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An Old English Grammar Quirk, Randolph.; Wrenn, C. L. Taylor & Francis Routledge 0415045347 9780415045346 9780203407578 English English language--Old English, ca. 450-1100--Grammar. 1989 Pe131.Q57 1989eb 429.82 English language--Old English, ca. 450-1100--Grammar.
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Page i AN OLD ENGLISH GRAMMAR
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An Old English Grammar Quirk, Randolph.; Wrenn, C. L. Taylor & Francis Routledge 0415045347 9780415045346 9780203407578 English English language--Old English, ca. 450-1100--Grammar. 1989 Pe131.Q57 1989eb 429.82 English language--Old English, ca. 450-1100--Grammar.
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Dublin. Associate Professor of Old and Middle English. Australia.< previous page page_ii next page > Page ii An Old English Grammar was first published in the Methuen’s Old English Library series. < previous page page_ii next page > .Bliss. Monash University.Brown. General Editors: A. Professor of English Literature. and A.J. University College.
WRENN page_iii next page > London < previous page page_iii next page > .L.< previous page Page iii AN OLD ENGLISH GRAMMAR by RANDOLPH QUIRK and C.
All rights reserved.co. Ltd Second edition 1957 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library. or other means. now known or hereafter invented. To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic. including photocopying and recording. or in any information storage or retrieval system. ISBN 0-203-40757-1 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-32372-6 (OEB Format) ISBN 0-415-04534-7 (Print Edition) < previous page page_iv next page > . 2005.< previous page page_iv next page > Page iv First published l955 by Methuen & Co.uk.tandf.eBookstore. without permission in writing from the publishers. mechanical.
Aspect. Voice Mood Word-Order Relationship IV WORD-FORMATION V PHONOLOGY Preliminary Notes Some Gmc Sound-Changes Affecting OE OE Minor Sound-Changes Some Major OE Sound-Changes INDEX < previous page page_v next page > .< previous page Page v CONTENTS PREFACE ABBREVIATIONS page_v next page > vii ix 1 1 7 19 19 31 34 36 38 40 59 59 68 74 77 81 87 96 104 120 120 125 134 144 158 I INTRODUCTION General Orthography and Pronunciation II INFLEXIONS Nouns Adjectives Comparison of Adjectives and Adverbs Numerals Pronouns Verbs III SYNTAX Functions of the Cases Noun Modifiers and Pronouns Concord Tense.
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Moreover. Among the features to which we attach importance are the < previous page page_vii next page > . we have resisted changes of this kind wherever the traditional framework seemed readily comprehensible to non-specialists and unlikely to mislead the student who has not had a philological training. The treatment of inflexions. syntax. word-formation.< previous page page_vii next page > Page vii PREFACE THIS Grammar is designed especially for the literary student of English. On the other hand. systematised in a manner that seems most significant for the Classical Old English which they generally present. It has also been felt that Old English studies stood in need of a grammar which was primarily concerned with that form of Old English in which most of the literary remains of importance have come down to us—the Classical Old English of about A. then.D. With the aim. and even technical terms that were evolved for and suited to the structure of the ‘Germanic dialects’ as a whole. but also at indicating the kinds of evidence on which the grammatical description is based. the Introduction aims not only at providing a minimum background of knowledge. 1000 rather than with ‘early West Saxon’ or the other Old English dialects. we have forsaken the historical in favour of a descriptive approach wherever this seemed expedient and practicable. and phonology represents an attempt to describe realistically the forms that occur most prominently in the important literary manuscripts. however interesting these may be to the philological enquirer. classifications. and we have tried to avoid assuming a knowledge of—or indeed interest in—Germanic philology as such. though this has meant to some considerable extent the replacing of categories. who has long been neglected in favour of his philologically inclined colleague and who is felt to be in need of a single compact grammar which will put the emphasis where he needs it most and serve as a companion to all his undergraduate studies in Old English. of presenting a grammar of literary Old English to literary students.
Particular care. in private discussion or through reviews. with the aim of achieving clarity and ease of reference.W.Norman.R. R.Q. for a good number of the corrections and improvements incorporated in this edition. In the treatment of Inflexions. Professor Sherman M. C. Oxford We are greatly indebted to many colleagues and friends.Q. and by this means we have been able to keep the paradigms free from confusing by-forms. University College. Pembroke College. we should like to thank those colleagues and friends who have helped us with advice and criticism at various stages of our work: Mr G. Professor Helge Kökeritz. we are deeply grateful to Professor Norman Davis for his learning. Dr W. where more advanced matters could be touched upon and works of scholarship cited for further reading. and labour in making detailed criticisms and improvements. More specifically and personally. We have sought throughout to help the student who has deeper linguistic and mediaeval interests to advance his studies by means of the notes set in small type. we have special pleasure in acknowledging a most sympathetic and helpful general editor in Professor A.. October 1957 < previous page page_viii next page > . these notes have often been used also to deal with the variant and exceptional forms.Magoun Jr.L. patience. R.N. the many references in our notes by no means constitute an adequate expression of our debt.Lee. Durham C.H.W. Garmonsway. In particular.L. too. Professor Francis P.Kuhn. Professor Daniel Jones. has been taken with the typography throughout.< previous page page_viii next page > Page viii relatively detailed and practical treatment of Syntax and the attempt to make naturally intelligible the actual processes of the sound-changes described in the Phonology . and Professor F. Finally. Smith. Our thanks are due to a long line of distinguished predecessors whose grammars of Old English we have been more eager to consult and copy than to replace.
178) Gothic (see § 178) Indo-European imperative impersonal (see § 120 e ) indicative infinitive instrumental Italian Journal of English and Germanic Philology.: ed. Lang.: EETS: f(em).: n(om).: g(en). ed.V. Rev.E.: PMLA: pple: pres.B.: Angl.: Fr.: d(at).: adj.: IE: imperat.: Nb: N.: J.: impers.: C: Cl: comp.(E.): Mod.: cons.: Kt: l(WS.: i(nstr).: pret.: Gmc: Go.: ind(ic).: ME: Mod.: Germ. Engl. Urbana Kentish (see § 4) late (West Saxon.: RP: S: page_ix next page > accusative adjective adverb Anglian (see § 4) Anglo-Saxon Authorised Version complement Class comparative consonant dative edition (by) Early English Text Society.OE: pron.B.: MS(S): n(eut).Murray and others.: Pr.D.: P.: adv.: m(asc).: lit.: resp.< previous page Page ix ABBREVIATIONS a(cc). J. Cambridge manuscript(s) neuter nominative Northumbrian New (or Oxford) English Dictionary.: Ital. London feminine French genitive German Germanic (see §§ 3.: infin.: AS: A. Oxford 1888– 1933 object Old English Old High German Old Irish Old Norse person Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur Halle plural Publications of the Modern Language Association of America Baltimore participle present preterite Primitive Old English (see § 178) pronoun reflexive respectively Received Pronunciation (the educated speech of Southern England) subject . and Germ.: pl. OE): Lat.: reflex.: O: OE: OHG: OIr: ON: p(ers). Old English) Latin literally masculine Middle English modern (English) Modern Language Review. Phil.
London verb(s) West Saxon (see §§ 4f) < previous page page_ix next page > .: Trans. vb(s): WS: understand (Lat.: superl.: V.sc. scilicet) singular subjunctive superlative under the word(s) Transactions of the Philological Society.: subj. Phil. Soc.: sg.v(v).: s.
alternation.denote that the forms they precede. in vowels (see § 10) [ ] enclose phonetic symbols. thus sind(on) > means ‘changed to’ or ‘becomes’ < means ‘changed from’ or ‘derived from’ * denotes a reconstruction (see § 178) < previous page page_x next page > .< previous page page_x next page > Page x SYMBOLS indicate heavy and secondary stress resp. (see § 12) indicate length and shortness resp. follow. or surround are partial. thus ( ) enclose alternative forms or parts of forms. or correspondence . -ie / between forms indicates alternation or equivalence. on which see § 176 : after phonetic symbols denotes length. thus gifan.. between forms denotes a correspondence ~ expresses a relationship.
New York 1948). and the changes in scribal habits threw into relief the linguistic changes that had been going on during the last century or so of the West Saxon tradition. although still sometimes used by scholars. Old English is the name given to the language or group of closely related dialects of the Germanic inhabitants of Britain from the first conquests in the middle of the fifth century till the close of the eleventh. Part I: ‘The Old English Period’ by Kemp Malone.D. though some occasional glimpses of the spoken language may be had from such texts as Ælfric’s Colloquy and from relics of an oral poetic tradition preserved in the formulaic style of Beowulf . But since the earliest surviving written monuments scarcely go back beyond the end of the seventh century. when the vernacular begins to appear in charters and in the one extant poem of Cædmon. Book I. was the commonest name for the language.< previous page page_1 next page > Page 1 I INTRODUCTION General 1. the language to be studied in fact covers approximately the four centuries from A. 700 to 1100. Our knowledge of OE is inevitably limited in general to literary and learned usage. it has gradu- < previous page page_1 next page > . Anglo-Saxonicus. adapted in the early seventeenth century from Lat. 2. For a reliable succinct account of all the literary monuments of the period. The period of ‘Old English’ thus extends from the earliest permanent settlements of the Anglo-Saxons till the time when the effects of the Scandinavian invasions and of the Norman Conquest began to be felt on the language. but. see A Literary History of England (edited by Albert C. The Term ‘Old English’ In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the term Anglo-Saxon.Baugh.
D. nontechnical use of Anglo-Saxon to cover the English-speaking world dates from early Victorian times. Anglo-Saxonicus to the language. pp. including all its dialects. it is also true that modern literary English descends more directly from an East Midland (Anglian) dialect than from the southern and south-western language of Anglo-Saxon Wessex in which nearly all the OE texts have survived—from the language of King Offa the Mercian rather than from that of King Alfred the Great. For the peoples. rendered it however into English as ‘English Saxon’—a term which the Elizabethans had already used. Anglo-Saxones in charters from the late ninth century. EETS. p. Englisc. The term Saxon was applied to the conquered people of England by Latin-writing chroniclers of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. wider. See N. and cf also Kemp Malone in Review of English Studies v (1929). s. though this term originally had meant Anglian (§ 4). While Old English preserves the idea of historic continuity in our language. generally employ the term Saxonicus. and from this distinction the term ‘Anglo-Saxon’ ultimately arises. 173–85. Anglo-Saxones was the noun often used from the ninth century to distinguish the ‘English Saxons’ from the ‘Old Saxons’ or inhabitants of the Saxon homeland who had not migrated: and hence Anglo-Saxon is still properly used as the name of the pre-Norman Germanic inhabitants of Britain.< previous page page_2 next page > Page 2 ally been replaced in the last hundred years by the more scientific term Old English . ed. Indeed. therefore. Anglo-Saxon and Saxon. The popular. l.E. Camden. though they did occasionally render as Angul-Seaxan the Lat. < previous page page_2 next page > . the antiquarian scholar who first applied the Lat. 52. the Lat.W. the notion of a direct continuity from Old to Modern English is to some extent misleading.. 32). and hence the use of ‘Saxon’ from the fourteenth century onwards to describe both the people and their language. The Anglo-Saxons themselves.vv. occurs the expression ald Englis for ‘Old English’ ( Seinte Marherete.Mack. Bede distinguished the Angli Saxones or Germanic conquerors of Britain from the Antiqui Saxones. which became ‘Saxon’ in the next century for such purposes and is still sometimes found. written in Latin in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Midland prose life of St Margaret. the ‘Old Saxons’. of about 1200. F. In the S. For literary monuments. the first OE dictionaries and grammars. regularly called their language. as distinct from their language.
(c) the strong tendency. It shares the fundamental characteristics of IE with most other European languages. time-relations other than simple present and simple past had for the most part to be inferred from the context. 116). k. (f) certain strata of vocabulary peculiar to the Gmc languages. formed from other words and distinguished by preterites and past participles formed by means of a dental suffix. by which Gmc consonants underwent characteristic changes in pronunciation. just as in Mod. it shares special Germanic features which distinguish it. Such special Germanic features include the following: (a) the First Consonant Shift. expressions of time-relation like < previous page page_3 next page > . such as the voiced plosives b. d. to weaken and lose inflexional endings. in OE. (b) the fixing of the stress of words generally as near to the beginning as possible. Scandinavia and the Netherlands. (e) the syntactical distinction between the two types of adjective inflexion—the indefinite and definite declensions (see §§ 50–4. though these remoter basic qualities have been much obscured by distance in time and space. together with the languages of Germany. resulting from (b) but varying in intensity among different Gmc languages. even the complex Mod. present and past. (d) the development of derived or secondary verbs (consonantal or ‘weak’ verbs). kw (see § 179). or on the rootsyllable (see §§ 12ff). t.< previous page page_3 next page > Page 3 3. we allow a present tense form to indicate future time after when: ‘When I come home I shall tell you my news’. Position and Relationship Old English is a member of the western branch of the Germanic family of languages and therefore belongs ultimately to the Indo-European stock. (g) the two-tense system. from other branches of IE. More clearly.E. Verbs in the Gmc languages show by inflexion only two tenses. g.E. gw becoming the voiceless plosives p.
Kentish or South Eastern.< previous page page_4 next page > Page 4 ‘I would have had’ use only a two-tense distinction in the component verbs. which comprises the languages of the Netherlands. 1927). For an effective presentation of the facts of the Gmc languages. and eastern Switzerland. including for a time S. These would roughly correspond to the three racial or tribal divisions of the Gmc invaders described by Bede. Within this West Germanic group.Midlands almost nothing is known in the OE period. cf also H. Comparative Germanic Grammar (Philadelphia 1939).Hampshire and Wight.E. see Antoine Meillet. Germany. West Saxon expanded all over the S. 4. Handbuch des Urgermanischen (Heidelberg 1931–4). the Anglian dialects covered the Midlands and N. Kentish. The Jutish or Kentish dialect covered a wide area in the S.Chadwick. and Northumbrian . The best small handbook is still H. derived respectively from Saxons. For a recent discussion. and through geographical and political factors became divided into Northumbrian and Mercian. OE has further special characteristics which it shares with the group generally termed West Germanic.Midland.Scotland. Caractères généraux des langues germaniques (Paris 3rd ed.M. Goten. and S. Within the Gmc group of languages. Dialects It is possible that OE was already to some extent divided into three main dialects when the first settlements were made from the Continent.E. Jutes and Angles. the < previous page page_4 next page > . Of the language of the E. It is therefore customary to regard OE as comprising four principal dialects: West Saxon.W. of England and parts of S. and Edward Prokosch. though ME evidence makes it seem that it must have had marked features distinguishing it from Mercian. Angelsachsen (Berne 1951). Nordgermanen. see Ernst Schwarz. and Anglian. with the growing importance of Wessex. Mercian or W. of England. Indeed. OE has still closer affinities with Frisian (though the earliest Frisian texts go back only to the thirteenth century) and Old Saxon (the language of the continental Saxons).Hirt. and are therefore known as West Saxon or the Saxon dialect of the kingdom of Wessex (other Saxon dialects existed but did not attain to writing). Origin of the English Nation (Cambridge 1907).
It is therefore this WS. and this practice was followed in dictionaries and grammars till the middle of the nineteenth century. survives only in one complete MS that is actually contemporary (MS Bodley Hatton 20 of his translation of St Gregory’s Cura Pastoralis ). at the time of the Benedictine Renaissance at the close of the tenth century and early in the eleventh century. see K. Joscelyn. Lawrence Nowell. has become the regular medium for all grammatical text-books. Yet King Alfred’s prose. § 2 and Anm.Brunner (ref. that has always been taken as the basis for the study of OE and for the making of grammars and dictionaries. Subsequently. see K. therefore. take the literary < previous page page_5 next page > . though somewhat influenced and modified by neighbouring dialects. 5. WS was the only dialect to become literary in prose. and OE of the later period has often for teaching purposes been ‘normalised’ in spelling on this ‘Early West Saxon’ basis. and so preserved.< previous page page_5 next page > Page 5 only OE dialect of which we can gain an extensive and continuous knowledge is West Saxon. It was into this same form of OE that nearly all earlier poetry was copied. in which almost all writings of any real literary merit are to be read. who revived the study of ‘Saxon’ in the sixteenth century. Moreover.Sisam. Studies in the History of Old English Literature (Oxford 1953). though outstandingly important. While accepting. generally under the name Early West Saxon. Standard Language The Elizabethans. and others. as far as is practicable and desirable. this book will. from the pioneering work of Henry Sweet onwards. and in the later OE period it was Wessex that provided the dialect which became the cultural language of the whole of England. It was in this literary or classical koiné. and it is only in the common literary OE of a century later that prose becomes of really high literary value. as in § 24). For an important re-examination of some of the questions relating to classical OE and especially to the language of OE poetry. took classical OE of the later period as their basis. that nearly all the earlier poetry was copied. On the origin of the OE dialects. basically WS. 1. the language of King Alfred. the traditional practice of taking WS as the norm of OE grammatical investigation.
classical OE as the literary standard language of England from about 900 to 1100. Soc. London 1871–2). see K. 65ff. this grammar will. which came at the very end of this ‘Early OE’ period. see C. Trans. just as.Wrenn. For a discussion of the whole problem of normalisation of OE. pp. 6. Moreover the extant MSS of the Alfredian WS already shew marks of a transition to Late OE.D. particularly as written at its best by Ælfric and his contemporaries. Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache (Leipzig 1921) §§ 21–7. History of English Sounds (Oxford 1888). Early OE (from about A. the OE of the eleventh century begins to shew marks of the transition to Middle English. 700 to 900) and Late OE (from about A. Trans.Luick. 1933. suggests dividing OE into four periods: (a) preAlfredian. of King Alfred’s West Saxon Version of Gregory’s Pastoral Care (EETS. and only in the case of his Cura Pastoralis translation (since the MSS of all his other works are later) does his work survive in the forms of a scribe who wrote in one of his scriptoria. (b) Alfredian. Of Sweet’s writings. Periods The history of OE is usually divided into the two main periods. while for the non-WS dialects there are scattered remains in Northumbrian. similarly. < previous page page_6 next page > . Soc. since almost all texts likely to be read by the literary student of OE are extant only in this classical OE koiné. Before Alfred’s reign there are only one or two charters in WS. We take. such as Beowulf and the selections in the Anglo-Saxon Readers of Sweet and of Wyatt. But in fact the only considerable work of ‘Early OE’ upon which any thorough grammatical study can be based is that of King Alfred. Phil. and with this form of OE as its normative basis. Phil. the non-WS dialects will be noticed only incidentally. 1875–6. as far as possible.Mossé.D. Since this grammar is intended primarily for the literary rather than the philological student.L. ‘Standard Old English’. draw its illustrative material from the texts which the student will in fact normally read. For an account of these.< previous page page_6 next page > Page 6 language of Ælfric (himself a grammarian) as its foundation. then. Mercian. ‘Dialects and Prehistoric Forms of English’. F. the most important for the question of WS in its Alfredian form as a basis for study are the following: the introductory apparatus to his ed. and Kentish. in his Manuel de l’Anglais du Moyen : Vieil-Anglais (Paris 1944). 900 to 1100).
. in the Runic Poem . This runic writing consisted at first of some 24 symbols to be scratched upon or coloured into stone or hard wood or metal—signs which generally by means of straight lines could very roughly represent common sounds. These Celtic-Roman letters were employed to represent as phonetically as possible the sounds of OE. commonly known as Insular Script) had characteristic forms for f.< previous page page_7 next page > Page 7 (c) period of Ælfric and Wulfstan. g. 8. It was first employed to express the vernacular in writing in the early Christian centres in Northumbria. Literary OE MSS continued to be copied till late in the twelfth century. with some slight additions and modifications. See further.Arntz. H. Orthography and Pronunciation 7. The late OE runic letters. at first the secret of a priestly class (the OE word rūn means ‘secret’).Wrenn. r. and R. but they were unsuitable for any sort of continuous writing and remained only as tokens of antiquarian interest in the late OE period. (d) period of transition which he would end at 1150. are to be found conveniently in Bruce Dickins. Runica Manuscripta (Bruges 1954). C. with their meanings explained in order with a commentary. aided by the Roman missionary influences from Canterbury. 1944). Runic and Heroic Poems of the Old Teutonic Peoples (Cambridge 1915). whence it spread. were employed in England to some extent after the conversion to Christianity for religious inscriptions such as that on the Ruthwell Cross. These runes. The OE alphabet used throughout the MSS is the Irish form of the Latin letters. The Alphabet The Germanic invaders brought to Britain a rough method of writing magical formulae and epigraphs called runes . and it may still be seen to some extent in the present-day forms of Irish letters.Dérolez. This Irish-Latin alphabet (as adopted in England. and ed. Medium Ævum i (1932). and also at times more widely. ‘Late Old English Rune-Names’. among other less individual features.L. and s. with the same values as they had when used to represent Latin in the < previous page page_7 next page > . Handbuch der Runenkunde (Halle. throughout the country.
a few also retain the runic p. (RP) hat. d. . but w is now normal practice so as to avoid confusion with p and . among the more remarkable features of the < previous page page_8 next page > . and u in these functions. [a] or [æ]. All OE books agree however in retaining the symbols . and æ. the Latin biliteral ae. But in the later eighth century the letter d was also often used for these latter sounds. 9. since runes were perhaps no longer felt to be a heathen peril: and [θ] came to be represented by .E. All printed books in OE used the MS forms of most letters (the ‘Anglo-Saxon’ or ‘Saxon’ characters) till the middle of the nineteenth century. To distinguish the characteristic OE fronting and raising of the Gmc ă to a sound approximately like that of the a in Mod. since in Irish usage d sometimes was the sign of a voiced fricative. Phonetic terms and symbols are more fully explained in § 176. with the firm establishment of the Christian church and culture.< previous page page_8 next page > Page 8 contemporary pronunciation. As has been said. spelling: and p are known by their runic mnemonic names ‘thorn’ and ‘wynn’ respectively. At first the Latin letter u was used for the OE sound [w] and the biliteral th for the voiced and voiceless [θ] sounds heard in Mod. It is convenient to have names for these symbols which find no place in Mod. æ was used for both the long and the short sounds. together with further assistance from the development of OE forms in later English and from their cognates in the other Gmc languages. when the current practice of printing in roman type came in. and [w] by p. is called eth ( is the Icelandic name for this letter as adopted from OE) and æ is called ‘ash’.E. in the words this and thin respectively. and by the ninth century and were being used indifferently for the two sounds and [θ]. A third new symbol was added to the Irish-Latin alphabet by drawing a fine line through the upper part of the Insular d so as to form . But.E. the OE word æsc ‘ash’ being the name of the corresponding runic letter. two runic symbols came to replace th. it is largely from our knowledge of this Latin pronunciation and from the transliteration of Latin words into OE that we are able to infer the pronunciation of OE.
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Page 9 Insular script was a special form of g, written ; this symbol is retained by some grammarians, including Professor Brunner in German and Miss Wardale in English, but an increasing majority prefer to use the ordinary roman symbol g, for there seems little reason to retain the OE while ignoring the fact that the OE script had special forms of f, r, and s also. In this grammar, , , and æ will be used, but all other letters will be given their modern roman form. 10. Fairly often, but without any discernible regularity or method, OE scribes used a mark over vowels resembling an acute accent, a form taken from Latin practice. This accent seems sometimes to have been an indication of stress (but not of length), and sometimes to have been used to avoid ambiguity when two different words were written with the same letters (such as gōd ‘good’ and god ‘God’). It will normally be ignored in this grammar, but vowel-length will be regularly indicated by a macron (−), leaving short vowels unmarked. Some carefully written MSS, such as the best of Ælfric, shew a regular distinction (which is graphic rather than phonetic) of initially as against medially and finally: as compared with and . Sometimes vowel-length is indicated by doubling, as in good for gōd . The first OE printed book was made by one John Day in 1567; it is Ælfric’s homily on the Easter Mass (De Sacrificio in Die Pasce) and the title is of some interest: The Testimonie of Antiquitie shewing the Auncient fayth/in the Church of England touching the sacrament of the/body and bloude of the Lord here publickly preached and also received in the saxons tyme dboue 600 yeares agoe . For a full account of OE scribal practice, see W.Keller, Angelsächsische Palaeographie (Berlin 1906). 11. Vowel-Length As we have just seen, vowel-length is not regularly indicated in OE, nor does the metre serve as a systematic basis for ascertaining it. The Latin so-called apex over vowels to shew length, from which the OE accents on vowels were adapted, did not regularly refer only to quantity even in Irish, and where its occurrence in OE seems to indicate a long vowel this is probably only because such vowels were often heavily stressed. It was, in fact, probably as a means of indicating stress and intonation that the accents were used in so far as such use was deliberate. The doubling of vowels which is fairly often to be
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Page 10 met with in early MSS is a much more reliable sign of length. In general, however, the length of OE vowels is to be determined from etymology, cognate forms in other languages, later development, and (to a very limited extent) from metre. But while the length of a vowel as suggested by etymology is generally taken in grammars as the norm, it must be remembered that in later OE quantity was of ten changed by the shortenings and lengthenings explained in § 199. 12. Stress The stress or intensity of utterance of OE was much the same as in Mod.E. It is probable that there were four clearly observed grades: heavy (1), secondary (2), light (3), weak (4); thus a word like gelustfullīce ‘joyfully’ would have a stress pattern 4–1–2–3–4. In practice, however, we need distinguish only three approximate types: heavy stress (which may be indicated by an acute accent), secondary or medium stress (which may be indicated by a grave accent), and weak stress (which is generally left unmarked). OE words normally had the heavy stress on the initial syllable—generally the root—but there were the following exceptions: (a) In compounds of noun plus noun, or noun plus adjective, the root syllable of the second element carried a secondary stress: cf mánnes ‘man’s’ beside máncỳnnes ‘mankind’s’, where the second element cynnes exists as a separate word. (b) Prefixes are as a rule unstressed, unless they dominate the meaning, and the noun and verb prefix ge- is always unstressed. (c) While the prefix of noun and verb compounds is normally unstressed, the emphatic prefix bī- (as contrasted with its weak form be-) has heavy stress: cf besíttan ‘to besiege’ beside ‘food’ (lit. ‘by-living’). (d) While prefixes to verbs are generally unstressed, adverbial or prepositional prefixes which dominate the meaning (such as in, ūt, æfter) are heavily stressed: cf ‘to deprive’ beside íngangan ‘to go in’.
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Page 11 (e) Verbs formed from nouns whose first element was a prefix carrying heavy stress, generally retain this stress on the prefix: thus ándswarian ‘to answer’, from the noun ándswaru . As OE metre depends primarily on patterns of stress and on alliteration which must fall on heavily stressed syllables, a study of an exactly metred poem such as Beowulf will serve to confirm the rules of OE stress; the ‘five types’ of OE half-line are but selective, regularised and rhetorically emphatic patterns from speech. On the fundamentals of OE metre, see E.Sievers, Altgermanische Metrik (Halle 1893) and the very full recent study by J.C.Pope, The Rhythm of Beowulf (New Haven 1949). 13. One consequence of the fixing of the intensity or weight of utterance at or near the beginning of words was the weakening of final, unstressed, inflexional syllables (see §§ 3, 198). In late OE therefore the unstressed short vowels a, e, o, and u of final syllables began from about the tenth century to be weakened to a common sound called schwa [ə], pronounced like the final syllable of china or thorough . Since in addition final m tended to be pronounced as [n] in late OE, the inflexional endings -um, -an, -on all came to be sounded [ən], and the forms written mannum, mannon, mannan might all be pronounced alike [man( )ən]; less careful scribes might then well use one of the latter spellings to represent the form traditionally spelt mannum, or even (though less frequently) use -um to render forms historically ending in -an or -on. But on the whole the scribes tended to preserve the traditional orthography, which thus came to lag a good deal behind actual pronunciation. Since virtually all OE texts that students will read show the distinctive inflexional endings -an, -um, on, -en, etc. preserved in spelling, students will find it easier to learn these forms if they always give them a distinctive pronunciation, despite the fact that such pronunciation would have been archaic (to say the least) in Ælfric’s time. PRONUNCIATION 14. During the four centuries covered by its surviving records, OE must have changed considerably in pronunciation, and at varying times and speeds in its different dialects. For practical purposes, however, as with the learning of Latin, one must select one period and type of pronunciation to adopt as
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Short and long o as in god ‘a god’ and gōd ‘good’ had respectively the vowel sounds in Mod. See when long. sg.E. just as there was a common written form of OE. in reverse) of what was his own OE usage. for example.E. hot) .< previous page page_12 next page > Page 12 a norm or standard. 15. and roughly the vowel sound of Mod. i. lâche differs from pâté (though often before a nasal. bid [I] and machine [ ]. the pronunciation described will for the most part be that which may be assumed to have been employed by Ælfric in the period of classical OE about the year 1000. egg when short and like that in Germ. rather than the colloquial usage which must by this time have been in varying stages of transition. speakers of the various dialects who were also copyists of older MSS of varying linguistic origins. y. (RP) hat.E.E. o. Vowels OE had seven long and seven short vowels. The short and long i in biddan ‘to pray’ and bīdan ‘to await’ respectively differed as in Mod. not [ ] and Fr. OE æ when short had the sound of a in Mod. transposed them into their common cultural language. At this time. u. and wrote in that widely diffused type of late West Saxon. beau [ ] Mod. with elements from neighbouring dialects and a welldeveloped tradition. Ælfric himself was a careful user of this common language. The following illustrations show the approximate pronunciation to be attributed to the vowel symbols. We can infer that. spelt as follows: a. OE e was similar to that in Mod. of metan ‘to measure’) differed as regards the æ as Mod. which may fairly be termed ‘Classical OE’. Moreover. e. so too there was. OE hām ‘farmstead’ differed in its vowel [ ] from hamm ‘pasture’ [ ] rather as Fr. at least f or formal purposes.E. eft ‘again’ beside ēst ‘favour’. fou shew the qualities of short and long OE u. In what follows. a corresponding common spoken f orm.E. in all centres generally. the short a was pronounced like the o in Mod. so to speak. as in ful ‘full’ [u] and fūl < previous page page_12 next page > . bête .E. mare when long. thus OE mæt and (pret.E. [a] or [æ]. bush and Fr. bat differs from Fr. [ε] as against [ ]. [ ]. and it is this that we shall attempt to describe. and pl. æ. and from his own Latin Grammar in OE we may learn a great deal (by studying it.
for example. according to the part of the mouth in which they are produced. [ ] in some words. because the sounds originally written ie in early WS had become [I]. representing the frontround long and short vowels like those heard in Germ. e. Similarly. i. [y]. [ ] in areas of classical OE. OE diphthongs were generally falling. The values of OE y. while this was the usual form. reçu [y] and lune [ ]. because a short i could be sounded consonantally as [j]. schön and Göttingen respectively. hergan beside herian ‘to praise’. Again. § 193). into front vowels (æ. that is to say. OE short a before m or n often appears as o (see § 186 a ). for example. 16. we often find a g alternating with such an i. a frequent spelling for ī in that period is -ig-. The symbol æ. sg. On phonetic symbols. MSS of the period often shew i for ie and vice versa. Later the results of older were mainly pronounced [y]. so that Ælfrician texts regularly shew -y. herges beside heries (gen. will occasionally be found. Another symbol. as in for earlier ‘to believe’ (see further. thus hieder for hider ‘hither’. ‘sheep’. bigleofa for bīleofa ‘food’. ‘light’. especially in Anglian texts. see § 176. as in lyft ‘air’ and ‘wave’. probably corresponded originally to those of the letters used to write Latin as it was pronounced by the missionaries of the seventh century. was sometimes written ae in early MSS and also—following a Latin practice— . u) . hīran or for ‘to hear’. o. these vowels were unrounded in early WS and spelt e (see § 208). and that nasals had a rounding effect on short a . < previous page page_13 next page > . y) and back vowels (a. It is convenient to divide the vowels. Diphthongs Diphthongs may be described as ‘rising’ or ‘falling’. they may be stressed more heavily on the first or on the second of the constituent vowel-sounds. of here ‘raiding force’). thus féallan ‘to fall’.for early WS -ie-. [ ] in others by King Alfred’s time. The values given to the vowels. like those given to the consonant-symbols of OE. This suggests that there was some fluctuation in pronunciation. so that for example man(n) ‘man’ is often spelt mon(n) . may be heard in Fr. oe.< previous page page_13 next page > Page 13 ‘foul’ [ ]. 17. Because the consonant g was vocalised after front vowels in late OE.
Similarly in sceolde ‘should’. ‘Some Recent Interpretations of < previous page page_14 next page > . R. On the other diphthongs that existed at other times and in other dialects than Classical OE of c. two vowel sounds were heard. which go back to a Gmc consonantal [j] followed by a long vowel. see §§ 193. 1939.Quirk. ‘Old English Sound-Changes Reconsidered in Relation to Scribal Tradition and Practice’. the same sounds were heard. geār-dagas ‘days of yore’. cf the i in Ital. For example. geār. eo may be assigned the pronunciation [εə].Stockwell and C. heorte ‘heart’ [heərtə].[ ]. pp. Phil. The short diphthongs ea. Some Old English Graphemic-Phonemic Correspondences—æ. Classical OE had four diphthongs: ea. Hence we should pronounce sceolde as [ ]. but late OE gifan and ME yiue would suggest that the diphthong came to be pronounced with falling stress gíefan (but see §§ 193. See especially M.Barritt. sēcean ‘to seek’. ‘beer’ [ ]. sengean ‘to singe’. with one crest of sonority. see S. 18. geond as [ ]. In a small number of words like geōmor ‘sad’. and some others. but the whole glide (and not simply the first element of it) was given greater length. this must at first have been pronounced with rising stress giéfan. For a criticism of such views and a re-examination of OE diphthongs. D. a spelling devised because g before a back vowel would be a plosive symbol. 108–37. As we are here dealing therefore with a sequence of consonant plus simple vowel rather than with a diphthong. the macron is placed only over the vowel symbol: geōmor [ ]. 1951). 205.M. as [ ]. The existence of the short diphthongs has recently been denied. 204). we probably have simple vowels preceded by diacritics indicating the palatal quality of the consonants. the ge. It is to be remembered that. 1000. eo.. so that they formed one syllable and not two.P.Daunt. and it has been suggested that (for example) ea represented [æ] together with a sign variously interpreted as indicating an allophonic variant of the vowel or the velar character of the following consonant. non-WS gefan ‘to give’ appears in early WS as giefan by the development of the glidevowel represented by -i-. Soc. .is to be taken as representing [j]. but the late OE and early ME evidence shews that they afterwards conformed to the general pattern of falling diphthongs. although in each of these. early WS and non-WS . and the e in Fr. they were pronounced as a single glide. ‘sheep’ [ ]. geond (giond) ‘through’.W. [eə] respectively. mangiare ‘to eat’. ea and a (Washington. early WS . mangeant. ‘foe’. sēcean as [ ] sengean as [ ]. Thus ‘became’ would be pronounced [wεərθ].Kuhn and R. in the long diphthongs.C. .< previous page page_14 next page > Page 14 Diphthongs which arose from the development of a glide-vowel between palatal c or g and one of the front vowels (a special feature of WS) were probably at first rising. Trans.
L.E. C was the symbol both of the plosive consonant [k] and the affricate [t∫]. Trans. ŌE r initially may well have been strongly trilled as in Mod.Scots. Language xxix (1953). Z was very rare. n. cf also M. One of the chief defects of the OE alphabet from a phonetic point of view was that the symbols c and g each had to serve for a variety of sounds. cniht ‘boy’ had initial [k]. It may be most convenient for the nonspecialist student to pronounce both these varieties of h medially or finally like the ch in Scots loch or in Welsh generally. thus candel ‘candle’. ‘The Study of Old English Phonology’. By the time < previous page page_15 next page > . Consonants The following consonant symbols had much the same value as they have in Mod. and x (=[ks]). scūr ‘shower’)—the r-sound of much American speech and heard also in south-western dialects of England.. § 202. according to the back or front quality of the proximate vowel in early OE (see § 22. 15–28. ofer ‘over’ [ ]. l. and cyrice ‘church’ [t∫yrit∫ə]. K is rarely used but is sometimes found in place of c as the symbol for a plosive consonant (as in Mod. d. but medially or finally it became a palatal or velar fricative according to the front or back quality of the proximate vowel and was pronounced like the ch in Germ. 1952. 143–56. ( ) ‘other’ with [ ].) before a front vowel: thus kyning ‘king’. See further. See further. were voiceless fricatives initially and finally. fīf ‘five’ [ ].E. but ‘goods’ was pronounced [ ]. § 176. pp. the initial sounds in Mod. ich [ç] (palatal) or ach [x] (velar). cōl ‘cool’. 20. orthography: b. H initially was much as in Mod. OE ‘high’ as [ ]. 19. cild ‘child’ [t∫Ild]. s. Phil. p. genesan ‘to be saved’ with [z]. w. sits beside raisin ): thus sittan ‘to sit’ with [s].< previous page page_15 next page > Page 15 the Old English Digraph Spellings’. ‘to think’ with [θ]. and may have sounded as [ts] or [dz] according to position. bæ(d)zere ‘baptist’.E.E.E. but the same symbol was used for the fricative (‘burred’) sound in some positions. F. t. but were voiced between vowels (cf Mod. note).Samuels. Soc. cumbol ‘banner’. for example. for example. keep and cheap respectively. m. especially pp. notably before consonants and finally ( heard ‘hard’. for the more usual cyning.
fratello. for example gāt ‘goat’. long consonants had been shortened in many cases. judge. boga ‘bow’ Chaucer [ ]. In the earlier period. the biliteral sc had come to represent the single consonant sound [∫] heard initially in Mod.E. sometimes heard in German sagen. it was sounded [j] (the initial sound in Mod. in all positions. when the proximate vowel had front quality. in poetry. good. The only one of these sounds which is difficult for present-day English-speakers is the [ ] value of g. Normally. thus dragan ‘to draw’ [ ]. so too hl as in hlūd ‘loud’ is to be pronounced as a voiceless l-sound (like that heard in Welsh Llan-) and hr as in hring ‘ring’ is to be pronounced as a voiceless r-sound. Similarly the biliteral hw as in hwæt ‘what’ is to be pronounced as the voiceless sound heard in Mod. 21.E. it had the value of the velar fricative [ ] (the Germ. ship and in the OE form scip. for example secgan ‘to say’ [ ]. students are advised for ordinary reading purposes to pronounce this g as [w].E. gatto or the single consonant sounds heard in a few Mod.І for example gif ‘if’ [ ]. ‘ ach-laut’ voiced). Chaucer [ ].E. the c of cnāwan ‘to know’. wing ) of OE ‘wet’. guma ‘man’. gnornian ‘to mourn’. The biliteral cg was the symbol of the voiced affricate [ ] heard initially and finally in Mod.could alliterate only with other words beginning with sc-. after or between back vowels. no letters are to be left unsounded in reading OE. however. compounds like lamp-post . as distinct from the voiced labio-velar [w] (as in Mod. words beginning with sc. and probably universally in final position.< previous page page_16 next page > Page 16 of Classical OE. as distinct from the normal voiced l and r < previous page page_16 next page > . and in view of the subsequent development of the words concerned.E. in such words as fanciullo. ‘thane’ [θεjən]. yes ). resembling the long consonants of Ital. OE had many long or lengthened consonants represented in writing by doubling. the g of gnornian ‘to mourn’ must be clearly heard before the following consonant.E. fuglere ‘fowler’ [ ]. for example āgan ‘to own’ [ ]. By the period of Classical OE. OE g (which was written with the Irish-Latin form till this began to be replaced by the Carolingian form g from the Continent in the twelfth century) was used as follows: initially before consonants and back vowels it represented the plosive consonant [g] as in Mod. hence the w of wrītan ‘to write’.Scots what.
It is a good rule on the whole to look for guidance in doubtful cases to the practice of Mod. . alike. form each . as in cynn ‘race’ [kyn] from Gmc *kunj-. the fact that the c in is an affricate and not a plosive may be suggested by the affricate in the Mod. nor was the orthography of scribes regularly self-consistent.E. for example. eərlə wεərθ fundən. In conclusion.E. may occasionally upset the correspondence. Thus.E.L. especially Norse.E. There are inevitably exceptions to the above general rules of pronunciation. resulting in the sequence heard in Mod. The OE group ng (for which runic writing had a separate symbol. finger (as opposed to singer).E. Foreign influence. here are the first eleven lines of Beowulf in a ‘broad’ phonetic transcription to represent the pronunciation of Ælfric’s time. however. for example.< previous page page_17 next page > Page 17 of OE and Mod. kin and keen serve as a guide and reminder. as for instance where the Norse plosive g has replaced the OE initial fricative in give and get (contrast Chaucer’s form yive ). θæs . 23.E. a preceding c or g tended to remain a plosive consonant. n before c similarly gives [ŋ] followed by the plosive [k]. (aided if possible by ME) wherever the OE word has survived. ∫yld meədusεtla . undər weərθmyndum . OE singan ‘to sing’ [ ] drincan ‘to drink’ [ ] 22. The text followed is that of C. which was the period when the extant MS of this far older poem was copied. Here too Mod.Wrenn (London 1953): hwæt in θrym . called ‘ing’ ) is generally the symbol of two sounds. Where OE front vowels in the stem of a word are due to the i-mutation (see § 208) of an originally back vowel. < previous page page_17 next page > . the velar nasal [ŋ] (the final sound in Mod. sing) followed by the voiced plosive [g]. or cēne ‘bold’ [ ] from Gmc *kōnj-.
