EU Structure The Original Six (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands) The First Enlargement (Britain, Denmark

, Ireland, 1973) The Mediterranean Enlargement (Greece, 1981; Portugal, Spain, 1986) The EFTA Enlargement (Austria, Finland, Sweden, 1995) The Eastern Enlargement (Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Cyprus, Malta, 2004; Bulgaria, Romania, 2007) Neo Functionalism Q5) According to neo-functionalist theory, what role do the supranational institutions play in the European integration process? According to neo-functionalism, supranational institutions play an important role in the integration process: they promote supranational cooperation Actors within these organizations undergo 'elite socialization' therefore begin to 'think European' and develop European loyalties, e.g. MEPs Supranational institutions develop their own political agendas Over time these agendas are preferred over national agendas/preferences Supranational actors encourage national elites to pursue supranational cooperation Intergovernmentalism Q3) What are the main critiques of liberal intergovernmentalism? Liberal intergovernmentalism is not (easily) reconcilable with other interpretations of European integration It does reflect the reality of integration, due to Moravcsik's selection of specific case study types

Moravcsik's conceptualization of the state is too narrow, failing to account for other domestic interests/influences beyond economic considerations Moravcsik does not appreciate the multi-level nature of the EU, instead preferring a two-level metaphor Moravcsik underplays the constraints upon key policy-makers: the influence of supranational actors in the integration process is not appreciated, e.g. the Commission There is no consideration of informal processes New theories of European Integration Q5) What added value do constructivists bring to the study of the EU? Constructivists challenge conventional state-centric rationalist approaches (realism and liberalism) Constructivism provides a middle ground between reflectivist and interpretivist approaches (which are both responses to rationalism) Facilitates study of integration as a process Explores how interests and identities are constituted (as opposed to pre-determined and fixed) Europeanisation Q1) What is Europeanization and what are the differences between bottom-up and top-down Europeanization? Europeanization is not clearly defined Generally speaking, it concerns the interactions between the EU, member states, and third countries Bottom-up Europeanization Member states upload their preferences to the EU level, influencing EU policies and processes Actors compete and cooperate in the creation of EU policies and processes Top-down Europeanization

Policies and processes from the EU are downloaded into domestic settings Europeanization is differential across member states Enlargement Q8) Why is Turkish membership of the EU so controversial? Multiple reasons why Turkish membership is so controversial: Poor human rights record (including poor treatment of minorities) Sensitive geographical and geo-political location (including conflict with Cyprus) Very large agricultural sector Predominantly Muslim population The EU’s Social Dimension Q4) To what extent is EU social policy a regulatory policy? Social policy is largely regulatory (by 2009, 80 binding and 120 nonbinding norms) Funding opportunities and 'soft' forms of governance have increased Therefore the relative importance of regulation is decreasing Funding opportunities, e.g. European Social Fund (ESF), shape national projects 'Soft' forms of governance, e.g. Open Method of Coordination, offer member states voluntary opportunities to cooperate on social issues (however, success is unknown as yet)

Regional Europe Q1) Why does the EU need a regional policy?

To address regional disparities Economic and social disparities across the EU, which increase with enlargement Disparity is one of main challenges for the EU The EU aims for uniform and sustainable growth and benefit from the single market To tackle the democratic deficit Regional policy brings the EU closer to its citizens Security Q5) Is the EU set to remain a 'soft security' actor? Security and defence issues remain largely intergovernmental Member states are reluctant to cede sovereignty to the EU The 'capabilities catalogue' (towards an ESDP) emphasizes the selfconstructed soft security identity of the EU Petersberg-style military tasks include humanitarian and rescue tasks, peace keeping and peacemaking Petersberg-style military tasks exclude the EU from major military operations, like the US-UK Iraq invasion of 2003 Note, as of late 2008 the member states had not met the catalogue of capabilities European Union External Relations Q6) What are the key differences between the Lomé and Cotonou systems of EU development policy? Lomé system was created in the 1970s To support the development of the poorest economies Institutionalized partnership between EEC and African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries Intended to create and maintain stable partnerships

Accused of being irrelevant to the development of the global economy Cotonou system Developed in response to the limitations of the Lomé system Greater emphasis on 'bottom up' process of development: led by ACP countries Increased use of 'conditionality' More in line with developments in global aid provision Policy Making Q1) What was the original Community method and why was it adapted? Used to create 'hard' legislation via unanimity Two-way separation of power Commission as policy initiator Council required unanimity European Parliament (EP) and interest groups (via European Economic and Social Committee) very weak Adapted in mid-1980s to drive the completion of the Single Market (SEA 1986) Policy touched upon areas of national sovereignty so new decision making process was required to increase the pace of integration Also enhanced the Community's democratic credentials as the role of the EP increased Theories of European integration What form of co-operation resulted from the Schuman Plan? The European Coal and Steel Community .

Germany. and developed out of the war-time resistance movements. Like Mitrany. Italy. energy or telecommunications. What did the European federalists advocate? Abolition of sovereign nation-states European federalists. dispersed power and interdependencies. they saw the solution in the creation of a single federal state in Europe united by a federal constitution. The ECSC. The plan developed with Robert Schuman and Jean Monnet. Creating functional agencies was a way of combating nationalism because it both shifted power away from the state in small areas and simultaneously created interdependencies among states. transport. As an advocate of depoliticised (to remove the political aspects/influence). he did not believe in the creation of a single supranational government. which pooled the coal and steel resources of France.The Schuman Plan led to the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). advocated the eventual abolition of sovereign nation-states. the Netherlands and Luxembourg. What did David Mitrany’s functionalism advocate? Creation of several international regulatory agencies David Mitrany’s functionalism advocated the creation of multiple agencies at regional and international levels to regulate different technical aspects of life i. such as Altiero Spinelli. The aim of Mitrany’s functionalism was to achieve peace in the world. was seen as the first step in a broader plan to create a common market and economic community. T he federalist movement in Europe was dedicated to peace. Unlike the functionalists. however. He believed that nationalism was largely to blame for war in Europe.e. Belgium. federalists saw nationalism as a threat to peace in Europe and opposed both nationalism and the re-establishment of nation-states in Europe. . established by the Treaty of Paris in 1951.

integration through the creation of a common market for goods can create pressure for integration in the form of the creation of a common currency. Which of the following is not a form of spillover identified by neofunctionalists? Cultural spillover Functional. Altiero Spinelli was a federalist. For example. who was an architect of the Schuman Plan and the European Community. political and cultivated spillover are all elements of neo-functionalist theory. This increases their support for integration. developed intergovernmentalist theories in response to neo-functionalism. Political spillover refers to the gradual transfer of loyalties toward the European level among political elites and interest groups who operate at the European level. Cultivated spilllover refers to the Commission’s role in fostering European-level interest groups and political elites. developed a new pluralist approach in international relations to explain how and why integration occurs. leading to further pressure for integration. were compatible with and inspired neo-functionalist thought. with the result that integration in one area can lead to the need for integration in a closely related policy area. The ideas of Jean Monnet. Functional spillover refers to integration resulting from the interconnectedness of economies. Which of the following theorists is associated with intergovernmentalism? . writing in 1958.This would shift political power to a single European government. Other neo-functionalist theorists include Leon Lindberg and Philippe Schmitter. by contrast. in contrast to Mitrany’s idea of depoliticising (to remove the political aspect/influence) existing European states through the creation of technical international agencies. Stanley Hoffman. not a neo-functionalist. Which theorist is most closely associated with neo-functionalism? Ernst Haas Haas.

