land values in the Phillandscape ippines and India as well as in the Caribbean.membersof these mainedbehindin St.54 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY cial mobilityin contextsof vulnerability suborand dination to world capitalismboth at home and abroad.providethe phoneand childrenhave movedbackand forthbein tweenschooland business opportunities different possibilityfor individualsurvivaland at times so- of Evidence transnational patternsof interconnectioncan be found in descriptions migrations of to the U. Thesecollectivetransnational familystrategies also have important for implications class production and reproduction bothendsof the migration at stream. and observed evidenceof transSpainhaveoccasionally national linkages (Eintziger 1985. spite the country'srecent political independence.reconfigur. Funda. whereshe too of As fosteredthe development transnationalism. and the relativeadvantage that comesfromsuch a strategy. as domesticworkersto gain incomethat could help supportfamilymembers in A ComparativeEthnographyof Caribbeanand Saint Vincentand contribute buildinga cement to block family home. . Hall 1990).Some ethnographers with reworking cent immigrantsin Italy. the produceof which the mothervendedin the local market.and Africa. migratedto the U.This familyownedtwo acres of land.Among all classes it there increased. difficulties able to retainwhat it has in termsof resources and experienced and their social position. Neveu 1994. ringtonsis an apt exampleof the need to deploy in in familymembers severallocations orderto survive as a unit and retaina land base in St Vincent.S. tion. However. economic.returnedto the family home in mental to these multiple networks of are of interconnection networks kin who are based St. At variousmomentsone of the in and corporation the U.. her husband's sistersin New York. Jimenez Romero 1994). zation of labor and resourcesin multiplesettings to the U.Inthe family home.Flexible extendedfamily networks findingadequateemployment supporting have long been used in all these countriesto pro.S. becamea live-indomesticworker. France.children in school during the 1980s.it was loans from his sisters in New York that enabledhim to returnto Trinidad when in one or more households. the of evenwhenthey havedocumented circulation (Ballard1987) or identified peopleand remittances culturaldiasporas the growthof transnational (Cohen 1994.who could not find in deemployment St.the Pacific. acrosspoliticaland economicborders. Holland. migraA middle-classFilipinocouple. eventhoughthey had to leavetwo chiland survivewithin situationsof economicuncer. often. also and at times in enhancing.Two daughters. accompanied contribin whenhe was laid off fromhis in uted to incorporation the home society. Vincent. two small childrenand overseethe construction of and politicalties that extendedacrossborders.S.possibilityof a reducedclass position and social ing. Two brothers.Following theirmigraThese family networks. Vincentto care for her son's populationsdeveloped multiple social. migratedto Trinidadas a skilled automobile mechanic and construction Among the Caribbeanand Filipinotransmigrants The wife of one of the brothers laterjoined of with whomwe worked. who also could Filipino Transnationalism not find work locally. and activatingthese networksacross national status. Facing the vide access to resources. Carter 1994.S.the processes settlement worker. employment opportunities to takes some resources migrateand.By stretching.A conceptof "transnationalto ism" wouldallow researchers take into account live the fact that immigrants their lives acrossnational bordersand respondto the constraintsand demandsof two or more states.The motherrethey settled in their new homes. they took a calculatedrisk and migrated familiesare able to maximizethe utili(first the wife and then the husbandand children) boundaries. Latin America.They are helpfulin maintaining. social and economic the positionsof transmigrants' familiesin class structures at home where opportunities often deterioratare The Vincentianpeasant family of the Caring. child rearingdecisionshave been made by tainty and subordination. and WesternEuropefrommost regions of the world.Household livedin a simpleclapmembers boardhouseof two rooms.with no indoorplumbing or electricity. workin Trinidad. a numberof scholarsworkthe ing in Europehaveyet to recognize significance of these interconnections studies in migration for and culturalpolitics. severedfrom tion and the establishmentof transnational netthe supportof their extendedfamily becauseof a worksare strategiesto insure that a householdis businessmisunderstanding.drenbehindto finishschool.brothers Trinidad. Vincent's stagnanteconomy.