< previous page page_18 next page > . to make all inflexional endings as indeterminate as they must have been in the speech of c. 1000.< previous page Page 18 him . Nor have we indicated the OE changes in vowel-length (see § 199). since students will find them similarly not indicated in their texts. θæt wæs We have hesitated. gyldan. page_18 next page > jyldan. for reasons stated in the note to § 13. as for instance in funden. glossaries. and the dictionaries.
on adjectives. N.Wright. and London 1951). 1951). se.Ardern.S. It must be remembered that these three genders concern grammatical agreement and do not reflect any logical contrast between (animate) masculine and feminine and (inanimate) neuter. adjective. Altenglische Grammatik nach… Sievers (Halle. OE nouns fall into three groups. They are further advised that their first steps in reading should be preceded or accompanied by a thorough study of selected noun. masculine. neuter and feminine. Nouns 25. and on pronouns. scip (§ 31). and K. they should proceed to the indefinite declension of adjectives ( trum.< previous page page_19 next page > Page 19 II INFLEXIONS General Note 24. wīfmann < previous page page_19 next page > . Old English Grammar (Oxford 1925). Primers which are to be thoroughly recommended are Norman Davis. . more advanced linguistic students will find more detailed treatment than is possible here in J. . Students who are working without a tutor and who have not previously made a start on the study of OE with the help of a primer are advised to learn by heart the paradigms and lists which are printed in bold-face type in the following paragraphs. Sweet’s Anglo-Saxon Primer (Oxford 1953) and P.Girvan. and follow this with the personal pronouns (§ 63). pronoun. and talu (§ 36). Thus after learning cyning (§ 26).. according as they require one or other form of the demonstratives se. and enforce corresponding agreement on the other demonstratives. (§ 65). thus OE bōc ‘book’ is feminine. § 50). First Readings in Old English (Wellington.Brunner. and verb paradigms before concentrating in turn on the difficulties and exceptions presented by each of these parts of speech. Angelsaksisch Handboek (Haarlem 1931). . 2nd ed. R.Z. the verb fremman (§ 70) and ‘to be’ (§ 87).
in -(e)na. and nom. The typical paradigm is as follows: sg. for example. bāt ‘boat’. On this pattern are declined the majority of masculine nouns. in -m . in -u or without ending. Some thirty per cent of the nouns he meets will be feminine. pl. and mægden ‘girl’ is neuter. and nom. in -a or -e. ending in a long vowel or diphthong have dat. in -an have gen. pl. less than one sixth will have both gen. in -es and nom. he will find a small balance of irregulars. pl. pl. almost all having gen. pl. pl. acc.. cyninges cyninga dat. § 124. Finally. in -as. < previous page page_20 next page > . ‘prince’. hengest ‘horse’. pl. again. . and nom. acc. about one fifth will have both gen. is dat. five-sixths of these will have gen. cyning cyningas gen. stān ‘stone’. sg. pl.. in -an. in -es and nom. but see further.< previous page page_20 next page > Page 20 ‘woman’ is masculine. sg. instr. in -an. twenty-five per cent of the nouns will be neuter. pl. sg. cyninge cyningum In the sg. while nouns with nom. hlāf ‘loaf’. in -um. in -(r)a and dat. see § 65. Forty-five per cent of all the nouns that the student will learn from his reading will be masculine. nom. nouns have gen. nearly four-fifths of these will have gen. sg. For the purposes of learning OE grammar. Regardless of gender. sg. sg. sg. in -e and nom. se cyning ‘the king’ cyningas acc. and there will be a few very common nouns of irregular pattern. pl. ‘oath’.instr. except that nouns which have gen. acc. acc. pl.. acc. acc. we may conveniently classify the noun declensions in five groups: A—General Masculine Declension B—General Neuter Declension C—General Feminine Declension D—The -an Declension E—Irregular Declensions A— GENERAL MASCULINE DECLENSION 26.
sg. nicor ‘monster’).< previous page page_21 next page > Page 21 Simplification of final double consonants (see § 196) sometimes produces discrepancies between inflected and uninflected forms: for example.i. Fæder ‘father’ has an uninflected d. for example.sg. sc(e)ōh. sc(e)ō..pl. the second vowel is often weakened to [ə] and spelt -e.a. in -na by analogy with nouns of the -an type (see §§ 40. winter ‘winter’ has a d. Bearu ‘grove’ and a few nouns with n.before endings (see § 189). n. 41 below).i.sg. fugol ‘bird’. notably eoh ‘horse’. or.in the pl. . wintra (see § 43) and n. Monosyllables with in n. such as wealh ‘foreigner’.in inflected cases. lose -h.sg. pl. g. In addition to syncopated masc. sc(e)ōs. sc(e)ō(u)m. though these appear also without syncope. see § 115. ‘protection’— . sc(e)ōna.sg.sg. Where the first syllable is long and the second short in dissyllabic nouns. pl. 28. pl. -rh.before inflexional endings: bearwes. sc(e)ōs. the second vowel is syncopated (see § 195) in inflected cases.). sc(e)ōn. wintru . they have g. wealh wealas dæg dagas g. ‘custom’— . weale wealum dæge dagum The few stems ending in a vowel plus h. for example hām. wealles. weal(l) ‘wall’. having a short first syllable and ending in a single consonant. engel ‘angel’. undergo loss of h with contraction in inflected cases. With dissyllables like heofon ‘heaven’. very late. forms on neuter patterns: winter. hōh ‘heel’. have -a. (see § 192).a. mearh ‘horse’. Thus: sg. .sg. syncope occurs also with a few nouns which have short first syllable (thus. Stems in -lh. thus sg. sg. 27.a. forms ending in a diphthong have -w. sc(e)ōh ‘shoe’. < previous page page_21 next page > .pl. On other cases of uninflected d. ‘servant’— . forms like those of other nouns in this class. and sometimes an uninflected g. for example.sg. weales weala dæges daga d. dryhtnes ). ‘devil’. heofenas . A long syllable is one which has a long vowel or which ends in a long consonant or in a consonant cluster. etc. with lengthening of an originally short stem-vowel (see § 189). dryhten ‘lord’ (g. fæder (compare § 47.
herie. her(i)ges.< previous page page_22 next page > Page 22 29. with double consonant: hyssas. and many are recorded with alternative n. As well as having inflexions on the above pattern. a few.i. bæcere ‘baker’ bæceras g. mere ‘lake’. racial and tribal names such as Dene ‘Danes’ (g. wini(ge)a . mete ‘food’. ylfe ‘elves’. slege ‘blow’.a. pl. n. her(i)ge. B— GENERAL NEUTER DECLENSION 31. (a) Many nouns of two or more syllables and ending in -e are declined as follows: sg. as wine).pl.sg.pl. stede stedum Wine ‘friend’ has. d. A few nouns had the -e plural regularly: ylde ‘men’. bæceres bæcera d. ‘wheat’.pl. n. hyrde ‘shepherd’. (b) Also found with inflexions like bæcere are bite ‘bite’. in addition. which may be in -u (especially short-stemmed < previous page page_22 next page > . cyme ‘arrival’.a.pl. bæcere bæcerum Here belong other agent nouns in -ere (see §§ 164.. 30. wlite ‘beauty’. gripe ‘grasp’. ‘people’. appear throughout the pl. notably hyse ‘young man’. here ‘raiding force’ sometimes has a medial [j]. n. Seaxna).i. Myrce ‘Mercians’ and Seaxe ‘Saxons’ (g. 172). heries. herias.sg. cwide ‘saying’. Neuter nouns in general differ from masculines only in the n. variant forms of the g. Historically. the nouns in § 29 b do not belong to the same declension as that which gave rise to the endings of most General Masculine nouns. her(i)g(e)as.pl. hyge ‘mind’. and. Engle ‘Englishmen’. variously spelt.pl. etc.a. pl.: wina.a. Myrcna. (see § 194). byre ‘son’. This alternative paradigm is often found with stede ‘place’: sg. forms. stede stede g.a. above all. especially in early texts. mettum (see § 194). stedes steda d. and dissyllables such as ende ‘end’. in oblique cases: g.
fæsten ‘stronghold’.a. see § 189. scipes scipa d. wed(d) ‘pledge’. sg. searu ‘device’.in the pl.sg. n. lim ‘limb’. feores feora d. Like scip are bod ‘command’. feorh ‘life’. færes. and pl. beddum. feoh ‘property’.sg. are as follows: sg.. thus wēsten(n) ‘desert’ (n. we find -a. ‘track’.in the pl.i.in the sg. flet(t) ‘floor’. Simplification of final double consonants (see § 196) produces some discrepancies as between n.sg. farum (see § 192). on the one hand and g. and pl. scipe scipum The n. so too.a. Like land are bān ‘bone’. pl. -et(t) double the n or t before endings. n. derivative neuter nouns in -en(n). brim ‘sea’. faru.: fær ‘journey’. n. gewrit ‘writing’.sg. Where the stem vowel is ĭ in n. eo in the pl.a.. so too fæt Vessel’. The paradigms of two common nouns in -h. sweord ‘sword’. Where the medial consonant cluster in inflected forms ends in w (as in bealwes ‘of evil’). fara. ‘sheep’. landes landa d. ending is sometimes -o. folc ‘people’.i. 33. it sometimes appears as io.d. ends in -u (bealu). and pl. Similarly. cyn(n) ‘race’. pl.< previous page page_23 next page > Page 23 monosyllables) or have no ending (especially long-stemmed monosyllables.pl. see § 188): sg. ‘space’. stem vowel is . In < previous page page_23 next page > .a. fære. the n. bed(d) ‘bed’ beside beddes.a.i. so too. etc.a. land ‘the land’ land g. on the other: thus. smeoru ‘fat’.sg. bearn ‘child’. and a few others. wēstennu). gied(d) ‘song’. geat ‘gate’ has -ea. scip ‘the ship’ scipu g. feore feorum For the forms. teoru ‘tar’.pl. lande landum 32. etc. -a.: liomu ‘limbs’ (see § 214). (see § 204).a.a. Where the n..a. etc.i. feorh feorh feoh g.
(a) In general. 34. etc. . wundru.pl. yrfe ‘inheritance’. though uninflected plurals like . ‘straw(s)’. ‘animal’— . have alternative forms in the pl. There are many neuter nouns with n. n. thus werod ‘troop’. . and ‘tree(s)’. may have short or long vowels: . though syncopated forms of wæter (wætres. wītes wīta d. Dissyllabic nouns other than the types already mentioned display considerable variation in two respects: (a) the n. wund(u)r ‘wonder’. On the other hand. reced ‘house’. g. ‘errand’. < previous page page_24 next page > .d. Some nouns of this type. (b) As regards syncope of the second vowel. ‘weapon’ have usually the same forms in n. tunglu. werodes. rīc(i)u. all n.pl. see § 194. The position is similar with a number of nouns which appear sometimes spelt as dissyllables with long first syllable and sometimes without the second vowel in uninflected cases: thus tāc(e)n ‘sign’.a.sg. this phenomenon is found especially with rīce: n. and pl.a. and -u forms are usual with yfel ‘evil’.). rīce ‘kingdom’.i. wīte ‘punishment’ wītu g.a. if they are original ja-stems.pl.a.sg.a. 35. wæter ‘water’ has frequent -u plurals (both wæteru and wætru). wætru) are common enough. rīc(i)um. with a palatal vowel before the endings.pl. but late forms with -u are not uncommon. and others. and pl.< previous page page_24 next page > Page 24 knee(s)’...sg. ‘wing’. wīte wītum Thus.i. and n. (in -u or without ending). and (b) the syncope or retention of the second vowel before inflexions.pl.pl. also occur.a.a.i. dissyllables with short first syllable decline like land. rīc(e)a. this is unusual where the first syllable is short ( recedes. pl. with uninflected n.a. and others. ‘thousand’— ). but they may also have -u plurals (tācnu. tung(o)l ‘star’. the majority of dissyllables with long first syllable have -u plurals throughout OE ( ‘head’— . in -e which are declined as follows: sg. the g. spere ‘spear’.. ) . d.sg.
longstemmed nouns with n. hwīl ‘space of time’. and many others. are very rarely without syncope in inflected cases: tācnes. there is no difference throughout the paradigm: sg. glōfe glōfum It must be noted (a) that the n. ending in a consonant. Like glōf are bōt ‘advantage’. is often -(e)na. glōfe glōfa g. and others.i.sg.d. in -u while many others (especially those with long stems) have n. 38. of both types sometimes ends in -e. which often lack a second vowel in n. .sg. apart from this. brycg ‘bridge’. in -u include ‘native land’. though all of these have both alternative sg.pl.sg. tale talum n.sg. glōf ‘the glove’ glōfa a. For the rest. Several nouns which may or may not have < previous page page_25 next page > . nouns with long first syllable and with a single consonant after the second vowel normally show syncope in g.< previous page page_25 next page > Page 25 Nouns like tāc(e)n. on the other hand. and (b) that the g. tale tala g. forms without ending and alternative a. ‘feud’. . forms for the most part with the second vowel preserved ( ). talu ‘the tale’ tala a.a. Many feminine nouns (especially those with short stems) have n. pl. Like talu are andswaru ‘answer’.pl.g. forms in -u. 37. cwalu ‘killing’.pl. though this is usually resisted before -u and one finds n. c(e)aru ‘grief’.i. ‘prosperity’. sorg ‘sorrow’. eaxl ‘shoulder’. sacu ‘strife’. C— GENERAL FEMININE DECLENSION 36. glōfe glōfa d.a.sg. and pl.a. n.sg. ( ).i. tale tala d.d. and pl. rōd ‘cross’.. etc. ending. especially of the short-stemmed nouns. ecg ‘edge’.i. and ‘strength’.
a. Inflexional endings in a number of nouns are preceded by -w. less usually in -e.sg. miht ‘power’. 170) such as leornung ‘learning’ have alternative forms in -a for a. notably a g. such as frōfor ‘comfort’. in -a. 39. dissyllables with long first syllable.sg. wyrd ‘fate’.g.a. sāwol ‘soul’.i. g.sg. sib(b) ‘kinship’. thus.sg.pl.i.g. such as firen ‘violence’. and derivatives in -en(n) and -nes(s) such as byrgen(n) ‘tomb’. though here again analogy sometimes causes them to adopt the commoner feminine a. and n.pl.pl..pl. brū ‘eyebrow’ has the following pl. ). forms: n. . with a d. pl.i.. Derivatives in -ung (see §§ 164. < previous page page_26 next page > . ides ‘woman’.sg. uninflected n. d. ‘river’ is usually unchanged throughout the sg. are declined like glōf without syncope of the second vowel (e.sg.< previous page page_26 next page > Page 26 a final double consonant in n.. but several variants occur. in -e . Dissyllables with short first syllable.i. always have the double consonant in the rest of the paradigm: thus ben(n) ‘wound’.sg.a. sāwla . ‘meadow’ (a. Valour’. .. bēn ‘prayer’.a. ‘deed’ g. have syncope before endings but are otherwise like glōf: frōfre. beadwe. ‘misery’ has an alternative form throughout the sg.a. with a d.g. cwēn ‘woman’.g. n. these also usually differ from the majority of feminine nouns in having identical. it may appear vocalised as -u or (after a long syllable) be entirely absent. The distinctive paradigm is as follows: sg. tīd ‘time’. hel(l) ‘Hell’. wyn(n) ‘joy’. sceadwe ). While most feminine nouns have their usual n. d. brūna.although in the n. sceadu ‘shadow’ (a.d. firenum ). wēn ‘expectation’. gōdnes(s) ‘goodness’. . fyrd ‘levy’.pl. and indeed oblique cases of sometimes lack the -w..sg. a number of common ones have their n. brū(w)a. the paradigm is otherwise like glōf. So too. less usually in -a.pl.. and several others.a. ‘claw’ is usually declined clawe etc. etc. ‘necessity’. brū(w)um. and n.i.a. in -e. beadu ‘battle’.(§ 187).
pl. masculines are gefā ‘foe’. ‘lord’. ) and sometimes fem. ‘joy’. notably wilna ( willa ‘desire’). . boda ‘messenger’ (and other agent nouns in -a. A small number of masculines and feminines have n. and n.pl. gumena byrnena d. in -na. the d. ‘lion’ sometimes has the -n.pl.i. gumum byrnum Like guma are bana ‘killer’.pl. D— THE -AN DECLENSION 40. n. and has a d. form for g. . and -n for the other cases. fem.n. forms. and also two neuters (with n.a. byrne ‘coat of mail’. nama ‘name’. n. thus guma ‘man’. ox(n)um.of the Latin oblique cases ( ).pl. ). 41. n. -m for d.sg..d. in -e ). ‘sea’ is sometimes masc. (pl.sg.sg. . tunge ‘tongue’.pl.a.a. .sg.pl. . Like byrne are cyrice ‘church’.i.pl.i.i. guman byrnan g. or .sg.a. d. (g. see § 161 c ). sometimes preceded by the n of other cases (tānum).a. These are inflected by adding -na to the n.sg. n.a. and many others. < previous page page_27 next page > . ending in a long vowel or diphthong. neut. ‘doubt’. in -a ) and feminines (with n. .i.a. and many others.d. In addition.. feminines are ‘bee’. as well as g. guman byrnan d.i.sg. sg. oxan.pl.i. are alternative g. exen. oxna.i.sg. se guma byrne a. is sometimes re-formed with -um ( ). A few nouns in this class have g. oxa ‘ox’ has g. heorte ‘heart’. Like is ‘ear’.sg. ‘eye’ respectively: masc.. ‘earth’. guman byrnan g.n.pl. ‘lady’. (g. tā ‘toe’. in -e ) belong here. g. d. d.pl. . guman byrnan pl. form . . flā ‘arrow’.i. tungna. Many masculines (with n.pl. we find uninflected forms throughout the sg.pl.< previous page page_27 next page > Page 27 With ‘law’ (earlier ). ‘woe’.pl.) ‘Swedes’.
a. in other words. are as follows: masc. (b) -ru plurals Here belong the following neuter nouns: ‘egg’. < previous page page_28 next page > .< previous page page_28 next page > Page 28 E— IRREGULAR DECLENSIONS 42. and some others. wudu ‘wood’. we had a more strictly philological aim and were viewing the development of Indo-European nouns as a whole. on the other hand. n. forms of the General type) ‘floor’. we might say that the nouns in the present group were more ‘regular’ than many of those previously listed. meodu ‘mead’.a. cweorn ‘mill’. and n. hond ‘hand’: sg. 44 . If. (d) mutation plurals. (a) -a plurals Here belong the masculines sunu ‘son’. fem. We may sub-divide the irregular nouns into four groups. pl. (b) -ru plurals. It will be seen that sunu and hond differ only in the n. and the feminines duru ‘door’. while belonging in the main to the General Masculine or Feminine Declensions. on the loss or retention of -u. weald ‘forest’. sumor ‘summer’.i. these nouns have various inflexional patterns substantially different from the four main types already dealt with. flōr (also with masc. since by reason of their frequency of occurrence they have retained to a much greater extent the identity and individuality of old declensional patterns. The nouns to be considered here are more ‘irregular’ than those in the preceding paragraphs only from the point of view of learning OE. feld ‘field’. (c) uninflected plurals. 43 . ford ‘ford’. whereas many nouns in the foregoing sections have lost their f ormer inflexions and taken on other endings.a.pl. sunu hond suna honda g. winter ‘winter’. eard ‘native land’. sidu ‘custom’. see § 188..sg. classified by the plural forms: (a) -a plurals. nosu ‘nose’. suna honda suna honda d. suna honda sunum hondum The form sunu is sometimes carried through the sg. Other nouns having some forms like sunu and hond.
sg.a. n. the second a few nouns which have before inflexions. forms in -as. (c) uninflected plurals We have here three sub-groups.. ealu ‘ale’.throughout the pl.a. pl.i. d. has medial -e.d. etc. cealf. may or may not have syncope of the -ethroughout. ealu appears as in g. n. g. d. § 31).a.i. only) ‘bread crumbs’. and the first two are recorded more rarely with General Masculine inflexions. lomb ‘lamb’: sg. cild ‘child’. and a neuter. is declined thus: sg. rīdendes rīdendra d.a.pl.. and in n. < previous page page_29 next page > . The fem. ‘maiden’.d. ‘month’. cealf ‘calf’.sg. the third comprising some nouns of relationship.sg. in -e and -as.pl.d. may be . and pl. it is uninflected in the sg. rīdend ‘rider’ rīdend g. pl. g. pl.a.i. and the only pl. The defective neut.a. a feminine. rīdende rīdendum Nouns of this kind are found also with n.i.pl. In the first sub-group belong a considerable number of masculine agent nouns which end in -end (see § 171): sg. Cild.: . . but g. n.< previous page page_29 next page > Page 29 (pl. the one comprising nouns in -end. In the second sub-group we have the masculines ‘hero’. and lomb appear also with General Neuter inflexions (like land.i. form recorded is the gen.i. 46. and sometimes with -r. both and also have n.or syncope in g. . 45.
Like these is sweostor ‘sister’ except that this is unchanged in d. in this group is sometimes recorded in -e without mutation (e. -e-).i. mēder) . ). dohtru. here belong also ‘foe’. bēc. sg. .g. brōc ‘breeches’.a.a. On the mutated form in dohtor. see § 26.a. n. mōdra. fēt fōtum The instr. (d) mutated plurals The masc. n.< previous page page_30 next page > Page 30 47. byrig .i. -ru. pl. . ‘friend’ (n. (dehter.a.sg. fōt ‘foot’ fēt g. fōtes fōta d. d. The fem. ). see §§ 208ff. forms . which have alternative n. paradigm is as follows: sg. and the fem. Like fōt is ‘tooth’.pl. forms . n. gēs gōsum Like gōs are bōc ‘book’. and the latter two are found also with mutation in g. form with mutation and without ending: e. pl. mōdor have alternative n. byr(i)g). -ra. fōte).a. which is declined mainly on the General Masc.sg. On fæder ‘father’. pl. pattern.pl.i. mōdor ‘mother’. dohtor ‘daughter’: sg. In the third sub-group are the masc. A minor variation is repre- < previous page page_30 next page > .a. scrūd ‘garment’ has forms like land (§ 31) but with an alternative d. burg ‘fortress’ (n. dohtor. Some of these are recorded with an alternative g. and a few others. gōse gōsa d.a. lūs ‘louse’ and mūs ‘mouse’ (n. paradigm is as follows: sg.pl.pl. 48. g. The neut. .pl. gōs ‘goose’ gēs g.pl.a. ‘brother’.a. ). On imutation.a. here belong also āc ‘oak’ (n.g.pl. mann ‘man’ and wīfmann ‘woman’ (n.sg. see § 207. 49.sg.
sg. comparatives.i. cūe.< previous page page_31 next page > Page 31 sented by hnutu ‘nut’ which has g.pl. manig ‘many’. and we occasionally find a weakened ending (spelt. The exceptions are eall ‘all’. 51. n. trum ‘firm’ trum trumu a. trumne trum trume g.i. trume trumu truma g. and d. cū. and ‘other’.neut. Cū ‘cow’ has g.pl.masc. all genders. n. In late texts the n.neut.g. sg.pl. lufsum ‘ami- < previous page page_31 next page > .sg. gram ‘fierce’.neut. hnyte. ordinal numerals (except ). There are two types of inflexion. genōg ‘enough’.a.fem.fem.sg.pl. and n. ‘hateful’. see § 116. the indefinite and the definite.a. . Adjectives 50.a. which take the definite inflexion. . cūs.pl. there being some points of difference over the n. g. d. hnute.i.pl. which are always indefinite. furh ‘furrow’ loses the h before inflexions.a.sg. and over the syncope or non-syncope of medial vowels. the following paradigm may be regarded as typical: masc.sg. is sometimes replaced by -o. trume trume trumre pl. for example. on the distinction in usage between the two.sg.g. as also compound adjectives in -lic and -sum (e. and for the most part superlatives. n. neut. trumum trumum trumum The -u of n. til ‘good’). trumes trumes trumre d. is often in e for all genders. for almost every adjective. trumum trumum trumre i. A. n.a.pl. -an ) replacing um in the d. and ilca ‘same’. and n. fem. The Indefinite Declension Although the indefinite inflexions are not exactly the same for all adjectives. Short-stemmed monosyllabic adjectives are declined on the above model (e. ‘few’. trumra trumra trumra d.a. cū(n)a.
and neut. ‘famous’.masc.neut. ‘near’ we find in addition the doubling of the consonant in the inflexions -ne.sometimes also appears before -um . only) is often an invariable n.. grēne ‘green’. thus blind ‘blind’. ‘true’.masc. cucone. where the stem vowel is . and the < previous page page_32 next page > . etc. grim(m) ‘grim’.pl. and there is an a. all genders.. So too compound adjectives in -isc.. and n. Cucu (cwicu) ‘living’ is not like gearu. with fāh ‘hostile’.g. thus ‘perverse’. have -a. . it is recorded with -u for a.i.a. except that the former have -e in n. differ also from trum in having -wbefore -e and -a. and neut. -weard.sg. Long-stemmed monosyllables differ from trum in being uninflected in n.pl. Adjectives whose uninflected stem ends in -h lose the h in inflected forms (see § 189).sg. and for n. and pl. .masc. but the distinctive inflexions of cucu are rare.sg.fem. Adjectives which have -u in the n. . but remains almost the only trace of a lost paradigm. and many other common adjectives. hwæt ‘bold’. -a are also common.before an inflexional vowel. The neuter form ‘few’ (pl. geolu ‘yellow’. rīce ‘powerful’.a.sg.sg.sg.masc. ‘dear’. Adjectives like glæd ‘happy’. wīs ‘wise’. and -ra.sg. a more frequent form being cwic. ealre). eal(l) ‘all’. thus gearu ‘ready’ n. inflected like trum .sg.sg.< previous page page_32 next page > Page 32 able’). . all genders. ‘high’.sg. nearu ‘narrow’. form. Adjectives which have -e in the n.sg. swēte ‘sweet’. and n. Also declined like gearu are fealu ‘dark’.a.neut. The uninflected forms of certain adjectives sometimes end in a single. and -o-before consonants. -re. thus a. ‘noble’.masc. and other long-syllabled elements (see §§ 165. eallum). gearone a. g. -w. gearwes g. differ from trum in these respects only. and a few others. 171f).fem. for example. sometimes in a double consonant: e.sg.a. they usually have the single consonant before endings beginning with a consonant (grimne.neut. 52. ‘hostile’. glade beside a. though separate forms . Present and past participles belong here also.sg. the double consonant before endings beginning with a vowel (grimme. and n. where trum has -u (see § 188).a. glædne. and many others. and n.pl.fem.neut. ‘dead’. eald ‘old’.sg.masc.masc.sg. d.
crīsten ‘Christian’. Where the stressed syllable is long (as in ‘little’. fem. Where the stressed syllable is short (as in manig ‘many’.a. a.neut. .sg. are usually in -u ( . the n. truman truman truman g. frigne. adding -n etc. etc. though with micel and yfel syncopated forms ( miclum.pl. are almost always uninflected. ) and is not frequent with adjectives in -en (crīstenes) .pl. .fem. n..) are very frequent. -el. 53. etc. B.< previous page page_33 next page > Page 33 disappearance of the vowel from the remaining inflexions: . for oblique cases. for all genders .sg. Adjectives which have -w. where the conditions are the same as in the indefinite declension. and n. -en.) and analogical re-formations such as . frige.i.sg. etc.d. except that it tends to be resisted before -u ( . < previous page page_33 next page > . and similar pairs. The Definite Declension masc.sg.pl. -or (§§ 170ff).masc. ‘free’ has a variety of forms: a. neut. 54. swutoles. hālig ‘holy’). too. has -ena. but we also find single consonant forms ( .i. in such adjectives. and in late texts we sometimes find -an in n.a. trumra trumra trumra d.: se forman dæg ‘the first day’. n. hālge. yflum. swutol ‘clear’).sg.in the indefinite paradigm (§ 51) or syncope before certain inflexions (§ 53) have these throughout the definite declension except before the -ra g.a. syncope is usual before endings in or beginning with a vowel ( . hāligu). -ol.masc. trumum trumum trumum Sometimes the g.neut. Adjectives like (§ 52) have one n. the n. syncope is often resisted and one has forms like maniges.pl. .fem. truman trume truman g.sg. We come now to the dissyllabic (and in a few cases trisyllabic) adjectives in -ig. truman truman truman pl. and n. . . truma trume trume a. hālgum). sg.fem. -er.
the superlative ends in -ost(a). and n. and superl. their superl. and fem. snoterost ‘wisest’). etc. The comparative ends in -ra and is declined on the defintie pattern (§ 54). snoterra). 56. but also ). -ol. ending is generally recorded as -(e)st(a): eald ‘old’ yldra yldest feorr ‘far’ fyrra fyrrest geong ‘young’ gingra gingest ‘large’ ‘high’ lang ‘long’ lengra lengest sceort ‘short’ scyrtra scyrtest strang ‘strong’ strengra strengest < previous page page_34 next page > .sg. which originally took different suffixes. The commonest pattern of comparison is as follows: earm ‘poor’ earmra ‘poorer’ earmost ‘poorest’ heard ‘hard’ heardra heardost ‘dear’ Where the stem vowel of monosyllabic adjectives is . Adjectives.a.neut. -(e)st(a) and is also declined on the definite pattern except often for the n.sg. -ig. sometimes show syncope before the superlative ending and sometimes not ( cræftgost ‘strongest’. Several adjectives. the superlative has -a. show i-mutation in the comp.masc. with shortstemmed adjectives syncope is rare ( swutolost ‘clearest’. (§ 209). ‘happiest’.< previous page page_34 next page > Page 34 Camparison of Adjectives and Adverbs 55. Syncope is extremely rare before the comparative ending (cræftigra.(see § 192): glæd ‘glad’ glædra gladost Adjectives like gearu are compared as follows: gearu ‘ready’ gearora gearwost nearu ‘narrow’ nearora nearwost Adjectives like rīce drop the -e before the endings: ‘happy’ cēne ‘bold’ cēnra cēnost rīce ‘powerful’ rīcra rīcost Long-stemmed adjectives in -en. -er.
wyrst(a). beside betst(a). and superl. adjectives have no positive f orms at all but correspond to adverbs. Several other comp. except that it has alternative comp. primus. the commonest are: ( ‘before’) ‘earlier’ ‘first’ ( ‘eastwards’) ‘most easterly’ ‘more easterly’ (inne ‘inside’) innerra ‘inner’ innemest ‘inmost’ Like are ‘northwards’. like inne is ūte ‘outside’. with mutation.represents an old superl. the superl. and superl.< previous page page_35 next page > Page 35 Beside brādra. With a small number of adjectives. west ‘west-wards’. and superl. wi(e)r(re)st(a) . since the -m. we find betest(a). as it were. ends in -or. or . including . double superlatives. . forms with mutation. the comp. The examples in -mest are. suffix (cf Lat. ‘near’ has comp. -ost. . . have a different root from the positive: betra betst gōd ‘good’ sēlra sēlest ‘little’ micel ‘great’ māra yfel ‘evil’ wyrsa wyrst Beside betra. Adverbs. in -ost or -est: oft ‘often’ oftor oftost ‘quickly’ luflīce ‘lovingly’ luflīcor luflīcost < previous page page_35 next page > . The comp. brād ‘broad’ has mutated forms . 58. hīra. . 59. 57. but superl. -est. . bettra. we find also betera. ‘southwards’. optimus ) which survives in forma ‘first’ but of which there are few other OE examples. there are several variant forms for .
twelf twelfta 13. fīf fīfta 6.< previous page page_36 next page > Page 36 There are a few common exceptional forms (cf § 57): ‘little’ micle ‘much’ mā bet betst wel ‘well’ sēl sēlest yfle ‘ill’ wyrs wyrst Alternative forms include betest and wi(e)r(re)st. nigon 10. seldost . Numerals 60. etc. 70. sēft ‘more softly’. 5.) include lange ‘long’— leng—lengest. twentig 21. Cardinal Ordinal 1. and one or two others. seld(n)or. ān and twentig ān and 30. Seldan ‘seldom’ has comp. twēgen 3. hundeahtatig 90. syx syxta 7. endleofan endleofta 12. (beside ) ‘nearer’. 4. superl. fyrsta. fyrmest 2. seofon 8. hundendleofantig < previous page page_36 next page > . ān forma. Examples with i-mutation (besides bet. eahta 9. . 20. wyrs. 11. hundnigontig 100. hundseofontig 80. hund(red) 110. ‘more easily’.
-a. -e. 61.masc. g.i. Numerals in -tig are sometimes declined as neuter nouns (thus with a g. g. d. 22–29. we find periphrases such as æftemest on twām hundredum ‘last in the two hundred’. it means ‘only. etc. more frequently with adjectival inflexions agreeing with the items counted.a. bām. In place of ordinals corresponding to hund and . 62. Expressions such as syxa sum ‘one of six’ are special cases of the partitive genitive and are discussed in § 101. healf ‘two and a half’. The numerals for 14–19 are formed as for 13. 130–190. n. and fem.< previous page Page 37 page_37 next page > Cardinal Ordinal 120. Hund and are either invariable or are declined as neuter nouns.sg. g.pl.a. g. and fem.pl. -um . etc.pl. hundtwelftig 200. 200. neut. . and fem. twēg(r)a. masc.neut. 53). Like twēgen is bēgen ‘both’.e.a.a. and the n. except that beside ānne there is an alternative a. i. the n. can have both indefinite and definite inflexions (with the latter it means ‘alone’). fīfte healf hund ‘four hundred and fifty’.pl. may be inferred from the structure of 21. -u. d.pl. In the plural. is .i. but sometimes when they stand alone they take endings as follows: n. 120. ordinals with healf are used as follows: healf ‘one and a half’. neut.neut. . but frequently also with no inflexion at all. The first three cardinals are declined as follows. is also the n.. ‘two-hundredth’. as in mīla brād ‘thirty miles wide’). bā (bū).pl.i. unique’.a. All ordinals follow the definite declension (§ 54).sg. 40–60. note. .masc. 30.pl. or twām . . but ic fīfe ‘I see five’. The cardinals 4–19 are not usually declined when used attributively. Some of the idioms involving numerals should be noted. d. masc. and fem. Thus fīf menn ‘five men’. is twā (with an alternative neut form tū ). Twēgen is the n.. 300.a.i.pl. similarly. etc.. < previous page page_37 next page > . d. tū hund(red) (not recorded) 1000. bēg(r)a. except which always has the indefinite inflexions (§§ 50.
incer d. . ic wit wē a. neut. see § 120 c . him. see § 117: < previous page page_38 next page > . hire. Early texts sometimes have distinctive a. ūsic. n. masc.i. his. Possessive The genitives of all the personal pronouns were used as possessives. git gē a. his his hire hira d. Demonstrative On the distinction in usage between the following two demonstratives. incit. common n. dual pl. . hē hit hī a. their’. and hī. uncet. inc g. heora.i. an old reflexive. Personal First Person sg. pl. and sīn took the indefinite adjective inflexion.i. form sīn ‘his. etc. ūre as ūser. The possessives of the 1st and 2nd pers. inc Third Person sg. his. hire. hira were not declined. 65. her.< previous page page_38 next page > Page 38 Pronouns 63. mē unc ūs Second Person n. and to a small extent also the general 3rd pers. hine hit hī hī g. there is considerable variety of form: for example. fem. so too we find heom for d. mē unc ūs g. 64. hira often appear as . hine. often appear in 1WS spelt -y-.sg.: mec. him him hire him On the use of the personal pronouns as reflexive. hiere.i. hit. mīn uncer ūre d. forms of the 1st and 2nd pers. in the 3rd pers. often appears as .pl.
for . page_39 fem.. n. g. ‘anyone’. hwone hwæt g. etc. haý Beside (or hwī ). forms. neut. Indefinite The interrogatives hwā. i. -y. forms hwon (in the phrases for or tō hwon ‘why’) and hū ‘how’. sg. see §§ 120 b. etc.. etc.. Alternative forms among the demonstratives included: for . (b) ‘this’ masc. hwā ‘who’ has only masc. (a) se ‘the. hwæne for hwone. which are as follows: masc. the n. other alternative forms are hwām for . and many other forms of indefinite pronouns were built around these three: āhwā. < previous page page_39 next page > . etc. 66.< previous page Page 39 sg.sg. hwā hwæt a. i. se and had a long vowel.a. ‘any(one). any(thing)’. d.n. hwelc could be used indefinitely. neut. hwelc (or hwylc) ‘which (of many)’ are declined with the indefinite adjective inflexion. 153. 67. d. and neut. neut. se common common pl. In pronominal functions (§ 120 a ). On the forms of relative pronoun. gehwylc. āhwelc. for . Interrogative ‘which (of two)’. ‘each one’.for -i-. next page > fem. . gehwā. .masc. there exist the instr. a. g. hwæs hwæs d.n.i. that’ masc.
‘I don’t know who’). swelc (swylc) ‘such’. āuht) ‘anything’. nāthwelc ‘someone’ (lit. .. Verbs 68.. swelc is like hwelc. these irregular verbs are of several types. etc. Hwā. ‘such’. The numerical preponderance of the consonantal type is accounted for to a large extent by the fact that this type comprises very many verbs which are of rare occurrence (compare in Mod. too. the productive and influential conjugation. Almost three-quarters of the verbs that a student will meet in his OE reading will be of the consonantal conjugation. beside the common ones < previous page page_40 next page > . . man or mon ‘one’ (see §§ 120 e. verbs of the other main type of conjugation have tended to lose their distinctive inflexions and to take on those of the consonantal conjugation. ‘any’.. and many display features both of the consonantal and of the vocalic conjugations. ‘at all’. hwæthwugu ‘something’. etc. etc. these three main groups are of approximately equal importance. wiht (and its compounds and variants such as āwiht. ‘each one’. signify. .E. . Thus in order of numerical importance. swā hwā swā. 131). etc. and irregular verbs.< previous page page_40 next page > Page 40 . This second type. There remains a very small balance of irregular verbs. and (or ) take the indefinite adjective inflexions. From the point of view of frequency. often called ‘weak’ conjugation. Other indefinite pronouns include ‘each’. which comprises about one-quarter of the verbs that the student will meet.. the rest of the forms are invariable. and practically all new verbs that have been formed or adopted since the earliest OE times are in this category. vocalic. hwelc are declined as stated in § 66. though wiht has -es and -e endings in adverbial function. hwelchwugu ‘someone’. however. nāthwā. is the vocalic (often called ‘strong’) conjugation. crystallise. and has remained. the relatively rare verbs of this kind like gesticulate. amounting only to about one-fiftieth of the verbs in the students’ glossaries. and several others. This was. From earliest OE times. we have consonantal. ‘whoever’.
(7) There are in general but two imperative forms. sing.. (2) The pret. and pret. indic.sg.< previous page page_41 next page > Page 41 like love and hate ).sg. pl. sg. and past participle. pl. since these are the commonest verbs in the language. Mood (6) The pres. but a distinctive 2 p. (5) Consonantal and most irregular verbs have a dental suffix in all preterite forms (herian—herede). in Mod. pl. in . Non-finite forms (8) Infinitives end in -(i)an. drink. past participles normally have the prefix ge. indic.) must be learnt very carefully. pl. 2 p. subj. second. General Notes on Verb Inflexions Person (1) The pres.sg. ends in -e. and the pres. pl. are in -e. indic. the pret. 3 p.E. vocalic verbs form the preterite with changes of stem-vowel (bindan—band—bundon) . alone has distinctive forms for the first. in . will. -e vocalic). On the other hand. and third persons. (3) The pres. and pl.). and pret. pret. show no distinctions of person.pl.pl. -a. sg. the very small number of irregular verbs ( be. The whole paradigm of a given verb can be inferred from selected items (principal parts) as follows: infinitive (and pres. 1 and 3 p. and a 2 p. a 2 p. 69. in -st. in -en . the smaller total number of vocalic verbs are for the most part very common and are of high frequency in texts (compare in Mod. almost always ends in . or without ending. indic.sg. write ).. (vocalic verbs only). has identical 1 and 3 p. 3 p. indic. 1–3 p. and pret. sg. Tense (4) The pres. etc. in -e.and end in -ed (consonantal) or -en (vocalic). subj. 1 p. can. < previous page page_41 next page > . always in -on. no ending vocalic). ( -est consonantal. indic.sg. indic.sg. Above all.E. sg. indic. present participles in -(i)ende. forms ( -e consonantal.