Both liberal intergovernmentalism and standard intergovernmental accounts can be contrasted with neo-functionalist accounts.Stanley Hoffman Stanley Hoffman is credited with developing a realist theory of intergovernmentalism. Governments then negotiate with each other at the European level on the basis of this national interest. which argue that supranational interests and actors are more important than national interests in explaining European decision-making. is the key factor that shapes national preferences? The balance of domestic economic interests Unlike intergovernmentalists. According to liberal intergovernmentalists. W ayne Sandholtz and Alec Stone Sweet’s supranational governance approach is more closely related to neo-functionalism than intergovernmentalism. Andrew Moravcsik later refined Hoffman’s intergovernmentalism in his theory of liberal intergovernmentalism. which argued that national governments are the most important actors in the integration process. liberal intergovernmentalists see the national interest as a product of pluralist competition among different economic interests within the state. these competing economic interests are more important than partisan interests or security concerns when it comes to defining the national interest. according to liberal intergovernmentalists. Moravcsik disagreed with Hoffman’s depiction of states as unitary actors. To liberal intergovernmentalists. What. why do national governments delegate decision-making authority to supranational institutions? . especially in areas of ’high politics’. Although both Hoffman and Moravcsik saw states as realists and rational actors. who tend to see national interests as indivisible. Hoffman’s approach refuted Haas’s neofunctionalist account which explains integration as a result of pressure from functional and political spillover.

driven by supranational institutions and elites. emphasize the role of transnational business actors and supranational institutions in the development of rules at the European level-referred to as ’Europeanization’.National governments believe that supranational organizations can best enforce and implement the policy decisions negotiated by national governments. Rather. Although they share with intergovernmentalists and neofunctionalists the view that European integration is triggered by . liberal intergovernmentalists do not see the delegation of authority as an end in itself. National business actors favour supranational regulation of their industries because it allows them to operate in more markets under a single set of rules. What do theories of supranational governance emphasize? Supranational governance theories. To achieve this. The best answer is that national governments believe that supranational organizations can enforce the collective decisions of national governments. They explain the rise of these transnational interest groups by the increasing number of transactions that cross national borders. delegating authority is a way to ensure the effective implementation of decisions negotiated among member states. they form alliances with the Commission to push for the creation of rules at the European level in certain policy sectors. Unlike neo-functionalists. liberal intergovernmentalism emphasises that national governments are in control of the process. Unlike federalists. they do not regard integration as a result of functional and political spillover. What preoccupation do postfunctionalist theories of European integration criticise other theorists for? Economic interests Hooghe and Marks have criticised other European integration theorists for over-emphasizing the functional pressures associated with economic interests. Instead. first advanced by Wayne Sandholtz and Alec Stone Sweet.

In other words. In contrast. opportunities and constraints that institutions create for actors. elevating the position of institutions to one in which they were regarded as autonomous actors. Which type of ’new institutionalism’ focuses on the costs. it emphasised that institutions are not neutral. Various strands of new institutionalism differ in their emphasis. was preoccupied with formal legal institutions. voters. Instead. opportunities and constraints that institutions create for actors? RCI Rational choice institutionalism (RCI) focuses on the costs. the behaviour of voters). or MEPs) will act rationally in response to this structure of costs and benefits. they argue that identity issues are a crucial consideration in the process of European integration. while overlooking the way in which institutions shape individual choices and behaviour. and seek to maximize their utility while minimizing costs. Secondly. Theories of EU Governance What is new about the new institutionalism? While old institutionalism. which focused on the behaviour of individuals (for example.a mismatch between efficiency and existing structures of authority. the new institutionalism broadened the definition of institution to include informal forms such as culture or norms. but can shape both outcomes and preferences. . New institutionalism was also a reaction to behaviouralism in political science. It relies on the assumption that actors (such as member state governments. historical institutionalism emphasizes how institutions develop over time. sometimes leading to unintended consequences. they do not believe the outcome of this process will be based on a purely functional logic. they suggest that political conflict is important and that communal identities are central to this conflict. which grew out of legal and constitutional studies.

Governments may be stuck with policies that are no longer in their interests. allowing only incremental change. Multi-level governance theorists do not reject the idea that national interests are important when it comes to explaining European integration and policy making. but are critical of intergovernmental approaches that over-emphasise the importance of member state governments. Path dependency also highlights that sometimes the development of institutions over time can lead to unintended consequences. simply because the policies are difficult to amend. is today regarded as inefficient. sociological institutionalism emphasizes how actors continually construct institutions in pursuit of legitimacy and appropriate institutions. initially established as a price support programme that guaranteed high commodity prices for farmers. . For example. Early policy decisions can close off other options. Rather than seeing actors responding to the costs and benefits structured by institutions in a search for efficiency. However. radical policy change is costly and difficult and so subsequent policy change usually occurs incrementally. Policies are not the product of the best or most efficient decisions being made. It refers to the tendency for institutional design to become ’locked in’ over time. it has been extremely difficult to reform because this requires unanimous agreement among Member States.Sociological institutionalism focuses on how institutions are the product of both formal and informal rules. Which form of new institutionalism is path dependence associated with? b) Historical institutionalism Path dependence is associated with historical institutionalism. the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). but often the most practical decisions. How do multi-level governance theorists critique intergovernmental approaches? Multi-level governance theorists argue that national governments don’t control integration and policy making to the degree that intergovernmental approaches suggest.

Theories that assume that ideas can be as important as interests are reflectivist. Finally. What insights has the ’epistemic communities’ approach brought to studies of the EU? It highlights that ideas matter in explaining policy development The epistemic communities approach tells us that ideas matter. and not concentrated in the national government. Rather. they argue that supranational institutions are not controlled as easily as intergovernmental theories would suggest. Secondly. Sociological institutionalism and the epistemic communities approach fit in this category. as rationalists would suggest. What is another way of describing the dichotomy of ’interests’ v ’ideas’? Rationalist v reflectivist dichotomy The interests v ideas dichotomy can also be described as a rationalist v reflectivist dichotomy. Theories that assume that interests are important for explaining policy outcomes are theories that are essentially rationalist.They note that member state governments have reduced influence over outcomes because decisions are made collectively within the EU. epistemic communities use their resources of expertise and knowledge to promote policy solutions. They assume that actors have a set of interests and that they act rationally to pursue them. They tell us that interests are not fixed. This differs from pluralist perspectives because it does not focus on the strength of competing interest groups. building alliances among . Rational institutionalist theories and policy network theories belong to this category. they emphasize that power is diffused within the state across administrative departments or territorial levels. but they are shaped and formed by our interactions.

build coalitions around policy solutions. What impact have epistemic communities had on the EU? Epistemic communities can be highly influential in situations where policy consequences are uncertain. often the case in technical policy areas. together with the Commission. ideas and knowledge become more important than the ’national interest’. such as in highly technical areas. This approach emphases that preferences can be shaped. Resources and power are distributed unequally in policy networks. and shaping the preferences of member states and the Commission. policy networks consist of larger groups with fluctuating membership. when policy alternatives are identified. but are held together by their interdependency. Epistemic communities impact policy making at the early stages. In this case. What is the difference between a policy network and an epistemic community? Haas defines an epistemic community as a ’network of professionals with recognized expertise and competence in a particular domain and an authoritative claim to policy-relevant knowledge within that domain or issue-area’ (1992:3). This contrasts with the approach of intergovernmental theories that tend to see member state preferences as fixed. Policy networks do not have the same degree of coherence as epistemic communities. . They do not necessarily share the same values. This happens when the policy area is characterized by uncertainty. member states may not have firm policy positions and can be open to persuasion. A policy network is a group of organizations that are dependent on each other for resources.supranational and member state actors in the process. and use these to shift policy preferences and. Here. Epistemic communities use their resources of knowledge and expertise to advocate policy solutions.

These can be contrasted to intergovernmental or neo-functionalist integration theories that address the super-systemic and system levels to provide generalisable predictions both about the key factors that drive integration forward and the endpoint of integration. False. or at initial policy-making stages. The policy networks approach is more of a descriptive framework that helps us to understand policy-making in the EU than a theory that helps us to make generalized predictions about policy outcomes. Mid-range theories have more modest goals and focus on a subsystemic or meso-level of analysis. The nature of the networks involved in policy making-how tightly or loosely structured they are-can affect the extent to which external actors and external pressures affect policy outcomes.Policy communities are more stable and are comprised of a smaller number of members who share the same values. Policies and Policy Making in the EU Which of the following is an example of policy expansion due to spillover? . Instead of trying to explain why and how treaty outcomes occurred. True or false: The policy network approach offers a predictive theory of policy making. What is a mid-range theory? A theory that attempts to explain outcomes at the sub-system or sectoral level. rather than explaining outcomes at a system level. The approach draws our attention to the importance of policy networks and emphasises them in the analysis of EU policy formulation. Approaches such as policy networks and policy communities are examples of mid-range theory. they usually focus on questions of how policy is shaped in the early stages. The policy network approach is useful for understanding policymaking at its early stages of formulating policy options-what Peterson calls the ’sub-systemic’ stage.

