Climate Change

A comparative analysis of 50 newspapers from July 2005 to June 2007 July 2007 to December 2008

in the Brazilian News Media

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Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

The Climate Challenge

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he primary symptoms of the crisis humanity faces today were foretold by science at least a half century ago. Nonetheless, the political and economic forces that shape the course of our planet have not been able to respond adequately to the phenomenon. As we all know, the problem is rooted in a development model which failed to take into account the environment as a key component of the development equation. Clearly, climate change represents the most serious manifestation of this omission. And while existing channels are available to respond effectively and with the requisite urgency to the magnitude and complexity of the challenge posed by the phenomenon’s intensification, these are invariably bound to the construction of a new development paradigm. To be sure, the task at hand does not fall simply to the environmental sector. Rather, it requires a transversal approach involving every area of human development. If the effective commitment of world leaders to rational resource use continues to occupy a prominent place on the agenda, we must not underestimate the importance of participation by other sectors in the discussion and decision-making processes, including the populations most imperiled by climate change. Clearly, we have an arduous process of consensus building before us, requiring intensive social mobilization and expanded public debate. It is ANDI’s view that in this context, in which communications will play a vital role, journalism has a unique responsibility. There are a number of factors that make quality journalism a critical element for ensuring the public debate on climate change is promoted effectively. One involves the airtight scientific case on the causes of the phenomenon and the means to confront it. Another centers on the intentionally ambivalent positions adopted by a majority of government officials, both at the domestic level and within international climate forums. No less relevant are the frequently polarized approaches emanating from the representatives of key sectors, including environmental NGOs and the business community.

In addition to its capacity to provide contextualized information on the multifaceted aspects of climate change, the news media has the power to contribute toward transforming the phenomenon into a priority issue and to overseeing the corresponding climate measures, programs, and policies, while gauging the performance of those charged with their implementation. Cognizant of the magnitude of the mission, over the past three years ANDI has sought to develop tools to support the Brazilian media’s coverage of climate change. These include analytical reviews of the daily content of news publications throughout the country undertaken in partnership with the British Embassy and the British Council in Brazil. The 42-month monitoring survey presented in the pages that follow offer a thorough evaluation of the merits and limits of the editorial treatment. Beyond the diagnostic analysis, we believe the considerations and findings emerging from the study could serve as an effective foundation for the efforts of news professionals and their organizations to enhance the quality of their reporting. Similarly, they could prove equally useful to the information sources with which news organizations maintain an ongoing dialogue. Enjoy!

Veet Vivarta Executive Secretary Brazilian News Agency for Children’s Rights – ANDI

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Contents
E I A
Executive Summary Introduction Analysis of Results 1- Agenda-Setting 2- Information in Context 3- The Media as Watchdog Conclusion Bibliography Annex I Annex II Credits

4 8 25 36 51 61 63 65 66 67

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Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

E

Executive Summary
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his study presents the key results from the analysis of 50 newspapers in 26 Brazilian states and the Federal District from July 2005 to December 2008. The objective of the study was to evaluate the extent to which issues related to the phenomenon of climate change resonate in the national news media and to assess the quality of the published content. The study was performed in three stages. The first encompassed a 24-month period (July 2005 to June 2007). In order to identify possible shifts in the trends identified, ANDI applied the media monitoring methodology to the coverage of climate change in the first half of 2008. The comparative findings were sufficiently substantive to warrant a third analysis designed to incorporate the periods omitted in the previous evaluation, covering the final six months of 2007 and 2008, respectively. Based on the investigation, this publication sets out to consider the editorial treatment of climate change in the Brazilian news media. To more clearly illustrate the distinct approaches adopted by news dailies, we employ comparative data from the two consolidated monitoring periods: 1st period (2005/2007): July 2005 to June 2007 (24 months)

2nd period (2007/2008): July 2007 to December 2008 (18 months)

General Findings of the Coverage

The results of the media content analysis between 2005 and 2007 revealed a significant increase in the number of stories on climate change beginning in the second half of 2006 and continuing through June 2007. From the second half of 2007, coverage of the issue registered a decline that extended into 2008, a similar trend to that identified in international studies. In 2005/2007, each sample news daily published an average of one article every four days; in 2007/2008 that figure fell to one story every 5.5 days. Despite the drop off in the number of stories, a number of factors bear consideration:

• The volume of news reports produced between late 2006 and the first six
months of 2007 was driven by an international agenda marked by developments of sufficient significance as to draw news media interest.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

• Beginning in the second half of 2007, the quantity of “journalistic hooks”
From 2006 to 2007, a number of developments in the climate change arena attracted widespread media attention, including: • Release of the Stern Review in October 2006; • The debut of An Inconvenient Truth in November 2006, a documentary starring former Vice-President Al Gore, and the Oscar awarded to the film the following year; • The Noble Peace Prize bestowed to Al Gore and the IPCC in October 2007 for their efforts in disseminating information on climate change worldwide; The major climate change events over the following year did not have the same media impact.

(documentaries, reports, awards ceremonies) dropped, leading to a relative loss of interest on the issue, not just in Brazil but among the global media as well. period, the number of published stories in 2008 (one every six days) remained above the average identified in the initial 12 months of the study (July 2005 to June 2006), when approximately one article was published every nine days.

• Despite the reduction in relation to the October 2006 to December 2007

• The coverage of climate change was heavily concentrated in the national
dailies (Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, O Globo, Correio Braziliense, Valor Econômico, and Gazeta Mercantil – the latter two focused primarily on the financial and economic aspects of the issue).

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• From July 2005 to June 2007, the six national dailies accounted for 37%

of the coverage. In the second monitoring period, July 2007 to December 2008, the major newspapers were responsible for an even larger share of the total – 45.5%. lished per outlet during the 42-month analysis was one every 2.2 days. The figure for the local dailies was one article every nine days.

• Among the six leading newspapers, the average number of stories pubEnhancing the Value of the Coverage of Brazil

• Among the news stories centered on specific localities, references to the
Key Topics Addressed

Brazilian context rose from 42.7% (July 2005 to June 2007) to 72.3% (July 2007 to December 2008).

• Between 2005 and 2007, the media focused primarily on three sub-topics:
the Greenhouse Effect (26.1%), Energy Issues (13.5%), and the Consequences and Impact of Climate Change (12.1%).

• In 2007 and 2008, a shift occurred with greater emphasis given to: Measures to Confront Climate Change (26.8%); Consequences and Impacts (9.8%); Climate Change in General (8.5%), and Collective International Action (8.3%).

Mitigation and Adaptation Strategies

• The percentage of stories with references to mitigation strategies reached

significant levels in all of the analyzed periods, registering a slight increase from the 2005/2007 period to the 2007/2008 period: 45.5% to 51.1%. 2005/2007 period, a figure that rose to 6.8% in the 2007/2008 period.

• Adaptation measures were cited in only 3.6% of the news pieces in the • Among the mitigation strategies referenced in the content, in the 2005/2007
period greatest emphasis was devoted to the energy sector (45.1%), while in the 2007/2008 period soil and forest use (25.4%) took precedence.