$99.S.S.to enablethis business to expandinto relatedactivitiesor to be extendedto other West Indianislands. labor contractors.After the successfulweddingof their daughterto a Manila dentist.. The parentscontinueto live in a in small rentedapartment Queens. as Employedprimarily clerksand juniorlevel administrators service sector companies.postulatingthat densely settled immigrantsare able to generate their own internal market for culturallyspecific cuisines."while those left reat homefeel that they are not beingadequately imbursedfor the family resourcesthey have invested in sendingthe migrantabroad.Her anger was fueled by the fact that she wanted room for her own siblings'chilfeel dren.At the same time the busisonessesfacilitatethe deepeningof transnational cial relations..shipping air cargocompafirms.those at home and those abroad. Sometimes the commercial interconnections are surreptitious so small scale they are barely or visible.Many mambosand houngon(priests and priestesseswho lead Haitian voodoo gatherings) importritualobjectsfromHaiti for theirceremoniesin the U. with women who "headed households"sending the greatestamount(DeWind 1987).which was financedby with dollarsearned in the U.who often shoulder the responsibility for their children's to face pressures sendmoney upbringing.whereeach was well known.FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT parts of the U. or Not everyonewithina familynetwork even withina household may benefitto the same degree and tensionsaboundas men and women.S.In poorerHaitianfamiliestransmigrants crushedby "billshere and there.S. also is investingU. A study of Haitian remittancesfrom New YorkCity to Haiti indicatedthat womensent larger amounts of money than men did. have developeda rhetoric in the form of songs sent throughaudio cassettes within which tensionsand fissureswithin transnational households and kin networksare communicated (Richman1992a).5 milliona year fromthe New Yorkmetthe area. wife. When by 1987 annualremittances to Haiti grew to an estimated to be U. Vincent.visiting her sister. Vincentis such an undertaking. and objects (Sassen-Koob 1985).it is possibleto view such commercial transactions located within a transnaas tional space that spans national borders. the familyis now buyingland to build it a housein the Philippines. have devoteda great deal of energyto the investigationof enclave economies. that faHowever.usingthe savingshe accruedfromhis job as a bankclerkin New York.define their interestsand For needs differently. and the Philippines.Vincenin tian immigrants. Vincentand the immigrant community in New York. However. Vincent receivedand deliveredthe goods as they arrivedin St. This is certainlytrue of the transnational 55 economicnetworksmaintained many Haitians by who use familyvisitsbetweenHaitiand the U.rather than as confinedto territorially based enclaves. transnational soStudentsof immigration the in cial relationships. and also foster.S. cess to phonesin Haiti.Haitiansof illiterateand with little acpeasantbackgrounds. Medicareto whichshe is entitledafter long years of workin the U. U.S. bleachand othersuppliesfor her sister'sfubrings neral parlor. in a small businessstartedby one of the savings sons in Manila. Immacula. Women. who foundher doubleburden of work and houseworkcompounded the by kin. Citibankinvestigated possibility ropolitan of competingwith the profitableHaitian money .a Haitiandoctor living in Queensinvitedhis nieces from Haiti into His the household.His brotherin St.havelimitedfunds including availablefor investment and purposes.it is possiblefor businesses cilitate transnational connections generatelarge to amountsof capital. particular back home.starteda business in barrelsof goodsbetweenmigrants New shipping York and their kin in St.'s example.S. Often the most successfulmigrantbusinesses createdby transnationarise in the very interstices and alism-for example.S. Vincent.and nies. Vincent. limitedconnectionsto peoplewith capital.the limitedcapitalavailable the eastern Caribbean immigrant community has servedas a brakeon the growthof this company. visits to obtainmediWhenshe comesfor periodic cal treatmentthroughU. Migrantshave also createdbusinessactivities that build upon. The success of the brothers' shippingcompanywas in part relatedto their activeinvolvements socialserviceactivities in both in St. presenceof her husband's was bitteraboutthe arrangement. Carl. Despitethe wideuse madeof this company by in familiesand businesses New York transmigrant in and St.A shippingcompanystartedby two brothersfrom St. products.Yorestocktheirsmallgift shop landeand her husband in Port-au-Prince. to restock small stores and businessesin Haiti with items brought into Haiti in personal luggage.S. as well as throughvisits to relativesin Montreal. Carl Hilaire. import-export moneytransferhouses.