The Commission often demands European policy solutions because increasing its policy reach increases its power and launches initiatives in response to policy problems that it identifies. True or false: In the Treaty of Rome. such as regulating competition in the market or regulating social policy to prevent unequal treatment of workers in a single European labour market. The original articles of the Treaty of Rome that addressed social policy were intended to create a level playing field for economic competition.c) The need for competition policies to prevent monopolies in the single market The need for competition policies to prevent monopolies operating in the new single market is an example of spillover. Which of the following is influential in setting the EU policy agenda? The Commission. Interest groups also lobby the European institutions to achieve policy objectives that they cannot achieve at the national level. the European Council and interest groupscollectively set the broad EU policy agenda. articles on social policy emphasized the creation of a level playing field for a single market. Indeed it is the European Council which is definitively responsible for putting all items on the EU policy agenda. and use the European Council meetings to put new policy items on the agenda. . Spillover occurs when integration in one area (creation of the single market) leads to demand for policy making in other areas. the Commission is not alone in demanding more European-level legislation. This reflects the fact that European solutions to policy problems are often necessary and desirable. However. The other options-the demand for single market legislation in response to increased international competition and demands for environmental regulations in the wake of environmental harm are both examples of external events triggering a demand for policies. True. Member states often demand European-level solutions.

preferring instead to keep this politically sensitive area under national control. bringing many former recipients above the 75% threshold. It is built on the assumption that redistribution between richer and poorer regions in Europe is needed in order to balance out the effects of further economic integration. In other words. the development gap between regions has doubled. labour and other civil society groups. Through four generations of Structural Funds programmes. and the creation of a ’social dialogue’ between business. True or false: Integration in social policy proceeded quickly due to the pressures of ’spillover’. False. Legislation on equal pay and equal treatment for men and women emerged in the 1970s. Modest provisions in social policy include the European Social Fund to assist in retraining and promotion of employment and mobility. This put the brakes on integration in social policy due to spillover and national welfare states were not harmonized. social policy was addressed both because variations in social policy obligations across member states were seen as an obstacle to the creation of the single market. Gender equality is an exception to this. ensuring the free movement of labour and equality between the sexes. including the promotion of social cohesion. health and safety at work. leading to uneven cost burdens on companies and governments in some member states and hindering the free movement of labour that was necessary to realize the single market. most .The Treaty provided a number of bases for EC action. the Union has invested around €480 billion in the ‘less favoured’ regions since 1988. With the accession of ten new member states in 2004. Cohesion policy Cohesion Policy Cohesion policy is a apart of the Single European Act (1986). As a result. Member states were reluctant to extend qualified majority voting rules to social policy areas in the Single European Act. integration proceeded very slowly compared to other policy areas. While the Treaty of Rome contained several articles that related directly to social policy.

The legislative package adopted by the EP on 4 July 2006 to support these priorities. Regions whose per capita GDP is less than 75% of the EU average will be eligible (mostly regions from new member states). environment. controlling and evaluating the new cohesion policy. managing. A regulation on the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF): to fund projects on research. infrastructure in the least developed regions. risk prevention. but temporary support (until 2013) will be given to regions where per capita GDP is below 75% for the EU-15 (the so-called 'statistical effect'). rural and coastal development. As from 2007. emphasis added on environmental and accessibility issues. and on the "partnership principle" that governs the whole policy. the EU Cohesion policy will revolve around three new priorities or 'objectives:' Convergence Support for growth and job creation in the least developed member states and regions.beneficiaries of the cohesion policy are now located in central and eastern Europe . A new cross-border authority will be set up to manage co-operation programmes. Territorial co-operation To stimulate cross-border co-operation in order to find joint solutions to problems such as urban. innovation. comprises one general and four specific regulations: The general regulation: common rules in programming. job creation and accessibility to the labour market for vulnerable persons). . A regulation on the European Social Fund (ESF): to target projects for employment. Competitiveness and employment Designed to help the richer member states deal with economic and social change. Employment initiatives are to be based on the European Employment Strategy (EES) (adaptability of the workforce. quality and productivity at work and social inclusion – in line with the European Employment Strategy. globalisation and the transition to the knowledge society. the development of economic relations and the networking of SMEs.

single-fund programmes. socio-economic and territorial cohesion: whole programming process at EU. rather than regions. the European grouping of cross-border co-operation (EGCC): for cross-border projects. national and local level to be driven by a single political document (the Community Strategic Guidelines). the Commission seeks to achieve: A more strategic approach to growth. Simplification: reduced number of objectives and regulations. Decentralisation/ "ownership:" stronger involvement of regions and local players in the preparation of programmes What new measure was introduced in the Treaty of Maastricht. The Cohesion Fund provided support for infrastructure projects and environmental programs and was targeted to member states. plus Greece and Portugal). streamlined eligibility rules for expenses. the ten new member states.A regulation on the Cohesion Fund: to invest in environmental projects and trans-European networks in member states with a GNP of less than 90% of the Community average National income (e. in response to Spanish concerns? c) The Cohesion Fund The Cohesion Fund was introduced in the Treaty of Maastricht in response to Spanish concerns that it would soon become a net contributor to the EC budget. A regulation on a new instrument. evaluation and monitoring. more proportionality and subsidiarity regarding control. more flexible financial management. an annual report of the Commission and member states to be debated by the European Spring Council in Spring. Complementing the regulations. the Commission issued the Community Strategic Guidelines to help national and regional authorities make the most efficient use of the EU money and to connect their programming with the Lisbon agenda The new Cohesion policy.g. . The Cohesion Funds were earmarked for member states whose GDP was less than 90% of the Community average.

Britain needed something tangible to persuade a reluctant public and Parliament of the benefits of EEC membership. . established in 1975. and the European Agricultural Guarantee and Guidance Fund (EAGGF). established by Article 123 of the Treaty of Rome in 1957. the European Social Fund and the European Agricultural Guarantee and Guidance Fund The structural funds consist of the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). The structural funds include funds specifically targeted to regions. but the two are not equivalent. True. Regional policies are an element of structural fund spending. the European Social Fund (ESF). and those such as the ESF that are targeted to social groups irrespective of where they are concentrated. increasing its financial benefit from EC membership. The ERDF fund would help to subsidize Britain’s regional development spending (Britain had significant regional economic disparities). Since 1993. True or false: Britain pushed for the creation of the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) in the early 1970s. and helping the government ’sell’ EC membership to a sceptical public. What is the principle of concentration? Spending in regional policy is to be concentrated on areas with the greatest need according to objective criteria The principle of concentration states that regional development funds are to be concentrated in those areas with the greatest need. the structural funds have also included the Financial Instrument of Fisheries Guidance (FIFG). they constitute about one third of the EU’s budget. established in 1962. such as the ERDF. Together. Britain in particular pushed for the creation of the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) in the early 1970s.What are the structural funds? The European Regional Development Fund.

. This had occurred because funding was allocated by national quota and not by objective criteria. had been diffused across a wide area rather than concentrated on the areas that needed the funding most.Need is assessed according to a set of objective criteria covering regional income. were opposed to this requirement. industrial decline. What is the principle of additionality? Member States must supplement regional fund assistance with national spending The principle of additionality as set out in the ERDF regulations states that ’the Fund’s assistance should not lead Member States to reduce their own regional development efforts but should complement these efforts’. regional funds. While this principle was part of the regional policy framework since 1975. Many of the major principles adopted in the 1988 reform were maintained. This. but national governments secured important modifications of some of these. which were already limited. The 1988 structural fund reforms strengthened the additionality principle by requiring the Commission and member states to ensure that regional funding both has an impact in the regions and leads to an increase in national structural aid. The 1988 reforms were an important step forward in making regional policy more effective. This principle was introduced in the 1988 reforms of the structural funds. True or false: Aspects of the 1993 reform reflected a re-assertion of member states’ control of cohesion policy. unemployment (particularly of young people) and rural development. it was vague and difficult to enforce and many states. Britain in particular. together with the principle of programming. True. was to ensure a more co-operative and complementary relationship between the Commission and member states and lead to more effective regional policy. Aspects of the 1993 reform reflected a reassertion of member states’ control. Prior to the reform.

the number of Community Initiatives was reduced from thirteen to what? c) Four In 1999. In addition. 3) Equal (tackling discrimination in the labour market). In 1999. The additionality wording was changed to effectively allow member states to reduce spending on domestic structural measures without contravening the additionality requirement. governments pressed their claims for a share of the total fund allocations. 2) Leader (rural development). member states were given a more important role in the designation of Objective 2 and 5b regions. The Commission proposed reducing the number to three: 1) Interreg (cross-border. The need to reduce the number of CIs to simplify procedures and reduce duplicative structures was accepted by the Commission. Collectively all of these developments strengthened member state control of cohesion policy. to which states does the Instrument for Pre-Accession (IPA) apply? . the number of Community Initiatives (CIs) was reduced from thirteen to four.Urban (to regenerate inner cities). member states amended the Commission’s proposed administrative arrangements. Member states also insisted on the creation of a Management Committee to facilitate greater national government control over Community Initiative (CI) programmes. a fourth programme was retained . However.In terms of the designation of eligible areas. transnational and inter-regional cooperation). the member states pressed for the inclusion of regions that did not meet the objective Community criteria. The total number of CIs following the 1999 reforms was therefore four. at the insistence of the European Parliament (EP). For example. More generally. In the context of enlargement.