Emission Reduction Targets

• The data collected by ANDI indicate significant enhancement of the discussion on the need to invest in direct emission reduction measures. References to emission targets climbed from 15.4% to 32.9% in the periods surveyed.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

• References to Brazil’s position on emission targets also
increased from 3.7% to 11.8%.

• The

The Issue in Context

• The research methodology assessed the media’s employment of four major contextual variables in connection with climate change and their corresponding share of the coverage:

news coverage singled out the environment as the area most severely impacted by the phenomenon, despite a reduction in the volume of content on this question between the first and second survey periods (72.6% and 56.5% of the published content, respectively). Further, the number of references to economic effects increased (from 16.8% to 24.6% between 2005/2007 and 2007/2008).
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a) References to concepts related to the phenomenon (1.3%); b) References to evidence demonstrating the existence of the problem (24.4%); c) References to aspects that explain the gravity of the problem (32.7%); and d) References to statistical data (46%).

Sourcing

• Another encouraging result was the drop in the num-

ber of articles in which the primary source could not be identified, from 24.9% (2005/2007) to 14% (2007/2008). sources cited most often in the survey period were: experts and technical specialists (18.6% and 17.8%, respectively) and government officials (17.6% and 19.7%). eign governments fell from 11.5% (2005/2007) to 6.7% (2007/2008), while the number of sources tied to the business sector jumped from 7.0% to 12.1%.

• The

• References to legislation, deemed a key differentiating

• In addition, the number of sources connected to for-

feature of the coverage of climate change, remained above 40% throughout the period surveyed (42.1% for July 2005 to December 2007 and 43.1% for July 2007 to December 2008). to causes and solutions for climate phenomena remained stable in the two periods:

Related Issues

Causes, Consequences, and Solutions

• References

• Of the specific issues intimately bound to the climate

change agenda, questions related to energy and greenhouse gases (GH) received particular attention. ries made some reference to energy; in the second survey period, the total was 42.7%. sil fuel use (31.6% and 25.9%, respectively). However, the debate on clean energy sources was the subject of considerable analysis as well, in particular ethanol, which was cited in approximately 10% of the analyzed content. than 50% of the published stories on climate change in the two periods referred to GH (55.8% and 59.9%, respectively). with a slight increase registered from the first to the second period surveyed (50.7% to 56.4%).

Causes – 36.5% (2005/2007) and 36.6% (2007/2008) Solutions – 41.8% (2005/2007) and 41.1% (2007/2008)

• From July 2005 to June 2007, 46% of the selected sto-

• References

to consequences, meanwhile, declined significantly: from 58.5% (2005/2007) to 34.4% (2007/2008). dia as having primary responsibility for confronting the climate change challenge, governments occupied an important position. Of the total number of stories examined in the July 2005 to June 2007 period, 24.2% of the published content assigned responsibility for formulating responses to climate change to the Brazilian government and to the governments of other countries. A nearly identical percentage (23.7%) was identified in the following period – July 2007 to December 2008. on this question. Whereas initially responsibility for presenting solutions to the problem was attributed to foreign governments (24%), in the second phase of the analysis that responsibility was transferred to the Brazilian executive (32.2%).

• The discussion on energy continued to center on fos-

• Among the entities and sectors identified by the me-

• More

• More than half of the pieces cited the emission source,
Framing

• However, the data points to a shift in the reporting

• The environmental perspective constituted the domi-

nant framing of the climate change story in the two survey periods – 43.6% (June 2005 to July 2007) and 45% (July 2007 to December 2008). (and increasing) number of news reports broached

• In addition to environmental framing, a considerable

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

the issue from an economic (15.5% and 18.7%, respectively) and political (11.5% and 15.8%) angle.

• The development perspective registered a slight increase in the two periods: from 15% of the analyzed content (2005/2007) to 19% (2007/2008).

Institutional Focus

• The institutional focus of the coverage displayed no significant changes
between 2005/2007 and 2007/2008. The two periods were characterized by expanded emphasis on the governmental sphere (internal and external), particularly the executive branch. This particular focus increased yet further beginning in July 2007, accounting for 32.7% of the analyzed content – nearly ten percentage points above that registered in the July 2005 to June 2007 period (23.3%).
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• In 2005/2007, the coordinated efforts undertaken at the international level

occupied a prominent position in the coverage (46.7%). By contrast, in 2007/2008 greater emphasis was placed on the Brazilian government sector (60.2%, including the federal, state, and municipal governments).

Public Policies

Two key findings emerged from the analysis of the media’s reporting on public policies in the climate change field:

• In the first survey period, references to government (national or foreign)
measures were already significant (July 2005 to June 2007): 23.2%. ber 2008 period.

• This percentage continued to rise – to 32.7% – in the July 2007 to DecemGeneral Considerations
After reaching its peak between the last half of 2006 and early 2007 – driven by the release of important research work on the impact of climate change and the resulting mobilization of the international community – the attention devoted by the Brazilian news media to the issue began to fall off. Notwithstanding this trend, two points bear mention:

• The overall rise in the number of articles in 2008 in relation to the total
registered in the second half of 2005 and the first six months of 2006.

• The sharp contrast in the volume of coverage offered up by the national

dailies in comparison to the regional newspapers, with the first group sustaining a substantial level of reporting on the topic throughout the period surveyed.

In addition, the coverage manifested significant advances in respect to editorial treatment of the subject, as reflected by the shift from a risk-based approach – which tends to emphasize climate impacts – to a broader assessment centered on the strategies to confront the problem, that is, preventive measures. A final and critical point involves the focus given to agenda items linking temperature changes to specific aspects of the Brazilian context. While still in its early stages, this trend was evident in the continuing increase in references to localities within the country, the initiatives of the federal government, and the debate on the adoption of domestic emission targets.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

I

Introduction
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limate change could be the biggest story of the twenty-first century, affecting societies, economies and individuals on a grand scale.”1 This assertion not only identifies climate change as a central component of the news media’s agenda, but underscores two key aspects for measuring the sheer scope of the phenomenon: in addition to the intensity of the expected consequences, we face a challenge that will significantly affect all regions of the planet. The breadth of the agenda extends well beyond any specific knowledge area or social field. The debate is not purely scientific or even environmental (in the strictest sense of the term). The climate change alert will lie at the center of the development question for Nation States and their societies moving forward – and directly touch the political, economic, health, as well as several other spheres.

At the same time, climate change poses a shared challenge for the international community. As the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)’s Human Development Report 2007/2008 notes, almost anecdotally, it makes no difference if the excess CO2 derives from a burning house, an automobile, or tropical deforestation. “When greenhouse gases enter the earth’s atmosphere, they are not segmented by country of origin: a tonne of CO2 from Mozambique is the same weight as a tonne of CO2 from the United States.” In contrast to other international flash points, in response to which the most powerful nations can usually adopt unilateral measures, confronting climate change requires a global consensus. With this in mind, the UNDP report offers two warnings – “the world has less than a decade to change course” and “no issue merits more urgent attention – or more immediate action” – which effectively lay out the precise dimensions of the scenario we face.