129f.sg. but bitst. . endings has almost always been lost. note. On assimilation.sg. indic. . thus we have. 197. instead of *setde. and is not universal even with other verbs. . The stem of infinitives in this class almost always has a mutated vowel (see §§ 209. . is found in -u.. later -o in Anglian texts. see §§ 131. We may broadly distinguish two sub-classes. On voice and aspect. . not . . not *biddst. but . See also § 76. The prefix ge.of the 2 and 3 p.is not found with past participles which already have a prefix (such as be-. . thus we have. and this earlier ending is found in some texts. lufian ‘let us love’. for example: *-(d)dst. see further §§ 191. git) immediately follow: gē ‘do you need?’ There is a rare 1 p.in the pret. . bit(t). Class II. 70. we find sette ‘set’. beside we find ‘proclaimed’. nerian ‘save’. The main distinctive features of these classes and sub-classes are illustrated in the paradigms of fremman ‘perform’. wit. is found in -es in Nb texts. after dentals and long syllables: see § 191) was likewise accompanied by assimilation.pl. 1 p. etc. forms of all tenses and moods in -e when the pronouns (wē. with the result that the -st. or (b) a long vowel regardless of the following consonant. sittan ‘sit’. 163). in -(e)st is generally reckoned a development of -es before the initial dental of the pron. coming immediately after the stem occasion a number of assimilations. from ‘loosen’. CONSONANTAL TYPE There are two main classes of consonantal verbs. -t(t). imperat.sg. Syncope of the -e.sg. There are alternative 1 and 2 p. ‘lead’. Class I. sit(t) from biddan ‘pray’. and for individual verbs the student’s attention is directed to the principal parts as listed in the paragraphs to follow. In WS the -e. >-tst. This class comprises almost all verbs with infinitives in -ian other than those which have -rbefore this ending. -on: fremman ‘let us do’. for-). the vast majority have unmutated stem vowels (see § 163). instead of . the 2 p. -t(t) resp.< previous page page_42 next page > Page 42 The pres.pl. dental suffix of consonantal verbs (broadly speaking. dēman ‘judge’. ‘proclaim’. *-ssl. gē. in -an. or a short vowel followed by a consonant cluster other than a doubling. . >-st. according as the infinitive stem has (a) a short vowel followed by a double consonant or -ri-. lufian ‘love’: < previous page page_42 next page > . the 3 p. .
. thus nerige. gē. g(e) may also replace i (nerg(e)an. ind. fremme nerie dēme lufie 1–3 sg. spelt g. hē(&c) 1–3 pl. hē(&c) 1–3 pl.< previous page page_43 next page > Page 43 Present I(a) I(b) II Indic. gē. ind. 1–3 pl. 1. ic. 3 sg. wē. ic fremme nerie dēme lufie fremest nerest dēmst lufast 2 sg. . hē(&c) fremede nerede dēmde lufode fremedest neredest dēmdest lufodest 2 sg. lufgende). freme nere dēm lufa 2 pl. hī fremeden nereden dēmden lufoden Participle gefremed genered gedēmed gelufod The dual pronouns. 71. lufigende. fremede nerede dēmde lufode 1–3 sg. dynnan ‘resound’. Other common Class I verbs are as follows: infin. past pple pres. ic. pret. hī fremedon neredon dēmdon lufodon Subj. 3 sg. gē. settan ‘set’ sett sette -sett < previous page page_43 next page > . 1 sg. wē. accompany the same verb forms as wē and gē. and ge may also come between i and a (nerigean). hē. wit and git. gē. hit 1–3 pl. (a) āswebban ‘kill’ āswefede āswefed trymman ‘strengthen’ trymede getrymed Like trymman are cnyssan ‘strike’. 2 sg. wē. hī fremmen nerien dēmen lufien Imperat. Between i and e we often find [j]. wē. ic. Participle fremmende neriende dēmende lufiende Preterite Indic. . 1 & 3sg. 3 sg. hī Subj.
on the loss of -w-. fyllan ‘fill’ fylde -fylled So too cennan ‘bring forth’. lettan ‘hinder’. ‘leave’. ‘teach’ So too ‘unite’. ‘enlarge’. fēdan ‘feed’. herian ‘praise’. ‘believe’. both verbs have alternative pret. < previous page page_44 next page > . cyssan ‘kiss’ cyste -cyssed ‘carry out’ Like are befæstan ‘secure’. swencan ‘molest’. ‘expel’. gyrwan ‘prepare’ gyrede -gyr(w)ed So too (be)syrwan ‘ensnare’. ‘hear’. spyrian ‘inquire’. lecgan ‘lay’ legde -legd (-lēd) derian ‘injure’ derede -dered Like derian are erian ‘plough’. ‘teach’. ‘moisten’. ferian ‘carry’. mētan ‘meet’. ‘heed’. ‘heal’. wēnan ‘expect’. ‘rout’. ‘raise’. timbran ‘build’. werian ‘defend’. ‘proclaim’ So too ‘lament’. formed with -t-. nemnan ‘name’ nemde -nemned bētan ‘make amends’ bētt bētte -bēted ‘increase’ Like bētan and . are grētan ‘greet’. ‘share’. sendan ‘send’ sent sende -send So too andwyrdan ‘answer’. see § 197.< previous page page_44 next page > Page 44 Like settan are cnyttan ‘bind’. ‘thirst’. forms with . wendan ‘turn’. with pret. (b) bærnan ‘burn up’ bærnde -bærned Like bærnan are ‘set free’. ‘reach’. fyllan ‘fell’. ‘compel’. bytlan ‘build’ bytlede -bytled So too frēfran ‘comfort’. spendan ‘spend’. cyrran ‘turn’. wēstan ‘lay waste’. fēran ‘travel’.
leccan ‘moisten’. dwellan ‘hinder’. There are a few fairly rare contracted verbs. gaderian ‘gather’. ‘teach’. clipian ‘call’. . āscian ‘ask’. folgian ‘follow’. ‘exalt’. but this is rare. heri(ge)an ‘ravage’. fandian ‘test’. and assimilation increase the irregularity of these verbs (see §§ 184f. læccan. . eardian ‘dwell’. ‘boast’. stellan ‘place’.< previous page page_45 next page > Page 45 On the syncope and assimilation shown in many of the preterites. Common Class II verbs are as follows: endian ‘end’ endode -endod So too andswarian ‘answer’. streccan ‘stretch’. we often find an orthographic -e-. reccan ‘narrate’ reahte -reaht So too cweccan ‘shake’. lengthening. see §§ 207. reccan. ‘cover’. tellan ‘count’. ‘perform’. pret. 197. 201. etc. blissian ‘rejoice’. On the o~y correspondence in bycgan. sumian ‘obey’. secondary changes including diphthongisation. < previous page page_45 next page > . On the consonant alternations in these verbs. 211. After c in the infinitives wyrcan. and a past pple brungen is recorded. see §§ 179. with pret. ebbian ‘ebb’. 211): sellan ‘sell’ sealde -seald So too cwellan ‘kill’. forms . īhte are also found for . resp. Several Class I verbs have different vowels in the present and preterite since i-mutation is lacking in the latter. dreccan ‘afflict’. bodian ‘preach’. ‘press’. see § 191. leornian ‘learn’. 73. cf also reccan ‘care’. losian ‘be lost’. bismrian ‘insult’. læccan ‘catch’ bycgan ‘buy’ bohte -boht wyrcan ‘make’ worhte -worht bringan ‘bring’ brōhte -brōht ‘think’ ‘seem’ sēcan ‘seek’ sōhte -sōht The short vowel in the present of læccan is difficult. wyrcan. the historically correct infinitive corresponding to brōhte is brengan. lōcian ‘look’. 185. . weccan ‘awake’. ‘empty’. Bringan belongs historically to the vocalic Class III (see § 77). Pret. rōhte. 72.
wē. and in several classes the pret. trymian ‘support’. have always the same vowel and following consonant as the pret. wunian ‘dwell’. pl. together with the principal parts in the paragraphs to follow. . 1–3 sg. . hit 1–3 pl. Class II verbs frequently have pret. and past pple have each a different vowel from the pret. I–VI have arisen by gradation. hē. Here belong also a few contracted verbs of which the commonest are ‘love’ (cf also ‘hate’). VII are of obscure origin. The model paradigms given below. gē. sg. indic. and we find new Cl. pl. ‘choose’ (affected by the second cons. In lOE several verbs of Class I tended to be used with Class II inflexions. ‘doubt’. wē. resp. the preterites are . hē(&c) 1–3 pl. ic. gē. 74. 3 sg. 2 sg. in -edon instead of -odon . There is always a difference of stem-vowel between present and preterite. beside fremman. The pret. subj. II vbs like fremian ‘perform’. wundian ‘wound’. hī Subj. ‘think’. indic. trymman. trūwian ‘trust’. on which see §§ 182f. shift: §§ 180f). and ‘see’ (a contracted verb: § 190): Present Indic. and pret. ‘look at’. but those in Cl. The changes of vowel in Cl.< previous page page_46 next page > Page 46 macian ‘make’. ‘reprove’. will give students the necessary equipment to recognise or reproduce any part of the commoner vocalic verbs. and pl. . pl. hebban ‘raise’ (an example of an otherwise vocalic verb with ‘consonantal type’ present). as might be expected. ‘honour’. 1 sg. The verbs selected are drīfan ‘drive’ (a straightforward example). hī drīfe drīfen hebbe hebben < previous page page_46 next page > . this process was particularly common with the Cl. 1. I vbs in -rian. ic drīfe hebbe drīfst hefst syhst 2 sg. 3 sg. VOCALIC TYPE There are seven classes of verbs in which tenses are distinguished by differences of stem-vowel.
sg. rīdan ‘ride’. swīcan ‘deceive’. rīpan ‘reap’. pret. slītan ‘tear’. verbs in this class have ī as the stem-vowel of the infinitive. rīsan ‘rise’ rīst rās rison -risen bīdan ‘wait’ bītt bād bidon -biden bītan ‘bite’ bītt bāt biton -biten Also with 3 p. 1–3 pl. gē. ‘cover’. ic. glīdan ‘glide’. 1. 2 sg. it should be noted that the i of the pret. 1 & 3 sg. The s of risan has been carried analogically into the pret. past pple drīfan ‘drive’ drāf drifon -drifen So too blīcan ‘shine’. wē. infin. forms in -h ( stāh beside stāg). pl. hī drifon curon hōfon sāwon Subj. < previous page page_47 next page > . stīgan ‘ascend’. hī drifen curen hōfen sāwen Participle gedrifen gecoren gehafen gesewen 75. Verbs like stīgan have alternative 1 and 3 sg. Apart from the contracted ones. wrītan ‘write’. . hē(&c) 1–3pl. pl. pl. pret. and past pple is short. hrīnan ‘touch’. ‘hide’. 3 sg. pret. gē. ic. wlītan look’. Affected by the second cons. wē. scīnan ‘shine’. 2 pl. shift (§§ 180f) are: ‘travel’ lidon -liden ‘cut’ snidon -sniden The contracted verbs are also so affected: ‘lend’ lāh ligon -ligen Other contracted verbs are ‘accuse’.< previous page Page 47 Imperat: page_47 drīf hefe next page > seoh Participle drīfende hebbende Preterite Indic. Class I. pres. ‘prosper’. 3 sg. in -tt are gewītan ‘depart’. drife cure hōfe sāwe 1–3 sg. hē(&c) drāf hōf seah drife cure hōfe sāwe 2 sg.
from and respectively. I where the vowel is not subject to the change. These changes do not affect consonantal verbs. Affected by the second cons. ‘endure’. Class II. . shift: ‘flee’ flugon -flogen So too ‘draw’. dūfan ‘dive’. ‘lie’ have 1 and 3 sg. as in all except Cl. in -tt are ‘float’. II verbs were not subject to the mutations because they < previous page page_48 next page > . and . ‘shoot’. pret. pret. ‘excellent’. contrast . ‘smoke’. ‘lose’. In ‘perish’. § 76.. ‘freeze’. and past pple. lūcan ‘lock’. belonged originally to Cl. of ‘pity’ is . III ( ). hence the occasional Cl. lūtan ‘bow’. ‘pour’. ) ‘bend’. III forms of this verb. in both -g and -h. . pres. In this class. scūfan ‘push’. the vowel of the stem undergoes raising of e to i or i-mutation (§§ 207ff) in the 2 and 3 sg. thus with the foregoing verbs we have 3 sg. unlike . indic. The 1 and 3 sg. the has been extended to the pret. ‘weep’. since Cl.< previous page page_48 next page > Page 48 and past pple. ‘offer’ budon -boden ‘break’ bruton -broten Also with 3 sg. 76. vowel. in fact. pres. The normal infinitive vowel is . shift (§§ 180f) are: ‘boil’ sudon -soden ‘choose’ curon -coren Like are ‘fall’. but there are a few ‘aorist-present’ verbs in which the infinitive and present forms have a lengthened form of the pret. ‘fall’. pl. however. Contracted verbs are also affected by the second cons. ‘cleave’ clufon -clofen So too ‘brew’. ‘fly’. notably the past pple used as an adjective. pl. The aorist-present pattern is as follows: brūcan ‘enjoy’ brucon -brocen So too būgan ( . ‘rue’. II model: . The of the contracted infinitives caused verbs like to be given alternative forms on the Cl. I verbs already have mutated vowels (compare dēman ‘judge’ with dōm ‘judgment’) and Cl.
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Page 49 had different personal endings. In Angl. texts and sometimes also in IWS we find vocalic verbs with 2 and 3 sg. pres. indic. in -est and , preceded by the unchanged infinitive vowel, as . 77. Class III. The majority of verbs in this class have in the infinitive either (a) i followed by a nasal plus another consonant (past pple -u-), or (b) e or eo followed by a liquid plus another consonant (past pple -o-). (a) drincan ‘drink’ dranc druncon -druncen So too climban ‘climb’, gelimpan ‘happen’, onginnan ‘begin’, sincan ‘sink’, singan ‘sing’, springan ‘spring’, swimman ‘swim’, swincan ‘toil’, ‘press’, winnan ‘strive’. bindan ‘bind’ bint band bundon -bunden With similar 3 sg. pres. are findan ‘find’, windan ‘wind’. Two verbs, byrnan (birnan) and yrnan (irnan) have been affected by metathesis (§ 193; compare the Gothic forms brinnan, rinnan): byrnan ‘burn’ barn burnon -burnen yrnan ‘run’ arn urnon -urnen The 1 and 3 sg. pret. may have -o- instead of -a- (§ 188), or alteruatively -ea- (§§ 193, 201). An unmetathesised verb (ge)rinnan in the sense of ‘flow’ has forms like -ginnan. We sometimes find funde throughout the pret. sg. of findan. 78 . (b) helpan ‘help’ healp hulpon -holpen For the -ea-, see §§ 201ff; so too belgan ‘be angry’, delfan ‘dig’, swelgan ‘swallow’, swellan ‘swell’; meltan ‘melt’ and sweltan ‘die’ have 3 sg. pres. in -ilt. gylpan ‘boast’ gealp gulpon -golpen With infinitive similarly affected by palatal consonant diphthongisation (§ 204) are gyldan ‘pay’ (3 sg. pres. gylt), gyllan ‘yell’; these verbs occur also with -ie- in the infin. and pres. forms. weorpan ‘throw’ wearp wurpon -worpen Also with diphthongisation (§§ 201ff in infin. are beorgan
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Page 50 ‘protect’ (1, 3 sg. pret. bearg, bearh ), ceorfan ‘cut’, feohtan ‘fight’ (3 sg. pres. fyht ), hweorfan ‘turn’, steorfan ‘die’. Two aoristpresents belong here, murnan ‘mourn’ (with an alternative consonantal pret. murnde, beside mearn) and spurnan ‘spurn’; both have 3 sg. pres. in . Affected by the second cons. shift (§§ 180f) is: ‘become’ wurdon -worden ‘enter’ has Cl. III forms fealh, fulgon, etc. beside the more usual Cl. IV pret. pl. , past pple -folen. 79. There is a small group of irregular verbs, all of which have æ in 1 and 3 sg. pret. In two, there has been metathesis (§ 203), which occurred after the period of diphthongisation before velarised consonants: berstan ‘burst’ byrst bærst burston -borsten So too ‘thresh’. With forms similar to these are a further two verbs with stems ending in -gd: bregdan ‘pull, brandish’, stregdan ‘strew’; these have alternative forms with loss of g and lengthening (§ 197): bredān, , brūdon, etc. With frignan (frīnan) ‘ask’, there are several variant forms, including 1 and 3 sg. pret. frægn, frān, fræng; pret. pl. frugnon, frūnon, frungon; past pple -frugnen, -ū-, -frugen; from the same root, there was also an infin. fricgan and past pple -frigen on the Cl. V model (compare licgan, § 81). 80. Class IV contains only a few verbs; most have e in the infin., followed by r or l: beran ‘bear’ bær -boren So too brecan ‘break’, helan ‘conceal’, stelan ‘steal’, teran ‘tear’; sceran ‘cut’ has in addition forms affected by palatal consonant diphthongisation (§ 204): scieran, scear, . The following two are irregular, the first being an aoristpresent: cuman ‘come’ cōm cōmon -cumen niman ‘take’ nōm nōmon -numen In addition the latter pair have the pret. forms cwōm(on), nam, nāmon, resp. (see §§ 186 d, e, 187).
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Page 51 81. Class V verbs mainly have infinitives with e followed by a single consonant other than a liquid or nasal: sprecan ‘speak’ spræc -sprecen So too drepan ‘strike’ (with alternative past pple -dropen ), metan ‘measure’, swefan ‘sleep’, tredan ‘tread’, wefan ‘weave’, wrecan ‘avenge’; (fr)etan ‘eat’ has 1 and 3 sg. pret. . Two verbs, gifan ‘give’ and (on)gytan ‘catch, perceive’, have variant forms of infin. and past pple with -i-, -y-, -ie- (§ 193) and are affected throughout by palatal consonant diphthongisation (§ 204): gifan geaf -gifen -gytan -gytt -geat -gyten The following verb is affected by the second cons. shift (§§ 180f): ‘say’ -cweden So too the defective verb wesan ‘be’ (see § 87). Contracted verbs, affected both by the second cons. shift and by velarised consonant diphthongisation (§§ 180f, 201ff) include: ‘rejoice’ gefeah (gefægen, adj.) ‘see’ seah sāwon -sewen A few verbs have present forms of the consonantal type: biddan ‘pray’ bitt bæd -beden licgan ‘lie’ læg -legen So too sittan ‘sit’, fricgan (cf frignan, § 79) ‘ask’ (past pple -frigen or -frægen ), ‘receive’ (3 sg. pres. , 1 and 3 sg. pret. ; cf ). Licgan has an alternative pret. pl. lāgon; on the -ā- in this form and in sāwon, see § 187 c; has another common past pple form -sawen; in addition, there are forms with -g- in the pret. pl. ( , sēgon) and past pple (-segen): see § 180. 82. Class VI. The typical verbs in this class have a in the infinitive. faran ‘go’ fōr fōron -faren
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affected by the second cons. and in the past pple. The infinitive vowels in this class are various and provide little guide.g. wadan ‘go’. note). include: ‘strike’ slōg slōgon -slagen So too ‘blame’.almost as often as -a-. Some of the consonantal-type presents have consonantal preterites also: hebban —hefde. galan ‘sing’. scacan ‘shake’ and scafan ‘shave’ sometimes have e after sc (§ 17. grafan ‘dig’. scyppan ‘create’ scōp. swerian —swerede. Class VII. wōc. hlihhan ‘laugh’ has 1. ‘wash’. ‘injure’ has scōd. pret. may have an alternative form in -h. shift (§§ 180f). wascan (waxan) ‘wash’. -slegen ). Although this class is often described as containing ‘reduplicating’ verbs (compare Lat. heht ‘called’ (hātan) are among the few vestiges recorded and even in these the phenomenon is scarcely recognisable without comparing the Gothic cognates laíláik. the verbs are best considered according as their preterite vowel is or ē . (a) feallan ‘fall’ -feallen healdan ‘hold’ hylt -healden So too fealdan ‘fold’. and in addition the contracted verbs frequently have -e. weallan ‘boil’. hladan ‘load’. The past pple vowel in this class is -æ. hlōg (or -h).throughout the pres. dragan ‘draw’. haíháit . weaxan ‘grow’ < previous page page_52 next page > . wōcon. Contracted verbs. 3 sg. A few important verbs have present forms of consonantal type: swerian ‘swear’ swōr swōron -sworen hebban ‘raise’ hōf hōfon -hafen Similarly. pret.(e. the verb ‘stand’ has -n. leolc ‘played’ (lācan). the signs of reduplication are meagre in OE.< previous page page_52 next page > Page 52 So too bacan ‘bake’. 83.: standan stent stōd stōdon -standen The verb wæcnan ‘awake’ has pret. the 1 and 3 sg. and steppan ‘step’ stōp . wealcan ‘roll’. currō —cucurrī).
‘do’. are as follows: fōn ‘seize’ fēng fēngon -fangen hōn ‘hang’ hēng hēngon -hangen Sc(e)ādan has an alternative pret. but besides the latter has as pret. rōwan ‘row’ (pret. pres. grōwan ‘grow’ -grōwen So too blōtan ‘sacrifice’. < previous page page_53 next page > . ‘sleep’ (3 sg. 85. VI to which it originally belonged). wēpan ‘weep’ -wōpen ‘leap’ Like are ‘beat’. (b) ‘let’ lēt lēton So too ‘fear’. shift (§§ 180f). bannan ‘summon’ -bannen So too spannan ‘fasten’ and gangan ‘go’. pres. such as ‘can’. ). ‘hew’. on hātan. ‘be’. -pte. lācan see also § 83. blandan ‘mix’ blent blēnd blēndon -blanden Contracted verbs. wōx by Cl. ‘will’. hātan ‘call’ hēt hēton -hāten So too lācan ‘play’ (3 sg. sāwan ‘sow’. sc(e)ādan ‘divide’. all the verbs in these groups have consonantal preterites. blōwan ‘blossom’. cnāwan ‘know’ -cnāwen So too blāwan ‘blow’. IRREGULAR VERBS Most of the verbs presented under this head are of high frequency and should be learnt completely. ). . and (in Beowulf only) -a-. ). māwan ‘mow’. We may consider them in three groups: (1) the ‘have’ group (usually presented as the third class of consonantal verbs). affected also by the second cons. With the single exception of ‘be’. these three also had consonantal preterites in -dde. flōwan ‘flow’. ‘advise’. pl. ‘go’. vowels -ē-. and several others. (2) anomalous verbs.< previous page page_53 next page > Page 53 (with alternative pret. 84. (3) preterite-present verbs.
hī sind(on) < previous page page_54 next page > . -a for leofast. 1–3 sg. -a. 1. secgan ‘say’. for hogast. hit is wæs 1–3 pl. etc. for . . ic eom or wæs eart bist 2 sg. wē. 3 sg. Group I comprises habban as follows: Present Indic. . wē. . -a for sægst. . lifge. Participle Preterite Indic. cognate with Lat. 1 sg. . the other from ). and hycgan ‘think’. § 70) Participle -hæfd -lifd -hogod Many variant forms are found. etc. are from wesan (vocalic Cl. The pret.. hit 1–3 pl. sagast. gē. indic. hī Imperat. . etc. There are two forms for the pres. . etc. 1 sg. hī Subj. hē. Group 2 (a) . 3 sg. gē. There is a negative form of habban: nabban.< previous page Page 54 86. hē. 2 pl. like dēman.. for libbe. (one from wesan. II consonantal vb lifian is evolved beside libban ). Present Preterite Indic. næfde. and subj. Their forms are hæbbe hæfst libbe leofast secge sægst hycge hogast hæbbe hæbben hafa hæbbende hæfde libbe libben leofa libbende secge secgen sæge secgende hycge hycgen hyge. hē(&c) page_54 next page > ‘have’. indic. . § 81). etc. sægde. ic 2 sg. and subj. gē. V. hygst. libban ‘live’. for hæfst. . wē. lifast. . hē(&c) 1–3 pl. esse and fui) and for the imperat. hoga hycgende lifde hog(o)de (&c. 2 sg. hafast. . ic. wesan ‘be’. ic. 87. næbbe. leofode for lifde (thus a Cl. (from two distinct roots. 3 sg. -e. resp.
.) being originally an optative. wē. wē. gān ‘go’: Present Indic. On a distinction in usage between eom etc. Participles willende dōnde Preterite Indic.in the present: nylle (etc. wē. hē (&c) 1–3 pl. 1. dōn ‘do’. Participles wesende Mercian and Nb texts show a pres. wille (wile) dō gā 1–3 sg. gē. imperative: nelle. gē. forms corresponding to gān are from a different root which itself is not recorded with present forms. Thus (ic) wāt (from witan. Beside sind(on). page_55 or wes next page > Imperat. . hī 2 sg. and pl. næs. 89. (b) willan ‘will. ic. the latter being a later formation. cognate with Lat. dō gā 2 pl. ic. we also find sint. hī willen dōn gān Imperat. Group 3. Negative forms ( neom. wish’. § 70) Participles gedōn gegān There is confusion between wile and wille. nolde (etc. -y-. vidēre ) is in form a preterite. etc. .) occur for all parts which begin with w or with a vowel.). 88. indic. usually spelt in WS with -y. indic. hē (&c) 1–3 pl. < previous page page_55 next page > . parallel 1–3 sg. ic. hī Subj. 2 sg. wile (wille) 3 sg. hē. For a number of common verbs a new consonantal preterite was formed in Gmc because the old vocalic preterite had assumed a present meaning. pres. 2 pl. pl. . (e)arun. the former (used in OE as 3 sg.. hit 1–3 pl.). like dēman. the negative forms include a 2 sg. gē. The pret. see § 127. hē(&c) wolde dyde (etc. . 3 sg. and etc.< previous page Page 55 Subj. ic wille dō gā wilt dēst 2 sg. 1 sg. Negative forms of willan occur frequently. -y-.
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Page 56 with that of drīfan (§§ 74–5), and the meaning ‘I know’ is derived from the old perfective meaning ‘I have seen’. A new preterite (OE ic wiste ) was therefore necessary to express the past of the new meaning, ‘know’. While wāt itself is easy to relate to the OE system of vocalic preterites, and while this is true also of Class III examples like cann—cunnon, — , several of the preterite-present verbs are but obscurely related to the vocalic series presented in §§ 75–84. For this reason, no very useful purpose is served by identifying each example with its historically appropriate vocalic class. The more important verbs will be dealt with in more detail than the others, but it must be remembered in any case that the paradigms of several are defective since they are incompletely recorded. 90. (a) witan ‘know’: Present Preterite Indic. 1 & 3 sg. ic, hē (&c) wāt wiste or wisse wāst wistest wisses(t) 2 sg. 1–3 pl. wē, gē, hī witon wiston wisson Subj. wite wiste wisse 1–3 sg.ic, , hē (&c) 1–3 pl. wē, gē, hī witen wisten wissen Imperat. 2 sg. wite 2 pl. Participles witende gewiten (gewiss, adj.) Negative forms occur freely: nāt, nyton, nyste, etc. (b) sculan ‘to have to, be obliged to’: Indic. 1 & 3 sg. ic, hē (&c) sceal sceolde scealt sceoldest 2 sg. 1–3 pl. wē, gē, hī sculon (sceo-) sceoldon Subj. scyle (-i-, -u-) sceolde 1–3 sg. ic, , hē (&c) 1–3 pl. wē, gē, hī scylen (-i-, -u-) sceolden Beside sceolde, etc., forms with sco- are common.
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Page 57 91. (a) cunnan ‘know, be able’; unnan ‘grant’: Indic. 1 & 3 sg. ic, hē (&c) can(n) canst 2 sg. 1–3 pl. wē, gē, hī cunnon Subj. sg. & pl. cunne(n) Participle -cunnen ( , adj.) So too unnan, except that there is no adjective form corresponding to . On the loss of n in , etc., see §§ 180 f, 188. (b) magan ‘be able’: Indic. 1 & 3 sg. ic, hē (&c) mæg meahte or mihte meaht (miht) meahtest -i2 sg. 1–3 pl. wē, gē, hī magon meahton -iSubj. sg. & pl. mæge(n) meahte(n) -iParticiple magende On the variant forms with -ea- and -i-, see § 205, note. 92. ‘to need’; ic dear(r) ‘I dare’; (ge)munan ‘remember’: Present Indic. 1 & 3 sg. ic, hē (&c) dear(r) -man dearst -manst 2 sg. 1–3 pl. wē, gē, hī durron -munon Subj. sg. & pl. durre(n) -mune(n) Participle -munende Preterite dorste -munde (etc., like dēman, § 70) Participle -munen All three verbs have fairly common forms of pres. subj. with -y-; beside , we find forms with stem vowel -y- and -u-. 93. dugan ‘avail, be profitable’; āgan ‘have’; ic mōt ‘I am allowed’: Present Indic. 1 & 3 sg. ic, hē (&c) āh mōt āhst mōst 2 sg. 1–3 pl. wē, gē, hī dugon āgon mōton
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Page 58 Subj. sg. & pl. Participle Preterite duge(n) dugende dohte
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āge(n) mōte(n) āgende āhte mōste (etc., like dēman, § 70) Participle , āgen Beside , āh, we commonly also find , āg; an imperat. form āge is recorded. A further pret.pres. verb, -neah ‘is ample’ (found with the prefixes be-, ge-), is recorded only in the 3 sg. pres. indic. with a corresponding pl. -nugon, a pres. subj. -nuge, and a pret. -nohte .
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The nominative might be loosely defined as the case of activity. for the purposes of the ordinary student. a fuller treatment is given in F. attention is also drawn to the possibility of Latin influence and to the differences in usage between poetry and prose in OE.S.< previous page page_59 next page > Page 59 III SYNTAX 94. may be treated as ad hoc exceptions when he meets them in his texts and reads an editor’s notes on them. see also P. Many relatively minor features must be ignored in order to leave room for major ones and in order that these major patterns should not be obscured and overshadowed by a plethora of minor ones which certainly coexisted with them. First Readings in Old English (Wellington. structure. The notes on syntax that follow are written with the aim of providing the student of our earliest literature and language with a guide to the outstanding features of OE usage.Mossé. For OE syntax viewed in the light of subsequent usage. As occasion arises. these. N.E. in order to leave room for that which shows a great deal. We are not therefore attempting a systematic description of OE syntax as a whole. Much must be omitted too that shows little difference from present-day usage. Sweet’s Anglo-Saxon Primer (Oxford 1953). Die Englische Sprache II (Halle 1951).Z.Davis. it is also used for the subject of verbs omitted by ellipsis after than and < previous page page_59 next page > .Ardern. thus it is the case for the subjects of verbs: hē ‘he said’. se cyning ofslægen wæs ‘the king was slain’. An excellent synopsis of OE syntax appears in N. Manuel de l’Anglais du Moyen (Paris 1945). General. and London 1951). we shall seek to explain OE structure from time to time by reference to the parallelism existing with Mod. the student is referred to K.Brunner. Functions of the Cases NOMINATIVE 95. in the constructions dealt with. On the other hand.
On this type of verb and others which are construed with cases other than the accus. there being no vocative inflexion: iunga man ‘You. A few OE verbs take two accus. wendan ‘go’. Son of the Almighty’. dear master’. Some impersonal verbs are construed with an accusative object: hine nānes ne lyste ‘he desired nothing’. war(e)nian ‘take warning’. The nominative is used in direct address. accusing often have accus. Verbs of telling. ne meahton wē … ‘we could not persuade the dear prince of any good counsel’. 107. of the person and gen. Verbs of depriving. or it may be an infinitive with its own subject (which is in the accus.< previous page page_60 next page > Page 60 for the complement of the subject with verbs like ‘be’. ‘call’: sē wæs betera ic ‘he was better than I’.): ne ic snotorlīcor… guman ‘I have not heard a man speak more wisely’. of the person: Hē bātwearde…swurd gesealde ‘he gave the boatguard a sword’. God is gehāten hēhste ēcnes ‘God is called the highest eternity’. ACCUSATIVE 96. requesting. young man’. It is above all else an inflexion showing a relationship to a verb. of the thing: Ic … Bearn Alwaldan. Direct Object.. The accusative is used for the sole object of the majority of OE verbs: hē ofslōg aldormon ‘he killed the governor’. ‘Double < previous page page_60 next page > . would be -an ) ‘on the day that we call Lammas’. biddan wylle miltse ‘I would pray thee for thy mercy. see §§ 95. giving usually have accus. restan ‘rest’. hlāford ‘Oh. Usually however two objects with a single verb appear in different cases. onscunian ‘be afraid’. the accusative might be called the passive case. 103. answering. objects: ācsode man hine hwylcne cræft hē ‘then someone asked him what skill he professed’. In direct antithesis to the nominative. 106. Hātan often takes the nominative also when its subject is distinct from what is named: on dæge wē hlāfmæsse (accus. eart fruma ‘thou art the beginning’. indicating that something is done to the referent of the word so inflected. other verbs taking an accusative reflexive include onmunan ‘care for’. This object is sometimes a reflexive pronoun: hiene bestæl se here ‘the raiders stole away’. The object of a verb may be cognate with it ( …song ‘sing a new song’). of the thing and dat.
and make the distinction between others seem greater than it is. against’. many of these prepositions were used also with the dative when the situation is static. along’. geond ‘throughout’. him wæs ealne weg wēste land on ‘there was waste land all the way to his starboard’. However. as in Mod. though the selection of case with these prepositions does not consistently rest on this mobile-static distinction. Prepositional. and partly because by the very act of classifying. ‘against. on ‘into. Space: ic heonan nelle fōtes trym ‘I will not flee from here as much as a foot’. Adverbial. and a tō -phrase: hine hālgode tō cyninge ‘consecrated him king’. is used to state extent of space or time. in place of’: hiora cyningas hī for godas ‘they worshipped their kings as gods’. As in other IE languages. winter æt Cwātbrycge ‘they then stayed that winter at Bridg-north’. ‘through’. we find the accusative used for direction: ārīs. when it means ‘as. 97.E. for takes the accus. of naming categories and of inevitably f orcing them into a genetic relationship we erect artificial barriers between functions which are intimately related. Time: ealle hwīle līc inne ‘the whole time that the body is inside’. and gecyrr hām ‘arise and go home’. ‘towards’. The genitive is a case of very complex functions in OE and none of the many attempts to classify these functions has been wholly successful. GENITIVE 99. Again as in other IE languages. are expressed in OE as an accus. In hām. some kind of schematisation < previous page page_61 next page > . towards.< previous page page_61 next page > Page 61 objects’. many prepositions implying movement or destination in space or time are used with the accusative: fore ‘before’. in ‘into’. 98. The accus. This is partly because many actual examples of the genitive may be interpreted in more than one way. ymbe ‘around’. ic wolde ealneg æt stōwe ‘I should like them to be always in that place’. ‘they crowned her queen’. ofer ‘beyond’.
ānra gehwelc ‘each one’. fela tācna ‘many signs’. and provided we always remember that most of the categories shade off into others. ānes fyrst ‘the space of one month’. of the Geats’. The objective genitive is illustrated by folces weard ‘protector of the people’. frōd feores ‘advanced in age’. sē wæs fīftiges fōtgemearces lang ‘it was fifty feet long’. tō his slege ‘to the defeat of his foes’. < previous page page_62 next page > . gemyndig ‘mindful of hardships’. līfes man ‘a man of glorious life’. hūsa sēlest ‘best of houses’. for example: Grendles ‘Grendel’s deeds’. ān heora ‘one of them’. and objective (or passive). There are two primary groups of usage: subjective (or active). Here too belongs the instrumental genitive. landes ‘besides the surveying of the land’. wīges heard ‘brave in war’. The subjective genitive is common and idiomatic in OE. 101.< previous page page_62 next page > Page 62 of the complexity seems necessary. partitive genitive: wundres ‘small wonder’. 100. The following are associated with it: genitive of measure: fōtes trym ‘the space of a foot’. bisceopes bodung ‘the bishop’s preaching’. ‘B. ic wæs… miccles cynnes ‘I was of great lineage’. sum hund scipa ‘a hundred ships’. He was a fine man and it is hoped that his murder will be avenged. descriptive and defining genitive: in Myrcna ‘among the people of the Mercians’. thus his in his murder may be subjective or objective according to whether the male person referred to did the killing or was himself killed: He might have got off but for his murder of the other girl. ār wīcinga ‘the messenger of the Vikings’. Closely associated with it are the possessive genitive (as in hiora scipu ‘their ships’) and the genitive of origin: ides Scyldinga ‘the lady of the Scyldings’. as in ofercumen ‘overcome by afflictions’. it may be helpful to study the genitive in the following classification.
moreover.e. still less exhaustively. beneah ‘enjoys’ (§ 95. wordes ‘by word or deed’. this idiom was much used to express the numbers of a man’s followers: Gewāt twelfa sum ‘(he) then departed. A special case of the partitive genitive consists of sum preceded by a numeral. the student is probably best served by noting all the common verbs which regularly or in a special context behave in this way: āmyrran ‘hinder (from)’.< previous page page_63 next page > Page 63 Sometimes fela and often sum appear without the genitive: fela geond ‘many poor people sat in the street’. and neut. brūcan ‘enjoy’. -es shows a generalisation of the masc. in nihtes ‘by night’. ‘with eleven companions’. sume hī ‘some of them said’. i. noun has -e . Many examples can be classed according to the function of the genitive (thus brūcan ‘enjoy’ may be said to take a partitive genitive. bīdan ‘wait for’. ealles ‘entirely’. Adverbial. Hence the use of the genitive inflexion (particularly -es) in the formation of adverbs. some of these relationships were coming to be expressed by of (with the dative) instead of by the genitive: sume of cnihtum ‘some of the men’. hē wæs ond fierd wæs hāmweardes ‘when he was going there and the other levy was on the way home’. Godes ‘through God’s grace’. A number of verbs take a genitive which is also closely related to the categories of the objective genitive. sg. thereafter’. ‘despoil. sg. of this fem. note). ‘deprive (of)’. ēhtan ‘pursue’. ‘strip’. ‘drain (of)’. ‘so much. even during the OE period. gen. and using): but neither method can be applied simply. blissian ‘rejoice (at)’. one of twelve’. rejoicing. be ‘need’. for adverbial purposes: the normal gen. hys weges ‘each rides on his way’. ‘deprive (of)’. fægnian ‘rejoice’. see § 166. 103. fægnian ‘rejoice’ a descriptive genitive) or according to the meaning of the verbs (thus the genitive may be said to accompany verbs of depriving. 102. fan- < previous page page_63 next page > . In the end. (ge)cunnian ‘try’. Related to one or other of these forms of the objective genitive is the adverbial use of the genitive: dæges ond nihtes ‘by day and night’. ‘deprive (of)’.
and this can be most clearly seen where the dative is used for the ‘indirect’ (personal) object with transitive verbs: him hringas geaf ‘who gave him rings’. ‘need’. tilian ‘gain’. swīcan ‘cease’. ‘rejoice’. ‘grant’. especially with reference to time. māgum folc ond rīce ‘bequeath people and kingdom to your kinsmen’. This is partly because this case had largely come to express the functions of the old instrumental in addition to those of the dative proper. 50. ‘restrain’. ‘thank’. The functions of the OE dative. onmunan ‘care for’. Visit’. onfōn ‘receive’. may take genitive and accusative. wealdan ‘rule’. latian ‘dealy’. lettan ‘hinder’. like those of the genitive. hogian ‘intend’. others may take genitive and dative. thus geunnan ‘grant’. ‘lend’. ‘doubt’. reccan ‘care’. (impers. note however: andlang fūlan brōces (~ealdan weges) ‘along the dirty stream (~old road)’. wyrnan ‘withhold’. thus ‘free.) ‘shame’. as in spearcan wundon hrōfes ‘the sparks flew towards the roof’. which was expressed with the instrumental case insofar as distinctive forms remained (see §§ 48. DATIVE (AND INSTRUMENTAL) 105.) ‘be displeased with’. ‘use’. Dative object. empty’. gyrnan ‘desire’. tō. wēnan ‘expect’. No preposition in OE takes the genitive exclusively and only a few take this case at all. The dative is frequently concerned with sharing. < previous page page_64 next page > . 106. ‘believe’. Some verbs. Prepositional. be used to describe not an inflexion but a function. gelystan (impers. helpan ‘help’ (see also § 107). hēdan ‘look after’. tō hwilces tīman ‘at what time’. sc(e)amian (impers. gewanian ‘deprive’. unless otherwise stated. ‘notice’. gewyrcan ‘strive after’. In the following outline the term ‘instrumental’ will. ‘beget’. ‘pity’. forwyrnan ‘refuse’. wilnian ‘desire’. governing two objects. 104. biddan ‘ask’. 65f) but more generally with the dative. ‘thirst (for)’. are very complex. as in tō ‘until’. meaning ‘towards’.) ‘desire’. wundrian ‘wonder (at)’.< previous page page_64 next page > Page 64 dian ‘try’.