regional competitiveness and employment would effectively replace Objectives 2 and 3 and would promote . Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbia including Kosovo). Macedonia and Turkey) and the potential candidate states (Albania. The IPA brought together all of the existing pre-accession instruments (including IPSA. The IPA has five components: 1) transition assistance and institution building. The latter three are precursors to structural funding and involve preparing candidate countries for developing the necessary institutional capacity to be able to manage them effectively postaccession. 5) rural development.Convergence . cohesion policy is based on which of the following objectives? All of the above. For the 2007-2013 programming period. It would support growth and job creation in the least developed member states and regions and would be funded by the Cohesion Fund. The second priority . the European Commission proposed replacing the existing objectives of cohesion policy with three new priorities.would cover those regions with a per capita GDP of less than 75% of the Community average. 4) human resources development. ERDF and ESF). This was seen as a weakness of the previous pre-accession instruments. In its Third Report on Economic and Social Cohesion. Phare and Sapard) into a single framework. 2) cross-border co-operation: 3) regional development. Montenegro.b) The candidate states and the potential candidate states for EU accession The Instrument for Pre-Accession (IPA) applies to the candidate states (Croatia. The first priority . The member states agreed and the three new priorities formed the basis for cohesion policy for the 2007-2013 programming period.

transnational and inter-regional levels. but not necessarily empowered. 1999) confirmed this pattern of differentiated multi-level governance emerging through EU cohesion policy. Indeed much of the conceptual debate around cohesion policy has focused on the domestic effects of implementation and in particular the implementation of the partnership principle.sub-national actors were mobilised. central governments have sought actively to play a gatekeeper role over the political impact of the new arrangements. It would be funded by the ERDF and ESF.were better placed to take advantage of the opportunities provided by the partnership requirement. There is nevertheless significant variation in the degree of multilevel governance evident across the EU. It would be funded by the ERDF. productivity and social inclusion. False. The third priority . employment.would build on the experience of the Interreg programme and promote cooperation on issues at cross-border. In Britain. which has been at the forefront of research on multi-level governance. True or false: Multi-level governance sheds little light on the domestic effects of cohesion policy. sub-national authorities normally regional governments . this was especially the case . In centralized member states.regional and national programmes to assist competitiveness. The Institutional Architecture Which of the following characterized the three-pillar structure of the EU as it existed from 1993 to 2009? b) One supranational pillar and two intergovernmental pillars . The concept of multi-level governance is closely related to cohesion policy. particularly in understanding developments at the implementation stage. Later research (Kelleher et al.European territorial cooperation . In more decentralized member states.

scaled back the policies covered by the JHA pillar by moving some to the EC pillar. made by the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice. the President of the European Commission. It has an important agenda-setting role and oversees all EU activity including Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The body was set up in 1974 and has grown in importance but the treaties did not spell out its operation until the Lisbon Treaty. covering the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) governed by the Treaty on European Union (TEU). However. What are the core functions of the Commission? . The CFSP remains distinctively intergovernmental. Subsequent amendments. this means that legislation and other decision making typically takes place in a context that the European Council may have already agreed. Which EU treaty sets out in detail the operation of the European Council? Treaty of Lisbon The Treaty of Lisbon is the first EU treaty to set out in detail the operation of the European Council. The European Council is comprised of the EU’s top political figures: the Heads of State and Government of the 27 member states. the President of the European Council. it was abolished as of December 2009. The European Council has effectively positioned itself at the apex of the European Union. In practical terms. and two intergovernmental pillars. and from December 2009. governed by the Treaty establishing the European Community (TEC).The Maastricht Treaty introduced a structure consisting of three pillars which was characterized by one supranational pillar and two intergovernmental pillars: the EC pillar. but all other policies are consolidated into a single order governed by the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). and the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. of all EU policies. guiding the direction of all pillars of the EU during the period 1993-2009.

social security for migrant workers. The budget that the Commission prepares is subject to the approval of the Council of Ministers and European Parliament (EP). operational police co-operation. presents qualified majority voting (QMV) as the default provision for decision making. What is the Ordinary Legislative Procedure (OLP)? . as revised by the Lisbon Treaty. it is the responsibility of the national governments to implement legislation. The Commission has the sole legal authority to propose legislation. It is then up to the Council of Ministers. ensuring that the EU legislation is implemented and adhered to. Despite progressive extension of the use of qualified majority voting (QMV). together with the EP to approve the legislation. which include acting as the ’guardian’ of the treaties. which of the following policy areas remains subject to unanimity? All of the above remain subject to unanimity. New rules introduced by the Lisbon Treaty have increased the powers of the EP during this phase of the drafting process. The key moves to QMV were on energy security. The Commission has responsibility for drawing up a preliminary draft budget and for mediating between the Council and EP in the event that the institutions fail to agree a final budget. and judicial co-operation (the last after a five year transition period). intellectual property. but quite a lot of them are limited in scope. The European Central Bank plays no role in the budgetary process. common defence. The European Council plays an important agenda-setting role but it plays no formal role in the annual budgetary process.To draft the budget and propose legislation The core functions of the Commission are to draft the budget and propose legislation to the Council of Ministers. language rules. The Lisbon Treaty has given more powers in the budgetary process to which EU institution? c) European Parliament The Lisbon Treaty has given the European Parliament (EP) more powers in the budgetary process. The TEU’s Article 16(3). The Commission has other important functions. foreign policy. With few exceptions. emergency humanitarian aid. and the location of the EU’s institutions. social security. There were quite a large number of new provisions for QMV in the Lisbon Treaty. The Council of Ministers adopts the draft budget prepared by the Commission and then works with the EP to agree a final budget. The key areas that remain subject to unanimity are: tax.

most policies are implemented by member states or jointly by the Commission and the member states. With the exception of a few policies. it can take legal action against it. the Commission ensures that member states are implementing EC legislation accurately and in a timely manner. which is binding. Regulations are binding. By contrast. As the guardian of the treaties. directives are EC legislation that must first be ’transposed’ into national law through the creation or amendment of national legislation. If the Commission believes a member state is failing to do so. that the Commission undertakes the day-to-day task of the administration of policies. This does not mean. True or false: The Commission is responsible for the implementation of EC legislation. but allow member states room to achieve this through different means. which are more widely used than regulations. This means that the national government does not have to transpose the EC legislation into national law in order to implement regulations. while all other arrangements (unanimity in the Council and consent or consultation procedures in the EP) are termed ’special legislative procedures’. allow the national governments some flexibility to tailor the EC legislation to national conditions. they apply to individual firms or individual member states. however. while holding codecision powers with the European Parliament (EP). The Commission has formal responsibility for ensuring that EC legislation is implemented. Directives. such as competition policy and food aid. True. Which of the following is not a type of EU competence? d) Inclusive .a) Qualified majority voting (QMV) in the Council of Ministers and codecision with the European Parliament (EP) The term Ordinary Legislative Procedure (OLP) was introduced by the Lisbon Treaty to cover those instances where the Council of Ministers may decide on legislation by QMV. The terminology is designed to present this pattern as the default arrangement in EU decision making. Decisions are narrower than directives or regulations. Directives specify the policy outcome. Which of the following EC instruments is used to create legislation that is directly applicable for member states? a) Regulations Regulations are directly applicable in member states.

eight from Central and Eastern Europe . The Lisbon Treaty spells out four types of EU competence which define what the EU can or cannot do. among others. social and territorial cohesion. The fourth enlargement was that of 1995. Ireland and Denmark became members. then ten. co-ordinating and supplementary action and concerns protection and improvement of human health. Finland and Sweden. The sixth enlargement happened in 2007 when Romania and Bulgaria joined.Cyprus and Malta. The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) provisions are not included in the detailed catalogue of competencies in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) because it is outside the Union method and therefore contained in the Treaty on the European Union (TEU). It brought ten new member states into the EU . The first enlargement was in 1973 when Britain. then fifteen. The Treaty must be given assent in the European Parliament and the treaty must be ratified according to the constitutional traditions of the acceding member state. competition rules for the common market and monetary policy for those states in the Eurozone. Shared competences include the internal market.There is no EU ’inclusive’ competence. employment and social policies.and two small Mediterranean states . then twelve. What is the final step in the membership process? b) Ratification of the Accession Treaty The final step in the membership process is the ratification of the Accession Treaty. culture and tourism. The second enlargement was in 1981 when Greece joined and the third was in 1986 when Spain and Portugal acceded to the Community. then twenty-five and now twenty-seven member states. The fifth enlargement in 2004 was the single biggest expansion of the EU. which admitted Austria. Exclusive EU competence represents the core business of the EU and includes issues concerning the customs union. This could mean ratification through a national referendum or ratification through national parliament. aspects of social policy and economic. Enlargement How many times has the EU enlarged? c) Six The European Union (EU) has enlarged on six separate occasions growing from six to nine. The final area of competence is supporting. Ratification occurs after the Commission working groups conclude negotiations upon . The co-ordination competence relates to member states’ economic policies.

