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7 reasons

reasons the IRISH SEA BORDER MUST GO

the Irish Sea Border must go

1
This Government pledged to protect and strengthen the
UK internal market as part of New Decade New Approach.

"The Government is absolutely committed to ensuring that Northern Ireland remains an integral
part of the UK internal market, in line with the clear guarantee in the Protocol that Northern
Ireland remains in the customs territory of the United Kingdom.... we will legislate to guarantee
unfettered access for Northern Ireland’s businesses to the whole of the UK internal market...The
government will engage in detail with a restored Executive on measures to protect and strengthen
the UK internal market."
Page 47, New Decade New Approach, Annex A, UK Government Commitments to Northern Ireland
The Secretary of State has threatened to take unilateral action on specific NDNA commitments, on
devolved matters, yet the Government’s commitment to securing the constitutional integrity of the
United Kingdom has been ignored.
NDNA commitments are interlocking and interdependent. They cannot be cherrypicked.

2 It threatens the constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom.

The Protocol conflicts with the Articles of Union.


Article 6 placed citizens in all regions on an equal footing in terms of trade and prohibits barriers to
trade within the United Kingdom. The High Court has found this has been impliedly repealed.
A single unified internal market is therefore a key block in the constitutional foundations of the UK.
The constitutional position of NI and the essential state functions of the UK have been altered
without express or majority support in clear violation of the Belfast/St Andrews Agreements
The Government has explicitly amended legislation to remove the need for cross-community
support in future votes on the Protocol. This undermines the hard won peace in NI.

3 It is costing the Northern Ireland economy £2.5m every day.

Economists from Ulster University and Fraser of Allander (FoA) Institute in Glasgow have
estimated that the Irish Sea border will cost the Northern Ireland economy £900m per year. The
same studies have rubbished the ‘best of both worlds’ concept.
It is disgraceful and entirely disproportionate that 20% of all EU’s checks take place in the Irish Sea.
The creation of costly trade barriers within our own country is a retrograde step and would not be
tolerated by any other administration.
Northern Ireland purchases from Great Britain (£13.4bn) are four times more valuable than
imports from the Republic of Ireland (£3.0bn).
66% of goods purchased by NI businesses from GB businesses are in the Wholesale and Retail
Sectors. The threat to the EU Single Market is minimal.
13,448 businesses in Northern Ireland purchased goods from GB in 2019. 92% of these were micro
or small businesses. It is now 27% more expensive to transport goods into NI due to the Protocol.
Protocol paperwork, cost and delay is disproportionately harming these firms.

Published and promoted by Democratic Unionist Party, 91 Dundela Avenue, Belmont Rd, Belfast.
7 reasons
reasons the IRISH SEA BORDER MUST GO

the Irish Sea Border must go

4
No elected unionist representative in Northern Ireland
supports the Protocol.

There is no cross-community consent for these arrangements. They impose the will of nationalists
upon Unionists; violating the principle of consent that is integral to the future of devolution.
The Protocol doesn’t defend the Belfast or St Andrews Agreements, it fundamentally undermines
them.
Continuing failure to address issues of deep concern to unionism poses a serious challenge for the
future of devolution.

5 It is entirely undemocratic.

Continued ECJ jurisdiction undermines UK sovereignty. Lord Frost said it "means the EU can make
laws which apply in NI without any kind of democratic scrutiny...as the EU considers possible
solutions, there is an air of it saying, 'We have decided what's best for you and will now implement it."
Businesses and consumers are forced to abide by rules imposed by another jurisdiction.
Existing governance arrangements are window dressing. Brussels and Dublin have a veto.
Under Article 12(4) of the Protocol, Brussels can make dubious connections to new EU laws and
impose them in Northern Ireland without local consent.
Officials are kept informed of new EU regulations but businesses and MLAs aren’t.

6 This is not Brexit.

The United Kingdom joined the EEC as one nation and should have left the EU together.
Leaving NI shackled to the EU single market was not in keeping with the referendum result.
Unless the Irish Sea border is removed permanently, the UK Government faces endless rounds of
negotiations, especially as rules diverge and change over time.
The Protocol offers zero certainty. Businesses are already having to make long-term decisions in
light of the existential problems caused by these arrangements. In many cases, this is leading to less
market access, not more.

7 A good deal for the EU, a bad deal for the UK.

The Protocol was never about preserving peace. The Belfast Agreement makes no reference to
a hard border.
The EU took only 30 days to trigger Article 16 and threaten a hard border between NI and the
Irish Republic for vaccine on narrow economic grounds.
There is a growing threat that the Irish Republic is gaining competitive advantage under the
Protocol’s operation.
The EU continues to have a say on the internal affairs of the United Kingdom.

Published and promoted by Democratic Unionist Party, 91 Dundela Avenue, Belmont Rd, Belfast.