onfōn ‘receive’. Phil.L. Soc. 39–40 (Halle 1951) and C.Wrenn. ‘rejoice’. With a few verbs. ‘answer’. (impers. 1943. fulgān ‘accomplish’. sceal…wesan him on wynne ‘Adam shall live in joy’.) ‘seem’. fylstan ‘help’.Brunner. derian ‘harm’. see above. ‘believe’.) ‘submit’.E. The following list comprises the commoner OE verbs which were construed with a dative: ætwindan ‘escape (from)’. ‘serve’. § 103. ‘help’. ‘deprive’. < previous page page_65 next page > . ‘obey’. linnan ‘cease (from)’. andswarian ‘answer’. Die Englische Sprache II. ‘entrust’. ōleccan ‘flatter’. ‘allow’.. were no longer sharply distinguished in verb ~(pro)noun relationships. 29–30. gebiddan (reflex. ‘allow’. ‘deprive’.) ‘go’.) ‘succeed’. In late OE. and dat. ‘intercede’. cyrran (reflex. dēman ‘judge’. miltsian ‘pity’. Before the end of the OE period. ‘injure’. tō was normal OE practice: hē tō mē (mihi dixit) ‘he said to me’. wīsian ‘guide’. ‘bequeath’. The dative was used for the sole ‘object’ of many intransitive verbs. ‘mediate’. mislimpan (impers.< previous page page_65 next page > Page 65 sege miccle spell ‘report to your people a much more disagreeable message’.E. gefremman ‘benefit’. usually classed as reflexive: hē him on ānon scipe ‘he got aboard a ship’. ‘happen’. ‘offer’. fylgan ‘follow’. ætwītan ‘reproach’. ‘serve’. For verbs taking gen. wealdan ‘rule’. Trans. ‘approach’. ‘serve’. pp. ārian ‘honour’. 107. notably and sprecan. līcian ‘please’. genyhtsumian ‘suffice’. ‘deprive (of)’.) ‘go wrong’. and dat. there are many signs that accus. helpan ‘help’. the cognates of which in Mod. Verbs construed with a dative and an accusative include: ‘deny’. gewītan (reflex. ‘withhold’. bregdan ‘pull’.) ‘pray’. on this see K. bodian ‘announce’. and it was used also with several common impersonal verbs and with other verbs used reflexively. tō came to be used with the indirect object just as in Mod. hē him aweg ‘he went away’. thus gyfan (tō) ‘give (to) anyone’. losian ‘be lost’. beorgan ‘save’. (ge)dafenian ‘suit’. ‘follow’). gespōwan (impers. ‘agree to’. are regarded as transitive (for example.. Both and wesan appear on occasion with dative pronouns. ‘resist’.
fremdum tō gewealde ‘into the hands of foreigners’. gefultumigendum Gode (L. see § 159. 111. Dative Absolute. Temporal. 3128: on sele wunian ‘to live in the hall’). Even in OE. such as wīcum wunian ‘to live in the dwelling’ (l. sumum dæge ‘on a certain day’ (or. āstrehtum handbredum tō heofenlicum rodore ‘having stretched out his palms to the heavenly sky’. ) ‘in this year’. the notional relationship involved is usually temporal or modal (see §§ 152ff). not very frequent in OE. Dyde him of healse hring gyldenne ‘(he) took from his neck a gold ring’. eō loquente veniunt ) ‘while He was speaking. him sprecendum hī cōmon (L. was very important in OE and at the same time is among the most difficult for present-day English speakers to understand. inflexion. This usage is frequent. with the instr. Possessive. 3083. The instrumental can be defined in < previous page page_66 next page > . In a frequently recurring pattern where we have (though not necessarily in this order) subject—verb—(object) —preposition—noun. 112. on (or. For further reading on participial constructions. dōgore ‘on that day’). form. This function. expressed through the dat.< previous page page_66 next page > Page 66 108. the noun is defined by a noun or pronoun in the dative. Thus. 109. tō helpe ‘as the heroes’ aid’ ( Beowulf 1961. gewunnenum sige ‘victory having been won’. A special case of this idiom occurs with the preposition tō: God sende folce tō frōfre ‘whom God sent as the people’s comfort’. they came’. place is rarely indicated by the dative without a preposition. but at the same time prepositional phrases are also common: æt sumum cirre ‘at a certain time’. with the instrumental inflexion. this use of the dative is usually called ‘possessive’: hē…sette his…hond him on ‘he placed his hand on his head’. sume dæge. Instrumental. deō favente) ‘with God helping’. This idiom. is modelled directly on the Latin ablative absolute. Locative. 110. or instr. note. but note the use of the genitive instead in line 1830: tō helpe ). there are however examples in Beowulf. but cf l. The temporal use of the dative can be seen in expressions like hwīlum ‘at times’.
the endings -e and -um (usually with adjectives and nouns resp. ( ) ‘for this reason’. Causal expressions involving ( ). him… gelufod ‘(he) then became beloved by Him’ fæst ‘firm with forged bands’. Two uses of the instrumental inflexion are worthy of special mention. sege miccle spell ‘give your people a much more disagreeable message (a message more disagreeable by far )’. with prepositions. wide ‘widely’. Prepositions are also used: erede mid horsum ‘ploughed with horses’. < previous page page_67 next page > .E. mā ‘the more glories’.< previous page page_67 next page > Page 67 several ways since its range is considerable. miclum ‘greatly’. Through their ready acceptance as indications of means and manner. but broadly speaking it has to do with the means or manner of an action: hondum gebrōden ‘hand-woven’. mundum brugdon ‘you brandished (with) your hands’. unwearnum ‘irresistibly’ (see also § 166). wundum wērig ‘exhausted through wounds’. hine becearf ‘then (he) cut his head off (cut him off as regards the head)’. we have the expressions of comparison which survive in the Mod. 113. similarly. him wæs ‘it was disagreeable to him (he was reluctant)’. hit ‘lest (by that much less) it may seem tedious to you’. hē wæs fram tungelwītegum ‘he was deceived by the astrologers’. Adjectival. built a defence-work with a small force’. (hwon) are very common: hē ofercwōm ‘therefore he overcame the enemy’. sceal ic… ? ‘Why must I serve?’. dōme ‘made precious through glory’. 114. Numerous adjectives (generally signifying nearness or an emotional relationship) are used with the dative: gelīc wæs hē steorrum ‘he was like the bright stars’. ‘piecemeal’. compare also. tō hwon ‘why’. pattern ‘the more the merrier’: Hige sceal (= ) heardra… (= ) ūre mægen ‘mind must be the sterner as our strength lessens’. mid with the dative came to be used for the comitative function: him cēnlīce feaht mid werode ‘he fought boldly against him with a small force’.) came to be widely used in the formation of adverbs: hlūde ‘loudly’. Secondly. It includes the characteristic comitative function seen in expressions like the following: worhte Ælfred cyning werede geweorc ‘King A.
for example. under ‘under’. Adjectives. and several others. have the dative when there is none. the definite declension (§ 54) is the specifying and particularising form. with’. ‘necessary’. Prepositional. mid ‘with’. ādligan ‘to the sick one’. 115. hold ‘loyal’. ‘between’. For example. of ‘from’. whether the adjective precedes or follows the noun or is being used substantivally: on stoclīfe ‘in this fleeting dwelling-place’. ofer ‘beyond’. tōdæg ‘today’. Several prepositions. ‘before’.< previous page page_68 next page > Page 68 So also. § 95). ‘dear’. tō ‘to. by’. It is found when the adjective is predicative ( wurdon hī… ‘then they became sad’) and when no attempt is being made to specify and particularise the item modified ( sint micle meras fersce ‘there are very large fresh-water lakes’). for ‘before’. under cealdan wætere ond ‘under the cold and wet water’. for’. notably æt hām ‘at home’. It is also < previous page page_68 next page > . usually signifying that the item modified is the one expected in that context or the one referred to just previously ( se foresprecena here ‘the above mentioned force’). against. The indefinite declension (§ 50ff) was that in general use. both meaning ‘mightier than thou’ (cf above. æt ‘at’. within a few lines in the Alfredian translation of Bede we find mihtigra and cræftigra… . taking the accusative when there is motion. Comparatives sometimes take the dative but are more usually followed by and the nominative. we may say that it is used when not preceded by one of the demonstratives or when no other reason calls for the definite declension. the dative inflexion was to a large extent dropped quite early in the OE period. ‘near’. The dative is the chief case used with prepositions. By contrast. Noun Modifiers and Pronouns 116. be ‘beside’. bī. fram ‘from. ‘opposite. Thus it is regularly used after demonstratives. In some frequently recurring phrases. æfter ‘after’. būtan ‘without’. on ‘in. on’. In practice.
The definite inflexion is frequently found after possessives ( mid his micclan werode ‘with his large force’) and in expressions of direct address ( ‘dear B . wīsa fengel geatolic gende ‘the wise king rode well-equipped’. when this is not so (usually in predicative function after a copula verb and hence in the nominative case). men ‘beloved people’). se ( . It is also used to some extent in early verse in environments where none of these conditions obtain. of a chronicled series of equally specific years). singles out from the generality.< previous page page_69 next page > Page 69 used with ordinal numerals except ( wæter. not simply < previous page page_69 next page > . may be defined respectively as specifying and deictic. but it is likely that cases like fram līfe ‘from this miserable life’ (Ælfric) display reverse spellings after the lOE weakening of inflexions (cf § 13). alone was silent’).e. compare in succeeding lines in Ælfric: būton ānum poste ‘except that one post’. and with comparative adjectives ( ge swiftran ge unwealtran ‘they were both faster and steadier’). in the sense ‘one’: on ānre mīle ‘in that one mile’. since the superlative is most frequently found following a demonstrative: ‘the largest part’. even after a demonstrative. but is found with indefinite inflexion. snottra fengel ‘wise king’. There are some irregularities in the recorded usage even after demonstratives. ).. It should be noted that ān. the fourth fire’. fierd ‘the other levy’).’. but to a large extent this is in any case already provided for under the first rule given above. the third air. Demonstratives and Articles. 117. appears with definite inflexion when it has the meaning ‘alone’ ( Apollonius āna swigode ‘A. ) and ( . standing alone or following the item it modifies. One line from the AS Chronicle will illustrate the distinction: on se micla here wē gefyrn ymbe ‘in this year (this one. The latter (which is much less frequently used in OE as a whole) points to and singles out a part of a series. se post āna ‘that post alone’. The functions of the two OE demonstratives (§ 65). lyft. the whole of which may already be specific. The first merely particularises. indicates and identifies the known and expected. ‘the second water. for example. the indefinite inflexion is generally found: pæt…land is…brādost ‘the land is widest’. The superlative is also associated with the definite inflexion. that ( or the) large enemy force (i.
se has been translated as ‘that or the’.E. ac wē sceolan sēcan wē mōtan habban mid englum ‘this light we have in common with beasts. the and that are interchangeable (‘Do you remember the/that man I was speaking to last night?’). The existence of a ‘definite article’ in OE is a vexed question. but that light must we seek which we may have in common with angels’. the most important difference seems to be the relative infrequency of se before a noun in the poetry. In this example. in OE there were but two. se and . just described) < previous page page_70 next page > . Although there are numerous points in which poetry and prose differ to some extent over the use of se. Thus we have contexts in which and se are in contrast simply as deictic and identifying words respectively: ic tōwurpe templ… On Godes naman templ…Hwæt templ ‘I shall destroy your temple… In God’s name. each with a name. the. jointly or separately. ) embraced practically the whole range of functions performed today. and not contrasted with it as Mod. but it seems to be one which has been raised largely by our desire to impose upon OE a terminology familiar in and suitable for Mod. let this temple fall… Lo then suddenly the temple fell’. by the and that . it seems to have precisely the same function as in the prose: Wæs se gryre efne swā micle swā cræft…be ‘the horror (of the entry of Grendel’s mother.E. 118. We have other contexts (though few of them and fairly late) in which and se are in partial contrast also as ‘near’ and ‘far’ deictics respectively: wē . in OE se ( . Where it does occur. and it must be emphasised that until the very close of the OE period se (rarely until very late) was simply an inflexional variant of . and we are left as it were with a name to spare. that.< previous page page_70 next page > Page 70 a force of unidentified enemies not previously encountered. The problem partly disappears when we reflect that in many instances of their use today.: where today we have three contrastive and formally distinct defining words. but the particular one) of which we spoke earlier went…’. this. in complementary distribution with it. the is with that .
E. < previous page page_71 next page > .E. wæs ān cyning ‘There was a (unique) king’. ac wæs in geteohhod æfter ‘B. There are however cases. that I should first tell you the quality of it’. ) was expressed by zero.E. in fact. sume worde hēt. the reverse is also true.E. the and the deictic demonstrative. and we find se used where ‘the’ is not a possible translation: se Cyneheard wæs Sigebryhtes ‘(this) C.< previous page page_71 next page > Page 71 was just so much less as is women’s strength compared with a man’. For the bulk of OE usage. stōd him sum mon æt ‘then there stood by him a certain man’. was not there. ic his ēst gesægde ‘commanded. and when it is not it shares for the most part with sum a ‘strong indefiniteness’ akin to Mod. ‘a certain’ rather than the ‘weak indefiniteness’ of Mod. But in many cases where the prose. just as it is with plurals in Mod.: ‘I like reading books but the books must be readable’. Since however se embraced the functions of Mod. another lodging having been assigned to the glorious Geat after the treasure-giving’. In prose generally.’. there is nothing in the verse: Næs . and the word was with God and the word was God’. was the brother of (this) S. in a specific message. ān (when it is not purely a numeral) and sum have ‘strong indefiniteness’: is mid Estum ān ‘among the Estonians there is a certain tribe’. If anything corresponding to the ‘definite article’ is rare in OE verse. an ‘indefinite article’ is rarer still. ‘a(n)’: ic… gefrægn hord …ānne mannan ‘Then I heard of some man robbing the hoard’. 119. . particularly the late prose.E. Ne wæs gewrixle til ‘the exchange (just mentioned) was not a good one’. In the earlier prose too. Thus: On wæs word and word wæs mid Gode and word wæs God ‘In the beginning there was word. there are many environments in which Mod. ān is usually a numeral. the function of ‘indefinite article’ (as contrasting with se. as well as verse. usage requires the but in which no corresponding form is necessary in OE. thus for example in many prepositional phrases and in set expressions of all kinds: āhton wælstōwe gewald ‘had (the) mastery of the battlefield’. would have se.
For the most part.) as contrastive deictics: ān wæs ‘one of these was…’. with the antecedent often preceded and defined by the same form of the sē series. sē had a long vowel. turned himself)’.O. The series sē. Sometimes. But the chief pronominal function of sē is in relative constructions: hē erede ‘the little that he ploughed’. where we seem indeed to have ān in simple indefinite function. pp. as we have seen above. wit unc…werian ‘we-two intended to defend ourselves’. as in Mod. self was used in OE simply to emphasise and was not. 36ff. ) and ( . see below. expression ‘There’s a man stands at that corner every night’: on gefōr Ælfred.E. . (b) The most frequent relative pronoun was the invariable particle . associated with being a reflexive sign or a pronoun-enclitic: wē hit…ne selfe ne lufodon ‘we ourselves did not love it’. Andrew contends that we are here dealing with relative and not personal pronouns. § 153. a form of sē could be the sole relative pronoun). Despite examples like and sē…ofslegen wæs. : swā mæg ‘Things passed over so far as that was concerned: so it may be with this ’.< previous page page_72 next page > Page 72 especially in lOE (in Apollonius. (c) The reflexive function was performed by the simple personal pronouns: se cyning hine…wende ‘the king went (lit. As a pronoun.E. the relative could be zero. too. See also § 107. but such cases are rare. 120. Pronouns. (a) The two demonstratives sē ( . sometimes preceded by the relevant form of the sē series (though. For examples. see Syntax and Style in Old English (Cambridge 1940).. for example: hig worhton… āne anlīcnesse of āre ‘they made a statue of brass’). wæs æt gerēfa ‘in this year Æ.E. appear also to have been used exactly as personal pronouns: and sē unrihtlīce ofslegen wæs ‘and he was unjustly slain’. who was sheriff at Bath’. < previous page page_72 next page > . S. understande sē wille ‘let him understand who will’. sē ‘when he died’. which he quotes. ) were used pronominally as deictics and sometimes (as in Mod. as in the Mod. died. and sē hæfde vii winter rīce ‘and he held the kingship for seven years’.
on gār-secg ‘they set a golden banner high above his head.: on ‘in every tribe’. < previous page page_73 next page > . ūhtna gehwylce ‘every dawn’. in OE considerably greater freedom obtained in this connexion: swā dydon. Hæfdon swurd nacod. In lOE however we find hit coming to be used as the subject in such expressions (Wulfstan has swā hit mæg ‘as it may seem’).< previous page page_73 next page > Page 73 (d) Apart from serving as reflexives. See also § 101. he desired nothing’. ānra gehwylc . gehwylc ‘every. and other passives. released (him) unto the ocean’. i. it is their absence that is striking. (f) The indefinite pronouns. (e) An OE construction all but unparalleled in Mod. on sealdest mē ‘Even though you were poor. worhton… ‘they then did so. pl. pl. often omit the pronoun: ‘we work and slave’. let the sea carry (him). is the impersonal verb with which regularly there was no subject expressed: hine nānes ne lyste ‘(it) desired him of nothing. inne on fæstenne cirlisce menn on. we find the indefinite pronoun man as in mon ‘which is called’. ‘each one’ is frequently rendered in OE by gehwylc followed or preceded by the gen. The pronoun object could similarly be omitted: him āsetton segen gyldenne ofer .. ond wæs sāmworht ‘within the stronghold there remained a few working-men. gehwā. ānra: thus. lēton holm beran. hwylc ‘any Frisian’. commonly take the gen. menn ‘(it) seemed to each man’. and (it) was half-built’. gif ic wiste hū elles meahte… -grīpan ‘if I knew how else (I) could grapple with the monster’. wit on sund ‘(We) held bare swords. a formula often used to translate Latin vocātur. hwylc ‘any’. however.e. In the second of two parallel constructions we can in Mod. built…’. each’. etc.E. when we-two swam to sea’. dīcuntur. and we find hit also with the increasingly used periphrastic passive (§ 131) in indefinite expressions: Ys hyt …? ‘Is it allowed…?’ Instead of this periphrastic passive in general OE usage.E. the personal pronouns have little that is distinctively OE when they are present. (you) gave me…’.
the strict case agreement in appositive expressions should be noted: wæs hē se mon…geseted ‘he. Concord existed between the following items: (a) Subject and verb (number and person): Deniscan cōmon ‘the Danes came’.pl. ūre ealra ‘of us all’.) against Breca?’ (b) Demonstratives. hē wræc aldormon Cumbran ‘he avenged Cumbra. feredon Aidanes sāwle hālgan bisceopes ‘(they) bore the soul of Aidan. æt Plegmunde mīnum ærcebiscepe ‘from P. only. was placed…’. case. agreeing with ) he had made’. case. tō Westseaxena kyninge. (c). and gender): æt his selfes hām ‘at his own home’. hī wurdon geborene ‘they were born blessed’. adjectives. In the first place. Grammatical agreement was of great importance in OE structure in indicating the relationship between words which showed inflexional distinctions of number. called C.. and gender): of …rōde sumne mid beweaxen wæs ‘from the cross a certain amount of the moss with which it (fem. (c) Pronouns and their designata (number. ūs eallum ‘to us all’. sg. It is necessary to amplify the above statement of the norm. But appositive phrases of the pattern ‘called X’ do not require concord: fram Brytta cyninge. and (d). and nouns (number. case. the governor’. Cynegyls < previous page page_74 next page > . (d) Pronouns and their modifiers (number..’. case. 122. person. it should be noted that the dual number (1st and 2nd pers. sē Brecan wunne? ‘Are you the Beowulf that strove (2 sg. fullum wæstme and heofenlicere snoternysse ‘with full stature and heavenly wisdom’. With regard to (a).. pron. see § 63) corresponds to plural in concord with other items: wit ‘he-and-I agreed upon this’. Ceadwalla gecīged ‘from the king of the Britons. and gender): æfter gedrynce ‘after the drinking’.< previous page page_74 next page > Page 74 Concord 121. hē…wolde Grendle forgyldan fela hē geworhte ‘he wanted to repay Grendel for the many attacks that (g. and gender. Eart se . this man. agreeing with rōd ) was overgrown’. my archbishop’. the holy bishop’.
)~ it is broader’. are sometimes used with natural gender in spite of the normal requirements of grammatical concord: ~ ‘the maiden (n. in other cases. 124. the participle is normally invariable ( hæfdon… geseald ‘(they) had given oaths’). Past participles display some variety of usage. ‘become’) they often agree with the subject ( hātene ‘were called’. mycel ~ ‘great river (f. 123. and tō spræc: ‘… wit hēr baru ’ ‘Adam spoke..’.)~she was’. here. A mixture of genders requires neuter concord in the modifiers: . before the verb ‘to be’ or in contexts where the designatum is a statement. or event: … Finnas ‘they were Lapps’. we see a survival of the normal use of this construction before it came to be used as a ‘pluperfect tense’ (§ 128). but sometimes it agrees with the object: hine ofslægenne hæfdon ‘they had slain him’. is concord invariable: Ic on Higelāce wāt.’ Grammatical gender is on the whole regular also with pronouns: se hwæl~hē ‘the whale (m.)~it separates’. But pronouns. Strict concord in grammatical gender is the rule in OE. gesweostor ‘who were sisters’. With forms of habban. earme wīf ‘wretched women’. ofslægene ‘were slain’). called C.—‘they had him dead’. without regard to gender or number. 125. fact. the lord of the Geats’. dryhten ‘I know as to H. weall~hē is geworht of tigelan ‘wall (m. It is particularly regular with demonstratives and adjectives ( wīfes ‘the woman’s’). and addressed Eve: “You-and-I stand here naked”. particularly when relating to human beings. hwæt). Analogous to the use in late OE of hit as the subject of impersonal verbs (§ 120 e ) is the widespread use of neuter singulars (hit.)~it’.)~it is made of tile’. Nor.< previous page page_75 next page > Page 75 gehāten (not *Cynegylse gehātnum ) ‘to the king of the West Saxons. though adjectives tended to have a onegender plural: wurdon hiora wīf…sārige ‘their wives became sad’. Hwæt …? < previous page page_75 next page > . mycel ~ is brādre ‘great sea (f. no doubt. With copula verbs (‘be’. but more usually they are invariable: (rāpas) of hwæles geworht ‘(the ropes) are made of whale’s hide’.
126. since the meaning of this intransitive verb itself suggests plurality). Harolde cyninge ‘This was then made known to King Harold’.) there’. etc.)?’. here~ ‘that raiding force~they’. namely that) someone fetched for him…’. Ælfric’s Colloquy. 26–7). First. subject: sceal gedrync and plega ‘there must be drinking and merrymaking’. hwæt sindon gē? ‘who are you (pl. and Æ. cyning ond Ælfred… ‘King Æ. for ‘facts’ and ‘events’ that leads to the evolution of the conjunctions .< previous page page_76 next page > Page 76 ‘What are…?’. ān hī magon ‘one tribe who (pl. him ‘he was granted this’. a verb is often singular when it precedes a plural. man him fette ‘until (this event. but instances of this are rare.) can (pl. gefeaht cyning ond Ælfred ‘King Æ. . ætsomne cwōm syxtig monna ‘sixty men came together’. Secondly. and the king’s thanes assembled’ (an interesting example.N. indefinite pronouns and collective nouns caused much conflict between grammatical and logical concord: …and hyt mōtan habban ‘each rides and can (pl. fierd… here ond āhreddon ‘the < previous page page_76 next page > . one calls it) Vistula-mouth’. urnon swā hwelc swā gearo ‘whoever was then ready ran (pl. pp. gegaderode …ond …ond cinges ‘then Æ.)’. Hwæt gif hit fixas? ‘What if they are unclean fish?’. fought’ (but three lines earlier. on account of this (fact)’.Garmonsway. because he himself did not see it’.: God sylf wāt… wē rihtlīce ‘God Himself knows (this fact. for hē hit self ne seah ‘he did not know how much of this was true. The verb is not always singular in this position however: wurdon viiii folcgefeoht gefohten ‘nine engagements were fought’. Number-concord between subject and verb shows in two respects some variation in usage. ‘therefore. Note also hit man ‘it is called (lit. ‘it was granted to him of this (matter)’. lit. It is the use of neut. London 1939. 2164) in which a plural subject precedes a singular verb. especially compound. and Æ. namely) that we struggle righteously’. and Æ. though in the latter example may be explained as a scribal error (cf G. hē nyste hwæt wæs. sg. but a few lines below here~hine ‘that raiding force~it’. There are also cases (see Beowulf 905.led’).) have it’.
or death will take me’). Ælfric’s Latin Grammar equates eom.) were saved’. The pluperfect time-relation is often implicit by < previous page page_77 next page > .< previous page page_77 next page > Page 77 militia routed (sg. se aweg cōm wurdon… generede ‘the part that escaped (sg. sum. the OE verbs had only two tense-inflexions. Tense. At times a present form alternates with a preterite ( næs him feor tō gesēcanne … Higelāc æt hām ‘it was not far from there for him to find Higelac. time-relationships other than present and past were either implicit in the context or were expressed with the help of contextual features such as adverbs of time. eris. and bist. mec ‘I shall achieve fame for myself with Hrunting. but a historic present properly so called is of rare and even dubious occurrence in OE. mid scīre mid him fierdedon ‘with the shire that were campaigning with him’. ic mē mid Hruntinge dōm gewyrce. est. a distinction in function is to be observed between the two present forms of ‘to be’. es. Voice 127.) the raiding force and recaptured (pl. inasmuch as the . Aspect. forms seem to have been used more frequently to denote future than is. is to Lat. erit . Tense As pointed out in § 3. sint: fyrmestan ‘the first shall be last’. for the most part. to erō.) the plunder’. The present inflexion expressed present ( medo ‘the slaves drink mead’) and future time ( ic ārīse and ic fare tō mīnum fæder. which corresponds to the Latin surgam et ībō ad patrem meum. hē geworhte…oftor micle on ‘(he) wanted to repay Grendel for the many attacks which he (had) carried out much more often than on one occasion’. The preterite inflexion expressed both past ( hī ‘they fell’) and ‘past-in-the-past’ (pluperfect) time: wolde Grendle forgyldan fela. eart. buruhwaru hine underfēngon ‘the township received (pl. To some extent.) him’. son of where he sits at home’). present and preterite.
In addition. habban shows signs of becoming the preferred one even within the OE period. But for the most part willan and sculan are overlaid with their other functions even when partly indicating future: …gāras syllan ‘They are about to ( and want to) give you spears’. OE saw the rise of the complex verbal forms usually called ‘compound tenses’. So. although willan and sculan with an infinitive usually imply volition or obligation respectively. < previous page page_78 next page > . too. The pluperfect was widely expressed by the preterite of habban together with the past participle of transitive verbs. often too it is assisted by the presence of : Ne mētte hē nān gebūn land. they translated them into their own language’. se hālga fæder wæs inn āgān ‘the holy father had gone in’. I translated them into English’. gē sculon… wēpan (quoniam flēbitis) ‘because you will weep’. these constructions are found occasionally translating Latin futures: ic wille wyrcean mīn setl (pōnam sēdem meam) ‘I shall make my throne’. (lār) wæs ‘(learning) had declined’. the preterite forms of these verbs could indicate reported future: ne wēndon menn sceolden ‘They did not expect that people would ever become so careless’. Thus. since he had left his own place’. Of the two pluperfect auxiliaries. when it is to be found occasionally with intransitive verbs: wē tō symble geseten hæfdon ‘we had sat down to the feast’. Where the participles agree—in the one case with the object. hē from his āgnum hām fōr ‘He had not found any inhabited land. 128. wendon…on hiora āgen ‘after they (had) studied them.< previous page page_78 next page > Page 78 reason of the type of clause: geliornodon. and the preterite of wesan with the past participle of intransitive verbs: ic geliornod hæfde…ic on Englisc āwende ‘Then when I had studied them. and in the other case with the subject—we have a survival from the time when they had predicative adjectival function rather than a tense function (see § 123): hī hæfdon heora stemn gesetenne and hiora mete genotudne ‘they had finished their tour of duty and used up their food’.
wæs se cyng…on fære mid scīre mid him fierdedon ‘the king was on his way with the shire-men that were campaigning with him’.(see §§ 168. feallan ‘fall’. for a larger number. for-. of-. perfective aspect was expressed not by means of an inflexion but by prefixing elements such as ā-. For ordinary purposes. for example) and it is therefore not surprising that special forms and constructions were used only to a minor extent in OE to express it: woruld… ende ‘this world is approaching the end’. ‘live’. we need distinguish only ‘perfective’ aspect (relating to momentary actions. the function was assisted by adverbs: … hē Godes lage bet hē dyde ‘necessary that he should heed God’s law better than he has done formerly’. 170f): siglde hē…swā swā hē mehte on fīf dagum gesiglan ‘he kept sailing as far as he could (manage to) sail in five days’. wē Godes gerihta ealles tō gelōme ‘we (repeatedly) withhold God’s dues everywhere all too frequently’. ge-. as it were. In OE the perfective aspect could equally well be expressed with the simple preterite form: Hine hālig God…ūs onsende ‘Holy God has despatched him to us’. In other cases. tō. We find wolde with an infinitive quite frequently expressing habitual < previous page page_79 next page > . be-. The perfect of transitive verbs expressed with ‘have’ ( hē onfunden ‘he has found’) and the perfect of intransitive verbs expressed with ‘be’ ( is nū geworden ‘(it) has now happened’) do not refer to a different time from the simple preterites (hē onfand. such as inception or completion) and ‘durative’ aspect (relating to both habitual and continuous actions).< previous page page_79 next page > Page 79 129. The durative aspect is inherent in the meaning of most verbs (‘be’. we pass from the consideration of tense (the expression of the time of an action) to the consideration of aspect (the expression of the manner or quality of an action). ‘become’) are. nū ) but to the same time regarded more specifically as perfective. rarely āgan) and ‘be’ with a past participle. Some verbs (such as cuman ‘come’. 130. inherently perfective and need no formal indication of aspect. Aspect In speaking of the present tense of ‘have’ ( habban.
besides having a vocalic active preterite hēt. The exception is hātan ‘call’ which. Hē wolde æfter ūhtsange oftost hine gebiddan ‘It was usually after Matins that he would pray’. But there was much free vari- < previous page page_80 next page > . or the indefinite pronoun man with the ordinary active verb-form. sume of bōcerum sittende. they were accompanied by an infinitive or present participle: cōm… Grendel gongan ‘Then came Grendel travelling’. and on hiera heortum (Erant…sedentes…cogitantes) ‘There were some of the scribes sitting there and thinking in their hearts’. OE verbs showed only active voice inflexions. cōm ‘came flying’. Many cases of this construction. hwæt hātton ‘what are those called?’. the former being used in durative expressions ( ne ealo gebrowen ‘no ale is (ever) brewed there’). the notional passive was expressed in one of two principal ways: a copula verb with the past participle. had a consonantal preterite hātte which was passive and which was used both for present and past: hātte Temese ‘the river is called Thames’. the latter in perfective expressions ( hūs forburnen ‘the house was then burnt down’). We also find the verb ‘be’ with a present participle expressing durative aspect: ic mē gebidde to Gode eardigende on heofonum ‘I pray (at this moment) to the God who is dwelling (not only at this moment) in the heavens’. have no durative function.< previous page page_80 next page > Page 80 (as opposed to continuous) action: wildu woldon tō irnan ‘wild animals were wont to run there’. In the periphrastic expression just mentioned there were two auxiliaries: /wesan and . 131. Rachel hātte Iācobes wīf ‘Jacob’s wife was called Rachel’. however. For the rest. at times it seems ingressive: … āwendende ūre dōmas ‘that no one should set about changing these our decrees’. and it is often difficult to say in what way the expression differs from the simple tense form. When verbs naturally perfective in meaning were intended to have durative force. Voice With a single exception. To some extent there was a distinction of aspect involved.
and voice. L. and writers seem often simply to have preferred one or the other auxiliary. hātan was often used with the periphrastic construction and also with man: hī sind gehātene ‘they are called’. see J.Fröhlich.Mirowicz. tō porte mon æt ‘to the trading place which is called Hedeby’.Frary. Essays and Studies xvi (1931). man and ācwealde ‘E. It is to be noted that. These to a large extent in- < previous page page_81 next page > . A very useful historical treatment appears in K. On the whole question of aspect in the Gmc languages.G. and the ‘pluperfect passive’ was not distinguished from the preterite: hālige dūst on āhangen wæs ‘on which the holy dust had been hung’. and and tō scipe ‘They ravage and burn. Die Aspektfrage im Gotischen (Wilno 1935). aspect. and . ‘Tense’. Mossé.Wattie. but periphrastic expressions were available where the active form might be ambiguous: sceal wesan Ismāhēl hāten ‘shall be called I’.< previous page page_81 next page > Page 81 ation. A passive infinitive was usually expressed with the active form: sint tō dōnne ‘these things are to be done’.Raith. Untersuchungen zum englischen Aspekt (Munich 1951). where further specialised references may be found. Studies in the Syntax of the Old English Passive ( Language Dissertations. Die Englische Sprache II (Halle 1951). F. Histoire de la Forme Périphrastique être+Participe Présent (Paris 1938). 267ff. see A. The OE verb ‘to be’ did not develop a past participle until very late. hēht hine (Lat. The use of man calls for no comment: mon mæg hiora ‘one can still see their track ( or their track can still be seen)’. For more detailed treatment of OE tense. Mood 132. J. Die Indefinite Agens im Altenglischen (Bern 1951). pp.M. ignoring aspect. 121–43. iussit illum…doceri ) ‘commanded him to be taught’. 1929). Cf also J. Indicative The indicative is the mood of general objective expression and is used in the vast majority of constructions that do not involve grammatical dependence: hwæt sægst ? ‘what do you say?’.Brunner. worhte man hit him tō wīte ‘it had been made as a punishment for them’. It is the mood also of a large number of grammatically dependent expressions. plunder and rob. despite its distinctive passive inflexion. and carry off shipwards’. was betrayed and then killed’.
In many cases we are simply dealing with linguistic convention. swā swā hē wæs ‘wherever he was’. but the use of indicative and subjunctive cannot be entirely rationalised in accordance with such dichotomies. (f) adverb clauses of manner: swā swā Aidanus him bæd ‘as Aidan had prayed for him’. his earm tōbærst ‘a certain man fell on some ice so that his arm broke’. (d) adverb clauses of time: hē andsware onfēng. gefylled… his hand hāl ‘it was fulfilled that his right hand remains whole’. hē wann heofnes Waldend ‘because he fought against the Ruler of Heaven’. ongan hē…singan ‘When he received this answer. ne sceall nān mann hē sylfwylles ‘no one must revoke what he promises of his own accord’. swā hwæt swā him becōm ‘whatever came his way’. hē ādlig ‘when he is sick’. ‘reality’ (as against ‘unreality’). where the faith was at that time’. hūs …on ‘until the house became on fire’. sum on īse. though less frequently. (e) adverb clauses of cause: for hit Ælmihtigan ‘because it has not the Almighty’s permission’. him hwylce gyfe hē onfēng ‘told him what gift he had received’. The indicative is also found with great regularity in: (a) relative clauses: wæs his hlāford ‘thane who had formerly been his lord’. ic wāt ic ne eom ‘I know that I am not worthy’. indirect questions) relating to fact or certainty: is … ūs Godes yrre…on sit ‘it is clear that God’s anger rests on us’. nū hē on heofonum ‘now that he lives in the heavens’. one or other mood being associated (though not invariably used) with a given type of construction. (g) adverb clauses of result: flotmen swā strange… oft on gefeohte ān ‘pirates so strong that often in a fight one will chase ten’. (c) adverb clauses of place: tō Scotlande. sōna swā hē rīces ‘as soon as he possessed the kingship’. se wæs ‘to Ireland. < previous page page_82 next page > .< previous page page_82 next page > Page 82 volve ‘fact’ (as against ‘surmise’). (b) noun clauses of various kinds (including. he began to sing’.
the indicative (as in Beowulf 2467) is exceptional. cild binnan nihta gefulwad ‘let a child be (or a child must be) baptised within 30 nights’. hit nān wundor nys se hālga cynincg untrumnysse ‘it is no wonder that the holy king should heal sickness’. hine… . ic ōleccan āwiht Gode ‘Thus it does not seem to me right that I should need to flatter God’. 133. As indicated in the previous paragraph. and it is to some extent variable. the terms of which are extremely hypothetical or quite impossible: gyf se < previous page page_83 next page > . thinking. (c) in adverb clauses of concession introduced by ( ): man swā ne wēne ‘although people do not think so’.< previous page page_83 next page > Page 83 (h) adverb clauses of condition. The principal uses of the subjunctive are as follows: (a) in non-dependent clauses expressing wishes and commands: God ūre helpe ‘may God help us’. (d) in adverb clauses of condition. usage is sometimes determined purely by convention. Subjunctive The subjunctive is the mood of subjective expression. the alternative (‘willynilly’) concession has the subjunctive when there is inversion without a conjunction ( hē… hē ‘whether he is …or whether he is…’) and also when a conjunction such as sam is used ( sam hit sumor sam winter ‘whether it is summer or winter’). or hypothetical contexts. you will become well at once’. is … hē Godes lage ‘it is necessary that he should heed God’s law’. (b) in noun clauses (including indirect questions) in negative or conjectural contexts or dependent upon verbs of saying. gif hæfst ‘if you have anything’. however. wur hāl sōna ‘if you are prepared to believe. hē weoroldhād forlēte ‘she advised him that he should give up secular life’. and in general its use is confined to volitional. where the condition is a practical possibility: gif wylt. cunnian hwā cēne ‘to find out who is brave’. se ān wer on Irlande ‘the priest said that there was a man in Ireland’. conjectural. or suggesting: Swā mē riht ne .
sculan. both the adverbial clause and the related non-dependent clause have the subjunctive: him bettere hē geboren ‘it would have been better for him if he had never been born’. …cunne gearwe ‘until he knows well’. swā swā bēc ‘we are very much ashamed to ( lit. 134. willan. swylce eal Finnsburuh ‘as though all Finnsburg were on fire’. (f) in some adverb clauses of result. magan. During the OE period. wē ætgædere ealle ‘lest we all perish together’. which are dependent on clauses containing subjunctive verbs: gecnāwe sē cunne ‘let him know who can (subj. (g) in temporal and other clauses which relate to future or conjectural events: Gespræc se gōda… hē on bed stige ‘The noble one then spoke. hit ‘lest it seem tedious to you’. (i) in clauses of various kinds. nis nū cwicra nān. This was < previous page page_84 next page > . in ‘impossible’ conditions. where the result is anticipated: Swā sceal geong guma… gewyrcean… hine on ylde eft gewunigen wil‘So ought a young man to bring it about that eager retainers support him in his old age’. 95). ūs wē bōte āginnan. as the Scriptures teach (subj. ic him mōdsefan mīnne durre…āsecgan ‘there is now no one living to whom I dare speak my heart’.)’. expressed with the pret. mē …wurde ‘if it had been granted me’. 93. (e) in adverb clauses of purpose: heora wurde āwend eft tō Gode ‘in order that their faith might be turned again to God’. with : sēlre hē his wrece. būtan God gebeorge ‘unless God saves’. subj.)’. hē fela murne ‘it will be better for everyone that he avenge his friend than mourn much’. (ic) mōt (§§ 88.)’. before he went ( or should go) to bed’. 91. the subjunctive came to be expressed more and more by means of the ‘modal auxiliaries’.< previous page page_84 next page > Page 84 …āfylle ‘if the thane kills the serf’.. …hit æfter eft ‘Even though it turns out later on that armed conflict breaks out (subj. (h) in many comparative clauses. that we should) attempt a remedy.
know what is true’). Imperative The imperative proper exists only in the second person singular and plural ( Cædmon. if I had been granted any heir’. Almost the only common example of the latter is (w)uton. see § 214). In some texts we can see the two forms of expression alternating in parallel constructions: sceal…wesan him on wynne. which is used in a frequent periphrasis to express the first person plural imperative of other verbs: Uton feallan tō rōde ‘Let us fall before the cross’. . gif ic ābīdan mōste ‘now I would reform. and which almost all survive in Mod. men. utan dōn swā ūs is ‘let us do as is necessary for us’. Infinitive The infinitive is chiefly used as follows: (a) with a small number of verbs like cunnan.E. nū wolde ic gebētan. magan. līcette hē sceolde se hēhsta god ‘(he) pretended that he was the most exalted god’. as we saw in the preceding paragraph. utan (which historically is probably an aorist optative or subjunctive of wītan ‘go’. uton) which to a greater or lesser extent act as auxiliaries. perhaps because it was in the preterite that the weakening of unstressed vowels to [ə] (see § 13) left fewer inflexional mood distinctions. sē his fæder…sē sceal sweltan ‘he who kills his father is to die’. as the ‘anomalous finites’: hwæt sceal ic singan? ‘what am I to sing?’. is ‘Beloved people. though there is also a rare first person plural form in -an. sing me something’. sing mē hwæthwegu ‘C. sculan.. but sē his gewealdes monnan swelte sē ‘he who kills a man of his own free will is to die’. similarly. if I might be spared’. mē swā yrfe-weard æfter wurde ‘Now I would give my son my war-gear. 136. (ic) dearr. For example: Nū ic suna mīnum syllan wolde . exhortations are expressed by means of the subjunctive (see § 133 a ). willan (and. -on. < previous page page_85 next page > . For the third person (and sometimes also for the first). and wē wīte ‘that Adam should live in contentment and we should suffer this torment’.< previous page page_85 next page > Page 85 especially so in the preterite. 135.
ne mōton habban ‘(they) cannot have’. staff with which to support’. intention. For example: dō hit ūs tō witanne ‘make us know it’. often with durative aspect (see above. -anne. hrædest tō secganne ‘to put it briefly’. the use of tō with the infinitive (almost always inflected.< previous page page_86 next page > Page 86 ne dear man forhealdan ‘one dare not withhold’. (c) with verbs of motion. and sometimes with ‘accusative and infinitive’ (§ 96): cōm… ‘came travelling’. geseah…standan twēgen…wēpan ‘saw two standing weeping’. infinitives relating to being or moving are often omitted. and inception. understand)’. and also the ‘accusative and infinitive’ construction (§ 96). (e) causal: ic nū forsceamige tō secganne ‘I am now very much ashamed to say’. < previous page page_86 next page > . as being implicit in the context: wita sceal ‘a wise man must be patient’. -enne) increased throughout the OE period and was general in the following classes of usage: (d) purpose: nū gē mōton gangan… ‘now you may go to see H. In the last two classes. hē in wille ‘before he is willing to go in’. (f) specificatory (especially with nouns and adjectives) and adverbial: gierd mid tō …stæf mid tō ‘rod with which to chastise. tō beranne ‘worthy to bear’. geseah blācne …scīnan ‘saw a bright light shining’. ongan fyrene fremman ‘began to do evil’. rest. hēt…his ‘ordered his head to be struck off. Other infinitives may be omitted if a form of the verb in question occurs in the context: understande sē cunne ‘let him understand who can ( sc. gegrīpan ‘intends to grasp’. In constructions with such verbs. biscephād tō underfōnne ‘wishes to receive the office of bishop’. (b) with verbs of causation. Ne wē ūs spillan ‘We need not destroy each other’. § 131). hēt hine ‘bade him be taught’. the infinitive was sometimes preceded by tō. In this group we often find the infinitive used with passive meaning (see above. ūt se his tō sāwenne ‘the sower went out to sow his seed’.’. geornful tō ‘eager to hear’. § 130). and observation.