although usually this is simply referred to as the ’first’ enlargement. Member states agreed at the Hague Summit to re-launch accession negotiations and Britain became a member of the EC in January 1973. Charles de Gaulle delayed accession negotiations but his departure from office in 1969 removed the roadblock to accession talks. The Iberian enlargement refers to the entry of Spain and Portugal. the accession of each member state counts as a separate enlargement. Britain made its first application for EC membership in 1961. when it applied together with Denmark and Ireland. The northern enlargement is sometimes used to describe the round which saw Britain. What policy was established with the first enlargement of the EC? a) New member states were obligated to accept the whole acquis The first enlargement of the EC in 1973 established the practice that new member states would accept the entire acquis communautairethe body of laws and policies of the European Community. when Greece joined in 1981 and when Spain and Portugal joined in 1986. the first or northern enlargement. Norway. What are the second and third enlargements of the EC usually referred to as? a) The Mediterranean enlargement The second and third enlargements of the EC. are usually referred to as the ’Mediterranean enlargement’. Britain made its first application for EC membership. Denmark and. True or false: In 1967. Numbering the enlargements is difficult because technically. The convention is to refer to the enlargements as rounds. False. The EFTA enlargement refers to the 1995 membership of Austria. Finland and Sweden. the countries of the Iberian peninsula. also with Ireland. The . Denmark and Ireland join in 1973. ending accession negotiations with all of these countries. (Norway later added its application to this group in 1962). In 1963 French President Charles de Gaulle vetoed British membership. Britain made its second membership application in 1967.determining that its conditions of accession has been met and the applicant country has satisfactorily adopted the acquis. the third or EFTA enlargement and the fourth or Eastward enlargement. later. the second or Mediterranean enlargement. the European Council approves the terms of membership and the Accession Treaty is signed by the applicant country. This time.

Germany was a strong supporter of eastward enlargement because its security and economic interests were at stake. In particular. Spain and Portugal was important for the consolidation of the new democratic regimes in these countries. threatened to dilute French influence in the Union. and so Germany was keen to reduce the risk of instability in these countries. French President Pompidou was especially concerned that Britain should not be given an opportunity to alter the Common Agricultural Policy and the own-resources budgetary agreement that he calculated would benefit French agricultural interests. These countries were close geographical neighbours and which had close economic ties with Germany. accession of Greece. Spain and Portugal affect the general principles of enlargement? c) It led the EC to prioritise political considerations over economic considerations The accession of Greece. it pushed for the accession of Poland. Enlargement. The EC did not waive its requirement that new member states adopt the acquis. True. although this and subsequent enlargements demonstrate that the EC was willing to offer resources and new policy measures designed to help new member state adopt the acquis. Spain and Portugal led the EC to prioritise political considerations over economic considerations. Why was the 1999 Cologne European Council significant for the EU’s enlargement policy? b) It established the principle of individual negotiations The 1999 Cologne European Council meeting was significant for the development of the EU’s enlargement policy because it established the principle of ’differentiation’. were adamant that when new members joined the EC they should not be given the opportunity to derail the policies and agreements negotiated by the original member states beforehand. This meant that the EU would . and particularly the French. True or false: Germany was a stronger supporter than France of eastward enlargement. meanwhile. Hungary and the Czech Republic. Membership of the EC offered a way to do this. was hesitant to support further enlargement of the union. and that led the EC to be flexible on the economic readiness of these countries to join the EC. Instability in the states of eastern and central Europe did not pose an immediate security threat to France. on the other hand. France. For the EC. How did the accession of Greece.existing member states.

reversing the stance of the previous Kohl government. objected to Turkish membership due to a concern that Turkey was not culturally compatible with the image that the CDU-CSU held of Europe. The introduction of new member states also required changing the voting weights in the Council of Ministers. The German position changed in 1998 when a leftof-centre coalition assumed office. During the 1990s. Britain has always been sympathetic to Turkey’s EU ambitions and the US also supports Turkish admission to the EU.approach enlargement as a series of individual negotiations with member states. the EU faced politically difficult reforms over agriculture and structural funds. What issues proved to be difficult sticking points in the negotiations over eastward enlargement? In preparation for eastward enlargement. Common Foreign and Security Policy . It was during this period that Germany reversed its traditional opposition to Turkish membership during the 1999 Cologne European Council. the CDU-CSU. What recent developments have undermined Turkish prospects for membership of the EU? b) Germany’s Christian Democrats return to office in 2008 The Christian Democrats (CDU-CSU) returned to political office in Germany in 2008 and with this the German position moved against Turkish membership. The new member states had larger agricultural populations than the existing member states. In these redistributive policy areas. Each state could move toward membership on its own timeline. countries such as Spain who were beneficiaries from the structural funds in the EU 15 would no longer be a ’have-not’ country after enlargement. This often unspoken concern was based on Turkey not being Christian. was a victory for the Christian Democrats and signalled a move away from support for Turkish accession. This was also the European Council meeting where Germany changed its position on Turkish membership. under Helmut Kohl. rather than as a negotiation with a group of countries. The 2008 election however. Member states resisted reforms that diluted their influence. enlargement would have meant a large increase in EU Common Agricultural Policy expenditures. Germany had a new SPD government who announced that Turkey should progress toward negotiations. existing member states were concerned that they would lose out. Similarly.

the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) are all forms of political co-operation in the EU. These forms of co-operation are intergovernmental. EPC was characterized by informal contact and co-operation and co-operation between EC foreign ministers. While the SEA brought EPC into the treaty structure.A proposal for a European Defence Community was developed alongside the proposal for the ECSC. Which of the following is not an example of EPC at work? A common position on the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. the French were not prepared to do commit to this action and the West German government was unhappy at the way the US used the issue to heighten East-West tension. which means that the European Council. it did not bring it under the jurisdiction of the ECJ. the member states of the EC had some success with reaching common foreign policy positions in the late 1970s and early 1980s. although there are provisions for qualified majority voting in limited circumstances as well as provisions for member states to abstain from voting without blocking the process of political cooperation among other member states. plays a leading role. False. The SEA formalized and institutionalized this co-operation. This means that they are all programmes that share the goal of co-operation in the ’high politics’ of foreign policy. However. In its early stages in the 1970s and early 1980s. but this was vetoed by the French legislature in 1954. the EC member states articulated a common position on the middle east in the Venice Declaration of 1980. EPC. codifying its procedures in the treaties and creating a political secretariat to . either in the diplomatic or the military realm. After engaging in the Euro-Arab dialogue through the 1970s. The British supported an ’Atlanticist’ response of boycotting the Moscow Olympics. True or false: The Single European Act (SEA) brought EPC into the treaties and under the jurisidiction of the European Court of Justice (ECJ). and not the Commission. the member states of the EC were unable to reach a common position on a response. They also achieved a record of block voting in the United Nations and in the formulation of common positions through the CSCE. Most decisions in political co-operation are taken by unanimity. CFSP and ESDP are all examples of what? Political co-operation European Political Cooperation (EPC).

France also supported this German position. because it was not an actor. Which of the following concepts cast doubt on whether the EC should be conceived as an actor in international relations? Capability-expectations gap The ’capability-expectations gap’ cast doubt on whether the EU should be conceived as an actor in international affairs. However. notably the member states. True or false: The Treaty on European Union led to the creation of a common foreign security policy along the lines envisaged by the Germans. and saw EPC as an attempt ’to reduce the adverse costs of global interdependence by deliberately coordinating joint policy actions’ (1989: 31). The British were opposed to bringing European Political Cooperation into the Community structure. This was why the capability-expectations gap existed and Hill believed that the gap had only been increased by the SEA and the TEU. The Treaty on European Union led to the creation of a Common Foreign and Security Policy in the intergovernmental second pillar of the Union. The concept put the focus on the external environment. This fell short of what the German government had hoped for. lacked the ability to reach agreement internally on political co-operation. To mistake it for an actor he suggested. The concept was developed by Hill (1993). EPC was replaced by the Common Foreign and Security Policy in the Treaty of Maastricht. was to raise the expectations of what it could achieve. In this respect. False. EPC remained intergovernmental and it remained outside of ECJ jurisdiction. and also. which suggested advances in the international activity of the EC/EU that it was incapable of making.support EPC. . It sought to explain political cooperation by taking account of whether élite actors favoured or opposed political co-operation. Hill noted that the Community lacked the necessary resources and instruments. The Gymnich formula refers to a 1974 initiative whereby Foreign Ministers met informally without a fixed agenda and without the involvement of a large number of officials to discuss political co-operation. who produced an assessment of political co-operation which noted that the EC lacked autonomy. The élite actor perspective was also developed by Ginsberg (1989). Interdependence logic was developed by Ginsberg (1989). with a prominent role for the Commission to provide supranational policy management. The Germans had lobbied for the creation of a common foreign and security policy that was within the Community pillar. The three pillar structure of the Union can be seen as a policy victory for the British. and was not distinct from other actors.