and Philippines governtionships ments (Basch et al.S. immigrant organizations of havebeenseen as representatives ethniccommunities that contributeto a nation'sculturaldiverhas sity.S." The increasing and tionalactivitiesof Vincentian Grenadian orgathe nizations following1970demonstrate important in impact self-ruleand politicalindependence the with greatlyexpanded emiWest Indies.S. even in a situation are wheretransnational organizations viewedwith in suspicionor activelyoppressed the home counin try.starting with the sale of rice and vegetables to Filipino nurses from a small delivery truck as a second source of income. To educate Haitian youth in the U.Masonic lodges. Filipinoshave been able to businesseswith develop large scale transmigrant multiplebranchesacrossnationalbordersby using createdby the ongoingtransnational the interstices For lives of the new immigrants. with Each of the four immigrantpopulations that whichwe workedhad developed organizations interconnecof builda densenetwork transnational . a fleet of some 100 couriers picking up and deliveringthe packages with certain door to door. Fiestas. Immigrant haveoften been studiedas associations" "voluntary institutionsthat assist in the adaptationof newcomersto a new location (Mangin 1965).have a long history of using organizationsto maintain transnational interconnections (Basch 1992.even as they assist in adaptation orientedtowardsthe inal.researchers have lookedfor explain nationsfor culturalpersistence the midst of assimilativepressureshave argued that immigrants to build organizations preservetheir practicesand (Jenkinset values.and a specialagreement airlines.S. 1994).cultural.Toney 1986). that spans the twentiethcentury. Becauseof their largerpopulation size and resourcebase. These organizational activitiesprovided base a upon which leaderswere able to validateor build social and political capital in both societies.17and organizations in as themselves a voiceof the "Haitiancommunity saw New York. and confronting racialbarriers bothin the past and that prevented their full incorporation into present the social and politicallife of the nation. (DeWind1987).56 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY tions. example.They organized just nostalgicimaginings not of the home countrybut active relationships with it. hometownassociations. 1994. Ten migrants'balikbayan("homecomers") years later he had offices in New York.The once part-timebusinesshas becomea for and largeinvestment a full time occupation him and other membersof his family. schools.Also not exploredby scholarsor policy of makersare the implications transnational orgaeffortsto for nizationalconnections programmatic as use immigrant organizations agentsof the social into the of and politicalincorporation immigrants receivingsociety. A surveyof the leadersof Haitianorganizations in New YorkCity begunduringthe Duvalier indicatedthe range of organizational dictatorship linkages that can grow up.combined of grationto the U. None of these approaches examinedthe contribution these organizations make to the growthof social and politicalspaces and cultural of practicesthat go beyondthe boundaries the nation-state."These organizations their membersas neithersolelypartof the U. Basch transnaet al."1 a multi-stranded transnational have built a dense netFilipinotransmigrants work of linkages with hundredsof organizations that stage religious. Transnational practicesextend beyondhousehold and family networksto includeorganizations that link the homecountrywith one or moresociehas ties in which its population settled.in townsin the Philippines of a grandscale with the participation Filipinoorganizationsin the U.S. for as have takenon example. have had on the organizing social field.. and six other Philippine cities. The range that operatedin a transnational of organizations social field included Protestant and Catholic fromvarioushigh alumnaeorganizations churches. 1985). Some of the organizations idenhavedeveloped formsof Filipinonational new tity and political action and have mediatedrelabetweenthe U.S.S. that saw culturalassociations. a Filipino accountantprogresto sivelygraduated the bulk air shipmentof transboxes.and social events in the Philippines well as in the U.S.S. would to both contribute their successas Americansand transferbusinessesthat had developedin the U.16Not all Haitian organizations New York but more than forty percent were transnational were engagedin activitiesorientedat least in part to Haiti and sixty percentsaw someof theiractivito ties in some way contributing Haiti. On the who otherhand. Social programs of corporation immigrantsinto their new society as often use these organizations cultural brokers. and hisgivena migration tory to the U. Manila. Most recentlyin the U. The growthof is these businesses a testimonyto multipleties that extendbetweenhome and host countries. Vincentians Grenadians. nor Haiti but to ratheras connectedsimultaneously both societies.