But it is easy to exaggerate this freedom and to overlook two important facts: first. It is normal for both to precede the noun.Wilde. Anglia lxiii. Word-Order 137.E. 138. Exceptions to the patterns here described are well attested. nis nān …tō helpenne ‘it is no difficulty to help’. There is an important idiom with the copula and dative of the person which usually implies necessity: nū is tīma us of tō ārīsenne ‘now it is time for us to arise from sleep’. leaving to specialist grammars those that are relatively irregular. we shall be content to draw attention only to the most important and recurrent configurations. It is a truism that the word-order in OE is relatively free as compared with that in Mod. that these patterns to a great extent coincide with present-day usage. 10–105.Behre. secondly. lxiv. The Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon (Washington 1913). Cambridge 1940) in holding the statistical norm to be of such overriding importance in OE structure as to empower us to emend these exceptions in order to make them conform to the more frequently recurring patterns. in Syntax and Style in Old English. since these are less significant for the bulk of the OE literature and for the subsequent history of English alike. For more advanced and detailed study of mood in OE.-O. ūs is geornlīce tō ‘we must listen very attentively’. 209–391. M. In the paragraphs that follow.< previous page page_87 next page > Page 87 (g) substantival: …sumum monnum… tō ‘to hear the truth hurts some people’. is mē tō fēran ‘it is time for me to go’. H. that there are in OE considerable areas of conformity to describable patterns. Wunsch und Möglichkeit’.Andrew (for example. mē ys… … yfel tō hatianne ‘I am allowed to hate evil’. students are referred to F.O. and we do not follow S. the demon- < previous page page_87 next page > . The Subjunctive in Old English Poetry (Gothenburg 1934). ‘Aufforderung. Noun and Pronoun Modifiers Nouns may be defined by demonstratives or adjectives or both.Callaway.
eal ‘entire vow’. Pronouns are frequently qualified by eall and self which they usually immediately precede: wē ealle ‘we all’. ealle hwīle ‘all the time’. cf Beowulf 1567 (and what is said below on the variable position of adverbs. se (or ) gōda mann ‘the ( or this) good man’. The adjective genōg is normally found in this position: genōge ‘foes enough’. Bēgen as a noun modifier is placed similarly ( bēgen ‘both the brothers’). may follow the noun ( bill…brād and brūnecg ‘broad and brightedged sword’). we may find one before it and one after ( micle meras fersce ‘very big fresh-water lakes’). especially when the first concerns quantity: manege hālige stowa ‘many holy places’. but numerals follow demonstratives ( twām ‘to these two brothers’). 139. linked by and. on eallum gelimpum ‘in all these misfortunes’. of inneweardre his heortan ‘from his inward heart’. wadu weallendu < previous page page_88 next page > . or the two adjectives. Adjectives used substantivally are preceded by a demonstrative: ‘the noble (woman)’. myself’. eall ‘all this’. When a noun is qualified by two adjectives. Denum eallum ‘to all the Danes’. It is often difficult to decide whether eal(l) is adjectival or adverbial. and especially in poetic usage) following their nouns: fægere ‘fair stronghold’.< previous page page_88 next page > Page 88 strative coming first: se (or ) mann ‘the ( or this) man’. Possessives behave like demonstratives: his ‘his brother’. Outstanding exceptions to the rule demonstrative —adjective—noun are eall and adjectives in -weard which usually precede the demonstrative: eall gesceaft ‘all this ( or this whole) glorious creation’. medo genōh ‘there is ample mead’. both adjectives may also precede the noun. gōd mann ‘(a) good man’. on lande ‘in the southerly (part of the) land’. eall and adjectives in -weard are also frequently found following the noun: fram ūteweardum ‘from the outward (part of the) mouth’. mē selfum ‘for me. Thus normally disjoined from the demonstrative —adjective—noun sequence. § 142): bil eal ‘the whole sword ( or the sword entirely) penetrated’. It is by no means rare to find modifiers in general (especially adjectives. mīnne stronglican stōl ‘my sturdy throne’.
yet there are exceptions to this: se beorna brego ‘the prince of men’.Timmer. English Studies xxi. A noun often precedes its complement when the latter is a personal name: sunu ‘B. the tall’.’. See also B. niceras nigene ‘nine water-demons’.Fries. īglanda fela ‘many islands’. But when the noun is already determined by another qualifier. wine mīn ‘my friend. wedera cealdost ‘coldest of weather(s)’. gingran sīnre ‘to her handmaiden’.’. U.’. however. Even possessives and emphatic demonstratives can take this position: ‘this country’. hwylc ‘any serf’ (§ 120 f ). Godwine eorl ‘Earl G. but it is possible that such adjectives should be interpreted as substantival: ‘my brothers. With a determining modifier. Martiānus cāsere ‘M. 205. mid Godes fultume ‘with God’s help’.’s son’. se langa ‘E. cwēn ‘H.’s queen’. For some figures comparing OE and ME in this respect. ealdormann ‘Governor E. the tall one’.’. syxtig mīla brād ‘60 miles across’. < previous page page_89 next page > .’.< previous page page_89 next page > Page 89 ‘surging waters’.’. see C.J.’. Genitive complements generally precede the words to which they are related: hira land ‘their land’. 49–72.. mid langan legere mannes inne ‘with the dead man’s lengthy lying-instate’. wērig ‘travel-weary’. 140. Descriptive noun titles such as ‘king’ and ‘abbot’ usually follow the names they qualify: Ælfred cyning ‘King Æ. such titles are often found preceding the name: arcebiscop ‘the Archbishop Æ. sumne ‘a part of the moss’. ‘E.Cæsar.’. The simple demonstrative can also follow the noun when it is preceding an adjective: mīne ‘my dear brothers (those dear brothers of mine)’. It is normal for the genitive complement to keep this position even when its related noun is in a prepositional phrase: of hwæles ‘from whale-skin’.C. Emperor M. landes unge ‘for a surveying of the land’. we find the genitive complement following its noun: on healfe mōres ‘on the other side of the moor’. biscep ‘Bishop W. Language xvi. the dear ones’. The adjective full usually precedes its genitive complement: full ond wīra ‘full of ornaments and metalwork’. abbod ‘Abbot Æ.
him cēnlīce feaht ‘fought stoutly against him’. came to him’. we find the preposition following even the verb. mid beweaxen wæs ‘with which it (the cross) was overgrown’.E. makes general descriptive state- < previous page page_90 next page > . in verse. But they are postpositive (and should perhaps be called ‘post-positions’) with the adverbs of place which frequently have pronominal function: . hērinne.E. and in front of any modifiers that may precede such items: on ‘in hunting’. literary style. on Godes ‘in God’s peace’. either closely or remotely: Ōswold him cōm tō ‘O. prepositions in OE are generally placed in front of the items with which they are grammatically and notionally connected. this is especially common in relative clauses in which the preposition. ‘in addition to this’. him betweoh ‘between them’. 5 (A. thus. . be ‘between the seas’.). when it enables the preposition to stand before a verb form: gatu him tō belocen hæfdon ‘they had closed the gates on themselves’. .V.< previous page page_90 next page > Page 90 141. the prepositions (especially those of more than one syllable) quite frequently follow: him tō ‘saying thus to him’. Compound prepositions like tōweard. tō scype weard ‘shipwards’. according to Mod. Psalm xl. 142. Prepositions As their name should etymologically imply. on his āgnum lande ‘in his own country’. him cōm micel tō ‘a great reinforcement came to them’. This usage is not to be confused with the adverbial and elliptical use of prepositions: fōron tō ‘then they went to (that place)’. But postposition is most frequent. With pronouns. Adverbs The variety of position taken up by adverbs and adverb phrases in OE as in Mod. both in prose and verse. Less commonly. sometimes have the governed item(s) between their component parts. goes with the relative pronoun: wē gefyrn ymbe ‘about which we spoke earlier’. him māra fultum tō cōm ‘more help came to him’. him biforan ‘before him’. compare ‘to us-ward’. stressed postposition is not uncommon even with nouns: Scedelandum in ‘in Scandinavia’. on sumum stōwum ‘in some places’.
clauses) that they modify: ne mihte ‘could not’. in one case with his adverbs placed before the verb. they may relate to time. Ælfric writes within a few lines sōna on ‘was quickly healed in sleep’ and hī sendon sōna ‘they then immediately sent’. in the other with them placed after it. 143. tō gelōme ‘too often’. nolde. In OE usage. very and quickly ) are functionally dissimilar and which occupy mutually exclusive environments. For the present purpose. nā (ne+ā) ‘never. (ne+ ) ‘never’. nāht (ne+ā+wiht) ‘not. etc. The negative particle ne so regularly precedes the items which it modifies that it is frequently agglutinated with them. hē wel Scyttisc ‘he knew Gaelic well’. degree. (ne+ ) ‘none’. hyt nā ne ‘it by no means fell’. multiple negation was perfectly normal. The student will recognise that the free variation available to Ælfric in the position of adverbs is available today likewise. and indefinite pronouns.). within the clause: ne ic ne herige ne ic ne ‘nor do I praise or blame’. manner. and n(e) preceding verbs. or simply negation. ‘raised there’. it may suffice to say that adverbs in general precede the items (words. however. ne gē nōht besorgian ‘you need not be at all anxious’. ælmesgeorn ‘very charitable’. But the variety seems to some extent more chaotic than it actually is because of the unsatisfactory way in which we group under the term ‘adverb’ words which (for example. nis swā snotor ‘there is no one so wise’. nis nō ān…ac … ‘it is not only < previous page page_91 next page > . . thus with parts of common verbs ( nis. se biscop fērde ‘the bishop then went’. or sentence-modifiers. stōd ‘stood there’. gehwanon cumene ‘come from everywhere’. place. asseverative adverbs. ‘Adverbs’ may be adjective-modifiers. verb-modifiers. wē witan ful georne ‘Besides. conjunctive ne preceding a clause. by no means’. by no means’. phrases. and munuclīce leofode ‘and lived monastically’. A full treatment of their positions would have to take these and other factors into account. we know quite certainly’.< previous page page_91 next page > Page 91 ments very difficult. since the translations of these two examples could both be varied considerably. nabban.
Where the verb comprises a finite part plus a participle or infinitive. The prose and to a lesser extent the late verse display a considerable tendency towards the order S V O/C in non-dependent clauses: Estland is mycel ‘Estonia is very large’. The most frequent occasion for departing from this order is when certain adverbs (especially ne and come first. and Verb (S. the two are either close together ( se ādliga… on ylcan nihte ‘the sick man was healed that very night’). V) All possible permutations of these elements are recorded in both prose and verse. the order is then V S O/C: ne mihte hē gehealdan heardne mēce ‘he could not hold the grim sword’. and it would not be helpful—even if it were practicable —to tabulate all the factors that led to the selection of pattern in every recorded case. he would usually pray’). adverbial phrases and adverbs of more than one syllable tended in particular to be placed in a relatively posterior position: clypode mid ‘called out with faith’. a good deal of latitude existed in the placing of adverbs. 144.< previous page page_92 next page > Page 92 this…but also…’. and again it must be stressed that the observations to follow do not constitute an exhaustive description of the facts. which is adverbial. sende se cyning… < previous page page_92 next page > . ne hit ne ‘nor may it ever happen’. The dative complement of instrumentality. Subject. cf also the dative complement with adjectives ( him eallum ‘hateful to all of them’) and to some extent the nominative complement with participles ( Ōswold gehāten ‘called O. sweordum āswefede ‘slain by the sword’. Ælfred kyning grētan …luflīce ond ‘King Æ. and se cyning and rīcostan men meolc ‘and the king and the mightiest men drink mare’s milk’. hē lufode forhæfèdnysse ‘he loved temperance’.. wē rihtlīce ‘we struggle righteously’. There was considerable free variation in OE.’). O/C. Object (or Complement). As already stated. or the non-finite part comes at the end ( Hē wolde æfter ūhtsange oftost hine gebiddan ‘After Matins. sends greetings to W. with love and friendship’. also normally precedes the item to which it is related: mēcum wunde ‘wounded by the sword’.
’ nacode wē ācennede. hē hī fēdan sceolde and ‘he was to feed them. Disjunction also affects final position. ūrum mōdum ‘Grant now. especially in the separation of co-ordinate objects or complements: …gebrocede…mid cwilde ond monna ‘they were afflicted with the death of cattle. war carried off’ (in a series where individual fates are being listed). especially when used expletively and not with its full local meaning: mycel gewinn him ‘There is much strife between them’. which are followed by V S O/C when adverbial. Swiga ‘Be silent’. 32. See R. and find them clothes’. In questions where O/C is an interrogative pronoun or an interrogative plus noun. It should be noted that and other elements. also occurs with this order. do not take this order when conjunctive. Hwilce fixas gefēhst ‘What fishes do you catch?’ 146.Quirk. in jussive and volitional expressions ( mon on Læden‘Let one then instruct further in Latin’). in correlative sequences there is thus a sharp distinction between the order in dependent and non-dependent clauses (see the examples in § 150). 145. < previous page page_93 next page > . the order is O/C V S: Hwæt sægest ? ‘What do you say?’. however. The common order S V O is also disrupted by disjunction. London Mediœval Studies ii. Compare also: sume wīg fornōm ‘some. The order V S O/C is regular in questions ( Eart se sē …? ‘Are you the Beowulf who…?’). when first place is taken by an element which has special significance or importance in the context: būtan nettum huntian ic mæg ‘Certainly I can hunt without nets’ (in reply to the question Ne canst huntian būton mid nettum? ‘Can you not hunt except with nets?’). and of men’. him wēn ‘him expectation deceived. of hwæles geworht. The verb similarly comes first in imperative expressions: Forgif nū. and in conditional clauses without subordinating conjunction (see § 158). ‘Expletive or Existential there’.< previous page Page 93 page_93 next page > …disc ‘then the king sent the dish to the poor’. and of seoles ‘made of whale’s hide and of seal’s’. and nacode wē ‘naked we were born and naked we die’. Drihten. oh Lord. to our hearts’.
When O is a pronoun. in other cases apparently because individual writers were fond of this style (it is especially common. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf (Halle 1907). and in noun clauses ( hē geseah Apollonius swā sārlīce sæt ond ealle ond nān ne ‘he saw that A. in the Ælfredian Bede and in some of the poetry).O.Andrew. and V. and noun clauses ( hē land lang ‘he said that Norway was very long’). for instance. the dominant order is S O/C V.< previous page page_94 next page > Page 94 One of the minor arrangements that we might note appears in the last example. 147. But dependent clauses are also found in large numbers with the order S V O/C. in some cases for special declarative effect ( Wæs hit on wīsan hefig ‘It was then in every way a grievous time’. and it is easier to speak of the word-order in any one poem than in OE poetry as such. and is frequent in temporal clauses ( hē cure ‘before he chose the funeral-fire’. H. In the poetry as a whole there is great variety in the disposing of S. hē cyningc sōhte ‘when he visited the king’). result clauses ( gedydon on ānre wēstre ceastre ‘so that they encamped in a deserted fort’).Kuhn. This subject can be pursued in more detail in S. in conditional clauses ( gif wē stilnesse ‘if we have peace’). This is fairly regular in relative clauses ( æt his slege…fylste ‘who assisted in the killing of his kinsman’). and this seems especially common with causal clauses ( for hiora cyning wæs gewundod on gefeohte ‘because their king was wounded in the battle’). O. Syntax and Style in Old English (Cambridge 1940) and Postscript on Beowulf (Cambridge 1948). in concessive clauses ( hē him ‘though he was dear to him’). in causal clauses ( for sittan ne mehton ‘because they could not stay there’). it frequently precedes V: burgware ‘the townsfolk routed them’. Another recurrent feature is V in initial position. John Ries. < previous page page_94 next page > . ‘Zur Wortstellung und -betonung im Altgermanischen’. In dependent clauses generally. was sitting sorrowfully thus and looking at everything and eating nothing’). Gegrētte guma ‘Then the one man saluted the other’).
‘On the Development of the Structural Use of Word-Order in Modern English’. Clauses of most kinds are found also medially: Hē hæfde hē cyningc sōhte. initial position has to be supported by correlation (see § 150): swā hwæt swā him becōm… hē ‘whatever came his way. notably conditional clauses ( gyf man ān bān unforbærned. ongan hē sōna singan ‘When he got this answer. enough is known for us to be able to state that as a rule dependent clauses follow the dependent or non-dependent clauses to which they are related: For ne sceall nān mann he sylfwylles ælmihtigan Gode hē ādlig . Thus correlated. they have to pay dearly for it’) and indefinite relative clauses of various kinds ( swā hwider swā hē cōm. See also C. Certain types of dependent clause are found more readily in initial position than others. tamra unbebohtra syx hund ‘He had still.Barrett. But on the whole. that he had great courage. hē wundra ‘wherever he came. Language xvi. lest he should perish. gif hē Gode ‘Thus no one must nullify what he promises Almighty God of his own free will when he is sick. 199–208. Studies in the Word-Order of Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies and Lives of the Saints (Cambridge 1953). 1–109.< previous page page_95 next page > Page 95 P. he proclaimed these miracles’). < previous page page_95 next page > . this he promptly shared’. lvii (1933). 148. 600 tame deer unsold’.Fries. when he visited the king. even though he had not been merciful to his kinsfolk in sword-play’.R. This is true of prose and verse alike: gehwylc hiora his . hī hit sceolan miclum gebētan ‘if a single bone is found there incompletely burnt. hē sylf losige. hē his māgum ār-fæst æt ecga gelācum ‘each of them trusted his heart.C. many types of clause appear initially: Nū ic sceal geendian earmlicum …nū wolde ic gebētan ‘Now that I must perish in a wretched death.B. hē andsware onfēng. if he denies God this’. he at once began to sing’. I would like to make amends’. hē hæfde mōd micel. and C. Order of Clauses Although the criteria distinguishing dependent from non-dependent clauses in OE have not yet been completely worked out.B.
that is. hē his feorh generede and hē wæs oft gewundod ‘he saved his life but he was wounded many times’ (concession). he (then) at once began to sing’. that the earl would not tolerate cowardice’. … . hēr māra wīsdōm… wē mā ‘that there should be the more wisdom here the more languages we knew’. … . There are many sets of correlative elements in OE. and in OE these frequently involved correlation. hæfde māre mægen ‘he beat you at swimming—(he) had greater strength’ (cause). ongan hē sōna singan ‘when he received this answer. So too. nū ic sceall geendian…nū wolde ic gebētan ‘now that I have to die. swā…swā .< previous page page_96 next page > Page 96 Relationship 149. 150. Sometimes the relationship is made more explicit by the presence of a relational adverb. hē geseah… ārās hē ‘when he saw…he (then) arose’. Offan … onfunde.E. among the commonest are (… )… . Correlation and Hypotaxis Subordinate or grammatically dependent (‘hypotactic’) constructions constitute a more complex means of expressing relationship. as in another version of the latter example: and hē wæs oft gewundad ‘and yet…’. se eorl nolde ‘when Offa’s kinsman saw (this). nū…nū. Co-ordination and Parataxis In Mod. by a feature like intonation or some kind of juncture which is not usually symbolised in a written record (‘parataxis’). I would like to make amends’. … . that he gave his only begotten Son’. the linking of members in a relationship by the presence in each member of corresponding demonstrative elements: ‘God so loved the world. such expressions were very common: hē æt sunde ofer flāt. For example. and other languages. throughout OE. hē andsware onfēng. … . notional relationships such as cause and condition can be given linguistic expression in a sequence of non-dependent constructions related by a simple conjunction (‘co-ordination’) or. without a conjunction. < previous page page_96 next page > .
and A.Smith. we see the link between ‘parataxis’ and ‘hypotaxis’. for hiora wæs his godsunu ‘he gave them back to him. the other at the beginning of the next. hē cōm Godes sande (‘he came then by reason of God’s summons’). Examples of some of the less common correlatives will appear in the paragraphs that follow. and concessive relations. On the relation between parataxis and hypotaxis in OE.) that they might receive the saint’. hī gewitan. gē…gē ) are to be regarded as coordinating conjunctions: scipu… tō Lundenbyrig brōhton ‘the ships they (either) broke up or burnt or brought to London’. because one of them was his godson’. 1915). or other phrases. indeed.Rübens. if he remembers all this’.H. and especially where the dependent clause follows the related non-dependent clause: hē hī him eft āgeaf. we have a phrase expressing a causal relation equivalent to ‘he came then because God had < previous page page_97 next page > . this is particularly common with relative clauses: tō wyrcanne worhtest ‘to make that which you made’. London 1935. Parataxe und Hypotaxe (Studien zur englischen Philologie. The Parker Chronicle (832–900). ne dorste…him swā swā hē hire tō geearnud hæfde ‘she dared not reward him in such a way as he had deserved of her’.< previous page Page 97 page_97 next page > on mergen hī mōston sanct…underfōn ‘begged in the morning (for this. the one at the end of one member. wēne ic hē mid gōde gyldan wille uncran eaferan. Hypotactic expression is found extensively also without correlation. notably with the causal. lvi. see further. participial. hī hine ne ‘they were the Saviour’s witnesses. G. In dealing with the phenomenon of correlation. vol. thus in the following example. … . p. 15. 151. gif hē eal gemon ‘I expect that he will requite our sons with good. The correlatives are often juxtaposed. gē gē ‘both against foe and against friend’. conditional. though they did not yet know Him’. 152. some of the correlative elements (for example. Dependence without Finite Verb Notional relationships were often expressed in OE by means of prepositional.
tō Westseaxena kyninge… sē wæs ‘to the king of the West Saxons who was still heathen’. who constantly worshipped Him’. and E. while they looked on’. conditionally. him on lōcigendum ‘then he proceeded to the heavens. living (i. for example. Rædgota ond Eallerīca hātne ‘with their kings who were called R. < previous page page_98 next page > .e. ān hī magon ‘a tribe who can’. while he lived). from the land’. Eart se sē Brecan wunne? ‘Are you the Beowulf who competed with Breca?’. Similarly. ic him mōdsefan mīnne durre …āsecgan ‘there is now no one living to whom I dare speak my heart’. on heora spēda on ‘in those possessions in which their wealth lies’. be expressed (a) by means of a participial expression: fram Brytta cyninge. Often. 153. gedrēfed on his mōde. (who was) called C.’s merits. Trūsō in ‘from the lake on whose shore T. and concessively. in imitation of the Latin ablative absolute. hē erede ‘the little that he ploughed’. āstrehtum handum ‘with hands outstretched’. nis nū cwicra nān.’. The descriptive function usually associated with the relative clause could. in their presence)’. (c) with various relative pronoun constructions (often involving correlation). they are also used causally. the most important of which are illustrated in the following examples (see also § 120 a and b): for Ōswoldes geearnungum hine ‘for O. (b) with an infinitive expression: stæf mid to ‘a staff with which to support’ (§ 136 f ). Ceadwalla gecīged ‘from the king of the Britons.< previous page page_98 next page > Page 98 summoned him’. of mere. stands’. but they often relate to manner. him andweardum ‘with them present (i. hē gebæd hine ‘(as he was) troubled in his mind. with present and past participles: man his hlāford…of lande lifigendne drīfe ‘that anyone should drive his lord. (d) with no relative pronoun: mid heora cyningum. Expression of Relationship A given relationship thus found linguistic expression in several different ways. such expressions appear in the dative (§ 111): … fērde hē tō heofonum. Absolute expressions are most frequently temporal in function. he prayed’. understande sē wille ‘(let him) understand who will’.e.’.
notably cause: …aweg…for hē ne mihte ‘he went away so that he might not see ( or because he could not bear to see)’. those relating to the future require subjunctive verbs for the most part (§ 133 g). that is. or (…) ( scipu gearwe ‘when the ships were ready’). ic sende mīnne engel beforan and drīfe ūt…(mittam…ut ējiciam) ‘I shall send my angel before thee to drive out…’. less frequently by tō (…) ( ic cōm …tō hē geswutelod ‘I came in order that he should be made manifest’). nū ( nū wē hit hobban ne mōton ‘now that we cannot possess it ’). nū. Frequently. constructions in which purpose is expressed simultaneously with other relationships. ( geswenced ‘when the flesh is afflicted’). < previous page page_99 next page > . had then arrived there’. negative purpose clauses are introduced by ( ): hē sylf losige ‘lest he himself perish’. wæs Hæsten cumen ‘H. .: uton faran…and ‘let’s go and see’. and many others. ( Crīst sylf cōme ‘until Christ Himself should come’). we should mention several ‘purpose-equivalent’ constructions. Time is also expressed by means of participial and absolute expressions (see above. sōna. Purpose can also be expressed with a coordinate construction familiar in Mod. Purpose is generally expressed by a dependent clause containing a subjunctive verb. for example. ( hē on worulde wunode ‘while he dwelt in this world’). Finally. Various temporal relations are expressed by means of dependent clauses introduced by common conjunctions (frequently correlated) such as ( …gegān hæfdon ‘after the Hebrews had gone’). 155.< previous page page_99 next page > Page 99 154. the clause is usually introduced by ( ūs wē …ondswarigen ‘it is fitting for us that we (should) answer’). The inflected infinitive is also common in this function: hē…cōm tō dēmenne ‘he came to judge the earth’. . § 152). but in general the mood in temporal clauses is indicative. time relations are indicated by means of temporal adverbs in non-dependent constructions: . ( hit eall forhergod ‘before it was all completely ravaged’).E. mē ‘I still doubt’.
sing)’. as in swā hē …on ‘so that he fell to the ground’. comparison) is best regarded as embracing the result relationship. Result-equivalent expressions include clauses of time and degree: ūt on īglande… first wurdon ‘then they stayed out on the island until ( or so that) they became very short of food’. swā hī tō hionan ‘just as they have come here from Thee. swā him mon māre swā hine mā lyst ‘the more he is given the more he wants’. Causal clauses contain indicative verbs and the common conjunction ( ). ic for …ūt …for ic nōht ‘(for this reason) I came out because I could in no way ( sc. frequently. so they likewise hasten hence to Thee’. but the verb in these is indicative: him tōbærst heorte ‘so that his heart burst’. particularly where the second member of the relationship contains a < previous page page_100 next page > . desiring nothing’. nānes wilnigende ‘he cast away all thoughts of the world from his heart. Result clauses are again usually introduced by . Various forms of correlation are found: hē for nolde. they are introduced by swā (…) . but we also find participial and absolute expressions: hē ealle woruldcara āwearp fram his heortan. ūpāhafenum handum langlīce bæd ‘with upraised hands (he) prayed long’.< previous page page_100 next page > Page 100 156. the subjunctive is of course used when it is required in a particular context (see § 133 h): ic wille hī hit hælden swā kynelīce… ne bē numen of nā geld ‘I want (this. ( ): For nān mihtigra nis ‘because there is none mightier than Thou’. In OE it is most often expressed by means of clauses introduced by swā (swā): swā swā hī from hider cōmon.) that they may possess it so royally that there be no payment taken from it’. attendant circumstances. ( ) is also a common connective or relational adverb in co-ordinate causal expressions: ond ūt ‘and they therefore rowed away’. The modal relation (manner. with its variants such ( ). hē mid his folce getruwade ‘for this reason he would not. Cause is frequently expressed paratactically or with simple co-ordination. (namely) that along with his force he was confident’. 157.
hē on swā swā God wolde ‘then he fell asleep just as (i. hit is swutol wæs ungewemmed . then he must ( sc. nefne (nemne) and . phrases. modal. (and for negative conditions) būtan. when ( or since) her body could not decay’. temporal. The inversion construction occurs but is not common: āhte ic mīnra handa geweald ‘if I had command of my hands’. mec God scylde ‘unless God protects me’. ic āhte mīnra handa geweald ‘if I had command of my hands’. wolde his biddan ‘he then journeyed to Rome (because he) wanted to pray for his salvation’. §§ 132 h. or thinking: fērde hē Rōme. 158. he gebæd hine ‘being troubled in his mind. . on the mood in conditional clauses. gif hē on yfelnysse… sceal hē… ‘ if he persists in wickedness. se cyng mid his here fērde tōweard Hrōfeceastre.< previous page page_101 next page > Page 101 verb of. In addition. it came about that the king was slain’). In conditions with gif. sē wæs mid grimmestan untrumnesse hefegad ‘that he should go in to one of his companions who ( or because he) was afflicted with a most serious illness’. būton hī him māran andlyfne sealdon ‘unless they gave him more food’. hire līchama ne mihte formolsnian ‘it is clear that she was an undefiled maiden. there is often a correlative : gif ic eft gefare… mæg ic… ‘if I later achieve…then I can…’. such as absolute expressions. and conditional clauses: hē in tō ānum his gefērena. see above. we often find cause-equivalence in relative. at the instigation of the devil. The usual conditional conjunctions are gif. < previous page page_101 next page > . therefore) suffer’. intending. and absolute phrases ( gelamp onbryrdendum … se cyning… ofslægen ‘then. because) God wished’. saying. On the other hand. For example: gif ‘if it seems so to you’. 133 d. Causal members may be phrases: prepositional phrases with for or (hē cōm Godes sande ‘he then came because of God’s summons’).e. and wēndon se biscop ‘the king with his force travelled towards Rochester because they thought that the bishop would be there’. he prayed’). conditional-equivalent expressions are common. are also rare conditionally. appositional phrases ( gedrēfed on his mōde.
Meroney. and we very often find these words indicating the concessive relation in co-ordinate expressions: hē wæs Crīste swā ‘he was nevertheless dear to Christ’. ic eom …folm mec mæg bifōn ‘I am everywhere broader than the earth. 159. . Phil. and Germ. in OE temporal constructions. and likewise noun clauses: … ān cweornstān gecnytt ābūtan his swīran ‘better that a millstone be fastened about his neck’ (corresponding to the Vulgate. but he stabbed Lilla his thane’. Modal clauses may be conditional ( swā swā gebylged ‘as (if) she were slightly angered’). where the Latin original has et tamen . On . In the related non-dependent clause we sometimes find such correlative items as (swā) . Coordination with and may also express concession ( . yet a hand can encompass me’. we find nū sometimes corresponding to sī in a Latin original. xli (1942). . pp. mē ‘yet it was granted me’. and Ælfric has on one occasion alternating with gif in parallel clauses. and paratactic expression is also well attested: hē fela . yet do not speak at all’). gōd weorc hē ‘he who ( or if anyone) desires the office of bishop. While as the sole concessive relational item is largely confined to poetic usage. where it is extremely frequent: hē wolde ofstingan cininge. but perhaps the most characteristic is the ‘challenge’ form. ac hē ofstang Lillan his ‘he wanted to stab King Edwin. 201–9. ūtilius…sī lapis molāris imponātur circa collum eius ). and ne wiht ‘they have a mouth. he desires good works’.< previous page page_102 next page > Page 102 the following relative clause translates a Latin formal condition: sē biscephāde . Engl. ‘Old English “if” ’. with imperative or with jussive subjunctive (§ 133 a ): hycge swā hē wille ‘let him think as he < previous page page_102 next page > . coordinating ac in this function is largely confined to the prose. There are many forms of indefinite concession. gecorene ‘he finds many but few are chosen’. similarly. J. see H. Dependent concessive clauses (which have subjunctive verbs) are introduced by ( ): hit his rīce ‘although it was his kingdom’.
141–360.L.Mather. who is writing a study of the subject. R.Burnham. for example. < previous page page_103 next page > . has … …hafst where the poetic version has …gēta…hæbbe ‘which or though you yet have’. H. On possible nominative and accusative absolute participial constructions. The Conditional Sentence in Anglo-Saxon. M.< previous page page_103 next page > Page 103 will’. and other clauses: swā hit riht ne wæs ‘although it was not right’. and ‘The Appositive Participle in Anglo-Saxon’. The Syntax of the Temporal Clause in Old English Prose. Concessive Constructions in Old English Prose. Anglia xxxi. Munich 1893. 197–255. ne hē… syllan sceal ‘(the bellows) does not die when ( or even when or although) he has to surrender his entrails’. 1–7. For further reading on the OE expression of notional relationships. but it may take the form of contrastive pairs separated by ne or (feor ‘whether far or near’). University of New England. PMLA li.Adams.Small. Studien zur englischen Philologie xv. ‘On the Study of Old English Syntax’. Die Grundzüge der Satzverknüpfung im Beowulf. A. gebietsmässige Verbreitung und Herkunft altenglischer absoluter Partizipialkonstruktionen in Nominativ und Akkusativ (Paderborn 1954).Quirk. Concessive prepositional phrases are not uncommon (for eallum ‘for all this’). J.W.M. degree. ūre mægen ‘courage must be the greater as our strength lessens’. mōd sceal māre. L.J. Anglia xxxii.Schücking. Vorkommen. The Expression of Purpose in Old English Prose. The Absolute Participle in Anglo-Saxon. A. Concessive-equivalent relative clauses are very frequent. the prose Boethius. ‘The Clause of Result in Old English Prose’. temporal. but appositive and absolute participles are fairly rare in this function. F. New York 1907.Benham. PMLA xvi.R. causal. New Haven 1954. Concession is also commonly expressed in modal. swelte ic lybbe ic ‘whether I live or die’).Shearin. see the recent monograph by Else von Schaubert. New York 1903. New York 1911. and ‘The Expression of Purpose in Old English Poetry’. For data on the causal relation. with the subjunctive ( wylle wē nelle wē ‘whether we will or no’.Callaway. The Concessive Relation in Old English Poetry.G. Baltimore 1889. see G. 235–52. we are indebted to Miss Elizabeth Liggins. the alternative concession is often on the pattern V S V S.
Gas-turbine is possible not only because we already had gas-stove and steam-turbine. In OE. would there be much object in distinguishing them. macadamize. This does not mean. knowledge. that the total word-stock in use today consists of parts which we can still use in making new formations. Nor. we can recognise that bishopric. We can use coffee and contact with both noun and verb inflexions because for centuries we have had words like copy and count used similarly as both nouns and verbs. Formative Conversion The nearest approach in OE to the functional change of < previous page page_104 next page > . so our knowledge of word-formation habits enables us to express ourselves by using words or word-elements in conventional arrangements without our needing to know whether such a compound has existed before or whether a word has been given such a function before.. for the purposes of learning OE.E. it is often impossible for us to distinguish processes that were active and flourishing during the OE period from those that had ceased to be formative before the Anglo-Saxons left the continent of Europe but whose products were still very much in use. Just as our knowledge of syntax enables us to express ourselves by grouping words of our own selection into conventional arrangements without our needing to know that the particular words we choose have ever been in these particular arrangements before. on the other hand. but because we had the pattern in motor-car. Words like evacuee. where we can observe a set of word-formation patterns of a complexity similar to that obtaining in Mod.< previous page page_104 next page > Page 104 IV WORD-FORMATION 160. and psychopathology are possible through our knowledge of the function of the various affixes involved. and wedlock have suffixes without being able to use these suffixes in other environments. 161.
for example: (a) bite ‘bite’ : bītan ‘(to) bite’ gripe ‘grip’ : grīpan ‘grip’ hrine ‘sense of touch’ : hrīnan ‘touch’ slite ‘tear’ : slītan ‘tear’ cyme ‘arrival’ : cuman ‘come’ cyre ‘choice’ : ‘choose’ flyge ‘flight’ : ‘fly’ gyte ‘flood’ : ‘pour’ hryre ‘fall’ : ‘fall’ lyre ‘loss’ : ‘lose’ scyte ‘blow’ : ‘shoot’ dōm ‘judgment’ : dēman ‘judge’ (b) bōt ‘remedy’ : bētan ‘improve’ blōd ‘blood’ : blēdan ‘let blood’ frōfor ‘comfort’ : frēfran ‘comfort’ gold ‘gold’ : gyldan ‘gild’ weorc ‘deed’ : wyrcan ‘work’ camb ‘comb’ : cemban ‘comb’ lār ‘learning’ : ‘teach’ lāst ‘track’ : ‘follow’ scrūd ‘clothing’ : ‘clothe’ (c) cuma ‘guest’ : cuman ‘come’ ‘fugitive’ : ‘rout’ gefēra ‘companion’ : -fēran ‘travel’ gesaca ‘opponent’ : -sacan ‘contend’ wita ‘wise man’ : witan ‘know’ (d) andswaru ‘answer’ : andswarian ‘answer’ eard ‘dwelling place’ : eardian ‘dwell’ ende ‘end’ : endian ‘end’ ‘reward’ : ‘reward’ lufu ‘love’ : lufian ‘love’ sorg ‘sorrow’ : sorgian ‘sorrow’ ‘matter’ : ‘beg.< previous page page_105 next page > Page 105 Mod. agree’ wuldor ‘glory’ : wuldrian ‘glorify’ wundor ‘wonder’ : wundrian ‘wonder at’ < previous page page_105 next page > . we coffeed.E. a good buy is to be seen in the regular correspondence between many nouns and verbs.
< previous page page_106 next page > Page 106 162. The types ende: endian (§ 161 d). sg. The type cyre: (§ 161 a ) is one of several in which noun and verb are related through gradation (see §§ 182f). corresponds to ‘cause to rise. beorhtian. for example: (a) beald ‘bold’ : byldan ‘embolden’ ‘humble’ : ‘humble’ full ‘full’ : fyllan ‘fill’ fūs ‘eager’ : ‘impel’ georn ‘eager’ : gyrnan ‘yearn for’ hāl ‘whole’ : ‘heal’ scearp ‘sharp’ : scyrpan ‘sharpen’ wōd ‘mad’ : wēdan ‘rage’ (b) beorht ‘bright’ : beorhtian ‘shine’ fūl ‘corrupt’ : fūlian ‘decay’ gōd ‘good’ : gōdian ‘improve’ ‘little’ : ‘diminish’ open ‘open’ : openian ‘open’ sweotol ‘clear’ : sweotolian ‘reveal’ trum ‘firm’ : trumian ‘grow strong’ yfel ‘evil’ : yflian ‘inflict evil’ 163.Lee.W. There are similar correspondences between many adjectives and verbs. since for many of the verbs in these sets ( lufian. also with i-mutation. rās. andswarian. fūl: fūlian (§ 162 b) are similarly the OE reflexes of a much earlier process of suffixing. for example) there are no cognates in other Gmc languages. pret. licgan ‘lie’ beside lecgan ‘lay’. sittan ‘sit’ beside settan ‘set’. see the first chapter of D. in this case with *-ōja-. The types dōm: dēman (§ 161 b). but it seems likely that this correspondence continued to be productive in the OE period. see § 180). similarly. < previous page page_106 next page > . in this case also with i-mutation (see §§ 208ff). go back to a pre-OE process involving the use of a suffix *-ja-. as well as on the wider issue of the relation between cognate parts of speech in OE. with i-mutation. form of vocalic verbs. sg. full: fyllan (§ 162 a ). raise’ (for the s: r correspondence. thus rīsan ‘rise’. On this question. This suffix also produced a number of important causative verbs in which the stem is related to the pret.
ungemetes ‘exceedingly’. Adverbs were formed chiefly from adjectives. yielding feminine abstract nouns. especially from consonantal verbs of Class II. Wis. hāmweardes ‘homewards’. for example.. as in ealles ‘entirely’. eallunga ‘entirely’. New adjectives were formed chiefly from existing nouns. the frequency of the suffix -nes(s) (-nis. blindlīce ‘blindly’. 1948). leornere ‘learner’). ‘mighty). for example: sār. beorhtnes ‘splendour’. ‘truly’. ‘deeply’. Agent-nouns were often fgrmed from verbs by means of the suffix -end (as in dēmend ‘one who judges’. ‘bright’. saviour’) and -ere (as in cwellere ‘killer’. ‘grievous’ sārlīce. geāra ‘formerly’. nys) is particularly noteworthy. One of the most prolific ways of doing this was by the use of the suffix -ung (also found as ing ). ‘moneyless’. adv. ‘suffering’. ‘grievously’ ‘furious’ ‘furious’ ‘furiously’ ‘happy’ ‘happy’ ‘happily’ mōdig ‘proud’ mōdiglic ‘proud’ mōdiglīce ‘proudly’ Other adverbial terminations are -es and -a (extensions of the use of the genitive mentioned in § 102). wīde ‘widely’. with and without -lic. 165. adj. sōna < previous page page_107 next page > . thus. for example. -ful ( ‘pious’. In lists (a) and (c) of § 161 we see two patterns on which nouns were at one time formed from verbs. ‘one who heals. The commonest suffixes were -ig ( blōdig ‘bloody’. cræftig ‘strong’. elles ‘otherwise’. ‘grievous’ sārlic. -inga (-unga). 164. thus ‘honour’. fæste ‘firmly’. unrihtwīsnes ‘injustice’. and it is impossible to tell from which form the adverb in -līce comes. rihte ‘rightly’. yrringa ‘angrily’. Minor suffixes in OE verb-formation are sian (as in ‘proclaim’). with the endings -e. -līce. Nouns were also formed from adjectives in several ways. 166. nīwinga ‘recently’. see the alphabetical list in § 172. adj. It is not easy to distinguish the formations in -e and -lice because many adjectives had two forms. the corresponding negative suffix ( ‘impious’. and (as in ‘unite’). ‘thankful’). fāmig ‘foamy’). -ettan (as in ‘loathe’). ‘heathendom’. ‘friendless’). and -lic ( ‘diabolical’.< previous page page_107 next page > Page 107 Functional Change in Early English (Menasha. sorgful ‘sad’. openlīce ‘amicably’.