Development in Jeopardy
The 2004 Up and Smoke report by the New Economic Foundation argues that climate change threatens to reverse the gains of human development. “The organizations that have come together to produce this report fear that without the necessary urgent and radical action by government, many of the gains of human development are now in jeopardy and may be reversed,” declares the document. According to the study, there is a real risk that the Millennium Development Goals, aimed at cutting poverty by 2015, will not be achieved due to the effects of climate change.

Climate and Development

It is worth recalling that climate change has only recently become a topic of global concern. One of the landmarks in drawing attention to the crisis was the publication and mass distribution of the report prepared by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). In its fourth edition in 2007, the document lays the responsibility for climate change squarely at the feet of human beings, in the most emphatic terms: there is today 95% certainty regarding the role of human beings in climate change. These studies, in turn, have given renewed impetus to efforts to prioritize a reorien1 James Fahn, Global Director for environmental Programs at Internews.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

tation of production/consumption patterns and the prevailing economic development model in the coming decades. Another seminal reference in the climate debate is the 2006 British government commissioned study The Economics of Climate Change (or the Stern Review, as it is more commonly known), prepared by British economist Nicholas Stern, who pronounces in its opening pages: “The scientific evidence is now overwhelming: climate change is a serious global threat, and it demands an urgent global response.”2 To Stern, climate change represents the largest-scale market failure the world has ever known. In sum, those who emit greenhouse gases impose costs on the planet and future generations without suffering any direct consequences for their actions – whether through market mechanisms or other means. In addition, because they are not forced to bear the associated costs, these actors have no economic incentive to reduce emissions. In the jargon of economists, human-induced climate change is an externality that cannot be corrected solely by the market. Rather, the remedy requires State regulation and international agreement.

Key Agenda Item for Children
Since 1996, ANDI has distinguished itself – and received wide public recognition – for the production of a substantial volume of media analyses on an array of topics, in particular those related to children. The results of these studies are available in a set of publications released by the Agency – some translated into English and Spanish. In addition to content on issues of relevance to younger generations, some of the texts consider questions of central importance to the social and environmental agenda in Brazil and/or Latin America. Human Development and Poverty, Business Social Responsibility, Social Technologies, Human Rights, and Science and Technology are just some of the subjects addressed. The objective of these analyses has centered on promoting effective cooperation with journalists and information sources through media monitoring efforts. This contribution is aimed at enhancing the discussion on issues and, by extension, encouraging the implementation of a development model that takes into account the guarantee of the human rights of all population segments and the sustainable use of natural resources. In this light, the public discussion on climate change, beyond its widespread implications, falls well within ANDI’s traditional field of action: promoting and safeguarding the rights of children.

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Another central aspect of Stern’s argument is that the shift to a low emission production model has the potential to generate development opportunities over the long term. As Stern sees it, States must send a clear signal to the market that confronting climate change should be viewed as an investment. The logic is straightforward: the benefits of urgent action to tackle the problem greatly outweigh the high costs of inaction in the near future.

The Power of Communication

Because confronting the challenge necessarily requires a global effort coupled with a comprehensive reformulation of the development model pursued to date, it is essential that the issue consistently gain greater prominence on the agendas of public decision-makers and that it be widely disseminated among the general public. In this light, the media assumes a leading role in consolidating the public debate on climate change by projecting it beyond the halls of science and the narrow interests of specific groups, in order to ensure new policies are effectively
2 STERN, Nicholas. The economics of climate change. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

implemented. This is the position advocated by the UNDP’s Human Development Report: Apart from their role in scrutinising government actions and holding policymakers to account, the media are the main source of information for the general public on climate change. Given the immense importance of the issue at stake for people and planet, this is a role that carries great responsibilities. This view is shared by a wide body of specialized literature, which sees the media as a driving force in the development of nations – a subject extensively explored in the field of “Communication for Development.” There is, therefore, growing recognition that qualified action by the media directly contributes to improving social and environmental conditions – as does the Human Development Index (HDI).3 An exponent of this perspective is the Director-General of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Koïchiro Matsuura. In the preface to Media and Good Governance, Matsuura stresses the need to reaffirm the importance of protecting the fundamental rights of freedom of expression and the press, in particular because these rights help ensure development: Without these rights, democracy cannot prevail and development remains unattainable. Independent, free and pluralistic media have a crucial role to play in good governance of democratic societies, by ensuring transparency and accountability, promoting participation and the rule of law, and contributing to the fight against poverty. Based on this premise, namely that the news media is a central actor in contemporary democracies and in ensuring human rights – and, consequently, a key cog in the development process of nations – the Brazilian News Agency for Children’s Rights (Agência de Notícias dos Direitos da Infância – ANDI), with the support of the Climate Change Communication Program of the British Embassy in Brazil, performed a series of studies to evaluate the response of the Brazilian news media to the climate challenge (in addition to other aspects of the relationship between journalism and climate change, see box below). The present publication outlines the results of this singular and pioneering effort, presenting the data from the media analyses conducted over a three-and-a-half-year period and a comparative review of two distinct sub-periods. The text evaluates the editorial treatment of the discussions on various aspects related to climate change in 50 Brazilian dailies (see the full list on page 23). This snapshot covers 42 months, from July 2005 through December 2008. The findings emerging from the investigation, as we will see below, offer an important contribution toward enhancing our understanding of the mass media’s role in the wide-ranging global discussion of the planet’s changing climate conditions and the potential consequences of the phenomenon moving forward.
3 See Press freedom and development: An analysis of correlations between freedom of the press and the different dimensions of development, poverty, governance and peace, UNESCO, 2008; Broadcasting, Voice and Accountability, World Bank, 2008; The right to tell: The role of mass media in economic development, World Bank, 2002; Human Development Report 2002: Deepening democracy in a fragmented world, UNDP, 2002; Development and Freedom, Amartya Sen, 2000.

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A search on the Scielo system (http://scielo.br) – the largest database of academic articles published in Brazilian scientific journals – of “climate change,” “global warming,” and “greenhouse effect” produced no results of research studies on news coverage of climate change in the Brazilian media.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

THE MEDIA AND CLIMATE CHANGE

Monitoring media coverage of climate change – at least at the international level – is not a recent exercise. While often critical of the related news content, studies have nonetheless identified substantial coverage of the climate debate dating back to the 1980s.4 Yet, what specific factors have reinforced this trend over time? A number of surveys have analyzed the elements contributing to the active engagement of media outlets in the phenomenon. This involvement began in the 1960s when the Conservation Foundation sponsored a major event on the subject in the United States, at the same time that the President’s science commission warned of the human causes of climate change.

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Actions to Enhance the Coverage
In addition to media analyses, ANDI pursues a diversity of strategies and actions to contribute toward enhancing the coverage of climate change by Brazilian news outlets. The British Embassy, the British Council and the Danish Embassy are key partners in these initiatives.

Portal

Designed to serve as a reference, the www.mudancasclimaticas.andi.org.br portal is continuously updated with new content and offers a dynamic and comprehensive body of information. The channel’s 26 sections – consisting of over 150 web pages – address various aspects of the climate change phenomenon: scientific evidence, international negotiations, public policy, the Amazon, mitigation and adaptation, to name just a few. In additional, the portal includes a selection of multimedia resources, from videos, audio recordings, and exclusive articles to a database of information sources and a glossary.