underthe leaderto This ship of opponents the Marcosgovernment. the 1980sand In 1990s increasedFilipinoeffortsto lobby the U. to studyat HowardUniversity. These activitieshave all been spearheaded by immigrantleaders in the U. althoughhe had not visited Grenadain over forty years. an LamuelStanislaus. and the of at Philippines Marcos'manipulation the Philipby pine nationalelections. Washington. Senatorsand Representatives. Montreal. sion groups. They also have been part of effortsto obtainmore lenientimmigration quotas. to elect a successor MauriceBishop.Throughtransmigrant discusorganizing. When Stanislaus' candidate was elected primeministerof Grenada. and the Philippines. and It lobbiedfor a new government a renewalof in the Philippines obtainedthe coland democracy laborationof key U. candidates for the Haitian legislatureand Presidency in campaigned the U. and sometimesas representatives of.S. accompaof nied by the intenselobbying transmigrants. role in politicalarenasin both the U. for for reflecta Congress assistance the Philippines terrain of dense transnational political interconnection.S. politicians.The personnel the Filipinoreof gimes that have followed. In the yearsbetweenthe fall of the Duvalierregimein 1986 and the election of Aristide in 1990. Taking the stance that they share a single destiny.Active in efforts to develop agriculturaland industrialexports from their home countries.S. Haitians demonstratedin New York. returnedto Haiti in the 1980s and built supportfor politicaland social reform froma base both in Haiti and in the U. workedto developorganizational have been partisansand parTransmigrants in ticipantsin strugglesagainstdictatorships Haiti.beginningwith that of CoryAquino. who during the last years of had Bishop'sgovernment been vocal in his opposito tion to what he considered be that government's antidemocratic practices.S.S. Boston. A dentistto the West Indian and African American populations in Stanislausemigrated fromGrenada over Brooklyn.S. and for the of of reinstatement Aristideas President Haiti.S.S.The membersof this organization that the thenfelt of was cognizant and wouldbe responsive to mayor West Indianinterestsin New York. Popularoutrage in both the U.havebeenfilledwithpoliticalplayers link whosepersonal politicalnetworks them to and both the U.and Grenada and have charged to for their respectivegovernments be responsible making democracywork. Several were long-timeresidentsof the U. exfor lobbiedthe U. After the fall of the Duvalierregimemanyof these organizations bases in Haiti.headeda supportgroup of Grenadians.S.S. As we see fromthese examples. invasion of their country and expected throughthe CaribbeanBasin Initiative. ultito matelyforcedthe Reagangovernment changeits the policiestowardsMarcosand to help overthrow Marcos regime.have workedclosely with.. invadedGreBishopwas murdered nada.and Haiti.after and the U. 57 movementtook off after the Aquinoassassination.a new form of nationalism was created and fostered in amongtransmigrants the U. forty-five yearsago In the mid-1980she becamea key organizer a of supportgroup comprisedof West Indian immigrantsin New York to re-electMayorKoch.at which he lobbiedfor West Indianinterests. to Miami. government economic ample.At the same time Stanislaus.S. the Philippines..Stanislaushimselfwas appointedGrenada'sambassadorto the United Nations. their homegovernments obtainU. to protestthe laof belingof Haitiansas carriers AIDS.S.S. acting in concert with political actors in their home nation-states. Canada.S.S. and their of homecountries. transnational reas well as on the basisof personal have been able to play a transmigrants lationships.Stanislaus had takenpartin severalmeetingswith Koch.Key members the anti-Duvalier movementin the U.and Port-au-Prince demandpoliticalchangein Haiti. locatedbothin New Yorkand Greto nada.speeches.S. ecto for onomic support.S. Vincentianand Grenadianimmigrants. support in toppling Marcos.Grenadianand that Vincentianmigrantshave built organizations haveworked concloselywith theirhomecountries' sulates in New York to obtain more favorable termsof tradefor Caribbean and agricultural manufacturedproductsbeing importedinto the U. Throughorganizations. an exof how immigrants able to participate are ample in-and have an impacton-political strugglesin both Grenadaand the U. were a majorforce in Filipinotransmigrants in to developing opposition the Marcosgovernment the wake of deteriorating economicconditionsat home and in ensuring U.Grenadiantransmigrants.S.the abilityof .S.confirmed the personal of and observations top U. informal leaderin the West in Indianimmigrant is community Brooklyn. assistancepromisedbut never deliveredafter the U.and media exposure.FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT of assist in the transformation Haiti.