‘day of death’. With adjective prefixes: ‘wise-minded’. many of which did not occur in the language as separate words (compare un.neut. fyrdhwæt ‘bold in arms’. in which the second element is a noun. One might also mention the relatively infrequent adverbial use of adjectives in n. -um (which. Sunnandæg ‘Sunday’. heonan ‘hence’. (a) Nouns. ful ‘very’.. welwillende ‘benevolent’. were freely formed by modifying existing ones which might.in Mod. With adjective prefixes: eallwealda ‘the Almighty’. Modification Just as in Mod. gystran ‘yesterday’. notably eal ‘entirely’. inngang ‘entrance’. ‘early awake’. there are many compound adjectives on the pattern commonly known by the Sanskrit term bahuvrīhi. feorran ‘from afar’. efeneald ‘of equal age’. unwearnum ‘irresistibly’. hellewīte ‘torment of hell’. In addition.E. ‘brightly adorned’. in some cases. as in ‘from the east’. the commonest < previous page page_108 next page > .sg. we can modify the noun turbine and create a new word by using the existing word gas as a prefix. ‘afterwards’. ‘stout-hearted’. like -e.). With noun prefixes: bōccræft ‘literature’. godspel (gōd) ‘gospel’. (b) Adjectives. With noun prefixes: beadurōf ‘bold in battle’ dōmgeorn ‘eager for glory’. is an extension of the use of the dative and instrumental mentioned in § 112). 168. especially nouns and adjectives. where they existed as separate words. With adverb prefixes: ‘return’. the prefixed noun is inflected: Englalond ‘England’. tela ‘well’. yrremōd ‘angry’. folclagu ‘law of the people’. A considerably more widespread method of modification was the use of a large number of recurrent prefixes.a.< previous page page_108 next page > Page 108 ‘at once’. among the best known of these are brūnecg ‘bright-edged’. With adverb prefixes: felamōdig Very brave’. as in ‘even’.E. mannslyht ‘manslaughter’. hwīlum ‘at times’. -an (usually signifying ‘from the place or direction indicated in the stem’). so in OE new words. tūngerēfa ‘district officer’. 167. glædmōd ‘glad-hearted’. ‘thrice’. mildheort ‘gentle’. ‘ocean’. be various parts of speech. Prefixed to verbs. ‘capital’.
in many cases it changes the aspect from durative to perfective. and. § 170. Examples: ‘drive away’. just as in Mod. ābysgian ‘occupy’. andswaru ‘answer’. for example. āsendan ‘dispatch’) and hundreds more by ge-: for example. Recurrent Affixes The processes of conversion and modification already discussed may be studied in more detail in the following lists of suffixes and prefixes that recur in the most frequently read texts. With adjectives and adverbs. the lists are graded. many verbs undergo a similar shift in becoming phrasal verbs (for example. ārīman ‘count’. frignan ‘ask’ but gefrignan ‘learn’. ‘resolved’. an extremely common prefix is un-. beside eat ). ‘drive away’. andsaca ‘adversary’. < previous page page_109 next page > . ‘exalt’. Very high frequency: ā-: used to modify verbs. ‘reward’. ābīdan ‘wait’.E. 169. unforht ‘unafraid’. ālecgan ‘lay down’. An example of a common noun-modifier is and-. It will be seen also that ge -often makes intransitive verbs transitive.(for example. ‘cut off’. ‘leap’ but ‘mount’. Greek anti ). for example: ācennednes ‘birth’. Thus scores of common verbs are made perfective by the prefix ā. those containing the affixes of highest frequency (§§ 170. ‘much’. winnan ‘fight’ but gewinnan ‘win’. andefn ‘proportion’. The prefix appears also with nouns and adjectives derived from verbs. and in many others it appears to have no semantic function. eat up. see further. For the convenience of the learner. āhebban ‘lift up’. which has the force of ‘opposite’ or ‘corresponding to’ (compare Go. 171) should be learnt in turn and studied carefully. āheawan ‘cut off’. by which the antithesis of the stem-meaning is indicated: for example. in many it is a mere intensifier.< previous page page_109 next page > Page 109 single effect of these elements was to cause a shift in aspect. fēran ‘go’ but gefēran ‘reach’. āsendan ‘dispatch’. un-. the other used at first rather for reference purposes. 170. an-: see on-. unrihte ‘wrongly’. particularly from durative to perfective (see § 129).
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Page 110 be-, bī-: used primarily (as be-) to modify verbs, often adding the sense ‘round, over’, often with only intensifying or perfective effect; examples: bebūgan ‘surround’, ‘confine’, ‘pour over’; belūcan ‘lock up’, bescūfan ‘hurl’, ‘despoil’. With many verbs, be- has the effect of making the intransitive transitive: ‘make wet’, bewēpan ‘bewail’; with others again, it has privative force: ‘deprive’, beniman ‘take away’. With many nouns we have the special stressed form bī- (big-), with others the same form as with verbs: bigleofa ‘sustenance’, bismer ‘insult’, bīword ‘proverb’, bebod ‘command’, behāt ‘promise’, begang ‘region’. The prefix be- appears also with some common adverbs and prepositions: beforan ‘before’, beheonan ‘on this side of’, behindan ‘behind’, ‘beneath’, ‘between’. for-: used chiefly with verbs, the action of which it usually intensifies (especially in a destructive sense), often with a shift to perfective aspect: forbærnan ‘burn up’, fordōn ‘destroy’, forhogian ‘despise’, ‘lead to destruction’, forniman ‘carry off, destroy’, forscyppan ‘transform’, ‘perish’. It appears also with some nouns derived from verbs: forhergung ‘devastation’, forlorennes ‘perdition’, forsewennes ‘contempt’. With adjectives and adverbs it is equivalent to the modification ‘very’: forheard ‘very hard’, formanig ‘very many’, foroft Very often’. ge-: commonest with verbs, but used also with many nouns and to a lesser extent with other parts of speech. With verbs, it is used chiefly to denote perfective aspect (see § 168) and this association with ‘result’ is seen above all in its use as a past participle inflexion; further examples: geāscian ‘discover’, gesceran ‘cut through’, gesittan ‘inhabit’; as was pointed out in § 168, some of these examples show a shift also from intransitive to transitive, and this is further illustrated in gerīdan which is used in the sense ‘ride round (somewhere)’ or ‘ride up to (some point)’ as well as ‘occupy’. With some verbs, ge- gives a special sense (as with gestandan ‘endure, last’), but with others it is not possible to detect the special significance of the prefix: for example, gehātan
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Page 111 ‘call, promise’, gehealdan ‘hold, keep’ gesecgan ‘say, tell’. The nouns involved are mainly derived from verbs, and the ge-indicates either completeness of the verbal action or collectiveness; for example, gesceaft ‘that which has been created, creation’, gelimp ‘that which has happened, event, calamity’, ‘wealth, property’, ‘crowd’. With many nouns and adjectives, and with several adverbs and pronouns, ge- introduces the idea of assembly or association: ‘fraternity’, gefēra ‘comrade’, ‘colleague’; gelīc ‘similar’, ‘common’, gesib ‘akin’; gehwanon ‘from all quarters’, ‘everywhere’; gehwā ‘each’, gehwilc ‘each’ (compare the grouping function in ge…ge ‘both… and’). With other nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, no special function can be discerned, and it is likely that in many cases the ge- has been carried over from related verbs; for example, gereord ‘voice’, ‘patient’, ‘virtuously’. -ig: used in the formation of adjectives, mainly from nouns; examples: ādlig ‘sick’, blōdig ‘bloody’, cræftig ‘strong’, cystig ‘excellent’, dyrstig ‘daring’, ‘greedy’, scyldig ‘guilty’, spēdig ‘rich’, wlitig ‘beautiful’; -ig goes back to two earlier suffixes, *-īg- and *-ag-, the one causing i-mutation (§§ 208ff), the other not. -lic: used in the formation of adjectives, usually from nouns or existing adjectives; examples: cynelic ‘royal’, ‘diabolical’, earmlic ‘wretched’, geōmorlic ‘sad’, hyhtlic ‘pleasant’, munuclic ‘monastic’, sellic ‘rare’, torhtlic ‘glorious’, ‘strong’, ‘incredible’, woruldlic ‘worldly’. -nes(s), -nis, -nys: used in the formation, especially from adjectives, of feminine abstract nouns; examples: ‘piety’, ‘firmness’, beorhtnes ‘brightness’, ‘secrecy’, ēcnes ‘eternity’, ‘hearing’, gewemmednes ‘defilement’, onbryrdnes ‘inspiration’, sārnes ‘pain’, ‘trinity’, unrihtwīsnes ‘injustice’. on- (with nouns, also an-): used with several parts of speech. With verbs, it often indicates the inception of an action; for example, onbærnan ‘incite’, onbryrdan ‘inspire’, ongytan ‘perceive’, ‘inflame’, ‘enlighten’, onspringan
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Page 112 ‘spring forth’, onwæcnan ‘awake’; with other verbs (where on- is the unstressed form of un-), it indicates the antithesis of the action of the stem: onbindan ‘unbind’, ongyrwan ‘undress’, onlūcan ‘open’, ‘untie’, ‘reveal’. In nouns (usually derived from verbs), where on- or an- is an unstressed form of and-, the prefix often clearly indicates ‘against, in reply to’: onlīcnes ‘appearance’, ‘attack’, onscuning ‘detestation’, onscyte ‘calumny’; so also with other parts of speech: onemn ‘alongside’, ongean ‘against, opposite’, ‘impending, attacking’. un-: used mainly with adjectives and adverbs, but also with nouns and a few verbs. For the most part it is used to indicate the antithesis of the stem-meaning: unforht ‘dauntless’, ungearu ‘unprepared’, ungelīc ‘dissimilar’, ‘large’, ‘with difficulty’, unrihte ‘unjustly’, untela ‘amiss’, ‘hostility’, unsnotornes ‘folly’; it is rare with verbs (see on-, above): ‘undress’, untrumian ‘weaken’. In some cases the form with un- is not simply the antithesis of the unprefixed form; compare unorne ‘simple, humble’ with or(e)ne ‘excessive’. With a fair number of nouns, un- is pejorative in force; for example, uncræft ‘malpractice’, unlagu ‘injustice’, ‘evil habit’, unweder ‘bad weather’; in a few cases, it merely intensifies; thus, ‘disease’, and possibly also unforht ‘very afraid’ ( Dream of the Rood 117) and unhār ‘very grey’ ( Beowulf 357, MS). -ung, often -ing: used to form feminine abstract nouns, especially from consonantal verbs of Cl. II; examples: bodung ‘preaching’, earnung ‘merit’, ‘lamentation’, ‘suffering’, ‘honour’, wilnung ‘desire’; hræding ‘hurry’, onscuning ‘detestation’, ‘lesson’, -ing being especially associated with formations from consonantal verbs of Cl. I. 171. High frequency: and- (ond-): used with nouns, with verbs which are usually derived from nouns, and in a few cases with other parts of speech; the prefix often retains its original sense of ‘against, opposite, towards’, and corresponds to on- in many verbs
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andswaru ‘answer’. ‘illustrious’. andswarian ‘answer’. ‘enlighten’). ealddōm ‘age’. worlddweller’. with the sense of ‘bereft of’. ‘slavery’. the suffix is added to existing adjectives: geornfull ‘eager’. ingesteald ‘household goods’. for example. It can have the directional force of ‘in’. nergend ‘saviour’.(§ 170). ingenga ‘invader’. -ful(l): used to form adjectives. helmbearer (=warrior)’. infrōd Very wise’). in ‘cogitation’. land-. of land’. examples: crīstendōm ‘Christianity’. bealofull ‘evil’. andgyt ‘sense’. examples: ‘impious’. ‘saviour’. foldāgend ‘ruler of people. ‘medicine’. in some cases. hyhtfull ‘joyful’. ‘inglorious’. scyppend ‘creator’. ‘joyless’. : forms adjectives from nouns. innweard ‘inward’. ‘speechless’. wīsdōm ‘wisdom’. hlāforddōm ‘lordship’. ondslyht ‘onslaught’. for example. . helmberend ‘spear-. healdend ‘chief’. indicates the inception of an action ( indrencan ‘intoxicate’. folc-. ‘destitute’.< previous page page_113 next page > Page 113 (§ 170). eardiend ‘dweller’. and ‘reward’. Examples: andefn ‘proportion’. wīgend ‘fighter’) appear over and over again as the second elements in poetic compounds. in which function it may be an Angl. andettan ‘confess’. andlang ‘along’. swicdōm ‘treachery’. martyrdom ‘martyrdom’. wrecend ‘avenger’. andweard ‘present’. and in this function appears also as inn-. and sometimes. examples: dēmend ‘judge’. gesundfull ‘unimpaired’. for example. like on. < previous page page_113 next page > . ondhweorfan ‘turn against’. It also acts as an intensifier ( indryhten ‘distinguished’. andgytfull ‘sensible’. andsaca ‘adversary’. hæbbend ‘owner’. gār-. fold-. in-: used with various parts of speech but in two usually distinct ways. andgytfullīce ‘intelligibly’. -end: forms masculine agent nouns (compare present participles in -ende) from verbs. -dōm: forms abstract nouns from other nouns and from adjectives. A few such forms in -end (notably āgend ‘owner’. wuldorfull ‘glorious’. būend ‘dweller’. especially from abstract nouns. egesfull ‘terrible’. ingān ‘enter’. berend ‘bearer’. characteristic. ‘ruler’. woruldbūend ‘earth-. synnfull ‘sinful’.
( ) ‘anywhere’. scipe ‘heathenism’. unwærscipe ‘carelessness’. ‘cover’. oftorfian ‘stone to death’. to which it usually gives perfective aspect. tōdæg ‘today’. ofermægen ‘superior force’. ge‘convivial gathering’. especially verbs of force. oferfæreld ‘passage’. tōmiddes ‘in the midst of’. 172. ‘friendless’. : gives sense of ‘without’: ‘without payment’. tīstregdan ‘scatter’. tōweorpan ‘destroy’. < previous page page_114 next page > . ‘joyless’. ‘surplus’. ‘unprotected’. ‘shoot down’.(§ 171): ‘grudge’. it implies motion towards. ofer-: commonest with verbs. or presence at. ‘in addition to’. tōweard ‘towards’. it gives perfective aspect: tōbrecan ‘break up’. addition to. Other common affixes: ā-. ‘service’. tōlūcan ‘wrench apart’. understand’. eorlscipe ‘courage’. æfwyrdla ‘damage’.< previous page page_114 next page > Page 114 ‘careless’. with nouns it indicates superiority in degree or quality. tōhlīdan ‘split open’. ō-: gives generalised meaning to pronouns and adverbs (see also ): ‘either (of two)’. examples: dryhtscipe ‘valour’. ofsendan ‘send for’. ‘give up’. tō-: with several parts of speech. where it often has straightforward adverbial sense. æf-: used with nouns and corresponds to of. æeftergenga ‘successor’. offerian ‘carry off’. examples: offaran ‘overtake’. examples: ofercuman ‘overcome’. gefērscipe ‘fellowship’. ‘overpower’. tōemnes ‘besides’. oferhycgan ‘despise’. gālscipe ‘pride’. examples: ‘approach’. ‘see. tōcyme ‘arrival’. ‘lifeless’. of-: used primarily with verbs. ofgyfan ‘give up’. ‘forgetfulness’. oferhelmian ‘overhang’. With many verbs. ‘careless’. æfter-: as in æfterfylgan ‘pursue’. -scipe: forms masculine abstract nouns from other nouns and to a considerable extent also from adjectives. ‘scatter’. āhwanon ‘from everywhere’.
: forms adjectives signifying ‘productive of’ the stemmeaning: ‘agreeable’. mostly masc. byrgen ‘burial-place’. examples: ‘plated’. land- < previous page page_115 next page > . : see . edwenden ‘reversal’. hringed ‘made of rings’. scypen ‘cow-shed’. -en: (1) adjective suffix (as distinct from the -en of vocalic past pples used adjectivally.. change’.. ‘everywhere’. gyrdel ‘belt’. ‘prince’. In a number of words. gylden ‘golden’.< previous page page_115 next page > Page 115 : like ā-. pællen ‘purple’. examples: elland ‘foreign country’. OE elra ‘other’. -ed appears to signify ‘deprived of’. -bora: forms masculine agent nouns from other nouns: mundbora ‘protector’. ‘foundation’. menen ‘handmaid’. -cund: forms adjectives signifying ‘of the nature of’ the stem-meaning: ‘diabolical’. Examples: dryhten ‘lord’. ‘in all directions’. el-: signifies ‘foreign. and all genders of noun occur with it. ‘fertile’. godcund ‘sacred. Lat. ed-: modifies various parts of speech. back’. ‘foreign’. some fem. from elsewhere’ (cf. ‘animal’. examples: edhwyrft ‘return. ‘flame’. alius. (2) various noun suffixes which by the OE period had fallen together as -en(n). rēcels ‘incense’. -ol (-ul): these noun-forming suffixes appear with some common heterogeneous nouns. ‘re-establish’. examples: bydel ‘messenger’. silfren ‘(made) of silver’. adding the sense ‘again. ‘councillor’. ‘vessel’. ‘big-headed’. -el. ednīwe ‘renewed’. ‘of stone’. hilted ‘hilted’. usually from nouns. ‘requital’. -ed: forms adjectives (compare -ed as past pple inflexion of consonantal verbs). elles ‘otherwise’). as ‘excellent’): ‘poisonous’. -els: forms masculine concrete nouns: byrgels ‘tomb’. divine’. ‘hole’. edwīt ‘reproach’. gives generalised meaning to pronouns and adverbs: ‘everyone’. stapol ‘pillar’. it is difficult to distinguish the functions of the suffix. as in copped ‘with the top off’.
wyrdwrītere ‘historian’. foregenga ‘attendant’. especially from numerals: ānfeald ‘single. for example. -fæst: used in forming adjectives from nouns and from other adjectives. ‘southern’. simple’. -hād: forms masculine abstract nouns: ‘time of youth’.E. ‘woman-servant’. for example. used with the points of the compass. fæst ‘glorious’. ‘forethought’. ‘preamble’. ful-: modifies various parts of speech with the sense of ‘completeness’: fulgān ‘accomplish’. ‘condition’. thus. with the sense of ‘motion towards’: ‘bring forth’. examples: bōcere ‘scholar’. -iht: used in a few cases to form adjectives from nouns. originally feminine and then also masculine. wynnfæst ‘pleasant’. and later concrete. -erne: adjectival. ‘righteous’. examples: ‘bound on an errand’. especially from other nouns (compare sangere ‘singer’ from sang ‘song’. ‘pass onwards. cwellere ‘killer’. ‘plunderer’. but especially verbs and forms derived from verbs. -et(t): forming neuter abstract. miltestre ‘harlot’. woruldhād ‘secular life’. godspellere ‘evangelist’. -ettan: used to form intensive or frequentative verbs: ‘loathe’. manigfeald ‘various’. die’. foresecgan ‘mention before’. foresnotor ‘very wise’. fulwyrcan ‘complete’. ‘help’. -ere: forms masculine agent nouns. nouns: bærnett ‘burning’. -estre: used in forming agent nouns. ōnettan ‘hasten’. fuglere ‘fowler’. ‘space’. the agent noun is formed from the verb). ‘threefold’. -feald: used to form adjectives. wīsfæst ‘wise’. fulwīte ‘full penalty’. fultum ‘help’. where in Mod. fore-: used to modify various parts of speech with the sense of ‘precedence’ or ‘pre-eminence’. fulfremed ‘almost’. Very famous’. ‘virginity’. ‘eager to advance’. : modifies various parts of speech. < previous page page_116 next page > .< previous page page_116 next page > Page 116 hæfen ‘tenure of land’. examples: foregān ‘precede’.
Examples: folcisc ‘secular’. -ing: (1) forming masculine concrete nouns from adjectives and from other nouns. some with the sense of ‘at. often with the sense of ‘proceeding or derived from (the stem)’ or ‘associated with (the stem)’. especially from verbs. ō-: see ā-. miswende ‘erring’. ‘approach’. intensifies existing adjectives. biblical forms like Lēving ‘son of Levi’. ormōd ‘despairing’. § 170.( Beowulf 1438) ‘hooked’. oreald ‘very old’. ‘ill-treat’. < previous page page_117 next page > . ‘decline’. close to’ (thus ‘stand still’). Ebrēisc ‘Hebrew’. Examples: orleahtre ‘blameless’. some of the forms in -isc are also used substantivally. more often with the sense of ‘away’: ‘carry off. cyning ‘king’. : modifies verbs. -hōcyht. without (the stem)’. swicol ‘deceitful’. mennisc ‘human’ (or ‘humanity’). ‘thorny’. See also -ling. pen(n)ing ‘penny’. See also -ing . ‘row away’. (2) used to form adjectives. brenting ‘ship’. wrōhtlāc ‘calumny’. ‘escape’. -ol: (1) see -el. wrongly’: ‘misdeed’. including the names of persons and peoples. ‘thoughtful’. -ling: used to form masculine concrete nouns.< previous page page_117 next page > Page 117 finiht ‘having fins’. examples: hetol ‘hostile’. Nathaning ‘son of Nathan’ show that the formation was still productive in the OE period. earming ‘wretch’. hōring ‘adulterer’. -lāc: used to form neuter abstract nouns: ‘robbery’. or-: makes nouns adjectival with sense of ‘lacking. ‘intense’. (2) forming feminine nouns: see -ung. sibbling ‘relative’. usually from adjectives and nouns: ‘unite’. ‘farmer’. usually diminutives: ‘favonrite’. -isc: forming adjectives from nouns. orsāwle ‘lifeless’. : used to form verbs. mis-: modifies various parts of speech with the sense of ‘amiss. wīcing ‘pirate’. Englisc ‘English’ (as noun. orsorg ‘free from care’. Examples: ‘prince’. misfōn ‘fail to get’. mislimpan ‘go wrong’. means ‘the English language’).
‘cowardice’. wynnsum ‘delightful’. ‘fishing’. ‘fidelity’. with the sense of ‘through. ‘sea’. examples: ‘hostility’. under ‘subjugate’. ‘glory’. sām-: modifies adjectives with the sense of ‘half’. -weard: forms adjectives with the sense of ‘in the direction indicated (by the stem)’: ‘eastward’. lasting’: syndolh ‘serious wound’. ‘accomplish’. with the actual or figurative sense of ‘underlying’: underfōn ‘receive’. many of them abstract: ‘way of life’. : forming feminine abstract nouns: ‘allegiance’. for example. ūtgān ‘go out’. : forms feminine abstract nouns. sinniht ‘perpetual night’. ‘permanent lord’. used especially with nouns and adjectives: ‘recklessness’. especially verbs. up-: modifies various forms with the sense of ‘up. away’: uplang ‘upright’. ‘pierce’. sāmworht ‘half-built’. upper’. upāstīgnes ‘ascension’. -sian: used to form verbs. wanspēdig ‘poor’. ‘proclaim’. ‘height’. usually from adjectives and nouns. wanhāl ‘sick’. -sum: forms adjectives. yrsian ‘be angry’. wansceaft ‘misery’. ‘persist’. sin-: modifies various parts of speech with the sense of ‘extensive.< previous page page_118 next page > Page 118 . completely’: ‘break through’. : forms masculine nouns. especially verbs. upgang ‘landing’. under-: modifies various forms. ūt-: modifies various forms with the sense of ‘out. singāl ‘continual’. away’: ūtfūs ‘eager to set out’. upāspringan ‘spring up’. wan-. ūtlag ‘outlaw’ (adopted from ON). for example. ‘mirth’. undergytan ‘understand’. understandan ‘perceive’. ‘misery’. ‘sleepless’. especially from adjectives. hāmweard ‘homeward’. . < previous page page_118 next page > . ‘plundering’. ufeweard ‘further up. especially from nouns: langsum ‘enduring’. : modifies various parts of speech. ‘shore’. ‘longing’. won-: privative or negative prefix. ‘consume’.
Smith. ‘oppose. see H. ‘adversary’. Nominale Stammbildungslehre der Altgermanischen Dialekte (3rd ed. protect’. ‘abduction’. Soc. ‘Wortbildungslehre’ in Deutsche Grammatik (Halle 1920). For further and more detailed study. on -ing and other noun suffixes.Samuels. ymbbeorgan ‘shield. ymbhycgan ‘consider’. Phil. examples: ‘requital’. F. ‘opposite’. ‘lay hold on’. hwīlwende ‘transitory’. deny’.Paul. ‘resist’. F.< previous page page_119 next page > Page 119 -wende: used to form adjectives from existing adjectives and from nouns: hālwende ‘healthy’. ymb(e)-: modifies various forms with the sense of ‘around’: ymbgang ‘circuit’.H. counter’. < previous page page_119 next page > . ‘The ge Prefix in the OE Gloss to the Lindisfarne Gospels’. against’: ‘snatch away’. wende ‘amiable’. : modifies various parts of speech with the sense of ‘opposing. ‘comment’. 1949. see above all A. English Place-Name Elements (Cambridge 1956). : used to modify various parts of speech with the sense of ‘away. innan ‘within’. ‘retreat’. M. Altenglisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch (Heidelberg 1934).: Halle 1926). Holthausen. ymbsittan ‘besiege’. Trans. ‘to the south of’.L. ymbūtan ‘around’.Kluge.
can be treated only approximately and no verification is possible through the ear or with the help of scientific equipment. accidentally. for instance. what are allophones in one language may be phonemes < previous page page_120 next page > .E. But whereas the phonology of a living language can be determined with exactness and verified. Differences like these. The attempt to describe the sounds or ‘phones’ of a language and to classify and arrange them in their more common patterns is termed phonology . It must be emphasised that a given classification of sounds into phonemes and allophones belongs only to the language for which it is made. There are many different sounds in a language. or the [p] and [b] in cap and cab. which is inferred from written remains and the later history of the language. are not used to distinguish one word from another. or the [ ] and [ ] in hot and hut . and looked. Sounds so differing we call significantly differing sounds.E.< previous page page_120 next page > Page 120 V PHONOLOGY Preliminary Notes 173. as it were. four distinct k-sounds in keep.E. they are said to be in contrastive distribution and are called phonemes. two distinct t -sounds in lot and eighth . two distinct vowel sounds in pit and bid. In the first place. [t] and [k] in till and kill. the phonology of a language such as OE. through the influence of neighbouring sounds. But there are other differences between the sounds of a language which are not usually noticed by the speakers of that language. the different sounds are said to be in complementary distribution and are called allophones of the contrastive sounds or phonemes to which they are related. speakers may recognise sounds as differing and use the contrast to distinguish different words. which occur in Mod. the Mod. cool. for example. that he has. careful observation will show a speaker of Mod. but it is convenient to distinguish two ways in which sounds differ from each other. look. 174.
ibid. once the sound-changes have been grasped. Heffer.Hoenigswald.E. For this purpose it is necessary to use a phonetic alphabet. on the principle of ‘one sound. be placed in square brackets.F. xxii. Language Monographs. Phonetic symbols will. The most convenient way to do this will be to use symbols from the alphabet of the International Phonetic Association as they are needed for transcribing the OE sounds. 175. 1950). 1935. see W. On Defining the Phoneme.< previous page page_121 next page > Page 121 in another. Apparent anomalies will then be seen to conform in fact to the basic patterns of OE. xxiii. vol. Twaddell. Thus the l-sounds in Mod. one symbol’. On its importance for historical phonology. it is used here in its most convenient practical significance. In what follows it will sometimes be necessary to discuss or explain sounds not clearly represented in the OE writing or the exact relationship between spelling and sound. plead (where the l is often entirely unvoiced) and lead (where it is voiced) are allophones. 138–43 and H. and in Tamil for instance [k] and [g] are allophones. the student will be able to recognise new (and seemingly irregular) forms of words and to anticipate what forms words already known are likely to have in particular linguistic circumstances. see also 11ff) the sounds of OE have been described apart from their phonetic contexts: but in order that the student may understand the more or less regular series of sound-changes which seem to upset the normal inflexional patterns. 176.. Penzl. Daniel Jones. 34–42. its Nature and Use (Cambridge. The concept of the phoneme has played an important part in the development of linguistic science and the term has been used in many and often conflicting senses. a colon placed after any < previous page page_121 next page > . some languages make no distinction between voiced and voiceless plosives such as we make in Mod. it is necessary to describe at least the more common ways in which the sounds changed of themselves (isolatively) or were affected by neighbouring sounds (combinatively). and for a recent clear exposition. but in Welsh this difference between l-sounds is contrastive. phonematic (or phonemic ).E. as is customary. The Phoneme. on the other hand. For its early history and theory. see H. that is. and vice versa. moreover. Language vol. that is. pp. one in which the value of each symbol is known and constant. pp. In the sections on pronunciation (§§ 14ff.
long [I] i bi t [bIt] medium-high. lâ che low. as it were. pâ té [pate] low. front. rounded < previous page page_122 next page > . front ē Germ. It is the vocalic elements in speech sounds that form. o china [t∫ainə] medium. sch ön high-medium. according to the part of the tongue used and its relative proximity to the palate. weg high-medium. front. and front. and low. rounded Göttingen Germ. back. long o spot medium-low. front. A phonetic transcription which seeks to indicate every phonetic feature. ‘syllable-centres’. [gætiŋən] medium. long [ə] a. long [æ] æ ha t (RP) [hæt] medium-low. central (unstressed) [œ] oe Germ. back. and they may be classified as slack or tense according to the relaxed or tense condition of the muscles. and high. rounded. Vowels may be classified as back. tense. front ha nd (drawled) [æ] lengthened and tenser [ε] e le t [lεt] medium. front ī f eet high.< previous page page_122 next page > Page 122 symbol indicating that the sound is long . e. and low vowels may be said to be more open or less close than high vowels. whether phonematic or not. as distinct from a broad transcription which seeks to indicate sounds only in so far as they are contrastive and which is the more convenient for practical purposes. front. mid. is called a narrow transcription. back ā Fr. central. slack. In the following list of phonetic symbols there are indications of the values intended by means of descriptive notes and words from current languages: Phonetic OE Modern Phonetic Description Symbols Symbols Examples Transcriptions a Fr. They may also be described as with or without (lip-)rounding. Vowels.
o. i. [z] are called (post-)dentals or alveolars . and a few symbols must be explained. Semivowels.< previous page page_123 next page > Page 123 Phonetic Symbols OE Symbols Modern Examples Phonetic Transcriptions Description ō Germ. or as consonants with a vowel-like quality. [d]. f üllen [fylən] medium-high. [s]. The sounds [j] and [w] may be called semivowels. . i. . [n]. and the first two. OE [w] is printed with w for the MS (runic) symbol p. [t]. [d]. Consonants function as the boundaries of syllables. u as back vowels. back. with [l] and [r] (the ‘liquids’). ge. [r]. y as front vowels. gi. [t]. back. But some indication of the more important phonetic descriptions will be needed in discussing some of the OE sound-changes. back. and a. since the phonetic symbols for them correspond in general to the uses made of the consonant symbols in ordinary Mod. long [y] y Germ. [v] labio-dentals. and [j] is commonly represented in OE spelling by g. [g] are voiced plosives or stops. [n]. rounded. [k]. rounded. long It will be seen that we can describe the OE æ. because one may think of them as very short [i] and [u] respectively. [g]. have a vowel-like quality by which they may constitute syllables (compare the l-sound in middle). thus: [ . the syllabic property may be indicated by a small mark. rounded. and [p]. [m]. front. [p]. They are respectively palatal and labio-velar and are sounded like the initial sounds in your and wagon. writing.E. rounded ū f oo l high. [ŋ]. or ig . They may be treated summarily. and [f]. in phonetic transcription. [ŋ] (as in thing) are nasals. [m] are bilabials. long [u] u pull [pul] medium-high. rounded „ f ühlen high. The consonants [b]. [b]. ]. front. [x] < previous page page_123 next page > . e. [k] are the corresponding voiceless plosives. wohl medium.
The Phonetics of English (Cambridge.E. 1945). and velar when they are produced (like the [k] of lock) in conjunction with the soft palate (velum).Dieth. Throughout this Grammar. The fricatives (or spirants ) are the voiced [ ] (heard initially in then). [ ] (the usual initial sound in road). when special attention is being drawn to the fricative or ‘burred’ r. heard initially and finally in church and judge respectively. [s]. and is called retroflex r. § 204. [ ] is here used only occasionally. [∫] (heard initially in shed ). Affricate consonants consist of a plosive followed by a fricative.Pike. Sounds are termed palatal when they are produced (like the [k] of keep) in conjunction with the hard palate.Luick. [z]. Heffer. huge ). Phonetics (Ann Arbor 1943) and E. In OE there were important consequences of the difference between palatal and velar consonants. The changes in OE sounds and the influence upon them of neighbouring sounds are part of the history of English as a whole. Heffer. a velarised form of [ ] is heard post-vocalically in Somerset and elsewhere.L. Ida C. see. [ç] (heard finally in Germ. more general in scope are K.Jones. For an introduction to phonetics so far as English is concerned. that is.< previous page page_124 next page > Page 124 (which sounds like the consonant in Germ. in describing them. formed with the tip of the tongue curled up. ach) are velars (formerly called gutturals ). In the following sections are described what may be called ‘significant’ sound-changes. [v]. Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache (Leipzig 1914–29) should < previous page page_124 next page > . see § 20). in ‘narrow’ transcription. 177. see D. The voiceless fricatives are [θ] (heard initially in thin). [r] is used in ‘broad’ transcription for any r-sound. [ ] (the second consonant in measure ). and [ ] ([x] voiced. such changes whose understanding and memorising are necessary for the mastery of the patterns and practice of OE grammar. Outline of English Phonetics (Cambridge. [x] (see above). Ward. for example. Vademecum der Phonetik (Berne 1950). [f]. and the student will find that some understanding of these processes will be an aid to their intelligent memorising and practical employment. K. to give some idea of the phonetic processes involved. we shall therefore try. ich and sometimes initially in Mod. In addition to works cited elsewhere in this Grammar. 1956). as [t∫] and [ ].
Gothic. look back to them. are reconstructions (and are marked with an asterisk) from cognate written forms. The First Gmc Consonant Shift A most outstanding differential characteristic of Gmc is a complex series of regular consonant changes which occurred in prehistoric times. This Pr. which are useful to illustrate Gmc developments. By Gmc is meant a mass of common features which must have been shared by the ancestors of the Gmc languages. By Pr(imitive) OE is meant the reconstructed forms from a period before the seventh century. It comprises the oldest written remains of a Gmc language. when the earliest written remains begin. For illustrating specifically Gmc features. these features are best described as Common Germanic rather than Primitive Germanic. Gmc forms. as it were. it is by no means certain that all such phenomena existed at the same time or in the same place so as to form a single language. properly. Some Gmc Sound-Changes Affecting OE 179. since Latin is cognate with English—that is to say. being older than any written representations.OE will naturally be most used in indicating the nature of the OE sound-changes. Though these changes were in part known earlier. since though the Gmc languages all. attested in writing. By Gothic is meant the partial translation of the Bible into one of the Gothic dialects made by Bishop Wulfila at the close of the fourth century and preserved in the Codex Argenteus MS from the early sixth century with astonishing consistency of spelling. Gothic however often provides forms.< previous page page_125 next page > Page 125 be consulted for a particularly full account of everything pertaining to OE sounds. of the same ultimate IE origin—and has preserved features which the Gmc languages have changed. and Gmc will be brought in more for comparative and historical purposes. since they are very close to the assumed Gmc. and for this reason they have been known < previous page page_125 next page > . Jakob Grimm (in 1822) was the first to formulate their basic principles. while Latin. 178. Latin forms will be cited in contrast.
the two most important of these shifts are (a) that the series of IE voiced plosives [b]. We need the Go. and (b) that the series of originally voiceless plosives of IE became respectively the voiceless fricatives [f]. Thus. [xw]. J. For the purposes of OE. goes back to the IE group kt formed as outlined above. [x]. magan ‘be able’ and the 2 sg. I. OE hycgan ) came about by a third series of changes under Grimm’s Law not yet mentioned. for instance. where the p in scyppan had regularly developed in the unvoicing of Grimm’s Law. Compare the following pairs of Latin and OE words. indic.Grimm. since the g had been fronted and lengthened in OE (see § 184). the relevant symbols being italicised: (a) la bor ‘I fall’: slē pan ‘sleep’ dentem: ‘tooth’ vēnī (<*guēnī): c(w) ōm · genu: ‘knee’ ‘came’ (b) pedem: f ōt ‘foot’ t ertius: ‘third’ c ollem: hyll ‘hill’ quod: hwæt ‘what’ While a knowledge of Grimm’s Law is useful rather to the Gmc philologist than to the student of OE. [t]. while the ht of the pret.< previous page page_126 next page > Page 126 collectively as Grimm’s Law or the First Sound Shift. Thus. [θ]. [dh]. etc. [k]. bugjan. the relationship between such pairs as bycgan ‘buy’ and its pret. [gw] became respectively the corresponding voiceless plosives [p]. The g of Go. in the second edition of his Deutsche Grammatik (Vol. [kw]. goes back to IE [gh]. bugjan to clarify the bycgan —bohte pair. then. It should further be noted that the g in bugjan (as also in hugjan. bohte. meaht or miht. scyppan ‘create’ and gesceaft ‘creation’. pres. become clearer if we know that already in IE any labial or velar when followed by t (IE had a formative t -suffix) had produced respectively pt (from labials) and kt (from velars). [gh]) had lost their aspiration and took the place of the voiced plosives shifted under (a) above. [d]. it may form a valuable background for his studies and at times afford clarification in difficulties. hycgan ‘think’ and hyht ‘hope’. [g]. by which IE aspirated voiced plosives (which may be symbolised [bh]. the ft of gesceaft comes from the pt of IE by the second part of Grimm’s Law. < previous page page_126 next page > .
unless otherwise affected by analogy. [xw] (from IE [p]. cf also R. [ ]. indic. Verner’s Law appears in writing as interchanges between and d. by Grimm’s Law). . [t]. h (unless lost between vowels) and g. Before this happened. [z] becoming [r]. Phil. 1934. 71ff. Les Mutations consonantiques du germanique (Paris 1948). h(w) (again. [x]. [z] when the main stress did not fall on the immediately preceding syllable. beside tugon &c.Fourquet. and also s and r.A.< previous page page_127 next page > Page 127 1822) first. [k]. with [s>z>r]. [ ]. the conditions of which were first clearly seen in 1877 by the Dane. [kw]. usually upon the root syllable. ‘choose’ beside curon &c. the resulting series was further modified by [ ] becoming [d]. with [θ> >d]. thus. unless lost) and w or g. [θ]. the pret. compare: ‘become’ beside wurdon &c. and the past pple of vocalic verbs in OE show the consonants resulting from Verner’s Law when the stems of such verbs end in one of the consonants affected. but some time after the operation of Grimm’s Law the stress became fixed. see J. and [ ] becoming [w] or [ ] or [j]. and past pple came after the consonant in question. used the term ‘the first sound shift’ (die erste Lautverschiebung). [ ]. Karl Verner. By subsequent sound-changes in West Gmc (reflected in OE). pp. Since f represents both [f] and [v] in OE. Examples may most easily be seen in the vocalic verbs.Williams in Trans. < previous page page_127 next page > . with [ ]. pret. [ ] remaining [ ] or becoming [j] according to whether the neighbouring vowels were back or front. pret. provided the change was not prevented by the proximity of other voiceless consonants. past pple togen. an important change in consonant pronunciation took place. pl. for the original stress in the pret. For the best recent monograph on the phonetic processes of the shift.. Soc.. sg. 180. and [s] were voiced to [v]. and which has therefore often been known as Verner’s Law . The change was that the voiceless fricatives [f]. and 1–3 pl. The Second Gmc Consonant Shift In IE and early Gmc the place of the stress in a word varied with grammatical function. however. subj. the 2 sg. ‘draw’ ( ).