The topic gained renewed momentum in the 1970s when, according to researchers Peter Weingart, Anita Engels, and Petra Pansegrau,5 several statements by the German scientific community regarding the tangible challenges posed by climate change received substantial media attention. In 1988, James Hansen, a scientist at NASA, testified before a US Senate committee – “coincidentally” chaired by then-Senator Al Gore – that climate change was the product of anthropogenic factors,6 among other causes, a position which generated considerable media attention as well. At the 1990 World Climate Conference in Geneva, 700 scientists called for immediate action to confront the causal factors underlying the phenomenon. Clearly, therefore, the warnings from scientists regarding the impact of human activity on climate change and the gravity of this impact are not a recent phenomenon. Although influenced by the economic cycle, the issue has for some time garnered prominent coverage in the news media of other countries – although only more recently within Brazilian news organizations.
4 Examples are available in: UNGAR, Sheldon. The rise and (relative) decline of global warming as a social problem. The Sociological Quarterly, v. 33, n. 4, p. 483-501, 1992. BELL, Allan. Media (mis)communication on the science of climate change. Public Understanding of Science, v. 3, p. 259275, 1994. _____. Climate of opinion: public and media discourse on the global environment. Discourse Society, v. 5, n. 1, p. 33-64, 1994. 5 WEINGART, Peter; ENGELS, Anita; PANSEGRAU, Petra. Risks of communication: discourses on climate change in science, politics, and the mass media. Public Understanding of Science, v. 9, pp. 261-283, 2000. 6 BOYKOFF, Maxwell T., e BOYKOFF, Jules M. Balance as bias: global warming and the US prestige press. Global Environmental Change, v. 14, p. 125-136, 2004.

Capacity Building

In an effort to provide different capacity-building opportunities to news media professionals and information sources, in 2009 ANDI organized two editions of the Journalism, Policy, and Climate Meeting (Encontro Jornalismo, Política e Clima), bringing together experts, representatives of government in international negotiations and journalists to expand the discussion on the intersection between the three topics. Additionally, capacity-building workshops are held directly in media outlets.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

The data provided refer specifically to the July 2005 to December 2008 period; however, in a presentation during the Climate Change: the Brazilian Setting, the COP-13, and Media Coverage – a Workshop for Journalists conference, Cláudio Ângelo, science editor for the Folha de S. Paulo, presented evidence demonstrating a sharp increase (from 50 in 1995 to 350 in 2007) in the number of stories published by the news daily referencing the term “greenhouse effect.”

To take the American example, studies point to 1988 as a seminal moment when the range of aspects associated with climate change began to draw greater attention from the country’s news media. 7 In addition to James Hansen’s testimony on Capitol Hill, other factors converged to boost the issue’s profile. One was an address delivered by British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher at the Royal Society in London in which she acknowledged the relevance of the climate debate. In that same year, the United States experienced one of its warmest summers on record, triggering a series of severe environmental and agricultural challenges throughout the country. The crisis prompted Vice-President George H. W. Bush, then a candidate for President of the United States, to declare, in direct contravention of Reagan administration policy, that the greenhouse effect would be countered with a White House effect.

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Exclamation Point

Although somewhat of a late bloomer on the issue, in recent years the Brazilian news media has clearly awakened to the climate change challenge – as the data arising from the study performed by ANDI and the British Embassy demonstrate. The expanded coverage corresponded to a period of international ferment that, as set forth in the following pages, became more pronounced beginning in 2006.
An example is the work of the Environmental Change Institute at Oxford University, which monitors the coverage of 50 newspapers distributed throughout 20 countries on six continents. The data reveal a sharp rise in the number of stories beginning in 2006. http://www.eci.ox.ac.uk/research/climate/mediacoverage.php

The Brazilian news media, and that of other countries, was decisively influenced by the “overwhelming evidence” (meticulously assembled by the IPCC) cited above and the conclusions of an establishment economist, Nicholas Stern, who effectively transformed a problem to that point viewed exclusively through the narrow prism of environmental impact into an economic imbroglio. Other factors influencing coverage of the climate question included high international oil prices and the clean energy agenda. Lastly, as University of São Paulo physicist José Goldemberg,8 one of Brazil’s leading climate change scientists, argues, the awareness we face a global problem requiring global solutions has contributed to nurturing the notion that the issue is not strictly environmental, confined to a particular corner of the planet. However, the scientific agenda alone does not explain the increase in media coverage. At the same time, Al Gore’s documentary An Inconvenient Truth provided powerful images – as those broadcast in 1988 – that contributed to transform the abstract concept of climate change into an inescapable fact (from melting ice caps, to Katrina, to the personal stories of individuals affected by the phenomenon). Another series of developments in the 1990s served to garner greater media attention. Among these was approval of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change at the ECO/92 Conference in Rio de Janeiro; establishment of the Kyoto Protocol and its complex ratification process; and implementation of an innovative carbon market.
7 BOYKOFF, Maxwell T., e BOYKOFF, Jules M. Balance as bias: global warming and the US prestige press. Global Environmental Change, v. 14, pp. 125-136, 2004. 8 GOLDEMBERG, José. Mudanças climáticas e desenvolvimento. Estudos Avançados, 14 (39), 2000, pp. 77-83

The Kyoto Protocol entered into force a full eight years after it was opened for signature on 11 December 1997. The delay was due to the political impasse triggered by the US’s absence from the accord, generating speculation regarding the accession of Russia, which accounted for more than 17% of global emissions – enactment of the treaty required ratification by any combination of countries responsible for at least 55% of global emissions. Ultimately, the Protocol became effective on 16 February 2005, following ratification by the Russian government in November 2004.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Originally developed by Norwegian researchers Johan Galtung and Mari Ruge (1965), the theory of news values sets out to explain why some issues garner media attention while others do not. Put another way, this requires examining which values within a particular event are capable of taking a story to the “next level” where it becomes “newsworthy.”

In sum, the scientific evidence, powerful images, linkage of the issue to the economic development agenda, and the shared responsibilities of countries ultimately served to shape the intrinsic news value of the debate. Further, these additional factors have contributed to more direct engagement by other important actors beyond the scientific community and environmental organizations: the private sector and the national governments of countries previously absent from the debate that were suddenly forced to take a stand on the issue, even if to deny the gravity of the crisis. To be sure, the more active intervention of these sectors in the discussion reinforces the issue’s status as one of the news media’s primary areas of concern.