construction Haiti as a borderless in of promotes state.While the dominantpolitical ethic of the U.S.the relationship and to in grantsremainconnected committed projects tion-states whichHaitianshavesettled. Accordingto abroadbut provides moneyand politicalassistance this readingof the nation-state. and scoresof nation. Filipinosenatorsand congress. to campaignfor elected ofU. Facing situationsof extremeeconomic territorybecomes a social space that may exist and withinthe legal boundaries manynation-states.accepted.the diasporastays cial rather than geographicterms. swear allegianceonly to the U.was highlighted the politicaldiscourse Presiby mentsas well as electoralpoliticstake place in the dent Aristideof Haiti. Haitian transnationalism of was more West Indianpoliticalleaders.the primeministerof Grenadaduring migrantsand theirparticipation the politicallife the the early 1980s.S. In 1991 he designatedthe Haitian diasporaDizyem-na. fice in the Philippines. building by referringto Brooklynas "Grenada's tionalisma politicalforcethat mustbe figuredinto betweenHaiti and the other nalargest constituency.Haiti now exists whereverin the world Haitians of states that encompass thoseresidingabroadas part had settled. sendbuildingpublicopinion. tled and often legally citizens of other countries in Grassroots of organizinglinked to new social move.1' all and state spreadgloballyto encompass migrants of Aristide'sconstruction the Tenth Departtheir descendantswhereverthey may settle and ment recognized.runningfor encies" in the diasporato describetheir develop.S.and subsequently successors.S.8" of impoverishment dependency. as acts of migrantsin the nation-statebuildingprocessesof West Indiannation-states. and the "homesociety"by renewed efforts.ing remittances.58 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY these transmigrants wield politicalinfluencein to This extensionof the bordersof the nationboth the U. continuesto ment of Haiti. By including Haitians in ized. organizations of projects in the Philippinesand to lobby for increased U. of port-exportbusinesses and they levied taxes on incomesearnedabroad. and define whatevercountrythey have settled as part of the their politicalidentitywithinits borders. Marcos. Speakingof the "bank of the diasof theirbodypolitic.Aristideare definingvoting.S. hegemonicforces. his U.both nativebornand natural.S.their insistencethat Haitian immigrantsbecome men came to the U. trans. state agencieswho worked and with Haimadethis clear. leaders such as rizing a deterritorialized West Indianpoliticalleadersvisit their "constitu. this In new politicalconstructions labor-send.S.Caribbeanleaders are developingconstructions their nation.underscored imthe thanlegitimized: was nationalized. lobbying. Both implicitlythroughthe money. nationalizit By Aristidemade Haitiantransnaportanceof the immigrantsto Grenada'snation ing transmigrants. In ment initiatives."he offeredthe model of JewishZionismas have labeled "deterritorialized nation-states" evidence of the productivityof this strategy in in (Basch et al. Haitian ing states.By theoat homebothideologically financially.reflecting perspective several of the U. developed a program balikbayan and for have reactedto the growingcommitment transof ("homecomers") bein of gan to use the termto referto Filipinocitizensand migrantsto participate the politicalprocesses non-citizens residing overseas. They encouraged both the U.Haitiannation-state the Aristidecontributed a new to nationalismof increasingnumbersof its citizens construction the postcolonial of nation-state.and made use of the whateverlegal citizenshipthey may have attained. 1994) define state boundaries sowhich.Repto upon Filipinotransmigrants fund development tian immigrant organizations were explicitin resentatives U."To assure that the immi.Theseconstructions. Interviews in conducted 1986 with representatives fifty-one philanthropies. bordersof the the to the "home"country(Richman1992b).S. and their home nation-states derives state to includetransmigrant populations long setfrom their politicalincorporation both settings.S.S. whichwe pora.S. so doingthey enmeshthe trans. the Tenth Departemergingtransnational politicalarenas.and maintainingother transnational activitiescarriedout in the U. citizensand give up their allegianceto Haiti.technicalassis- .They have insisted that the migrantsto visit home throughvisa and travelfaincorporative cilitationand allowed for large shipmentsof perbottom line loyalties of Caribbean immigrants sonal effects that ultimatelyfed transnational immust be to the U. on the other hand.demonstrating. aid.S.called departments. multiple embeddednessof the Haitian transin Bishop. Haiti has nine territorial divisions demandthat citizens. in the Haitian reading. citizenshipand expressionsof loyalty to another As early as 1973 Philippines President country.office.Government officialscalled churches.