Thus it is sometimes said that there is ‘grammatical change’ as between the pret. Similarly are related the medial consonants in various other corresponding forms. used the term ‘grammatical change’ (grammatischer Wechsel) to describe the relationship.Jespersen. the OHG shift being the third. was voiced to [ ] by Verner’s Law. Further on Verner and this consonant shift. The process by which Gmc [z] resulting from IE [s] by Verner’s Law became [r] in West and North Gmc is often termed rhotacism (Germ. sequor) beside sāwon. the term has long been used in English studies for the Verner series. Lat. with [w] and [j] respectively. but as this OHG shift does not concern OE at all. segen. Grimm. and the pl. éxercise and exért. past pple sewen. rīsan ‘rise’ beside the related causative verb ‘raise’. compare also Go. Karl Verner set forth his views tentatively in Vol. noting a fairly regular interchange in Gmc languages between pairs of words contrasted as in the Verner series. as in Polish dobrzy ‘good’ and the name of the Czech composer Dvořak. &c. Rhotacismus). after becoming [θ] by Grimm’s Law. saíhwan. ero<*es-o. becoming [d] in OE. The [z] evidently had a kind of buzzing quality and thus easily shifted to become what was probably a trilled r.< previous page page_128 next page > Page 128 ‘see’ (cf Go. Hence the [t] of IE . also Lat. The name ‘second consonant shift’ here given to the phenomena of Verner’s Law is commonly reserved for the series of consonant changes which distinguish Old High German and which were called die zweite Lautverschiebung by Grimm. éxecute and exécutor. occurred with the West Slavonic sounds written rz in Polish and r in Czech. sg. but in reverse.E. < previous page page_128 next page > . with [xw> > or w]. which have preserved something of the freer IE stress. Linguistica (Copenhagen and London 1933) in which more than one essay is devoted to the subject (of especially pp. 97ff) in 1877. on the other hand. *ez-o. study of Sanskrit cognates showed Verner that pitár and reflected a difference also in the IE accentuation of the two words. This sound-shift was in fact the second chronologically. the [t] of remained voiceless by reason of the preceding stress after the operation of Grimm’s Law and until after the West Gmc change of [ >d]. xxiii of the German periodical Kuhn’s Zeitschrift (pp. such as ‘fall’ beside the related noun hryre. The d in OE fæder ‘father’ as against the fricative in is to be accounted for by Verner’s Law. curon. dags and ON dagr for a similar phenomenon. The voicing of fricatives when stress does not immediately precede them can be seen in the second word of such pairs as Mod. 12ff and 229f). Cf. Something like this phonetic process. ábsolute and absόlve. see O. as a result of his studies in Slavonic languages.
sg. medially it had become h early. and was probably closely connected with variations of stress.E. with diphthongisation before velarised consonants: seah. Gmc *sehwan. In OE hw remained only initially. One may similarly vary the vowel of the suffix in inflecting words. . fangen etc. along with original h. pl. as in hwā ‘who’. WS and Kt forms with w ( sāwon. This is called root-gradation and may still be seen in Mod. thus determining the markedly different -ng. tended to generalise forms with g ( sēgon. But by Verner’s Law the [ ] in forms like the pret. which Grimm termed Ablaut. Hence (Go. one may vary the vowel between the consonants. forms: *hōhan. pitch. with consequent contraction. as in drīfan ‘drive’.). Pr. with the usual loss of medial [x] give the OE forms hōn and fōn (see §§ 185. Such apparently irregular verbs as hōn ‘hang’ and fōn ‘seize’ become clearer if we remember the lost h that alternated with g in the present and pret. etc.OE *sehan) can be seen to be a vocalic verb of Class V.). one may compare Mod. followed by lengthening. 189f). This varying of vowel existed in IE. and this h was then lost between vowels. Angl. sēgon. pl. drāf. drifen. The alternation between g and w arose through Gmc [xw] becoming [ ] by Verner’s Law. *fōhan beside hēngon. The Gmc forms of the infinitives were approximately *haŋhanan and *faŋhanan respectively. with the effects of Verner’s Law giving pret. sāwon. The 1 and 3 pret. drive—drove—driven. past pple -segen.Gmc according to whether the proximate vowels were front or back. in forms of the same root. 182. may be defined as the patterned variation of vowelsounds. and with the rounding of the stem vowel to o and loss of nasal in this position. in relation to meaning. and intonation. became [ ] and subsequently [g] before the loss of nasals preceding voiceless fricatives. varieties such as [ ] and [wəz] for was < previous page page_129 next page > . drifon. and subsequently [w] or [ ] in W.< previous page page_129 next page > Page 129 181. show the h (from *hw). pl. and this is termed suffix-gradation. Vowel-Gradation (‘Ablaut’) Vowel-gradation. Taking the consonants of a word as its minimal root.cluster in these forms.E. -sewen as noted in § 180. saíhwan. we get *hōhan and *fōhan which. etc.
). -ul. qumans. -un. *kwuman-. in some cases. .< previous page page_130 next page > Page 130 In particular. ‘command’. as we have just seen. and (with zero-grade and syllabic ). In IE there was the basic gradation series. form is not. Gradation may be qualitative. and it is as a development of this practice that the Gmc (and therefore the OE) vocalic verbs are differentiated in their tenses to a large extent by variation of their root-vowel in accordance with regular series (see §§ 74ff). qēmun. pl. ] giving rise in Gmc to -um. l. and -ur. and for this reason Gmc verbs of the vocalic type which have formed their present stem from the zero-grade ( u plus syllabic consonant in Gmc) are termed aorist-presents. bydel ‘a messenger’. shewing also the results of later sound-changes). many other groups of words sharing the same root are said to be in gradation-relationship (while. the Go. In the pret. *gwom. beran ‘bear’. or quantitative. drāf ).) are as follows: qiman. Hence the Gmc principal parts corresponding to those of OE cuman were something like *kweman-. and pl. giving cwōmon. the actual parts in Go. this lengthened ō is then analogically extended to the < previous page page_130 next page > . Besides the conjugation of the vocalic verbs. of metan ‘measure’: mæt. These forms in Gmc would become *kwem. 183. when the vowel is varied in quality (as in drīfan. though. That is to say. this reduction being caused by lack of stress and related factors. Zero-grade was a characteristic feature of the aorist form of the IE verb. *kwam. the basic vowels e and o might also be lengthened or reduced to either vanishing-point (zero-grade) or to the slight indeterminate sound [ə] called schwa. OE cuman is an example of this phenomenon. root-gradation was used in IE as one of the means of conjugating verbs. Thus for instance the IE base of the OE verb cuman ‘come’ was *gwem. o. lengthened. e. . when the variation is a matter of length (as between the pret. qam. *kwam. the OE verb shows the usual rounding of ā before the nasal m. ‘behaviour’. (with e raised to i in the infin. byre ‘son’. *kwum. and reduced grades. short o being regularly a in Gmc and the zero-grade in conjunction with the syllabic consonants ( . gebod ‘an order’. The w is lost in OE before u. sg. thus.
scūfan ‘push’. lūcan ‘shut’. by some sort of analogy. see A. o (zero+u/o) OE budon. There were. pl. were formed the series of gradation which are behind most of the classes of vocalic verbs in OE: ‘e’ ‘o’(Gmc a) lengthened reduced I Gmc ī (IE ei) ai i (zero+i) OE bīdan bād bidon. niman ‘take’ has pret. for a good summary of the whole question of IE accent. nōmon as well as nāmon. see also W. Of this sort are brūcan ‘enjoy’. of the short u of the aorist-grade type.. A few further verbs. stem. the w later falls. and hence we have forms both with and without it in OE: cwōm(-). otherwise of the regular vocalic classes. biden II Gmc eu au u.Campbell.is not clear. because they have lengthened u in the pres. though not in being an aorist-present. Other aorist-presents are murnan ‘lament’ and spurnan ‘kick’. Urgermanische Grammatik (Heidelberg 1896).Streitberg. See further on the Gmc sound-changes A.Meillet. 1926). Similarly. it may however be a lengthening.Hirt.. Handbuch des Urgermanischen (Heidelberg 1932–34). būgan ‘bend’. are termed aorist-presents perhaps inaccurately.Kluge. Urgermanisch (Strassburg 1913). and a few others. holpen IV Gmc e a o OE beran bær boren V Gmc e a e OE metan mæt meten In Cl. Caractères généraux des langues germaniques (Paris.< previous page page_131 next page > Page 131 sg. since the origin of the -ū.. boden III Gmc e. giving nōm beside the historically expected form nam (see § 186 e ). i a u. and reduced grade (schwa or zero). Trans. V. From these forms. H. then. and the ō is often extended to the sg. the vowel of the past pple has perhaps been influenced or replaced by that of the present stem. < previous page page_131 next page > . before the ō. lengthened grade. together with new combinations involving the diphthongal elements i and u. and F. cōm(-) . 3rd ed. (o) OE helpan healp hulpon. giving cwōm. in the root-gradation series full grade (IE e and o).
of etan ‘eat’. and reckon upon some kind of reduplication process. and for this reason the term gemination (Lat.Gmc consonant-lengthening after short vowels by means of a following -j. the two short vowels falling together in Gmc. fremman for instance is a consonantal verb of Class I. trum ). The long consonants of earlier OE were indicated graphically by doubling.< previous page page_132 next page > Page 132 Phil. and with a lengthened grade ō. gemini ‘twins’) has been commonly used. the j having mutated the vowel as well as lengthening the consonant m . 1936. and IV arises because u was lowered to o in past pples except before nasals. moddrie ‘maternal aunt’ for earlier mōdrie. there would result the a/ō alternation that we find in OE faran ‘go’ and its pret. Indogermanen und Germanen (Halle 1924). cognates fidus (<*feidus). as well as later purely orthographic doublings (see § 199) to indicate vowel-shortening as in hlæddre ‘ladder’ for earlier . The o in the reduced grade of Classes II. cf also Sigmund Feist. næddre ‘adder’ for earlier . perfect ēdi of edere with the OE pret. though there were earlier Gmc changes which had produced for instance the -ll and -nn in such words as eall and mann. must have palatal- < previous page page_132 next page > . Soc. scyppan ‘create’ (Go. VI is different from the others. formed from fram ‘forward’ plus the suffix -ja. trymman ‘strengthen’ (cf the adj. The Class I series of gradation can be seen in the Lat. pp. It is not easy to explain the lengthened grade vowel . Greek ago ‘drive’ and ogmos ‘furrow’ point to an IE a/o series. Lengthening of Consonants In West Gmc all consonants except r were lengthened after short syllables by the influence of an immediately following [j]. sittan ‘sit’ (cf ON sitja ). Examples of W. fōr. foedus (<*foidus). This is the cause of most of the doubled consonants in OE. The semi-vowel j. biddan ‘pray’ (Go. It will be seen that the j which caused lengthening also mutated the vowel (see §§ 208f) or caused raising from e to i (§ 207) in the preceding syllable.are: fremman ‘perform’ (Gmc *framjan ). being a palatal sound. The series in Cl. 1ff. but phonetically the process is consonant lengthening and not consonant doubling. etc. 184. bidjan ). and fĭdes . III.(see §§ 161–3). -skapjan ). while the use of double letters to indicate it is merely a graphic device. we may compare the Lat. especially in the expression ‘West Gmc Gemination’.
hari) with its gen. biddan. but their lengthened consonant and their i raised from e disguise the connexion.< previous page page_133 next page > Page 133 ised the immediately preceding consonant and then become absorbed in this palatalised form. But r did not undergo this lengthening. licgan. were *-jis. etc.). is between -bb. we have scyppan ‘create’ and ‘harm’ where j has caused lengthening and mutation (compare Go. indic. thus we have such verbs as nerian beside Go. forms of bidjan (OE biddan) are bidja. for the sg. heri(g)es. thus lengthening it. ). had the j but not followed by i. badi). sg.( ic hebbe. hef(e)st. (WS bit(t) by syncope and assimilation). . of Class I consonantal verbs such as fremman (ic fremme) and the short consonant of 2 and 3 sg. indic. again has the long form ( ). pres. bed(d) ‘bed’ (Go. harja). heri(g)e (Go. ( frem(e)st. dat. indic. Thus in Cl. Thus for example the Go. V. and sittan are of the same gradation series as metan ‘measure’. Compare also hycgan ‘think’ (Go. pres. In the same class. indic. but single consonant for 2 and 3 sg. pres. nor did it absorb the following j. nasjan ‘save’. beside faran ‘go’. Thus cynn ‘race’ (Go. while the pl. sg. bidjis. skapjan. hebban ‘raise’ has the same ‘ j -present’. in such cases the j coalesced with the i. hugjan). That the g of such forms as licgan ‘lie’ and bycgan ‘buy’ was palatalised by the following j (cf ON ligja. corresponding to OE bidde.. but here the alternation in the pres. harjis. with lengthening and mutation. etc. whereas the 1 sg. bugjan ) is shown by the OE spelling -cg. sg. This is because the second consonant shift < previous page page_133 next page > . pres. This is the explanation of the contrast between the lengthened consonants in 1 sg. The original Gmc endings of 2 and 3 sg. Go. bid(e)st.and later forms. kunja). VI. acc. and the noun here ‘raiding party’ (Go. ).and -f. The consonant-lengthening did not take place when the j was immediately followed by i. In all Class I consonantal verbs with short stem-vowel we have the same phenomena of doubled consonant for 1 sg. This lengthening is important also because there are several vocalic verbs with present forms constructed originally with -j-(like consonantal verbs) but otherwise regular. and 1–3 pl. and dat. Similarly in Cl. and all the pl. indic.
it is these factors which probably underlie the variations in spelling in different dialects and at varying periods between a and o in such words as mann (monn) ‘man’. -gk-=[ŋk]) shew retention of the nasal consonant. while the corresponding pret. More irregular is the vocalic verb swerian ‘swear’. fimf (compare Welsh pump ) beside OE fīf. Influence of nasals (a) In OE the nasals tended to nasalise a preceding a and sometimes rounded it. OHG gans beside OE gōs. Other j -presents in Cl. Similarly. as already explained in § 181. The Gmc combination -aŋh-produced OE ō and thus Gmc *faŋhanan gave Pr. originally Class VI. shew loss of the nasal before the voiceless fricative together with lengthening. etc. VI are hlihhan ‘laugh’ (Go. but swerian went over to Cl.Gmc and this form appears in OE as -bb-. Gmc . Gmc . with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowels and rounding of a to o. Loss of nasal consonants There was a tendency for nasal consonants to disappear in pronunciation in later Gmc before the voiceless fricative [x]. it shews the usual absence of lengthening of r and the preservation of the j as i (Gmc *swarjan). forms . < previous page page_134 next page > . cann (conn) ‘can’ (see also (e) below). 185. Go.< previous page page_134 next page > Page 134 operates in most verbs with j -present since the stress was originally af ter the root. Go. nasals in general were lost before all voiceless fricatives. ‘think’ and .OE *fōhan. OE Minor Sound-Changes 186. Hence Go. ‘seem’ (Go. OE . This voiced fricative [β] would become a plosive when lengthened in W. compare swebban ‘put to sleep’ and habban ‘have’. hence the Gmc f (a voiceless bilabial fricative [Φ]) would be voiced to a bilabial fricative [β]. IV in its past pple gesworen . hlahjan) and steppan ‘go’ (Gmc *stapjan ). and in the West Gmc group which included OE. and . OE fōn ‘seize’. and is thus parallel to the consonantal verb nerian ‘save’.
(e) Finally. Influence of w The semi-vowel w has the following effects on contiguous vowels: (a) it changes a following eo to u in late WS. as compared with the French cognate where the w has been lost. as in the past pple of vocalic verbs. so that we have pret. earlier ‘very much’. with the original u preserved by the nasals. pl. is prevented by a following nasal.< previous page page_135 next page > Page 135 (b) The nasals m and n raised e to i when this vowel immediately preceded. and hrā(w) ‘corpse’ beside . (d) The normal fronting of Gmc to . stem normally has e. a later instance of the rounding influence of [w] is the Mod. while those of bindan and niman are -bunden and -numen. forms of the same class nāmon (from niman ‘take’) and (from beran ‘bear’). the OE form has the lowered vowel o. hlā(w) ‘mound’ beside . whose pres. beside ON nema. but this phenomenon was generally prevented by a following m or n. with the regular lowering of u to o. IV as explained in (d) above). members of the same class of vocalic verbs. gemma with the OE adopted form gim(m) ‘gem’. as in the pret. < previous page page_135 next page > . 187. compare also nyllan (ne+willan) ‘be unwilling’. both words having Gmc a. See also § 207. and the pret. compare the pret. thus ‘become’> . the proximity of a nasal tends to round ā to ō. forms brægd and band of bregdan ‘pull’ and bindan ‘bind’ respectively. pronunciation of quality [ ]. and c(w)ōmon for the historically expected c(w)āmon (with ā instead of the normal of Cl. pl. nōmon beside nāmon. compare also Lat. note also mann or monn beside ‘bath’. which characterises OE. (c) retracts a contiguous to ā. pl. and bindan.E. in vocalic verb classes IV and III respectively. (b) it may round a following to as in . sāwon (beside ) of ‘see’. Cl. -boren as the past pples of helpan and beran. thus we have niman ‘take’. V (see § 180). (c) When an original u was followed in Gmc by a low or mid back vowel. thus we have geholpen.
handus ) ‘hand’. indic. III we find helpan beside bindan. It will be seen. 188. hence gen. hence the past pple cumen from *cwumen ‘come’. and similar pairs. pl. sunu ‘son’ beside hand (Go. But after long stems this w or u disappears in pronunciation like any other u (see § 188). < previous page page_136 next page > . of onginnan ‘begin’). bearwes. with u lost after long syllables. . Here the lengthened vowel is the result of ‘compensation’ for the loss of the nasal.. See further §§ 38. (Go . therefore. Again. Other vowel alternations. sellic ‘marvellous’. in vocalic verbs of Cl. w is sometimes lost also before ō. sg. and h. see § 31). sellan ‘give’. that besides the major variations in vowels brought about by gradation (§§ 182f) and i-mutation (§§ 208ff). Thus we get the pairs scipu ‘ships’ beside land ‘lands’ (both neut. 52. there are several fairly regular interchanging pairs of vowels. and past pple. Thus. w tends to be lost. and the replacement of e by y between s and l in frequent late WS spellings of self ‘self’. as in the pret. Then we have man(n) beside mon(n). but beadwe. cōm ‘came’ beside older cwōm . resulting in the forms sylf. w becomes u finally after short syllables ending in a consonant. and their past pples -holpen beside -bunden. sg.< previous page page_136 next page > Page 136 Being a consonantal form of u. syllic. as in drihten beside dryhten ‘lord’. nouns of the same declension (§ 43). beadu ‘battle’. pres. short and long u alternate in parts of cunnan ‘be able’ because of the loss of the nasal in the pret. sg. but gen. but ‘meadow’. late WS beside (3 sg. and the noun sund ‘swimming’ beside the verb swimman. 51. There is a kind of alternation between final -u and zero as between short and long stems of nouns and adjectives. ongan(n) beside ongon(n) (pret. syllan. include the unrounding of in proximity to c. Before u. gearu ‘ready’. but gearwes. of brūcan ‘enjoy’). similarly caused by neighbouring consonants. g. Vowel alternations We have seen in the immediately preceding paragraphs some examples of the interchange of vowels under the influence of their phonetic environment. Those described so far are the results of the influence of nasals and of w. ) and (Go. ). thus bearu ‘grove’.
when h was lost between a liquid and a vowel.OE *sehan and by diphthongisation before velarised consonants (§ 201) *seohan. of wealh ). as in the sg. Grammarians have generally concluded without much discussion that there was the same compensatory lengthening of the vowel or diphthong when h was lost after liquids as when it was lost between vowels. sg. pret.a. sg. (ic) . on which see § 191. of sc(e)ōh ‘shoe’. In all the instances of the loss of intervocalic h. Original Gmc hw. of feorh). thus (<*feohes). thus weales (gen. 189. 27). giving a long vowel or diphthong whatever the length of the first vowel originally. the adjective forms gōd beside trumu (n. beside pret. but this is inconclusive. sg.< previous page page_137 next page > Page 137 ‘meadow’ beside beadu ‘battle’ (both fem.. masc. so too with the rest of the present forms. . imperat. compare ‘draw’. see § 192. neut. On the other hand. gen. thus Gmc *sehwan ‘see’.sg. see § 38). was treated in the same way. sg. in the same way.pl. fem. Thus verbs whose roots originally ended in -h have lost it in most of the OE paradigms. of feoh ‘property’. gen. feorh ‘life’ but gen.. . the vowel or diphthong in the preceding syllable remained unchanged in length. except the 2 and 3 sg. sg. some half-lines in Beowulf seem to require a short diphthong in the obliqne cases of feorh: thus Beowulf 1843a on swā < previous page page_137 next page > . appearing in OE as h except initially ( hwā ‘who’). sg. (§ 52). pres. wealh ‘foreigner’ but weales (§§ 33. see §§ 50–52). glæd ‘happy’ beside glades. indic. The only evidence usually cited for this is drawn from OE metre. seah. there was contraction of the first vowel or diphthong with the second vowel (§ 190). feores. (wē) with the reconstructed early forms . The original h remained of course finally. sg. and 1. For the alternation between æ and a as in dœg ‘day’ beside dagas. sc(e)ōs. . appears as .. thus ‘high’ but gen. Pr. Gmc *līhwan ‘lend’ (Go. indeed. Loss of h The voiceless velar fricative [x] represented by h was lost very early when it came between vowels and between the liquids l or r and a vowel. feores (gen. leihwan)>*līhan> > > Nouns and adjectives ending in h generally lose it in inflexions. and n. 3 sg.
and J.v. however. the uncontracted forms remain in early texts and in Angl. tends to retain the ‘unsyncopated’ forms. English Place-Name Elements (Cambridge 1956).. while Angl. etc. 191.< previous page page_138 next page > Page 138 geongum feore. Beowulf and the Seventh Century (Methuen) p. from . upon loss of intervocalic h (§ 189). of ‘high’. we get in OE dōn ‘do’. See A. Rev. Contraction. vol. after mutating the preceding vowel where this was possible (§§ 207. became in historical times -es(t) and . and thus without diphthongisation) suggests only unlengthened OE forms. pp.Brunner (ref. as .logy with other words not subject to contraction. indic. especially pp. s. The modern pronunciation of placenames such as Wales and Hale (from Angl.Girvan. indic.. 209). 25f. Hence the 2 and 3 sg. appears as ‘draw’. and . absorb the following vowel. halh. v (1957).OE endings -is and . vol. 1–5. ‘On the Problem of Morphological Suture in Old English’. resulting from .Vachek. nor do records reveal ME forms like *woles or *hole which would be expected if there were an OE starting point -ā-. xlv.1 and R. Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik. Pr. walh. gen. short vowels or diphthongs under these conditions were lengthened: *seohan > ‘see’. cf also gān ‘go’. thus from *dōan. Lang. Vowels and diphthongs. It will be seen that this syncope brought together the consonant(s) of the stem with those of the inflexions. dēmst and of dēman ‘judge’. where the B type requires the ‘resolution’ of feore as two short syllables with the weight of one long one. and where this produced unfamiliar consonant clusters.Quirk. fylst and of feallan ‘fall’. Contraction similarly takes place where stemvowels and inflexional vowels are contiguous. . masc. and sometimes also inflexional syllables were restored by ana. Analogical re-formations among contracted forms are discussed by R. as in § 24) § 218.H. assimilation < previous page page_138 next page > . .walh. is commonly reduced to zero or ‘cut from between’ in what is termed syncope in the OE verbs of Kt and WS. hilpst and of helpan ‘help’. Mod. 190. In many cases. Syncope and assimilation in verbs The unstressed vowel of the final syllable in the 2 and 3 sg. pres. a parallel example is Beowulf 933b. But cf also K. thus . pres. etc. and it was the vowel in these forms that was syncopated. sg. 16. without there having been a medial h.Smith.
from both and ( ‘choose’). see J. The Angl. indic. by assimilation. there being no inflexional vowel left in these forms when the time came at which h was lost. however.pl. -fihst and . which had no syncope. for example. while Angl.< previous page page_139 next page > Page 139 took place (see § 69). fem. gladu. and also M. thus verbs whose roots originally ended in h (such as ‘see’. For a recent full treatment of syncope. in bintst and bint. 32. and n. pres. lost the h giving the contracted and lengthened (§§ 189. fatu. etc.T. licgan ‘lie’ has a pret. sent ( sendan ‘send’). Thus. Alternation of æ and a West Gmc were fronted to in the earliest OE period. 51). similarly from ( ‘say’). indic. WS has fēhst from ‘strike’. from ‘rejoice’. birst ( berstan ‘burst’). forms stent ( standan ‘stand’). neut. glæd ‘happy’ with n. or u) either prevented this normal fronting in the case of the short vowel (and at times also of the long) or caused the fronted sound to be retracted again... Thus from earlier bindes(t). (see §§ 27. usually resulting. ‘see’ has 2 and 3 sg. pres. māgas (though also occurs). On the Syncope of the Old English Present Endings (Uppsala 1949). (from bindan ‘bind’) would arise bindst and . It is important to remember that the loss of h between vowels (§ 189) took place at a period later than the completion of syncope. ‘lend’) retain the h in the 2 and 3 sg. o. dagas and ‘kinsman’ but pl. < previous page page_139 next page > . The Syncope of the Old English Present Endings (Lund 1945). lāgon beside . in pronouncing the front vowel æ. 190) forms sīs(t) and . slihst and .a. fæt ‘vessel’ with pl.Hedberg. 192. but the anticipatory or attractional influence of a following back vowel ( a. unsyncopated forms. see § 76. pl.sg. note. it(t) ( etan ‘eat’). bit(t) ( biddan ‘ask’). Similarly from fōn ‘seize’.Löfvenberg. dæg ‘day’ but pl. usually have unmutated vowels. etc. In this alternation. . sihst and . and the 3 sg. so too ‘bath’ with pl. we have a kind of vowel-harmony. the fact that a back vowel was to follow immediately after a single consonant induced a more retracted variety of vowel. Thus.
< previous page page_140 next page > Page 140 193. being thus distinct from original . however. y seem to have arisen through the influence of the r or rn) are early WS forms of yrnan (irnan) and byrnan (birnan). and are generally spelt y in classical texts of the time of the Benedictine revival. this is shown by such reverse spellings as hiene for hine ‘him’. Similarly. developing respectively from rinnan and *brinnan (compare < previous page page_140 next page > . When it is said. 210). and note that has earlier variant spellings geliefan and gelifan while bīdan remains constant in general. compare ‘believe’ with bīdan ‘wait’. which the original did not. but it must have been of a nature to develop into high front rounded [y] and [ ]. The exact pronunciation of this Alfredian unstable i pair of sounds is not known. this is a loose and misleading way of indicating that unstable were rounded to . gelīfan for ‘believe’ in the Cotton MS (as copied by Junius in the seventeenth century) of the same text. iernan ‘run’ and biernan ‘burn’ (in which the ie. had come by King Alfred’s time to be pronounced as simple vowels. therefore. The thus monophthongised from the earlier diphthongs must have been for some time different phonemes from the original . ongitan ‘perceive’ (early ongietan ) instead of ongytan . It will be remembered. that all OE were frequently unrounded to in proximity to c. hieder for hider ‘hither’ in the contemporary Hatton MS of King Alfred’s version of the Cura Pastoralis of St Gregory. which were a special feature of early WS (on their origin. for they are vocalic verbs of Class III. because they regularly became in classical OE. The new sounds proceeded to share the development of the other which resulted from the i-mutation (§ 208) of (as in trymman ‘strengthen’ beside the adjective trum ‘firm’). or h (see § 188). g. But these verbs have undergone an early metathesis of the initial consonant and vowel. instead of gyfan. that in late WS the diphthongs were monophthongised to . The new are termed ‘unstable ’ because they often alternate in spelling with ie and y. from early WS giefan. ‘Unstable i’ The diphthongs . see below §§ 204. and hence such common forms as gifan ‘give’. and by hīran for ‘hear’.
Many nouns passed from less frequent declensional forms which they once had. hyse. the doubleconsonant type. 194. and also a subdivision of the common masc. gen. pl. rīc(i)um of rīce ‘kingship’.< previous page page_141 next page > Page 141 winnan ‘struggle’. has in fact brinnan as well as rinnan. so that these ‘minor declensions’ may simply be treated as ‘irregularities’ by the non-philological student. hyse ‘man’. others again seem to have fluctuated between two originally distinct ways of being declined. the tendency for less ‘ordinary’ forms to imitate those that are more familiar. declension with stems in -ja: and while these two types have mostly been absorbed in the commoner ones. (earn. Because of this metathesis. Of the ja-stem declension. pl. pret. in the same class). also had a form met(t) as if from a Gmc *matja which would produce consonant-lengthening. traces survive in the nom. similarly. mettas. indeed. is the preferred form. hyssas remind us of these facts. Go. Thus we know that < previous page page_141 next page > . rīc(i)u. and dat. Miscellaneous notes on minor sound-changes Some considerable variation arises in the forms of OE through the working of analogy. and neut. and comparison with cognate languages confirms these findings. in the pl. but they retain u in the past pple by reason of the nasal which still immediately followed it at the period when u was otherwise lowered to o in past pples (§ 186 c ). Go. Thus mete ‘food’. they have diphthongisation before velarised consonants (§ 201) in the 1 and 3 sg. Runic inscriptions from as early as the 4th century survive to indicate something very near to the common Gmc types. mettas. in addition to the Gothic remains. OE had a number of noun declensions which are descended from well-known IE types. though going back to a Gmc form *husiz. Traces of the ‘ i-declension’ survive in the gen. pl. and were ‘levelled’ with commoner types. bearn). shows forms with lengthened consonant as if from Gmc *husja. mats ). but relatively few examples of most of them are current. which developed regularly from Pr. and Deni(ge)a (beside Dena) of Dene ‘Danes’.OE *mæti (Gmc *matiz. We are able to recognise and reconstruct these declensions because. There was originally a separate declension with stems ending in the vowel i (compare *matiz above). wini(ge)a (beside wina) of wine ‘friend’. forms like mete. pl. rīc(e)a.
byr(i)g. literally svara ‘sound’ and bhakti ‘part’. was indicated by early scribes in the final consonant.). the old grammarians tell us. declension with stem in -a. frōfor ‘comfort’ beside sg. while the nom. the reason for this being that the phonematic distinction between long and short consonants had ceased to exist in final position for the most part. r. dryhtnes. and neut. such a sound. and nom. such nouns as cynn ‘race’. On the other hand..< previous page page_142 next page > Page 142 there was a common masc. etc. such vowels being front or back according to the phonetic environment. acc. Handbuch der Runenkunde (Halle 1944). and so on. and this feature is common throughout the OE inflexions. sg. the pron. This is a more exact term than any of the others. thus dryhten ‘lord’ beside gen. as shown in Runic stainaz ‘stone’. hostis) from Runic gastiz ‘stranger’. a u-stem declension is to be inferred from Go. 196. m. and medially in general ( sittan ‘sit’). Urnordische Runenschriften (Heidelberg 1923) and H. 195. Go. see A. The long (‘doubled’) consonants of early OE (§ 184) were later often written as single letters. englas. For a selection of early Runic inscriptions. Again. there was a sound somewhere between a half and a quarter of a full vowel between the d and the r: . wēstenn ‘desert’ are often written with single final consonant. In pronouncing the name of the Hindu deity Indra. Thus the distinction between mann ‘man’ and man. acc. Similarly. The liquid and nasal consonants l. < previous page page_142 next page > . pl. of which the final -z is merely the mark of the nom. a ‘partial vowel’ is a svarabhakti. wēstennes. Similarly we know of the i-declension (compare Lat. sg. sg. sunus (OE sunu) ‘son’ and handus (OE hand ) ‘hand’. oblique cases frōfre. wedd ‘pledge’. a slight vowel-sound sometimes develops between these same consonants and another consonant. harja enables us to recognise the ja-stem type which survives in OE here. dat. engel ‘angel’ beside nom. but later both words were often written man or mon . A convenient term for these ‘intrusive’ or ‘parasitic’ vowels. Thus burg ‘fortress’ has dat. pl. n tend to make possible the syncope of a preceding unstressed vowel in medial syllables. sg. so too beside ‘through’. ‘one’.Jóhannesson. the stem being staina-. sometimes appears as buruh. sg.Arntz. though the lengthened consonant continues to leave its mark in the inflected forms ( cynnes. which lies behind OE gi(e)st. is the ancient Indian grammarians’ term svarabhakti (Sanskrit). as they are sometimes called.
gold >gōld. etc. noun-forms in -a in Ælfric MSS. 198. sg. or from earlier . Changes in vowel-length. and past pple of consonantal verbs formed from nouns and adjectives with stems ending in w. w often ceases to be pronounced. hūnd ‘dog’. Again. etc. A vocalic element from the l. Thus h tended to be lost between a vowel and a following n. as examples of the absorption of such a vocalised g in the preceding æ. Similarly. findan>fīndan. gyrede beside gyrwede. and possibly before -rd and -ng. gearu ) has pret. Before an unstressed vowel. Before t. such as (for ) ‘devils’. as in the acc. masc. etc. g tends to disappear before a following d or n with compensatory lengthening of a preceding short vowel. lēde beside legde. sometimes also before -rl. of ‘show’. ). There was often assimilation of consonants in the course of inflexion. beside brægd. pret. pret. Final unstressed u is often lowered to o. the 3 sg. though mainly in the latter part. of bregdan ‘pull’. from (Angl. of licgan ‘lie’ is often in WS. of lecgan ‘lay’. -rs. pl. there are neut. indic. beside ‘retainer’. worhte. -mb. OE palatal g tended to be vocalised and become absorbed in a preceding front vowel. -rn. < previous page page_143 next page > . and mūrnan ‘care’. e. Thus cild>cīld. sido beside sidu ‘custom’. īhte. and it would probably be more accurate to describe the phenomena of . pret. clīmban. syrede beside syrwede . of īcan ‘increase’. etc. pret.< previous page page_143 next page > Page 143 197. of wyrcan ‘work’. r. -nd. of ‘high’. frīnan beside frignan ‘ask’. During the OE period. thus beside sægde. c often becomes h. This lengthening was brought about by the vowel-like properties of liquids and nasals (and in this way may have some affinity with diphthongisation before velarised consonants). or even to a . quite apart from that occasioned by syncope (§ 191). and similarly we have bīndan. as in . and this phenomenon is frequently seen in the pret. gyrwan ‘prepare’ (compare the adj. pret. 199. . pres. and similarly syrwan ‘deceive’ (compare the noun searu ‘trick’) has pret. Hence gearo beside gearu ‘ready’. there was lengthening of short vowels before -ld. for example. of secgan ‘say’. pret.
Just as the above lengthening failed to occur before groups of three consonants. Some Major OE Sound-Changes 200. . for example). became fŏddres.< previous page page_144 next page > Page 144 m. so too any pair of consonants. Here are grouped some sound-changes which are especially important to the student. fŏddre. child and children). other than the lengthening clusters. either because they play a major part in the varied forms of inflexion or because their phonetic nature is of particular interest or difficulty. which had come down from Gmc and (in WS only) of the diphthongs which later became ‘unstable ’ and then . sc(e)olde ‘should’.E. Doubled consonants. as in wundrian ‘wonder’ beside wūndian ‘wound’. compare cīld with the pl. similarly. thus and ‘and’. and wolde ‘would’ remained with short vowels. cildru (§ 44) which was never lengthened (compare Mod. and so by analogy the nom. fōdres. ātor ‘poison’ became ăttor by reason of oblique forms with shortening before -tr. from ‘adder’. The ē and ō resulting from this lengthening were always the close vowels. as explained in § 193. fōdor ‘nourishment’ also became fŏddor. They are treated in the probable order of their occurrence and in relation to other changes already described.( ăttres. earlier a method of indicating contrastive consonant length (see § 184). might cause shortening of preceding long vowels in the later OE period. The lengthening did not take place if a third consonant immediately followed the lengthening cluster. thus fēld was [ ] and gōld [ ]. etc. fōdre. They are severally the cause of the development of new front-round vowels and of new diphthongs beside the . Other instances are from ‘ladder’. Thus ‘bladder’ became . when consonant length was 110 longer such a prominent phonematic feature. n may be thought to have coalesced with the preceding vowel and so given it length. < previous page page_144 next page > . came to be used to indicate the shortness of preceding vowels. Nor did the lengthening occur in less stressed words and positions.
though only was diphthongised before all these. sealde. The term breaking is merely the English translation of the German word by J. of verbs like helpan and sellan it will be noted that diphthongisation took place: healp. were diphthongised to . taljan ). and Sievers was the first to apply to it the term brechung in his fundamental Angelsächsische Grammatik . *herte>heorte ‘heart’ (cf Go. The consonants which had this effect were ll or l plus another consonant. The term ‘breaking’ was first used in 1822 by Jakob Grimm in his Deutsche Grammatik to cover the formation of all the OE diphthongs developed from front vowels.< previous page page_145 next page > Page 145 201. and is regrettable. see § 179). and it is inaccurate to speak of ‘undiphthongised a ’ in cases where the usual diphthongisation has not occurred. that is diphthongised. *fehu >feoh ‘cattle’ (cognate with Lat. or of the ‘diphthongisation of a to ea’. No diphthongisation took place before the combination rj as in nerian ‘save’ or before the ll produced by West Gmc consonant-lengthening (§ 184) as in sellan ‘give’ and tellan ‘count’ (Go. here we have dipthongisation of æ before l plus consonant. .OE *ærm>earm ‘poor’. Diphthongisation before velarised consonants (‘Breaking’). (later ) when immediately followed by velar or velarised consonants or consonant groups. < previous page page_145 next page > . since the vowels involved were in no sense ‘broken’ into a diphthong but rather had something added to them. It is important to remember that this diphthongisation is the addition of a vowel glide to the front vowel through the influence of certain velar qualities in following consonants. it therefore included the analogous changes produced by diphthongisation before back vowels (§ 214) as well as the diphthongisation after palatal consonants (§ 204).OE æ. Thus Gmc *harduz (cf Go. hardus)>Pr. rr or r plus a consonant. pecu. Gmc *armaz (cf Go. thus it is Pr. In WS no diphthongisation of e took place before ll or any l-group except l plus h (hence the regular form helpan ‘help’) but in the pret. etc.OE *hærd>heard ‘hard’.Wright and others. not the earlier form a. arms)>Pr. . haírto=*herto). What we here call ‘diphthongisation before velarised consonants’ was termed fracture by Mayhew in his Synopsis of OE Phonology (Oxford 1891). and h or h plus a consonant. sg. *werpan>weorpan ‘throw’ (cf ON verpa ). The front vowels . the doubled ll of sellan belonging only to the present. saljan.
compare in London English today the back-vowel glide heard between the [I] and [lk] of milk: [ ]. > > ]. For recent discussion of this diphthongisation. spelt feoh . attributing the second element in the digraphs to the influence of Irish scribal practice in < previous page page_146 next page > . If the difference in the position of the organs is great. that at particular periods in particular dialects the difference in the positions required of the speech-organs for these contiguous sounds became so extreme as to produce glides between the sounds clearly enough heard for the scribes to notice and record them in their orthography. see the references given in § 18. but also of the on-glide to the consonant itself. Since the sounds of speech are continuous and not discrete. since l and r have vocalic properties. and these diphthongs often remained after the special conditions that produced them had ceased to obtain.the speech organs.< previous page page_146 next page > Page 146 202. It appears then. heard ). and also with u-timbre. Miss Daunt sought to deny the diphthongal nature of the phenomenon. and r was probably a ‘burred’ retroflex (produced with the tongue-tip curled up) rather like that heard today in Somerset. In OE the vowels diphthongised were front. Thus heard may be supposed to have gone through the following stages in early OE. The glides then formed diphthongs with the original vowels. ‘glides’ arise between different sounds as our speech-organs. there would also be the consonantal on-glides to contribute to the diphthongisation. The l in these groups must have had ‘dark’ or velarised quality. while still producing one sound. We may infer that the phonetic processes underlying this diphthongisation were as follows. With the consonant groups beginning with l and r on the other hand (as in healp. the second element of the diphthong being made up not only (as in feoh ) of the off-glide from the front vowel as the speech-organs moved towards the position to form the velarised consonant. and in words like *feh. in forming themselves into the position to make the voiceless velar fricative [x] would give u-quality to the off-glide from e: [fex>feux>feox> feəx]. like that in the Londoner’s milk already mentioned. the glide is considerable. form themselves into the position for producing the next. In her article there referred to.
eo. iu respectively. sg. Miss Daunt thinks. since the same digraphs ea. thus and metan both belong to Cl. Bregdan. dat. the stages here are > (§ 185)> > and . I verbs include ‘lend’ beside drīfan. VI. but just as the influence of the nasal has given us bindan instead of *bendan and band instead of *bænd. The verb ‘prosper’ (§ 75) was originally of Cl. io were also being used for the known diphthongs from Gmc au. and this is most unlikely. III (later Cl. 190). III) gradation-series. Diphthongisation before velarised consonants is important in OE grammar. sg. OE scribes. xxxi (1955). < previous page page_147 next page > . for instance. fer ‘man’ has gen. fir. The Cl. fiur. and in the article by S. achieved phonematic status within the OE period. I) and its history is reflected in the past pple form used adjectivally.< previous page page_147 next page > Page 147 which it is generally believed that back vowels written before certain consonants merely show the ‘dark’ quality of such consonants. The Irish parallel however would imply a phonematic distinction in OE between the various types of consonant so indicated. where Gmc *sehwan passed through the stage *sehan. further exchanges of views in Language vol. especially in understanding the conjugation of vocalic verbs. was then diphthongised as *seohan. ‘cover’. pp. while originating as positional variants (allophones) of the original vowels. ‘strike’ has come through the stages *slahan> *slæhan>*sleahan. helpan. of verbs like berstan ‘burst’ and ‘thresh’ (pret. might have developed the habit of showing by the second elements in the digraphs ea. however. Thus. or pret. io simply the type of resonance or timbre of the following l or r. healp beside brægd. The chief authorities still accept the theory of a glide-vowel origin of the digraphs. The diphthongisation did not take place in the infin. the function of the u in the latter being to show the ‘colour’ of the ‘dark’ r. so diphthongisation has produced the pret. with a diphthong. V. in this case we have Gmc *lihwan>*lihan> > > . ‘wash’. so too. ‘excellent’. to this same class belongs also . bærst. the diphthongisation before a subsequently lost h produces forms where the gradation relationships are obscured. eu. instead of .Quirk cited in § 18 evidence is presented in favour of the view that such diphthongs. 203. See. and so with loss of h and contraction became (§§ 189.Kuhn and R. OIr. eo. sg. ‘blame’. so too. Again. it is not likely that the specifically OE use of the digraphs would be for simple vowels. bindan are all members of the same (Cl. In Cl.M. 372–401. Moreover.
geaf. ‘yet’. gyldan. and this ll was of the sort that occasioned diphthongisation (compare § 201). non-WS gæst ) ‘stranger’. In ceorl ‘man’. etc. gatu (like fatu. and pl. By King Alfred’s time. with sg. has giefan. a verb of Cl. . Similarly geldan ‘pay’ of Cl. on the other hand. The diphthongisation was far less frequent in Angl. g. which later became falling diphthongs. IV sceran ‘cut’ has the early WS infin. g. thus all beside WS eall ‘all’ beside ‘need’.). pret. etc. gyfan. V whose expected forms would be like those of metan ‘measure’ (§ 81): gefan. by reason of the following back vowel: § 192). also removed the results of diphthongisation before velarised consonants. It would seem that a front vowel-glide ( i or e ) developed between the strongly palatal consonant and the following vowel in these cases. scear. Other examples include geat ‘gate’ (non-WS gæt ). see § 17. form gieldan ( ld did not cause diphthongisation of e ). . This was a characteristically WS development. . fehtan beside feohtan ‘fight’. ‘smoothing’. werc beside WS weorc ‘work’. of fæt ‘Vessel’. gist (early WS giest. gielpan ‘boast’. The Angl. For further remarks on their pronunciation. Early WS. III has the early WS infin. because the post-vocalic position of r in these forms is the result of metathesis which occurred after the period of diphthongisation when they had the forms *brestan. In Cl. gæf. had become ‘unstable ’ (§ 193). these forms in fact occur in non-WS. these vowels developed into the diphthongs and respectively. likewise giellan ‘scream’. -gefen. . Diphthongisation after palatal consonants When a palatal c. thus. or sc immediately preceded or .< previous page page_148 next page > Page 148 ). -giefen . and h. . < previous page page_148 next page > . scieran. Angl. etc. The so-called Angl. giving the rising diphthongs ié. by which diphthongs were reduced to simple vowels before c. pl. It should be noted that the ll in eall and feallan ‘fall’ does not result from West Gmc lengthening (§ 184) but from a far older formation. gildan. and it is well illustrated in the principal parts of gifan (early WS giefan ) ‘give’. so that classical OE forms have i or or y ( gifan. l and r seem to have been pronounced in a way that prevented the general fronting of Gmc a to æ or that caused it to be retracted again. 204. pl. dialects because their consonants developed differently and either did not occasion diphthongisation or soon removed its results. and ‘yet’.