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Coverage in Brazil

A systematic review of the news published in the period under analysis – July 2005 to December 2008 – reveals that climate change has emerged, without a shadow of a doubt, as a major topic within Brazilian journalism. The number of news stories on global warming and climate change increased significantly, particularly from the second half of 2006 through June 2007. In the second half of 2007, reporting on the issue began to drop off, manifesting a trend to level off and stabilize at the levels registered in 2008 – as laid out in detail in the sections below. The growing importance of the climate question in the pages of the country’s newspapers, however, was not merely reflected in quantitative terms. The data emerging from the study executed by ANDI and the British Embassy reveal significant progress in the quality of the reporting. Included on this front was the increased value attached to topics linking climate change to specific aspects of Brazilian reality. Although more recent, this trend was readily evident in the growing number of references made to localities within Brazil, to the initiatives undertaken by the Brazilian government, and to the discussion on the adoption of domestic emission reduction targets. Other factors influenced the increasingly domestic orientation of the issue, including the rising frequency of natural disasters and, principally, the publication of scientific evidence regarding temperature fluctuations and their impact on the country, as presented in Chapter 1 of this publication (see box on page 33). Despite the advances secured in expanding the space devoted to public policies in the national news media, it is important to recognize that the Brazilian government’s initiatives in this area are incipient and very recent. As an example, the National Climate Change Plan (Plano Nacional de Mudanças Climáticas) was launched in December 2008. Therefore, the emerging linkage between the phenomenon and the national setting cannot be attributed exclusively to the policy arena. Experts on the issue have strenuously advocated the importance of local public policies as alternatives to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and the development of adaption strategies to address the impacts of climate change – for which purpose mobilization of the news media is critical. In a July 2, 2008, article published on the Sustainable Planet site, the Assistant Coordinator and Researcher at the Center for Sustainable Studies of the Getúlio Vargas Foundation (Fundação Getúlio Vargas – GVces), Raquel Biderman, stresses that widely publicized measures are invariably more effective: Local action has the power to convince, to persuade. There is nothing like bearing witness to the measures implemented within our nation’s territory to convince us that the problem is real and must be confronted. As long as the discussions languish in the halls of the UN, it will be difficult for ordinary citizens to understand that the challenge falls to them as well.

On 30 November 2007, 150 of the leading global corporations published a double-page spread in the Financial Times reaffirming, in respect to the Conference of States Parties in Bali, that: “The economic and geopolitical costs of unabated climate change could be very severe and globally disruptive. All countries and economies will be affected, but it will be the poorest countries that will suffer earliest and the most. The costs of action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in order to avoid the worst impacts of climate change are manageable, especially if guided by a common international vision.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Public Policies in Focus

As mentioned earlier, the growing number of references to public policies – actions taken by the executive branch – represents one of the key advances identified in this study. Another positive aspect involves the frequent citation of legal frameworks, in particular the Kyoto Protocol and the negotiations on its successor, forecast to take effect in 2012. As shown below (see page 15), journalism is an important tool to strengthen the sustainable development of nations to the extent it provides, among other things, ongoing critical assessments of State action – whether undertaken in the executive, legislative, or judicial branch. Therefore, evaluating the news to determine not only the frequency with which a particular issue is reported, but the consistency of the published reports, interviews, articles, columns, and editorials, and their capacity for ensuring oversight and accountability, is of fundamental importance. At the same time, tracking public policies involves more than identifying ethical lapses or combating corruption. As an instrument for discussing innovative actions designed to develop effective solutions, journalism represents a valuable qualitative element, one which, to be sure, made measurable progress in the period surveyed. For example, the data from the final survey months reveal greater focus on references to measures aimed at confronting climate change (whether through mitigation or adaptation strategies) and disseminating specific targets in this area, including emission limits and the efforts to stem continued deforestation. Another aspect that bears mention regards the continuing tendency of the Brazilian news media to approach the issue primarily from an environmental standpoint. While the economic and political angle have gained greater prominence, the content still falls far short of offering truly transversal (multidisciplinary) coverage capable of offering a consistent contribution to a challenge that urgently demands enhanced focus on the phenomenon from a diversity of fields of human knowledge. Despite the generally positive aspect of the data presented in the sections below, it is important to underscore persistent limitations in the coverage that need to be addressed. One refers to the reduced volume of reporting on climate change questions in local dailies. After three years of analysis, coverage of the phenomenon continued to be concentrated in the national outlets. Yet, local publication warrant recognition for devoting attention to aspects of the phenomenon directly linked to the Brazilian climate change agenda and their impact on individual states and municipalities. The expectation, ultimately, is that in time the smaller dailies will enhance the quantity and quality of their reporting on climate change. Diversification of the specific areas of focus is related – as revealed by the study’s findings – to the profile of the information sources cited in the content. In the 42 months covered by the survey, the news media relied on expert (scientists and other analysts) and government sources. A wider range of sources could serve to foster a more comprehensive approach to the issue capable of promoting a diversity of ideas and mobilizing the interest of other sectors of society. The following pages represent an effort to map this setting. There is no doubt climate change is a key issue on the Brazilian media’s agenda. What the data in this document strives to sort out is how the news media reports this important public debate.

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Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

RESEARCH PREMISES
Journalism, as mentioned above, is a pivotal actor in the global effort to confront the challenges posed by climate change. It is on the basis of this premise that ANDI and the British Embassy in Brazil have undertaken a series of actions aimed at contributing to enhancing the Brazilian news media’s coverage of the phenomenon. The basic pillars of the study can be summarized as follows:

• Climate change is an issue of major significance to contemporary societies.

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• Because of this, it should constitute a priority agenda item among the general public and, above all, decision and opinion makers. zed information” on a regular basis is essential.

• Given its significance, the production and dissemination of “contextuali• Because public policies (specific and transversal) to respond to the climate change challenges are continually developed, the news media must be prepared and qualified to offer adequate coverage of the discussions and decision-making processes leading to the formulation of those policies – and to provide critical follow-up of their respective implementation and evaluation stages. bal level), guarantees on the access to information and freedom of the press in respect to climate change could be threatened. In this context, quality news journalism – that is pluralistic, independent, critical, and responsible – emerges as an essential element of good governance and transparency in democratic societies, particularly in moments of extreme polarization of interests, knowledge, and practices.

• In potential conflict and shortage scenarios (at the local, regional, or glo-

• Journalism exercises a critical function in contemporary democracies: • Agenda-setting of priority issues in the public arena; • Delivery of contextualized information; • Oversight (or watchdog) of the government agencies tasked with formuGuiding Principles of the Analysis
lating and executing public policies, collaborating, in this way, to augment the public transparency (accountability) of those agencies.

These three critical functions of the news media in democratic societies – agenda setting, the delivery of contextualized information, and public policy oversight – represent the guiding principles of the media-climate change relationship, and anchor the considerations outlined in the pages below. In practice, the three perspectives will serve to collate the figures arising from the analysis, helping, in this way, to consolidate the primary results of the survey in three chapters (divided on the basis of each function). Before moving to a detailed presentation of the data, a point about the three pillars of the analysis. Quite apart from representing intrinsic elements of the coverage of climate change, the three functions are applicable to a host of subject matters and have, in fact, provided the foundation for a significant body of research centered on the relationship between the media and development. With this in mind, let’s take a closer look at each component.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

AGENDA-SETTING

One of the news media’s most important – and most widely studied – roles regards its capacity to influence the agenda-setting process. Frequently, the issues reported in the news constitute priorities of public decision-makers – and social and political actors in general – significantly affecting their lines of action. By contrast, those issues “ignored” by journalists will not likely attract the attention of the public and, consequently, government. By focusing on specific areas of a topic and highlighting them in the news coverage, journalists contribute toward shaping how the public interprets a given story. As a result, journalism has a major impact on the political deliberation and decision-making process, helping to determine which issues are viewed as social problems, who is responsible for them, and what should be done to solve them.
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The Origins of Agenda-Setting Research

Climate Change on the Agenda
Researchers specifically engaged in covering climate change underscore the media’s agenda-setting power: According to Maxwell Boykoff and Jules Boykoff in Balance as Bias: Global Warming and the US Prestige Press, “people get their information on scientific issues basically from the media.” In Mass Communication and Public Understanding of Environmental Problems: the Case of Global Warming, published in 2000, University of Washington researchers Keith Stamm, Fiona Clark, and Paula Reynolds Eblacas found that journalists were the primary source of information on global warming for residents in the greater Washington metropolitan area. For their part,Craig Trumbo, of the University of Wisconsin, and James Shanahan, a professor of communications at the University of Cornell, argue in their 2000 study “Social Research on Climate Change: where we have been, where we are, and where we might go,” that the public attaches more or less importance to global warming based on the volume of media coverage devoted to the issue.