validating their right to belong but differentiating themselves from other immigrants. The 1994 passage of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs and California's Proposition 187 that denies vital services to undocumented immigrants are a matched set of policy initiatives. yet little noted role (Miles 1993).S. including people who are themselves immigrants that the national borders have to be defended against the undocumented. the special Federal Commission on Immigration Reform chaired by former U. the par'The Filipino immigrants also did not raise the issue of transnationalism. motivations. Concepts of "America. the debates on both immigration and multiculturalism need to be analyzed in relationship to the efforts by dominant forces to reconstruct national consensus and legitimate state structures at the same time that they globalize the national economy. However. enced by the concept of "the immigrant" as uprooted. immigrants. In the current heightening of nationalist sentiment in a globalized economy. nation-state is clearly able to enforce a distinction between categories of belonging.S. It serves to counter transnational identities and loyalties and creates a terrain in which immigrants are drawn into defending whatever they have achieved or obtained by defending it against the undocumented. it should be noted that the political rhetoric and policies such as Proposition 187 delineate legal residents and the undocumented. the U. and sensibilities of key players within the political processes and debates of both states that have histories of population dispersal and states that have primarily been and continue to be recipients of population flows. Interactions such as these with the census or- NOTES . Of course. rather than native born and foreign or citizen and non-citizen. will lead not to the effective policing of national borders but to the reinscription of boundaries. hegemonic forces forming a national consensus by depicting immigrants as an enemies of the nation is not new. documented immigrants are being drawn into the debate on the side of enforcement. very often influ- 59 ticular focus on the undocumented is worth examining for several reasons. The debate is as much about confining immigrant loyalties to the U.S. as it is about reducing the flow of immigration.S. Yet at the same time.FROM IMMIGRANT TO TRANSMIGRANT tance. It lies as a silent subtext that contributes to the actions. nation state as a bounded structure of laws and institutions as well as a defended territory." Implications of Transnationalism for the Debate on Immigration The paradox of our times. Even while they continue to build their transnational practices and networks. The strategy of U. There is a dialectic between inclusion and exclusion that disciplines transnational migrants by focusing public attention on the degree to which they belong in the U. education. significant. and explicitly in the course of meetings and conversations with Haitian leaders. The current debate on immigrants in U. transnational migration is playing a complex.S. these representative sent a consistent message. Similarly. with all immigrants of color finding their presence and activities under increased scrutiny. It was summarized by a representative of the Community Service Society. As the national economy is restructured to facilitate higher levels of profit for transnational capital. I believe in allegiance to one country. believe that they must make a choice between their new country and their homeland. However. and one that must be central to our understanding of the identities and dilemmas of current day immigrants is that the "age of transnationalism" is a time of continuing and even heightening nation-state building processes. They are therefore drawn into a discourse of identity that links them to the U. This particular emphasis on categories of legality has a dual thrust. convincing the majority of the population. and political connections they provided to organizations.S.S. Certainly the continuing ability of the nation-state to punish violations of law should not be dismissed in debates about the demise of the nation-state. and peace of mind. Yet none of the nationbuilding processes encompasses fully the complexity and multiple identities which constitute the lives of transmigrants. Undocumented workers are said to be the cause of the deterioration of the infrastructure and the lack of public services. In the U. politicians and the media have projected a bunker mentality. a large philanthropic organization: "I have problems with dual citizenship. Representative Barbara Jordan does not advocate halting immigration but does propose restricting undocumented immigration.S. the white" are reinforced. In the realm of the withdrawal of rights to health. the current national public discussion about immigration certainly contributes to a broader anti-immigrant hysteria that has racist underpinnings.