Petersberg tasks. The Treaty of Amsterdam did not create the Petersberg Tasks-these were developed by the Western European Union (WEU) in June 1992. despite reservations by Italy. the US decision to invade Iraq precipitated a serious split within the EU. Bush. President George W. Malo summit? It marked the beginning of ESDP At the December 1998 summit in St. British prime minister Tony Blair and French president Jacques Chirac agreed to support the creation of a ESDP therefore extending co-operation in CFSP into the realm of security and defence.What was the significance of the St. This was prompted by the EU’s inability to respond quickly to the crisis in Kosovo. (The WEU is a European organization for co-operation in security and defence. The EU was not opposed to the subsequent US campaign in Afghanistan to unseat the Taliban government. Even member states that are not NATO members due to their neutrality take part in carrying out the Petersberg tasks. This represents a further advance in security and defence cooperation beyond the Treaty of Amsterdam’s commitment of EU member states to carrying out the St. identified an axis of evil comprising Ian. In the build-up to the eventual invasion. Malo agreement was followed by the European Council’s agreement the following year to create a rapid reaction force of up to 60. It consists of 28 countries). peacekeeping and crisis management roles. forcing it to rely instead on NATO troops. France. While defending Europe’s territory is a task that falls to NATO. France and Germany led a small group of states that opposed any military action. in his 2002 State of the Union speech. the Petersberg tasks cover humanitarian. Iraq and North .000 troops. However. The St. What role did the Treaty of Amsterdam commit member states to? Carrying out the Petersberg tasks The Treaty of Amsterdam committed EU member states to carrying out the Petersberg tasks. while Britain. Which of the following actions/positions were taken by the EU following the 2001 terrorist attack on the United States? Creation of a European Arrest Warrant The Commission rapidly tabled proposals for a European Arrest Warrant following the 2001 terrorist attack on the United States. Malo. Agreement on this was reached in December 2001. Spain and Italy were the leading supporters of a larger group (if the accession states are included) that backed the US action.

000 troops as part of a joint EU-UN force to protect refugee camps in Chad and the Central African Republic. In 2008.Korea. The vast majority of CFSP decisions remain subject to unanimity whilst the Commission’s role in CFSP is minimal and does not extend to the sole power of initiative. In 2006.000 troops representing 23 EU member states. most multinational EU operation in Africa to-date. Which of the following amendments to CFSP is contained in the 2009 Lisbon Treaty? Creation of a European External Action Service The Lisbon Treaty established the European External Action Service (EEAS). The new post therefore straddles two institutions and acts as a bridge between external economic relations and the CFSP/ESDP. involving over 3. with provision for additional staff to be seconded from the national diplomatic services of the member states. The function of the EEAS is to assist the newly appointed High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. In the period after World War 2. This mission lasted just over one year and has been the largest. the EU sent a naval force to help deter piracy off the coast of Somalia. which of the following governed trade relations between states? . This position was also created by the Lisbon Treaty. the EU provided military forces to help provide the security necessary for holding elections in the Republic Congo. The service is to be formed by staff drawn from the external relations departments of the Council and Commission. It carries with it the position of Vice-President of the Commission and the incumbent is also charged with chairing meetings of the Council of Foreign Ministers. The EU has never sent troops to Zimbabwe.000 troops as part of a joint EU-UN force to protect refugee camps in what part of Africa? Chad and the Central African Republic In 2008 the EU deployed 3. The EU has also been active in other parts of Africa. In 2008 the EU deployed 3. Bush’s public condemnation was a setback for the EU’s efforts in developing constructive relations with Iran and North Korea in particular.

the vast majority of independent countries that eventually became the African. When the Treaty of Rome was signed in 1957. It was eventually replaced by a far stronger body. It created ’a contract between equal partners and was a step towards a New International Order’ . remained the responsibility of colonial powers. which of the original EEC member states had the largest number of colonies. was created after World War 2 and governed trade relations between states. The GATT was a weak organization and ran into a series of difficulties from the late 1970s. These agreements set up several institutions designed to help an international economic system to emerge. Its objective was to assist help states that got into temporary difficulties with their balance of payments. The Lomé Convention was negotiated in the early 1970s as a result of British accession to the EEC and marked a turning point in these relations. New Hampshire. and the addition of its former colonies brought to forty-six the number of associated states. Relations were initially dealt with in an Implementing Convention. Neither however. marked a serious attempt to break with the traditional pattern of relations between Europe and the developing world. Relations with ex-colonies was an area of considerable concern for the original EEC. which was replaced in 1963 by the Yaoundé Convention. There had been an intention to create an International Trade Organization (ITO) which would facilitate the gradual introduction of global free trade agreements and regulate trade disputes between states. However the US Congress would not agree to the ITO. Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group. so instead a series of intergovernmental negotiations were initiated known as the GATT. Britain was a former imperial power. The accession to the EU of which state provided a stimulus for agreement on the Lomé Convention? Britain The accession of Britain to the EEC in 1973 provided a stimulus for agreement on the Lomé Convention. Bretton Woods refers to a series of agreements reached in Bretton Woods. Both of these instruments had the objective of gradually moving towards a free trade area between the EEC and the former French colonies and included the provision of financial aid. requested that its overseas territories be granted associated status with the proposed EEC.General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) The General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT). in 1944. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) was also created during this period. similar to France. a series of intergovernmental negotiations. the World Trade Organization (WTO). which was created in 1995. In 1956 France.

and covers a number of agreements from 1975 to 2000. Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states. recourse to dispute panels has increased considerably since the introduction of the WTO. The Commission argued that this was necessary in order to bring the EU’s trade relations in line with WTO rules. Greece did not have colonies. True or false: Since the introduction of the WTO. the Cotonou Agreement covered aid and economic development. Caribbean and Pacific States The Lomé Convention refers to a trade and aid package between the EU and the African.(Stevens 1984: 1). and partly because of the advent of more effective machinery. environmental protection measures and measures relating to democracy. differed from the Lomé Convention because it was based on the progressive and reciprocal removal of trade agreements between the EU and the countries covered by the Cotonou Agreements. it also includes former colonies of other member states. Since the WTO was created in . They are nonreciprocal trade agreements. Partly because of the increased complexity of the rules. This non-reciprocity is one of the reasons why the Commission argued that the Lomé Convention violated WTO rules. signed in June 2000. after the establishment of the Lomé Convention. While the Convention was originally created to accommodate French demands for a special association status for its former colonies. The WTO averages forty disputes a year as compared to six per year under the previous GATT procedures (McQueen 1998: 436). This means that while the Lomé Conventions gave the ACP countries access to EU markets for certain commodities (such as bananas) it did not demand access to ACP markets in return. False. Spain and Portugal were also former imperial powers but they acceded to the EC during the 1980s. This has affected the EU because of increased challenges to its practices. good governance and human rights. particularly from the US. Like the Lomé Convention before it. This meant that in return for access to the EU market. How did the Cotonou Agreement differ from the Lomé Convention? The Cotonou Agreement introduced reciprocal trade agreements The Cotonou Agreement. What is the Lomé Convention? Trade and aid package between the EU and the African. recourse to dispute panels has decreased considerably. countries that signed up to the agreement had to open their markets to EU goods.