The discussion surrounding the media’s influence on the public agenda is anchored in the agenda-setting hypothesis. The prime source of this perspective is “The agenda-setting function of mass media,” a seminal article co-authored by Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaw fthat first appeared Public Opinion Quarterly in 1971. In their analysis, the two researchers expound on the theory that would go on to become the subject of extensive debate among students of the media: “The mass media set the agenda for each political campaign, influencing the salience of attitudes towards the political issues.” The theory articulated by the authors is based on Bernard Cohen’s celebrated axiom: The press may not be very successful in telling its readers what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about. Cohen aptly summarizes the general view of the media’s ability to influence which issues will dominate the agenda of society as a whole and decision-makers specifically through the content it chooses to publish and to omit. This perspective involves considering how the media contributes to shaping the political process by setting the agenda of issues the public will deem central to its political and electoral decisions. Over time, the study of agenda-setting has expanded beyond the narrow confines of the media’s relationship to politics. Indeed, the concepts underlying this line of research have contributed to the analysis of the media’s influence on the social and environmental agenda as well. With the rapid expansion in the potential areas of State intervention – due largely to the various orders of

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

rights for citizens and future generations – it has become increasingly imperative to prioritize a select number of the demands put forth in the public sphere each day. Therefore, our assumption here is that the news media exercises a central role in contemporary democracies through public agenda-setting. Because priorities must be defined and because more than one selection criteria is required to this end, heightened focus by the media on given topics will contribute toward ensuring they occupy a prominent position on the agenda. Therefore, a substantial body of news content on climate change will, according to agenda-setting theory, invariably lead to greater emphasis on the issue from voters and, by extension, decision-makers.
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CONTEXTUALIZED INFORMATION

Beyond setting the agenda, journalism professionals have a singular social responsibility: to provide citizens with quality information on government actions and a variety of other public interest issues. Often times, the news media is the only channel through which the population has access to information regarding critical public services or fundamental rights. Journalism dedicated to contextualized news enhances citizenship by ensuring the public is clearly aware and capable of demanding its rights – reinforcing and expanding, in this way, social capital. Quality journalism, therefore, does not rest solely on introducing agenda issues. Rather, the conveyed information must be adequately contextualized. Emphasis is placed on “adequately” to underscore the need to filter out any and all ideologically-motivated information – the adverb indicates the news media’s duty to provide the public with the largest possible number of elements in order to ensure full understanding, including in respect to opposing views. In other words, the attention devoted to specific attributes of the agenda must be examined, that is “how” the issue is posed in the news media. In addition, it is important to highlight that the news media strengthens democracy by filling, even if only partially, the information gap between the holders of power and voters. By delivering updated and reliable information, the news media provides guidance on many of the positions taken by the public. As Nobel-laureate economies Joseph Stiglitz argues, the media’s role in the political arena is similar to that of a central bank in the economic life of a society: by providing updated and reliable information, the media contributes toward shaping the views of citizens, thus helping them to make better decisions.

Framing as an Analytical Approach

The concept of “framing” provides another approach to analyzing which issues are placed on the agenda and “how” a particular topic is reported. Newsrooms may “frame” (address) the same topic in different ways. For instance, climate change might be covered from an environmental angle, from an economic or political perspective, or even from a public health standpoint. In “Filling in the tapestry: the second level of agenda-setting,” a chapter contribution to Communication and democracy: exploring the intellectu-

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

al frontiers in agenda-setting theory, Professor Salma Ghanem advances an original theory of the news media’s agenda-setting role, arguing that journalistic coverage affects both the issues the public thinks “about” and “what” it thinks about those issues. The concept of “media framing” refers to interpretive patterns contained in the reporting – how the media addresses a given topic, the views it transmits, or the information sources it cites. These patterns result in a specific (and directed) understanding of developments and events. According to University of Southern Illinois researcher Sanghee Kweon in “A Framing Analysis: How Did Three U.S. News Magazines Frame about Mergers or Acquisitions?” published in the Journal of Media Management in 2000, “a frame connects ideas within a news story in a way that suggests a particular interpretation of an issue.” The author goes on to add, “One important aspect of framing is to define a problem or a suggestion way to go. What aspects of the issue are most important, and how are they presented?” According to researcher Mauro Porto in his book Enquadrando Mídia e Política (Framing the Media and Politics), research conducted in the field of psychology played a decisive role in the development of the concept of “framing.” The renowned research of psychologists Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky in Choices, Values, and Frames, published in 1984, describe how changes in the way a problem is formulated can produce significant differences in individual preferences. In one study, the authors encouraged subjects to choose the best course of action in a hypothetical epidemic affecting 600 people. A program designed to save the lives of 200 people was selected by 72% of interview subjects, while only 22% opted for the program that would lead to 400 fatalities – even though the mortality rate in the two scenarios was identical. The conclusion of the research work is that, among other factors, how particular problems are framed has a significant influence on the decisionmaking process of individuals.
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THE MEDIA AS WATCHDOG

Over time, journalism has served as an instrument for the public oversight of government initiatives – that is, the programs, projects, and actions aimed at sectors of public interest. Experts refer to this media activity as the “oversight role.” Often, the term watchdog is employed to indicate the potential of news content to inform society of the things government gets wrong and of those it gets right. The watchdog role dovetails with the democratic process. Government actions in democratic systems presuppose that authorities be held to a basic standard of accountability, that is, transparency and the ability to respond and account to voters. This has been a long-standing issue for those concerned with the media’s influence on politics, leading, more recently, to more in-depth research into the question of how the media can play a central role in the oversight of government actions. An influential synthesis of this perspective frames the media’s public oversight role within the concept of “accountability to society.” As researcher Catalina Smulovitz and Enrique Peruzzotti of the Universidad Trocuato Di Tella in Buenos Aires argue, that role is: [...] a mechanism of vertical, yet not electoral, oversight based on the action of a series of citizen and media associations and movements ai-

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

med at exposing inadequate government practices, introducing, in this way, new agenda issues or prompting action by horizontal government oversight agencies. The authors of “Societal Accountability in Latin America,” published in the Journal of Democracy, Johns Hopkins University Press, argue that public oversight through media action complements the set of mechanisms through which individual citizens exercise direct oversight of their elected representatives – through elections – while augmenting the oversight maintained by government audit and enforcement agencies. As an instrument of public oversight, the news media has become a tool through which citizens are able to demand answers from their elected representatives, combat corruption and clientelism, and overcome the obstacles to democracy and sustainable human development. The media has a duty to inform the public any time it uncovers corrupt activities, the misappropriation and embezzlement of funds, and ineffective public policies. At the same time, complaints against the government published in the media generally tend to elicit a faster response. The watchdog role also contributes to ensure large-scale human rights violations do not occur on a more frequent basis. In his classic argument, Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen postulates that no democracy with a free press has ever experienced a famine because the public backlash generated by the resulting news coverage would effectively cripple the government.