Ong. had an impacton the migrantcommunitiesabroadwhile migrantexperienceswere relayedin the oppositedirection. so that they do not describeother aspectsof their experiences. notingthe rapidflow of ideas and objectsas well as people. society wants them to be loyal to only the U. 2"Transnational" appearsin the titles of books.began to reimaginethe a globe as havingenteredan era of transnationalism. In the past personsin the diasporawere often who had jumped ship.. Macklinidentifieda patternin which immigrantnetthat migrants worksspanso manycountries developan identity which in some ways is independent any particularnational of territoryor history. 1991) or beganto talk of "transnational "transnational communities" (Kearney1992.S. from Asia. Rouse 1989. organizations was funded that provided supportto Haitianethnicorganizing by a grant from the National Institutefor Child Health and Human Development(#281-40-1145) to Josh DeWind and Nina Glick Schiller.their efforts were greatly aided by the researchassistance of Colin Robinson. underthe auspicesof the United Nations Institutefor Training and Researchand was fundedby the United Nations Fundfor DevelopmentRePopulationActivities and the International search Centre (Ottawa. Rouse. 1992b).Winston with Wiltshire.In 1989.d. Canada). as well as a survey of U.).Wakeman1988). border. 7See Chock (forthcoming)for a critique of the way in which texts such as the Harvard Encyclopediaof American of Ethnic Groupsshapednarratives immigrantsettlementand identity. 16The survey. see Glick Schiller et al. Feldman-Bianco.S. 1991) and Gupta (1992). Appadurai(1990.S.60 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY tries formedfromthe Caribbean territories underthe controlof the Britishduringthe colonialperiod. 9Bolsheviksincluding Trotsky wrote for the immigrant to pressin New Yorkand then returned Russiain the courseof in the revolutionto build newspapers the Soviet Union. dissertaand tions.S.at a conferenceat the New York Academyof Sciences (see Charles. responding our call to develop a transnational perspectiveon migration.and Wiltshirein Glick Schiller et al. devalued as unauthenticopportunists became a somewhatpejorativeterm. Richman. West Indian social. including many national in (Higham strugglesthat were transnational their composition and Brooks1978).and Joyce Toney were researchcollaborators Basch. It was developedand administered a by research team that included Marie Lucie Brutus. Rouse n. position to also expressedby Rouse and Kearney. the legal constraintsof the Mexican and U. "The term "West Indies"is used to describethose coun- . conferences. 1992).and Antoine Luis Thomas. of 1OTheycontributed to the reconceptualization the from a religiousmillet composedof population Greek-speaking within the OttomanEmpireto a nation with a co-religionists sharednationalculture and its own state. sometimeson daily workingwith immigrants terms. Carolle Charles."Researchers whose lives defy.they transmigrants felt welcome. Richman 1992a. 4Thisstatementreflectsa tendencyfoundin manyscholars to influenced postmodernism imaginea past of unchanging by and tightly boundedcultures. while the called for workon "transnaSociety for CulturalAnthropology tionalculture. Lessinger." Identitiesspeaks of "transnational connectionsbecame a theme of the anIn 1993 transnational nual meetingsof the AmericanEthnological Society. and they proceeded hold a seriesof meetingsto organize the mannerin whichthey wouldassist Haiti and to choose of officialrepresentatives the Tenth Department. Rosina Wiltshire.The term "Caribbean" has a broader to connotation.For a report on some of the findings. 