What are the levels of ’three level game’ of EU trade negotiations? Within member states. in recognition of the disappointment of Turkey at not being treated as a candidate for membership of the EU in the enlargement round than ended in 2004. a variety of other agreements have been devised that stop shot of offering a perspective on membership. One of the earliest such agreements was with Turkey in 1973. secondly. Since the collapse of communism. Young (2000) advocated supplementing liberal intergovernmental analysis of trade policy with an institutionalist approach. Each side has brought complaints against the other. and finally. the application of biotechnology to agricultural produce and the Foreign Sales Corporation (FSC) provisions of US tax law. among member states and between the EU and its trading partners The three levels of the ’three level game’ of EU trade negotiations are first. the US and the EU have struggled to dominate the procedures and the agendas. The ’three-level game’ draws on the intergovernmental approach. reaching agreement among the signatory states of the WTO (Collinson. Negotiations are also complicated by the fact that a wide range of issues are under discussion. reaching agreement within member states that reflects a balance of domestic interests. or at least to ensure that the other does not dominate. in 1996 the Association Agreement with it was extended into a special customs union. In other words. with partial reciprocation by the other parties. the three-level game is structured by the institutionalization of the policy sector. 1999). According to this analysis. The agreements involve a variety of trade concessions by the EU. These include Euro-Med Agreements and the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Among the issues under dispute have been the EU’s banana regime. reaching agreement among member states that reflects a balance of EU interests. . different EU positions during trade negotiations can be explained with reference to the different institutionalization of political forces within each set of issues.1995. Having to reach agreement that satisfies three levels of bargaining complicates the process of negotiations. Question 7 Pre-accession agreements with states that want to become full members of the EU Association Agreements are pre-accession agreements with states that want to become full members of the EU.

competition rules. ’Global Europe’. This effectively involved a downgrading of the political adjuncts to trade negotiations and a retreat from the commitment to multilateralism. and also covers the EU’s eastern neighbours: Armenia. In 1995. This sets the ENP apart from the Europe Agreements. Azerbaijan. economic co-operation. and new objectives related to the environment. there were 16 non-EU states involved in the process. services. Georgia. False. and linked trade to political objectives. provisions relating to intellectual property. True or false: The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) covers states that are in line for EU membership. cultural co-operation. outlines Mandelson’s position and argued that the central objective of EU trade policy should be to open markets abroad for European companies.What was the difference in emphasis between Pascal Lamy as Trade Commissioner (1999-2004) and his successor Peter Mandelson (2005-2008)? Lamy linked EU trade policy to political objectives such as social justice and sustainable development. Mandelson downgraded political objectives. disasters and business and education developments were added. which made multilateralism the central doctrine of EU trade policy. and monopolies. the EU developed the concept of a EuroMediterranean (’Euro-Med’) Partnership. The process was re-launched as the Union for the Mediterranean at the Paris Summit for the Mediterranean in 2008. The ENP includes the Euro-Med Agreements with countries to the south of the EU. In 2009. a 2006 communication. state aids. The ENP was launched in 2004 with the aim of managing . Belarus. These were bilateral agreements that varied in detail. respect for human rights and democracy. Moldova and the Ukraine. political dialogue. but had certain common features including: WTO-compatible free trade (to be implemented in stages over twelve years). Which of the following are features of Euro-Med Association Agreements? All of the above. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) provides financial assistance and economic co-operation to states that do not have EU membership prospects. Lamy favoured ’managed capitalism’. public procurement. Mandelson downgraded political objectives Lamy linked EU trade policy to political objectives such as social justice and sustainable development. Both Lamy and Mandelson favoured trade liberalization. Essential components of the concept were Euro-Med Association Agreements. and co-operation on social affairs and immigration.

Philosophical contributions have addressed the dilemmas and opportunities facing Canada. often constitutionally. sovereignty in federal political orders is non-centralized. or have their rights secured by. decentralization without requiring constitutional entrenchment of split authority. immunity or enhanced opportunity sets (Elazar 1987a). through sharing the benefits of enlargement.relations with states outside of the association agreement framework. political order. . Nepal and Nigeria. Australia. Unlike in a unitary state. between at least two levels so that units at each level have final authority and can be self governing in some issue area. Russia. to mention just a few areas where federal arrangements are seen as interesting solutions to accommodate differences among populations divided by ethnic or cultural cleavages yet seeking a common. but member units may also have international roles. often democratic. coupled with empirical findings concerning the requisite and legitimate basis for stability and trust among citizens in federal political orders. and improving both economic development. and improving security in the regions on the EU’s borders. Europe. two authorities. The division of power between the member unit and center may vary. Reasons for Federalism promoting various forms of liberty in the form of non-domination. Much recent philosophical attention is spurred by renewed political interest in federalism. Citizens thus have political obligations to. Arguments favoring federal orders compared with secession and completely independent sovereign states. typically the center has powers regarding defense and foreign policy. Federalism Federalism is the theory or advocacy of federal principles for dividing powers between member units and common institutions. The decision-making bodies of member units may also participate in central decision-making bodies. 3. Iraq.

Keohane and Nye 2001. i. such as credible commitments. and/or to prevent aggressive and preemptive wars among themselves. Federations can facilitate some objectives of sovereign states. They occur in different forms and from different starting points. Federations may foster peace.certain kinds of coordination. . Such arguments assume. in several ways. in the senses of preventing wars and preventing fears of war. that abuse by the center is less likely. aggressive states. by establishing and maintaining inter-member unit trade agreements.e. Watts 1999). States can join a (con)federation to become jointly powerful enough to dissuade external aggressors. of course. and in favour of ‘holding together’ federalism. Ernesto Rossi and Eugenio Colorni argued the latter in the 1941 Ventotene Manifesto: Only a European federation could prevent war between totalitarian.1 Reasons for a federal order rather than separate states or secession Here is a list of reasons for a federal order rather than separate states or secession. Such arguments assume. Federations can promote economic prosperity by removing internal barriers to trade. 260). that the (con)federation will not become more aggressive than each state separately. Federal arrangements may protect individuals against political authorities by constraining state sovereignty. the federal arrangements can protect minorities’ human rights against member unit authorities (Federalist. Pentagon. a point Mill argued. or by becoming a sufficiently large global player to affect international trade regimes (for the latter regarding the EU. by transferring some powers to a common body. of course. By entrusting the center with authority to intervene in member units. and control over externalities. through economies of scale. EU Commission. The European federalists Altieri Spinelli. in defence of ‘coming together’ federalism.arguments supporting federal arrangements rather than a (further) centralized unitary state. 3. cf. and placing some powers with the center.

and *mdash. particularly for small states—by giving these member units influence or even veto over policy making. both by facilitating coordination.Since cooperation in some areas can ‘spill over’ and create demands for further coordination in other sectors. Member units can check central authorities and prevent undue action contrary to the will of minorities: “A great democracy must either sacrifice self-government to unity or preserve it by federalism. Federal orders may increase the opportunities for citizen participation in public decision-making. More specifically. 3. 15). language or religion. 277). through deliberation and offices in both member unit and central bodies that ensures character formation through political participation among more citizens (Mill 1861. ‘fiscal federalism’ the optimal allocation of authority. Federal arrangements may enhance the political influence of formerly sovereign governments. Hume. while interlocking arrangements provide influence on central decisions via member unit bodies (Madison. federal arrangements can accommodate minority nations who aspire to self determination and the preservation of their culture. civil wars or ethnic cleansing to prevent such secessionist movements.2 Reasons for preferring federal orders over a unitary state Here is a list of reasons for preferring federal orders over a unitary state: Constitutional allocation of powers to a member unit protects individuals from the center. typically recommending central redistribution but local provision of public goods. federations often exhibit creeping centralization. Such autonomy and immunity arrangements are clearly preferable to the political conflicts that might result from such groups' attempts at secession. . Central authorities may respond with human rights abuses. Goodin 1996). ch. as well as the best security of its freedom … The combination of different nations in one State is as necessary a condition of civilized life as the combination of men in society” (Acton 1907. The coexistence of several nations under the same State is a test. rather than remaining mere policy takers.

and local decision-makers may also have a better grasp of affected preferences and alternatives. Subsidiartiy The principle of subsidiarity regulates the exercise of powers in the European Union.Federal arrangements may allow more optimal matching of the authority to create public goods to specific affected subsets of the populations. 680). making for better service than would be provided by a central government that tends to ignore local preference variations (Smith 1776. If individuals' preferences vary systematically by territory according to external or internal parameters such as geography or shared tastes and values. The subsidiarity principle is based on the idea that decisions must be taken as closely as possible to the citizen: the Union should not undertake action (except on matters for which it alone is responsible) unless EU action is more effective than action taken at national. In effect. federal—or decentralized—arrangements that allow local variation may be well suited for several reasons. National Parliaments ensure compliance with the principle of subsidiarity in accordance with the procedure set out in that Protocol. The question is. . this principle only applies when the Union and Member States both have competence. the principle is defined in Article 5 TEU (Treaty of the EU). regional or local level. which of the two (EU or the Member States) is to exercise the competence. Local decisions prevent overload of centralised decision-making. The institutions of the Union shall apply the principle of subsidiarity. Today. The subsidiarity principle was introduced by the Treaty of Maastricht and was further elaborated in a Protocol on the application of the principle attached to the Treaty of Amsterdam.