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Monitoring Policies

However, the news media can do more than expose unethical or corrupt government actions: it has the ability to analyze/monitor the outcomes of public policies, verifying whether they fulfill the expected and promised results, including by providing the pertinent social actors the opportunity to express their views. In practical terms, this requires not only covering the launch of official projects, but tracking their implementation, their execution in accordance with the applicable legal and ethical standards, and the related outcomes. This task is – or should be – a daily exercise among news professionals. At the same, it is important to recognize that media oversight cannot be restricted to governments alone. The media must train a close and critical eye on the demands of all actors (individuals and organized groups) capable of intervening in the public sphere through their ability to exert pressure. In the case of climate change, it is imperative to follow-up on the actions of international organizations (such as the IPCC), universities and the scientific community, environmental NGOs, and corporations, among others.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Through its 2007 partnership with the British Embassy, ANDI launched a pioneering study to analyze the editorial treatment of climate change in the Brazilian news media. The first stage of the survey drew on the content produced by 50 dailies from July 2005 through June 2007. This was followed by two additional stages: one corresponding to the first half of 2008 and another encompassing the months omitted in the previous survey, specifically the second half of 2007 and 2008, respectively. ANDI’s monitoring effort was based on a sample analysis of 1,755 news stories (including editorials, columns, articles, interviews, and reports) published from July 2005 through December 2008 in 50 newspapers distributed in every state capital and the Federal District. The present publication includes a discussion of the analysis and the broader setting revealed by the data, providing a consolidated assessment of the climate phenomenon as reported in the Brazilian media. From a methodological standpoint, the goal of the three surveys was to provide a quantitative evaluation, identify key trends, and reflect on the likely qualitative implications of the climate change coverage. To this end, the study employed a research methodology widely applied in media surveys known as “content analysis.”9 According to Anders Hansen10, this approach combines a set of techniques to systematize and describe from a quantitative perspective the topics addressed by the media, to identify and quantify the presence and frequency of specific characteristics in news stories, and, based on these factors, to draw conclusions regarding the message and meanings of the content. In contrast to discourse analysis, content analysis seeks to identify possible subjectivities, intentionalities, and potentialities employed in the linguistic resources. As Hansen argues, the method: [...] follows a clearly defined set of steps, one of its attractive features, but also vulnerable to abuse. Fundamentally, those using content analysis for the study of media content should recognize that content analysis is little more than a set of guidelines about how to analyze and quantify media content in a systematic and reliable fashion.11
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Operational Flow

The three stages of ANDI’s research study employed identical parameters to ensure the required comparative criteria. The analyses were performed through accomplishment of the following tasks:

• Determination of research samples; • Determination of the keywords used to select news content; • Electronic capture of news content;
9 McCOMAS, Katherine; SHANAHAN, James. Telling stories about global climate change: measuring the impact of narratives on issue cycles. Communication Research, v. 26, n.1, pp. 30-57, 1999. p. 34. 10 HANSEN, Anders. Mass Communication Research Methods. New York University Press, NY, 1998. 11 Ibid., p. 123.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

• Determination of a tool for analyzing the news content; • Training of the professionals tasked with classifying the news content; • Classification of the news content; • Random checks to evaluate performance of classifiers; • Input in a database; • Generation of aggregate results; • Analysis of results.
The first stage in 2007 included the contribution of a group of consultants with expertise in climate change, which worked in tandem with ANDI to identify the keywords used in the electronic capture of content and develop the research instrument.12 Both the keywords and the questionnaire adopted for the first stage of the study provided the basis for the remaining stages.
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SAMPLE

The data was compiled based on a sample of news content on climate change published throughout the period surveyed (July 2005 through December 2008). The decision to employ a sample research method derived from the impossibility of analyzing the full gamut of news articles (given their sheer number). In situations of this nature, the best alternative is to analyze a random, yet representative, selection of days in the survey period. However, although the same research methodology was employed in every stage of the study, each of the data collection systems used in the three stages included certain specificities, as described below.

Specific Features of the First Analysis Stage

The first stage of ANDI’s analysis – covering the news content published in the July 2005 to June 2007 period – was based on a broader approach than that applied in the subsequent stages. Because of the project’s unprecedented nature, application of specific comparative parameters was required for the sample content. To this end, a second set of news content with information on a broad range of environmental issues was selected. The objective was to assess how the general coverage of environmental issues evolved in relation to the reporting on climate change specifically, and vice versa. In sum, two groups of news content were selected, one specifically on climate change and one on the environment in general. The first group encompassed all of the stories on climate change published in the sample newspapers, including those in which the references to the phenomenon failed to exceed a minimum threshold. The stories in this category were divided according to the density of the content, in accordance with the following criteria:

• Minimum – Climate change was addressed in at least one line of the news
story;
12 The names and profiles of the participating consultants are provided in Annex I. Annex II sets out the list of keywords used to select the sample stories.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

• Average-minimum – Climate change was addressed in one paragraph of
the news story; story; or

• Average – Climate change was addressed in a sub-section of the news • High – Climate change was addressed throughout the news story.
Exclusive Focus on Climate Change
Because the comparative parameters of the coverage of climate disequilibrium were thoroughly outlined in the initial study, the analysis of the first six months of 2008 looked only at climate change stories, discarding what we might call the control group (stories on the environment in general). Another difference regarding the compilation of news reports in this period involved the density of the selected content. Given the stated objective of conducting a research study specifically centered on climate change, a decision was made to narrow the research sample to those stories devoted in large measure or primarily to the phenomenon – in others words, those with a content density rating of average or high as reflected in the classification criteria applied to the 2005/2007 sample universe. The data collected in the third monitoring stage – the last six months of 2007 and 2008, respectively – adhered to the exact same criteria established for the content compiled in the first half of 2008. On conclusion of the process, the results of the second and third stages were consolidated in a single database.
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Ensuring Comparability

Because of the different approaches applied in each individual research stage, it is important to clarify for readers that the data provided throughout this document draw a direct comparison between the climate change stories with a content density classification of average or high in the 2005/2007 period – initial monitoring stage – and those collected in the second and third stages of the analysis. This was of fundamental importance to ensure the sample content retained the same characteristics and scope. Additionally, items with fewer than 500 characters were not considered.

Building the Sample Step by Step

The samples were based on three underlying pillars: 1. The clipping method (electronic); 2. Sample newspapers (where possible, the two leading newspapers in each state, in addition to the financial and business dailies); 3. The random selection method for the survey days (Composite Month and Composite Week).