8The intensityof earlier drives to assimilate immigrants may actually have been a reactionto the fact that immigrants of earliergenerations also tended to maintaintheir home ties. led Basch to design a study to explorethe extent and This research conducted was of ramifications these connections. Pessar 1991 for an explicationof this theme. "Diaspora" to Aristidecalled on the Haitianpopulation welcomethe transmigrantswho shouldreturnto Haiti not to settle but as "good homegrown Kreyoltourists"(bonjan pitit kay touris Kreyol) and to see them not as a threat but a sourceof assistancefor the strugglesof the Haitian people (Richman 1992). and Portugal."The 1994 meetingsof the AmericanAnthropological Society contained seven sessions devoted to transnational studies. miof seven scholarsexaminedthe ramifications transnational gration to the U.greatlyliberalizedrestrictions that had been in force since the of West Indian immigration in 1920s. and the social and "1The economicrelationsbetweenthe United States and the Caribbean that framedits enactment. 1980s. Certainlythere are glimpses in the historicalrecordof large to scale returnmigration Italy (Portesand Rumbaut1990) and of political movementsin Europe.S..S. 13SSee in whichwere apparent the early "These interconnections. and MargaretSouza.Transnational organizationsplayed an importantrole in fostering these intertwining developments."and the statementof purpose ety for Transnational movementsof population. In contrast. writingsbut Aristidepopularized The conceptof the Tenth of strucka resonantnote amonga number middleDepartment and aspiringpoliticalleadersin the class Haitian immigrants to U. ganizersreinforcetheir belief that U. political."Public Culturehas as its subtitle the "Sociof Studies. immigration legislationof 1965.This historicmoment(1965 to 1970) was a watershed of the expansionof the West Indian population. referring all islandstates lying in rim the Caribbean Sea as well as states along the northern of South America(See Basch 1987. transnational 1"George Anglade had previouslyused the term in his it. 3Sutton and Mackiesky-Barrow (1992: 114) were and sociocultural among the first to speak of a "transnational politicalsystem"in which "politicaleventsat home . Georges 1990. 1992.Mexico.and of increasingassertionsof a publicWest Indianidentityin New York. in with Filipinoorganizations New York 17"In research her with founda similarrangeof organizations City Szanton-Blanc connections. circuits"(Rouse 1989. the Caribbean. (1993) has made a similar point but does not 5Appadurai includemilitaryand police functions.. Diasporais "a journalof transnationalstudies.. '1Aristidealso waged a campaign to insure that when came home to visit and spendtheir money.Isa Soto. journals(AmericanAcademyof Political and Social Science 1986.and economicactivities. 12Further work on Garifuna networksthat interconnect in populations multiplenationstates has beendoneby Macklin (1992). 6Gilroy (1987) has examinedthe responseof black immigrant youth in Britainfrom a similar perspective.George Fouron.
The worldeconomyand contemporary migration. Glick Schiller. and The associations immigrant in to Basch. 1992. Exile. Clifford. Treichler. Fromforeignworkers settlers?Transnational migration the emergence of new minority. Multiplelayersof time and space:The construction class. .. 1983.PuertoRicans. Beyondthe meltingpot: The Negroes. among Portugueseimmigrants. 1987. in final reportpreparedfor Citibank. L. Nina. culturalchangein the Dominican Republic.ed. Imaginedcommunities: Reflectionson the origins and spread of nationalism. 1994..Paper presented the symposium. Nina Glick Schiller. Linda Basch.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress. refugee: Changing organizational identities among Haitian immigrants. June. . C. London:Hutchinson.Ernest.R. Chaney. States of grace:SenegaleseMouridin Turin.New Left Review 193: 2-13.and CristinaSzanton-Blanc. June. 1979. Glazer.International MigrationReview23(2): 263-288. 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