Snake in the tunnel An arrangement used briefly in Europe after the collapse of the Bretton Woods System in which European currencies were permitted to vary ±1% against each other (the snake but ±2. and on the other from certain Member States – in particular the UK – that saw in subsidiarity a tool to protect themselves against encroaching Union intervention. Austrian and Belgian governments it remains understood that the actions of the European Community on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity concern not only the Member States. conferred on them by national constitutional law’. there are two conditions for Union action: first. better achievement by the Union by reason of the scale or effects of the proposed action.25% against the dollar (the tunnel). to the extent that these bodies possess their own legislative powers. broadens the definition of subsidiarity to the regional and local level (Article 5 (2) TEU). but also their bodies. The new Treaty of Lisbon. secondly. However. the concept as enshrined into the Treaty has focused on the relations between Union and Member States – with the exception of a Declaration attached to the Treaty of Amsterdam which states that ‘for the German. as it entered into force on 1 December 2009.As defined in Article 5 TEU. It also introduces. Multi-level governance Is the exercise of authority and the various dimensions of relations across levels of government. a new ex ante political monitoring mechanism through which any national parliament or any chamber of a national parliament will be enabled to issue a reasoned opinion regarding compliance with the principle by EU proposals of a legislative nature. . The concept of subsidiarity was initially introduced as a result of pressure on the one hand from certain regions – in particular the German federal states (Länder) – to use subsidiarity as a way to protect their regional autonomy recognised at the national level. insufficient achievement by Member States of the objectives of the proposed action. has changed over the last two decades.

financial. Multi level governance is a key theme in the national territorial reviews and in work on urban and rural regions. referring to the . the design of grants transferred from central to sub national levels of government and the variety of agreements between municipalities. decentralisation has made local and regional governments more powerful and supposedly increased their capacity to formulate and deliver policy. including their institutional. These agreements are increasingly common as a means by which to improve the effectiveness of local public service delivery and implementation of development strategies. now expect to influence public policies so that they have a real and positive impact on improving the competitiveness of the regional economy and the well-being of residents.[2] The phrase was also used by David Marquand in 1979. Local and regional governments. Recent work is focusing on the contractual approach of multi-level governance. organizations. and informational aspects. Here. local capacity building and incentives for effectiveness of sub national levels of government are crucial issues for improving the quality and coherence of public policy. The work has two main dimensions: vertical and horizontal. The "horizontal" dimension refers to co-operation arrangements between regions or between municipalities.In particular. concerned that their economies are increasingly exposed to global competition. involving multiple actors (public but also private) and requiring a rethinking of how central and subnational governments should collaborate OECD work on multi level governance addresses these “new” forms of governance. Democratic Deficit a situation in which political structures. or decisionmaking processes lack democratic legitimacy The phrase democratic deficit is cited as first being used by the Young European Federalists in their Manifesto in 1977. The “vertical” dimension refers to the linkages between higher and lower levels of government. These trends have made governance of public policies both more complex and more demanding.

• and the activism of the European Court of Justice. Europeanisation refers to a number of related phenomena and patterns of change: The process in which a notionally non-European subject (be it a culture. a city or a nation) adopts a number of European features Outside of the social sciences. • the divide between politicians and the general population on European integration.[3] The European Union (EU) is a unique organisation – not a federal state. • the complicated and technocratic nature of EU decisionmaking processes. it commonly refers to the growth of a European continental identity or polity over and above national identities and polities on the continent.then European Economic Community. The biggest democratic difficulties for the European Union are • the low popular interest in the EU. One of the earliest conceptualisations of the term is by Ladrech (1994. the forerunner of the European Union. the World Bank or the United Nations the EU has a democratic surplus. There is no consensus as to whether the Lisbon Treaty reduces or increases the democratic deficit in the European Union. Compared to an ideally democratic Nation-State the EU is less democratic and thus has a democratic deficit. If the EU. is compared to an International Organisation like the World Trade Organisation. The Lisbon Treaty is. Europeanisation may also refer to the process through which European Union political and economic dynamics become part of the organisational logic of national politics and policy-making. however. being ratified by the governments of counties whose people would most likely reject the treaty if it was put to a democratic referendum. The Lisbon Treaty increases the power of the democratically elected European Parliament and introduces the Citizen's initiative. • the already low and consistently decreasing turnout in elections to the European Parliament. yet not just an International Organisation. a language. however. 69) who defines Europeanisation simply as ‘an incremental process of re-orienting the direction and shape of politics to the .

etc. b) diffusion and c) institutionalisation of formal and informal rules. where the multiple levels of governance in Europe are not seen as necessarily in opposition to one another. a) construction. see his loyalties and responsibilities as lying with Barcelona. Some scholars. policies and policy making between member states of the European Union. 'ways of doing things' and shared beliefs and norms which are first defined and consolidated in the EU policy process and then incorporated in the logic of domestic (national and subnational) discourse. styles. An elected representative can. who describes Europeanisation as "a process involving. Another definition that needs to taken into account is Radaelli. but is based on 'best practice' and mutual recognition. regional and other identities within a European context. in this case. German. The state is viewed as re-active towards changes in the union."[1] From a 'bottom-up' approach Europeanisation occurs when states begin to affect the policy of the European union in a given area. for example. political structures and public choices. rather than British. polciy paradigms. French.extent that EC political and economic dynamics become part of the organisational logic of national politics and policy making. The Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union would be an example of this. the enlargement of the European Union and the gradual acquisition of authority over the national member governments in numerous areas is creating a centralised European polity. A more nuanced analysis posits that the institutional interaction of policy actors at the various levels of European governance leads to the re-definition of national. The transfer can is based on a form of 'soft law' therefore it is not enforceable. An obvious area of change is in the institutions of Europe. Another perspective of Europeanisation is the 'horizontal approach. Catalonia. The Schuman Declaration . Spain and Europe.' This approach takes into account the transfer of politics.’ This emphasises what is known as the 'top-down approach' to Europeanisation with change emanating from the impact of the Union onto the national policy. procedures. the nations using the euro have passed control of their monetary policy to the European Central Bank. including Samuel Huntington argue that citizens of European states increasingly identify themselves as such.

The six countries which signed the Treaty were France. The Declaration is viewed as the first official step in the foundation of the present EU. an intergovernmental conference was convened in Paris to conduct negotiations on a new form of international cooperation. Against the background of the Declaration. the Netherlands. After the presentation of the Schuman Declaration. Through the Schuman Declaration. Luxembourg and Italy. things moved rapidly. the Declaration can be described as a proposal to establish an organised Europe with close economic links with a view to maintaining peaceful relations between European countries. Consent (Assent Procedure) In certain legislative areas. In general. the French Government proposed that Franco-German coal and steel production be placed under the jurisdiction of a common body known as the ‘High Authority’ (the precursor of the Commission) in an organisation which would also be open to other European countries to join. on 9 May 1950. and the Treaty establishing the European Coal and Steel Community was signed in Paris on 18 April 1951 (the ECSC Treaty). and the European Coal and Steel Community became a reality. There was a widespread view that it was necessary for the Western European countries to enter into new patterns of cooperation in order to meet the security and economic challenges of the time. it was considered necessary to establish cohesion between West Germany and the other Western European countries. as a special legislative procedure under Article 289(2) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Belgium. the European Parliament is requested to give its consent. The ECSC Treaty came into forceon 23 July 1952.The Schuman Declaration is a declaration made by the then French Foreign Minister. since it led to the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community. the Federal Republic of Germany. in particular. Robert Schuman. . Also the European industry was threatened with a crisis due to overproduction of steel. The background to the Schuman Declaration was the tense climate following the Second World War pervaded by the ‘cold war’ and fear of a third world war.

The consent procedure gives Parliament the right of veto. Consent is also required as a non-legislative procedure when the Council is adopting certain international agreements. agreements governing accession to the European Union. association agreements and 2. As a legislative procedure. The scope for the application of the procedure was extended by all subsequent modifications of the Treaties. Parliament’s role is thus to approve or reject the legislative proposal without further amendments and the Council cannot overrule Parliament’s opinion. or is applicable most notably in the cases of serious breach of fundamental rights under Article 7 Treaty on European Union (TEU) or for the accession of new EU members or arrangements for the withdrawal from the EU. it was introduced by the 1986 Single European Act in two areas: 1. . it usually applies to the ratification of certain agreements negotiated by the European Union. Formerly know as the assent procedure. it is to be used also when new legislation on combating discrimination is being adopted and it now gives the European Parliament a veto also when the subsidiary general legal basis is applied in line with Article 352 TFEU. As a non-legislative procedure.

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