In addition to that arising from the influence of preceding palatal consonants. . leomu ‘limbs’.< previous page page_149 next page > Page 149 gearu ‘ready’. Here again early WS tends to use io for eo (as in liornian ‘learn’). eh for eoh ‘horse’. smoothing or monophthongisation before c. . as in geaf ‘gave’. in the Cotton MS of < previous page page_149 next page > . and . feorh ‘life’. The developed regularly from Gmc au and had its OE form by the eighth century. Kt in all periods tended to level the two under . in the Hatton MS of the Alfredian version of Cura Pastoralis ). . Alfredian WS and Kt frequently show the levelling of both and as (for example. heard ‘hard’. Most of the examples of IE eu were raised to iu in Gmc. singly or preceded by r or l. in the Lindisfarne Gospels for ‘ear’. In most late OE MSS are replaced occasionally by æ in spelling (though careful scribes retain ea-forms). while in other dialects and in earlier periods they were sometimes kept apart and sometimes levelled as . 210) of . h. 205. thus ‘death’ beside Go. The short diphthongs ea and eo. Thus. we have the consonantal verb ‘believe’ and beside searu ‘device’ the verb sierwan ‘plot’. were produced in OE itself by the various diphthongisations. hēh for ‘high’. and eu and iu gave OE and respectively. thus Angl. the diphthongs arose through the influence of velarised consonants (§ 201). long and short ieforms arose in early WS by the i-mutation (§§ 206. classical OE had four diphthongs. thus corresponding ‘faith’. ēc for ‘also’. and Kt normally raises eo to io as with the long diphthong. Notes on diphthongs As stated in § 18. Such ie-spellings were partly replaced by i-forms by the end of the ninth century (thus hīran. as in in Bede’s Death Song for ‘death’. while Nb tended to mix with . early WS ‘hear’. ea. g. eo. Both short and long diphthongs are subject to the Angl. such forms as hærm for hearm ‘harm’ in Classical OE texts are ‘occasional spellings’ indicative of the monophthongisation of all the OE diphthongs which was complete in most areas by the time of the earliest ME texts. but these diphthongs fell together as in late WS or classical OE. ‘offer’. and some others.
or through the influence of a following nasal (see § 186 b). the raising of e to i through the influence of an i or j in the immediately following syllable. On the OE diphthongs. by a back vowel in the syllable immediately following. the lowering of u to o through the influence of a back vowel in the next syllable (see § 186 c ). Common Gmc mutations There are two which significantly affect OE. secondly. We have two important mutations to consider: first. For i-mutation of . 207. the early Common Gmc mutations.< previous page page_150 next page > Page 150 Cura Pastoralis ). Mutations Mutation. and secondly. and these in turn by forms indicative of rounded vowels by the tenth century (as .Brosnahan. hlæhhan (early WS hliehhan) ‘laugh’. 3 sg. so that the pl. heorde . later hyrde) ‘shepherd’. hiorde (WS hierde. cniht. heldan for late WS hildan or hyldan ‘bend’. WS as hældan ‘bend’. This tendency was checked.F. for which Grimm first used the term Umlaut which is still widely current. miht . and for the foregoing words has eorre.OE i-mutation. ‘light’. . or through its being in an unaccented position. however. of beran ‘bear’ (Pr. līht. there is a useful recent study in the light of findings in acoustic phonetics by L. ă. meaht (from magan) ‘might’ become fihtan. h often became palatal [ç] and monophthongised and frequently raised the diphthongs and to . assimilation.Gms niman < previous page page_150 next page > . but Mercian (as represented in the Vespasian Psalter Gloss ) usually has eo. thus early WS feohtan ‘fight’. or anticipation) of a vowel in an immediately following syllable. non-WS texts generally have io -spellings. 1953). 206. . syrwan ). is the change from one vowel to another through the influence (by attraction. first. pres. Outside the area of classical OE. of Alfredian and late OE cniht is often cneohtas and of Piht ‘Pict’ Peohtas. Pr. Heffer. thus non-WS hēran for late WS ‘hear’. the i-mutation of is represented generally by e. For example. Some Old English Sound-Changes (Cambridge. later yrre) ‘angry’. especially in the combination ht. See further § 193. cneoht ‘boy’. In later OE. indic. Sometimes Mercian texts have æ for the i-mutation of Angl. as iorre (WS ierre.
sg. because the Gmc form of the latter was . i-mutation i-mutation. whereas in the noun the original u was lowered to o by the following a (Gmc ). By i-mutation. shared in varying degrees by all Gmc languages except Gothic. < previous page page_151 next page > . occasionally transferred the o lowered from u to another inflected part of a word which originally ended in i and which should therefore have retained the u.pl. ). Pr.< previous page page_151 next page > Page 151 ‘take’. ). where one would have expected *yxen (compare the fox—*fyxen example above). though a subsequent source of OE o lay in Lat. and by an i or j in the next syllable. of OE dohtor ‘daughter’ (§ 47). however. adoptions.a. from *neman-. A similar relationship exists between OE god ‘god’ and gyden ‘goddess’. Analogy. of mann (monn) ‘man’. had such an o. such an i or j caused i-mutation of the ‘unlowered’ u. whereas a dat. OE had no short o other than this one by the lowering of Gmc u. . This is the explanation of the dat. and OE gold ‘gold’. It is important to remember that the lowering of u to o was prevented by a following nasal (hence gebunden beside geholpen. having it later i-mutated to y.from *duhtri (the regular form) would be the rare OE dyhter . god ‘god’. Gmc u has been analogically lowered to o before the period of i-mutation.OE ă. as one can tell from the mutated form e (see § 208). from Gmc (compare Go. olium. fox ‘fox’ and *fyxen ‘vixen’. ā. are fronted or raised to mid or high front vowels: OE a before nasals (Gmc a )>e. n. ele ‘oil’. Similarly OE oxa ‘ox’ has a pl. So it is that the OE adj. 208. . (from an i-declensional type) exen. which is dehter apparently from a Gmc *dohtri. past pples of the same class). corresponding to gold is gylden. (before nasals). with subsequent imutation of the u. in this case. as in menn. It is closely related to the raising of e to i (§ 207) inasmuch as it is the direct result of the influence of i or j on the vowel in an immediately preceding syllable. from (late) Lat. from Gmc (compare Go. had been completed in OE by the time of the earliest written records.
OE ā (Gmc ai )> . as in ‘make space’. badi). fēt. and therefore have mutation in OE. as in ‘heal’. early WS ieldra. The alternation of o and y in such pairs as fox and *fyxen is. sg. Other examples of i-mutation are very commonly to be found. Gmc *hailjan (cf Go. really a case of the i-mutation of u beside other forms of the same root in which the u had been lowered to o before the OE period. and exen. the sounds are found unrounded to . retained the mid-front-round forms spelt oe. hāl ‘whole’. thus byre ‘son’ beside -boren < previous page page_152 next page > . pres. with i-mutation of the reduced-grade vowel. Secondly. as in the verb trymman (<*trumjan) ‘strengthen’. beside the adj. with loss of nasal and rounding: §§ 181. Angl. *-isto (West Gmc *-iro. háils). and this sound-change is of special importance and frequency in the structure of OE. Thirdly. the student needs to know the ‘mutation pairs’ of vowels because in the 2 and 3 sg. indic. however. as in gēs ‘geese’. *-isto). rūm ‘spacious’. as has been shown in § 207. cf § 207)>æ [œ] >e. there are nouns related to the past pples of vocalic verbs (see § 161 a ). in classical OE: exen. as oexen ‘oxen’. a number of common adjectives and adverbs formed their comparative and superlative with the Gmc suffixes *-izo. OE ū> . olium. ‘feet’. there is normally i-mutation of the stem-vowel or raising of e to i (§ 207).OE *gōsi <Gmc *gansiz. OE u>y. etc. 209. Lat. as in ele. comp. háiljan and the OE adj. yldra. gōs (Pr. Gmc *badja (cf Go. Go. OE ō> [ ]>ē. as in bed(d) ‘bed’. consonantal verbs are often formed from nouns and adjectives and from other verbs with the suffix *-ja. trum ‘strong’. dōmjan).< previous page page_152 next page > Page 152 OE æ (Gmc a )>e. In learning the conjugation of vocalic verbs. where there has been i-mutation of the diphthong: ea>ie>y (for the i-mutation of diphthongs. compare dōm ‘judgment’ with the verb dēman ‘judge’ (Go. thus eald ‘old’. see § 210). 185). beside the adj.(§ 163). Again. with consequent mutation. OE o (sometimes Gmc u analogically lowered.
were all subject to i-mutation (see § 205). worhte. wyrd ‘fate. In WS they were all mutated to and these. The generally accepted phonetic explanation of i-mutation is that the high front i or j palatalised the preceding consonant and that this in turn pulled the vowel of the stem towards its own position. note). where we have an i-declensional type of noun (§ 194. heord ‘herd’ but hyrde (early WS hierde ) ‘shepherd’. fōt ‘foot’ and fēt. raising or fronting it. etc. see § 205. . bycgan ‘buy’ beside pret. such as wyrcan ‘work’ beside pret. The i or j which had thus fronted a preceding back vowel (or raised a front one) by strong attraction in articulation through and by < previous page page_153 next page > . are to be explained by the alternation between the u of the present stem (which underwent i-mutation because these verbs had the suffix *-ja-) and the u of the pret. cyme ‘coming’ and cuman ‘come’.< previous page page_153 next page > Page 153 (earlier *-buren). hycgan ‘think’ beside pret. see §§ 179. fyll ‘death’ and feallan ‘fall’. On and . earlier -ie-) ‘bend’. For the corresponding forms in other dialects. and . and superl. and past pple which was regularly lowered to o as explained in §§ 186 c. with subsequent mutation of the u to y. ‘deprived of’ but (earlier ) ‘release’. Varying forms of consonantal verbs within the conjugation. cyre ‘choice’ and ‘choose’. 184. etc. āc ‘oak’ and . Examples are eald ‘old’ but comp. for example. 207 and which had no j in the suffix to cause mutation. what happens’ and ‘become’. 211. burg ‘fortress’ and byr(i)g. etc. in classical OE. too. are a special mark of early WS. The diphthongs . The inflexion of a group of nouns. hogde (on the consonant alternations. such forms appear as i or y (§ 193). ‘friend’ or . past pple of beran ‘bear’. later. (see §§ 47–49). while in the past pple the u was lowered to o ( boren: § 186 c ). yldest (earlier -ie-). bohte. ‘faith’ but ‘believe’. *buri. 210. Compare also hryre ‘fall’ with the verb ‘fall’. ‘ring’ but bīgan (earlier ) ‘cause to bend’. 212. yldra. dohtor ‘daughter’ and dehter. heald ‘sloping’ but hyldan (also -i-. see § 185. 197).. shews these mutation pairs.
< previous page page_154 next page > Page 154 means of the intervening consonant. from Gmc *kōniz . in pronouncing *dōmjan ‘judge’. the j is supposed to have been mentally anticipated by the speaker. Pr. the first element being cēn(e) ‘bold’. and that the sounds first resulting from i-mutation were the original vowel plus an anticipatory high front vowel which then coalesced with the original stem-vowel to constitute the new form. Thus.OE *sægjan has had its g palatalised by the following j as well as lengthened. The orthodox view of articulatory influence through the consonant is a theory of attraction and assimilation. was then absorbed into the palatalised consonant. and that later this ō and i would unite to form the compromise front-round vowel [ ] written oe. On the other hand. This is a ‘mentalistic’ or psychological theory of i-mutation. that the i or j pulled the immediately preceding consonant towards a palatal articulation and that this in turn mutated the stem-vowel. hycgan ‘think’ or nouns like brycg ‘bridge’. bycgan ‘buy’. it is through this palatalised g that the vowel has been mutated. because it is based entirely on the assumed workings of the speechorgans. while at the same time this vowel < previous page page_154 next page > . for instance. An alternative explanation is that in pronouncing the back vowel in the root-syllable the speaker unconsciously allows his mind and his tongue to ‘anticipate’ the i or j that is to come in the immediately succeeding syllable. Compare also the verbs lecgan ‘lay’. while the mentalistic view is one of anticipation. but with unrounding to dēman in WS. so that he would say something like dō-i-mjan. The accepted theory is supported in some measure by the OE and later spellings of the medial consonant in such words as secgan ‘say’ as compared with the related noun sagu . for instance. appears in Bede as Coinuulf. and the palatalising and lengthening are both symbolised in the spelling cg. the proper name Cēnwulf. *dōimjan becoming . there are eighth-century spellings which seem to preserve just such oi forms as the ‘mentalistic’ theory would assume to be the first stage of i-mutation. It may be suggested that i-mutation was brought about by the joint working of both the ‘attractional’ and the ‘anticipatory’ iniluences. a form preserved in Angl. This theory may be called ‘mechanistic’. hrycg ‘back’.
the i-declensional (§ 194) pl. earlier *drūi. is sometimes disturbed or altered by the influence of analogy or levelling. and these forms are confirmed by some words in eighth-century glossaries. is found beside . giving (thus Angl. and not the usual early WS (later ). the rune called is. The working of i-mutation. gelēfan ‘believe’ beside early WS .occur. compare Dene ‘Danes’. For instance. of vocalic verbs. the resulting from i-mutation were generally unrounded and lowered to . and in the same text we find from hātan ‘call’ for the expected (with mutation. the new rune is merely the old ūr ( ) with the single stroke for i. where a mutated vowel or diphthong would have been expected. like other sound-changes. too. are inconclusive from the point of view of explaining the phonetic processes.< previous page page_155 next page > Page 155 was being affected by the anticipation of the i or j . Note. where both dialects have the related noun in the form ). called ūr. That > passed through a stage is further suggested by the Runic or alphabet in which the rune for u. it seems that in both elements were raised in early WS. or by mutation show no modification of the second element. pres. With regard to the diphthongs subject to i-mutation.E. occurs in the Hatton MS of Cura Pastoralis. thus Kt sen(n) beside WS syn(n) ‘sin’. from . where mutation (earlier *dani) has occurred. Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica in its earliest MSS (Moore and Leningrad) contains a number of English names in the Latin text. The latter element is OE ‘strength’. where there was no intervening consonant. giving . inserted at the bottom ( ). Such < previous page page_155 next page > . there was a raising (or fronting and raising) only of the second element. whereas in Angl. was modified to form the rune called used in i-mutation positions. In the 2 and 3 sg. dialects. therefore.for later -oe. indic. syncope. Similarly . The Angl. thus from ‘become’. 213. ‘wizard’. The diphthong forms by mutation. noun Seaxe ‘Saxons’ has had the ea restored by analogy. In Kt and S.and -e. and it may be supposed that this became with later coalescence of the ū and i to give . they include Coinualch for Cēnwealh and a number ending in -thruid or -thruith (for in such names as ). however. Names with -oi. analogy seems sometimes to have replaced the expected mutated vowel by the more frequently recurring unmutated one. and assimilation). from beran ‘bear’. and Bede seems to have been careful to preserve traditional forms of earlier centuries in writing them.
It is the last of the major vowel-changes in OE. the present phenomenon concerns only short vowels. In Kentish. ealu ‘ale’. and with WS ‘afterwards’). when followed after a single consonant by a back vowel. while the earliest written records were being made. Thus lim ‘limb’ has. g. the front vowels æ. similarly we have heofon ‘heaven’. sidu ‘custom’ has the alternative Alfredian form siodu. beside limu. . . labial and dental consonants. i into the diphthongs ea. are fairly common in lOE. It should be noted however that while the latter affected also long vowels to some extent. too. Like diphthongisation before velarised consonants (§ 201). 214. e. i. In Angl. without syncope or mutation. on the evidence of the glossaries of that period. became respectively the diphthongs ea. io respectively.< previous page page_156 next page > Page 156 forms. and (through the influence of the w. witan ‘know’ appears also as wiotan and weotan. Diphthongisation before back vowels (‘Back Mutation’). . As with the other diphthongisation. eo. pl. Mercian of the Vespasian Psalter < previous page page_156 next page > . h its effects are removed by Angl. io . § 187 a ) wuta. but before c. æ and not the earlier Gmc a ). The cause of the diphthongisation seems to be the rise of a glide as the speech-organs anticipated the articulation of the back vowel in the following syllable. this diphthongisation changes the Pr. the process is therefore very similar to that presumed in the diphthongisation before velarised consonants (§ 202). too it is common. smoothing. wita ‘counsellor’ appears also as wiota. but in classical OE it is found to some extent. For the most part. The rule in general is that in the early OE period. and also. ‘slope’ has pl. forms liomu and leomu (with the usual lowering in WS and Mercian of io to eo ). this sound-change belongs to the non-WS dialects. weota. and was still apparently in progress in the earlier eighth century. etc. the change affects only front vowels (that is. particularly before liquid. by this diphthongisation. the diphthongisation is very widespread and seems to have occurred even through two consonants (compare Kt siondon with WS sindon ‘are’. There is also something of a parallel between this diphthongisation and i-mutation (see § 212). e. eo.OE vowels æ.
Forms like beoran ‘bear’. but it seems to be a part of the verb wītan ‘go’. Diphthongisation before back vowels is often referred to as ‘back mutation’ or by the various vowels that caused it: thus ‘ o/a -mutation’ (the common type) and ‘ u-mutation’ (the less common type). loan-form in WS. of weg ‘way’). The origin of (w)uton is not known. 215. imperative or hortatory expressions (§ 135) as in (w)uton dōn ‘let us do’.< previous page page_157 next page > Page 157 Gloss. and ealu (§ 46) ‘ale’ seems to be an Angl. often has the diphthongisation even before c and g (thus spreocan ‘speak’. weogum.pl. occur commonly with this diphthongisation of æ in classical OE. The student of the history of the language will consult specialist works devoted to the subject. perhaps originally poetical and Angl. however.. which is used for periphrastic 1st pers. The phonology presented has been for the most part confined to those matters which the student needs to understand in order to learn the grammar of OE efficiently. and it is hoped that the references supplied in the notes throughout will enable the philologist to pursue further studies effectively. d. hence wutan ‘counsellors’ in the Cotton MS of Cura Pastoralis beside wiotan in the Hatton MS version. remaining as the regular form in classical OE. This development has left one common mark on Classical OE in the form wuton. < previous page page_157 next page > . and this through the influence of the w (§ 187 a ) sometimes became u in some areas. Kt has and (on the evidence of proper names containing the elements) badu and balu. eotan ‘eat’ are common to non-WS dialects. Conclusion. two other words. ‘ umutation’ of æ is for the most part found only in Mercian: it is not normal in WS. and those aspects have been especially emphasised which are of the greatest structural importance. beadu ‘battle’ and bealu ‘evil’. There are many problems in OE sound-changes and many unsolved puzzles connected with individual words which have not been touched upon in the foregoing paragraphs. later uton (with loss of w before u: § 187). The diphthongisation of i after w produced io.
49. 51 . 29 . 167. 182f . 209 accusative. 60f analogy. 191. 80. 58 . 33. attor. 71 . 83 bāt. 40 bannan. 44 . 192 bahuvrīhi compounds. 194. 116 adverbs. 69 note. 121ff āhwā. 71 ān. 197 āswebban. 38. 71 ātor. 67 . definite declension. . 214 note . 116 adjectives. 203 note. āhwelc. 76. 54. 39 . 73 . formation of. 33 bana. 73 andswaru. 213 andswarian. 96ff adjectives. 67 allophone. -hwylc. 214 note . 210 bealu. 186. 142f adverbs. 214 note bearn. 71 ‘Anglian smoothing’. formation of. 170ff adjectives. 34 . 183 āscian. 205. 166 . 170ff assimilation. 7ff . 37 andwyrdan. grammatical. functions of. 174 alphabet. 182 bærnan. 26 beadu. 26 āwiht. 67 bacan. 199 . References are to the numbered paragraphs ‘Ablaut’. 168. 165. 152 āc. 67 . 187f. 82 ‘back-mutation’. 50ff. 33 . 76 absolute constructions. 93 agreement. 67 . 26 āgan.< previous page page_158 next page > Page 158 INDEX This comprises a subject-index to the whole. 214 bæcere. together with a word register to Parts II and V. 167 bān. 73 aspect changed by prefixes. indefinite declension. 71 aorist-present verbs.
182f. 193 bismrian. 191. 186. 81. 182f. 33. 208 befæstan. 77. 207. 79. 71 bēgen. 61 belgan. 210 bindan. 26. 191. 209. 186. 183 biddan. 207 birnan. 188. 205 . 76. 75 bite.bearu. . 75. 203 bētan. 38 . 78 . 80. 187 . 73 bītan. -y-. 77. -ie-. 71 bīdan. 184. 83 bed(d). 87 beorgan. 41 . 199. 78 bēn. 29 < previous page page_158 next page > . 39 ben(n). 191 bīgan. 73 beran. 213 berstan.
71 page_159 next page > . 188 brycg. 77 byrne. 29. 73 cnāwan. 73 bōt. 77. 201 brecan. 211f bydel. 44 c(e)aru. 212 cennan. 76 . 44. 182 boda. 72. 186. 75 blind. 191. 157 cealf. 76. 4. 180. 72 ‘broad’ and ‘narrow’ transcriptions. -i-. 78 ceorl. 84 blāwan. 49 (ge)bod. 176 brōc. 40 bytlan. 49. 209 bycgan. 214 . 76. 71 cann. 182 byre. 71 cnyttan. 55. 56 . 186 causal expressions. 5. 38 byrnan. 76 brim. 183. 74. 38. 83 blōwan. 179. 33 cneoht. 209 cild. 49 . 205 note cnyssan. 40 bodian. 79. 212 būgan. 184. 83 . 38 . 199 clipian. 76 burg. 38 brād. 52 blissian. 76 climban.< previous page Page 159 blæddre. 37 cēn(e). 73 . 71 ceorfan. 199 Classical OE. 197 brengan. 32. 44 ‘Breaking’. 55 blōtan. -o-. 38 brūcan. 83 bōc. 47 brū. 204 note . . 72 breogu. 195. 14 . 80 bregdan. 83 blīcan. 199 blandan. 182. 209 byrgen(n). 32 bringan.
105ff < previous page page_159 next page > . 37 dative. 72 cwēn. 179 combinative sound change. 183. 40 cyrran. 184. 153ff cræftig. 70ff consonant-lengthening. 81f. 91. 191 cwic. 128 concessive expressions. 154ff correlation. 29 . 186f. 159 conditional expressions. 43 . 91. 184 consonants. 26 cyre. 49 cucu. 161ff co-ordination. 197 contraction. 197 ‘compound tenses’. functions of. 149f. 175 compensatory lengthening. 39 cweorn. 188 cwalu. 71 . 55 crīsten. 71 . 190 conversion.c(w)ōm. loss of. 188 . 51 cuman. 80. 209 cunnan. 81. 209 cyn(n). 72 cwellan. 29. 209 cyrice. 184 consonantal verbs. 33. 51 cwide. 158 consonantal type present. 71 cyssan. 150. 37 cweccan. 188f. 53 cū. 71 cyme. 196 cyning. 176 consonants.
204 diphthongisation before back vowels. 212 dryhten. 201ff diphthongs. 204f. 76 . 70. 30 eoh. 73 engel. 38 . 27. 77 . 55. 43 dwellan. 47. 210. 201 . 52. 191.. 214 diphthongisation after palatal consonants. 195 Engle. 78 dēman. 28. 17f. 205 earm. 73 ecg. 214 eard. 38 ebbian. 117f delfan. 205 . 184. 27. 52. 71 . -i-. 207. 71 dialects of OE. 28. 4. 71 dreccan. 28. 72 dynnan. 52 dear(r). 74f. 46. 71 . 195 dūfan. 56. 213 . 203 note eald. 188. 81 drīfan. 38 ele. 209. 72 . adj. 40 eal(l). 73 . 76 drepan. 40 erian. 40. 212 demonstratives. 214 diphthongisation before velarised consonants. 88. 182 drincan. 205. 209 dōn. 29 endian. 30. 205 ‘definite article’. 214 dohtor.< previous page page_160 next page > Page 160 . 207f ende. 205 . 38 duru. 198 . 209 dōm. 39 dæg. 201ff. 82 . 188. 93 . 194. 190 dragan. 50. 212 note. 117ff Dene. 58 eaxl. 65. 209. 210 ealu. 76 dugan. 92 . 192 . 51 derian. 43 eardian. 71 .
41 . 192 fāh. 185 findan. 41 . 191. 203 note. 76 . 191 . 34 flā. 76 flet(t). 37 fær. 71 feld. 38 first consonant shift. 32. 26. 52 fandian. 189. 33. 199 feoh. 82. -i-. 48 feorh. 183 note . 33 fæt. 81. 183 note. 209 fealu. 33 < previous page page_160 next page > . 78. 201ff feohtan. 83 feallan. 205 note . 56 fēran. 77. 191. 199 firen. 47 gefægen. 43. 81 .etan. 81. 33. 71 ferian. 83. 73 . 50f fealdan. 189 feorr. 76 . 214 gefā. 32 fæsten. 203 note. 51 fēdan. 41 fæder. 73 faran. 179 . 71 fīf. 78 .
88. 207f ‘fracture’. 70. 201 note frain. 81 frignan. . 99ff geolu. 191 ford. 75 glides.Gmc . 198. 204 gim(m). 81.< previous page Page 161 flōr. 48. 181. 195 fronting of W. -ie-. 124 genitive. 188. 52 . 43 flōwan. 57. 73 fōn. 199. 32. 192 glīdan. 63 glæd. 184 gēn. 76 gied(d). 83 gē. 194 note. 58 fōt. 48. 193. 33 gifan. 204 gender. 204 git. 207 page_161 next page > . 71 foddor. 28 furh. 197 frōfor. 204 ‘gemination’. 81 fricgan. 79. 3 god. 204 note geat. 208f fox. functions of. 76 fretan. 185. 192 fugol. 56 . 73 . 43 forma. 186 gi(e)st. 84. 184 . 209 . -y-. 25. 79. 202 glōf. 82 gān. 73 fremman. 49 fyll. 199 folc. fōdor. 51. 207f gaderian. 55. 187. frīnan. 83 . 55. 71 fremian. 190 gangan. 184 freo(h). 36 Gmc characteristics. 33 folgian. 41 frēfran. 209 fyllan. 39 *fyxen. 38 gold. 71 fyrd. 51 geong. 188 gōdnes(s). 73 galan. 51. 63 gearu. 38. 207 gōd.
71. 198 . 182f grafan. 52 ‘Grimm’s Law’. 54. 49. 74. 207 gyldan. 204 . 83f. 208 gradation. ). -ie-. -i-. 76 grētan. 82. 52. 71. 193 h. loss of. 38 helan. 78.gōs. -ie-. 205 heald. 29 grōwan. 56. 71 gyrwan. 185. 78. 80 < previous page page_161 next page > . 189f. 82 gram. 71 heard. 81. 63 . 83 . 204 gylpan. 210 healdan. -ie-. 35 . 197. 208 . 204 gylden. -ie-. 83 hebban. 83 guma. 213 hē (hit. 204 -gytan. 86 . 184 hel(l). 56 grēne. 51 . 26 hand. 53 hām. 208 hālig. 207 gyllan. 55. 179 gripe. 51 . 78. 201f . 71 grim(m). 189 habban. 46 hāl. . 40 gyden. see hond hātan.
hrā(w). 184. 59 . 49 hond. 28. -a-. . 84. uses of. 187 . 214 hnutu. 201 here. 132 infinitive. 184. 187 hladan. 201ff.. 212 hryre. 207 hengest. 210 heorte. 193 hlā(w). 183. 58 Insular script. 194 note heri(ge)an. 188. -i-. 26 hlihhan. 38 ilca. 205. 107. 205 . adj. 83 . 29. 75 hrycg. 96. 51 hwæt. 71. 210 . 189 gehwā. 71. 181 . 66f. 184. 186. 120 e ‘indefinite article’. 199 . -ī-. 29. 188.< previous page Page 162 helpan. 211f hyge. 78. 120f indicative. pron.. hwelc. 210 hypotaxis. . 29 hyht. 66f hwelchwugu. 180. 208ff ic. -ie-. 67 hweorfan. 67. 76. 50 imperative. 82 hlæddre. 78 hwīl. . with or without tō. 63 ides. 150ff . 209 . 209 hund. 82. 76 hrinan. 194 page_162 next page > i-mutation. 184. 38 gehwylc. 29. 29 hwæthwugu. 40 hlāf. 205 hyrde. 73 hider. 179. 193. -y-. 205. 86. 8 . 199 hwā. 179 hyldan. -ie-. 136 inne(mest). 191. -ie-. 67 hycgan. 69. 26 heofon. 67 hwæt. 66 . 194 note hōn. 103. 40. 73 hyse. 119 indefinite pronouns. 26 . 214 heord. 43. 135 impersonal constructions. 180. 67 . -ie-.
76 . 203 . 10f lengthemng of vowels. 193 irregular verbs. 71. 184 lācan. 30 . 38 . 85ff isolative sound change. 184. 189. y-. 55 . 73 leornung. 56. 41 . 214 gelimpan. 83f læccan. 72 lecgan. 71 . 72 . 199 . 212 length in vowels. 82. 84 land. ie-. 31. 71 . 197 lifian. 76 lettan. 71 libban. 210 . 105ff International Phonetic Association 176 irnan. 81. 175 ‘j-present’ verbs.instrumental. 75. 86 lim. 188 lang(e). 197. 77 . 205 note . 205. 192. 210 leccan. 77. 191. -ī-. 71 . functions of. 86 licgan. 32. 75 < previous page page_162 next page > . 203 leornian. 59 . 51f .
49 lūtan. 53. 184 modification. 75 ‘modal auxiliaries’. 182f metathesis. 184. 203 mete. 179 man(n). 67. 206ff Myrce. 78. mōdrie. 193. 57 micle. 81. 59 miht ( see also meaht). 51 magan. 51 lūs. . 78 meodu. 196. 49 mutation. 40 nasals. 37 page_163 next page > macian. 156 moddrie. 48. 183. 92 murnan. 43 mere. 179. 51. . 199 mūs. 47 . 71. 76. .< previous page Page 163 lōcian. 210. 194 micel. 73 lūcan. 184. 134 modal expressions. 205 note mearh. 38. 52. 73 lomb. 187f . loss of. 76 . 93 (ge)munan. -o-. 29 met(t). 30 næddre. 193. -i-. 83 meaht. 205. 53 māwan. 44 losian. 56 -neah. 73 . 46 . 210 59 . 212 note . 71 metan. 188. 186. 186 nasals. 93 . influence of. 50. 205 mōt. 91. -ī-. 59 nearu. 208 manig. 183 lufian. -hwelc. 29. 70 luflīce. 194 mētan. 199 nama. 79. 192 . 77. 55 . 185 nāthwā. 39 . 59 lufsum. 53. 67 . 46 monophthongisation. 167f mōdor. 27 meltan.
161. 71. 115 prepositions. 58 nosu. 50 nominative. 72 reced. 98. 205 note prefixes in word-formation. 149f periods of OE. 84 . 50 oxa. 112 note. position of. 95 . 43 noun-stems. 89ff progressive forms. 125f . 167 170ff number. 77. 168ff prepositions. 120 d phoneme. 174 Piht. 130 purpose expressions. 70. 40. 141 preterite-present verbs. 183. 59 . 80. 39 . functions of. 28 niman. 86. 90 nemnan. 6 personal pronouns. Peohtas. 71 . 207f parataxis. 164. 180 reccan. 71 . 155 . 188 . 106 note. 186. 35 . 76 oft(ost). 35 < previous page page_163 next page > . 84 onginnan. 143 negative verb forms. 104. 184 nicor. formation of. 194 nouns. 207 genōg. 87f.negation. 63. 71 nerian.
184 scīnan. -y-. 72. 80. 213 sēcan. 33 sacu. 73 sceort. 45 (ge)rinnan. 82 sc(e)ādan. 188. 72 secgan. 38 rōwan. 176 sendan. 59 self. 76. 212 second consonant shift. 203 . 7ff. 75 rīsan. 180f. 197. 48 scūfan. 31. 38 gesceaft. 179 . 27. 82. 83 rūm. 33 . adj. 180 note rīce. 188 sellan. 156 rhotacism. 191 . 189 scrūd. 30. 184 ( . ). 34. 96. 83f reflexive pronouns. 180 rōd. 55 . 201 sellic. 189f. noun. 120b. 90 scyppan. 33. 56 . 75 rīdend.. 86. 212 sāwan. 204 . 65 searu. 107 relationship of OE to other languages. 83 sāwol. 51. 212 note . 74. 55 rīce. 81. 37 sagu. 194 rīdan. 183 sculan. 76 sc(i)eran. 37 . 187. 84 scafan. 39 ge . 208 . 75. 38 scacan. 188 sc(e)ōh. 3 relative constructions. 188 semivowels. 71. -y-. 198. 75 scip. 63f.< previous page Page 164 reduplicating verbs. 82. 77 rīpan. 82 sceadu. 184 sēft. 59 seldan. 76 page_164 next page > . 120 c reflexive verbs. 205 Seaxe. 180f. 208 runes. 179. 153 result expressions. -y-. 71.
71 stān. 30 stelan. 194 note standan. 55 sorg. 72 stregdan. 183 spyrian. 34 sprecan. 203 slege. 80 stellan. 77 singan. 56 . 198. 78 steppan. 83 spendan. 43. 64 sincan. 77 sittan. 75 snoter. 72 steorfan. 71 spere. 81. 52 spannan. 26. 84 . 77 spurnan. 37 < previous page page_164 next page > . 29 slītan. 71 shortening of long final consonants. 214 springan. 75 . 79 . 75 strang. 73 . 199 sib(b). 191 stede. 33 streccan. 76 smeoru. 82. 214 . 81. 82. 191. 196 shortening of vowels. 82. 38 . 33 . 38 sidu. 78. 214 sīn. 184 stīgan. 184 .settan.
184 swēte. 54. 184. 71. 190 teoru. 195 swā hwā swā. 50. 43. 201 temporal expressions. 198. 12f. 208 twēgen. 78 swellan. 58 svarabhakti. 212 note (be)syrwan. 77. 183 syncope. 71. 75 swimman. 60f . ‘accuse’. 195 syn(n). 53. 80 tīd. 48 tredan. 180. 67 swelgan. 36 tellan. 184 swefan. 32 swebban. 180 subjunctive. 187 swutol. 26 . 33 sweostor. 78 swencan. 188. 154 . 76. 133 suffixes in word-formation. 184. 187 sunu. 51 timbran. 194 note . 81 swelc (swylc). 69 note. 71 . 43 sund. 205 tā. 33 trum. 71. 41 . 163ff sumor. 191. 35 . 55 syllabic consonants. 72. 78 sweltan. 187 swincan. 71 . 33 teran. 208 trūwian. 41 sweord. 67 . 39 til. 188. 81 . 73 trymian.< previous page Page 165 stress. 75 ‘draw’. 73 trymman. 71 . 82. 51 swīcan. 73 tunge. 40 tung(o)l. 197 talu. 203 note 72 page_165 next page > . 47 swerian. 189. 35 . 41 tāc(e)n. uses of. 77 .
185 . 10f vowels. 195 . 75. 92 . 212 note . 73 . ). 60f . formation of. 91 ‘ unstable i’. 26 ‘perform’. 38 . 96. wutan. 206ff unnan. 193. 197 . 72. 205 ūte. 72. 214 verbs. 107 verbs taking genitive. 52 . 74ff vowel alternations. 71 ‘prosper’. 79. 176 < previous page page_165 next page > . 103 verbs taking two objects.. 203 . 58 uton. 81 . 82. 35 ( ). 103. 75 . 38 . 185 . 77 . 65 . 203 ( . 71 . 67 . 203 . 188 vowel-length. 163 verbs taking dative. 71 ‘umlaut’. 63 . 135. 180f vocalic verbs. 107 ‘Verner’s Law’.
187. 194 winnan. 30. 180. 83 werian. 189 weallan. 201 . 78. 77 wine. 83 weaxan. 35 wundrian. 72. 209. 67 willa. 73 wyn(n). 203 gewrit. 203 note weorpan. 73. 41 weal(l). 40 willan.< previous page Page 166 w. 187 w. 59 wēn. 83 weccan. 214 gewītan. loss of. 82 wē. 81 . 197. 43 wealh. 203. 35 wesan. 43 wundian. 29 wlītan. 75. 52 wit. 27. 196 wefan. 73 wēpan. 90. 71 wēsten(n). 77 winter. 38 wyrcan. 63 wita. 26 wealcan. 75 wudu. 75 wrecan. 35 wascan. 196 wiht. 83 weald. 88. 71 wendan. 213 . 82 . 199 wund(u)r. 43 wīs. 71 weorc. 33. 71 werod. 34 wlite. 81 wel. 198 wadan. 199 wunian. 82 waxan. influence of. 35 . 28. 75 wīte. 39 wēnan. 78. 214 witan. 187 windan. 58 wēstan. 32 wrītan. 63 . 87 west. 211 page_166 . 33. 81. 72 wed(d). 71 wæter.
71. 59 ylde. 209f ylfe. 30 yrfe. ie-. 209 ī-. 35 yfle. 197 yfel. adj. 205 < previous page page_166 . 57 yfel.. 34 yrnan.wyrd.53. ie-. 30 yldra. 77 yrre. noun.
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