1. About the Electronic Capture of Content

The news stories were selected through an electronic clipping method performed through a thorough scan of each sample newspaper’s site. The scans were conducted using a set of keywords to identify the content on climate change (see the list of keywords on page 66).

2. Monitored Newspapers

As mentioned above, the same 50 newspapers were tracked throughout the survey period – July 2005 to December 2008 (see next page).

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

3. Composite Month and Composite Week

Monitored Newspapers
A Gazeta – Acre O Rio Branco – Acre Gazeta de Alagoas – Alagoas Tribuna de Alagoas – Alagoas A Crítica - Manaus – Amazonas Diário do Amazonas – Amazonas Diário do Amapá – Amapá A Tarde – Bahia Correio da Bahia – Bahia Diário do Nordeste – Ceará O Povo – Ceará Correio Braziliense – Distrito Federal Jornal de Brasília - Distrito Federal A Gazeta - Espírito Santo Diário de Vitória - Espírito Santo Diário da Manhã – Goiás O Popular – Goiás O Estado do Maranhão – Maranhão Estado de Minas - Minas Gerais Hoje em Dia - Minas Gerais Correio do Estado - Mato Grosso do Sul A Gazeta - Mato Grosso Diário de Cuiabá - Mato Grosso Diário do Pará – Pará O Liberal – Pará Correio da Paraíba – Paraíba O Norte – Paraíba Diário de Pernambuco - Pernambuco Jornal do Commercio - Pernambuco Meio Norte – Piauí Folha de Londrina – Paraná Gazeta do Povo – Paraná Jornal do Brasil - Rio de Janeiro O Dia - Rio de Janeiro O Globo - Rio de Janeiro Diário de Natal - Rio Grande do Norte Tribuna do Norte - Natal – Rio Grande do Norte Diário da Amazônia – Rondônia O Estadão do Norte – Rondônia Folha de Boa Vista – Roraima Correio do Povo - Rio Grande do Sul Zero Hora - Rio Grande do Sul A Notícia - Santa Catarina Diário Catarinense - Santa Catarina Folha de S. Paulo - São Paulo O Estado de S. Paulo - São Paulo Valor Econômico - São Paulo Gazeta Mercantil - São Paulo Jornal da Tarde - São Paulo Jornal do Tocantins – Tocantins

A number of sample methods can be applied to the analysis of news media content. Among the most common are those for which a pre-determined number of days is selected within the sample period. The selection can take various forms. One is a method Anders Hansen refers to as the Composite Week, which consists of choosing seven days from each month, on the basis of specific parameters, for a total of 84 days over the course of an entire year. Another option is the Composite Month, consisting of the random selection of 31 days in a given year. The two sample methods are founded on the presumption that the coverage of different news outlets exhibits similar characteristics during the course of the week. In other words, if we were to consider an infinite number of Mondays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays, Thursdays, Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays, we would find that the quantitative profile of the coverage on each day – in terms of its general characteristics – is very similar. The critical requirement for the two methods is that a balance be struck between the months and days of the week. This logic does not apply to coverage which falls within a defined time frame. For example, in studying the editorial treatment of a vaccination campaign, we would not want to employ a random sample approach – after all, the specific days of, as well as those immediately prior and subsequent to, the vaccination drive would have to be included in the sample universe. By the same token, if the objective were to assess the media’s coverage of the release of a particular IPCC report, the analysis would have to encompass the release period. Yet, if the intention is to examine the coverage devoted to health as a whole or climate change in general, tracking a sequential period of time or specific days is unnecessary, particularly when a large volume of published content is involved. A sequential, instead of random, evaluation (for example, one week in a given month) could give undue weight, in the context of the overall coverage, to an issue that may have only garnered significant attention in that particular week. Because our objective was to determine the general characteristics of the news media’s approach to the topic of climate change, either sample methodology could be used. For the most part, the composite week is preferable to the composite month for shorter time periods, generally less than one year. For the study, the initial monitoring process was performed using the composite month sample. By contrast, the subsequent two stages were based on the composite week approach.

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Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

DATA PRESENTATION

The two methods described above are perfectly compatible. As such, either approach can be selected without compromising data comparison. The only difficulty in adopting the two sample methods resides in the impossibility of consolidating the respective databases. Therefore, the analysis of the indicators presented in this document is divided into two periods:

• Period 1: covering the 2nd half of 2005 to the 1st half of 2007 (identified in
the tables as 2005/2007) and the tables as 2007/2008).

• Period 2: covering the 2nd half of 2007 to the 2nd half of 2008 (identified in
The Sample Universe
Based on the procedures outlined above, we arrived at the following totals:

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• Between July 2005 and June 2007, an analysis was performed of 643 news

stories on climate change. For purposes of statistical approximation, the total corresponds to 7,716 news stories published by the 50 newspapers surveyed over a two-year period. were examined. For purposes of statistical approximation, the total corresponds to 4,815 news stories published by the same 50 newspapers over a period of 1½ years. ◆

• From July 2007 to December 2008, 1,112 news stories on climate change

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

1

Agenda-Setting
Analysis of Results 25

I

n assessing the ability of the media to set the climate change agenda, the first factor to analyze is the quantity of news pieces published in a given period. Identifying the volume of news content on a specific topic allows us to gauge the relative value media outlets attach to the subject. To be sure, a quantitative analysis by itself is not sufficient to determine the extent and pertinence of the discussion within the media; yet, it offers a reliable guide as to the issues to which the media gives particular attention. With this in mind, the present chapter sets out to discuss a number of variables that help explain the extent to which the Brazilian print media contributes to setting the climate change agenda. In addition, we seek to identify the sub-topics on which the media places greatest emphasis.

QUANTITATIVE ASPECTS OF THE COVERAGE

Table 1 provides information to evaluate some important elements of the Brazilian news media’s coverage of climate change. As the figure indicates, an average of 0.14 articles was published by newspaper per day, corresponding to one story per week. For comparative purposes, the results of other ANDI surveys bear mention. As an example, the daily average number of news stories on basic education in 2007 was 2.4 per news publication. For its part the coverage of science and technology in the same year was approximately 1 news story per newspaper. Table 1 General profile of the sample stories on climate change (July 2005 to December 2008)*
(figures calculated based on the total number of stories on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Component Estimated yearly average of news stories published by newspaper Daily average number of news stories published by newspaper Percentage of news stories analyzed in relation to sample total General Sample 49 0,14 100% Local newspapers 37 0,11 60,62% National newspapers 178 0,48 26,68% Business and financial dailies 162 0,44 12,71%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Graph 1

Distribution of news stories on climate change by quarter (Jul/2005 - Dec/2008)*
(figures calculated based on the total number of news stories on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008)
jul/sept 2005 out/dec 2005 jan/mar 2006 apr/jun 2006 jul/sept 2006 oct/dec 2006 jan/mar 2007 apr/jun2007 jul/sept 2007 oct/dec 2007 jan/mar 2008 apr/jun 2008 jul/sept 2008 oct/dec 2008

In light of these figures, we need to reflect on the importance the Brazilian media attaches to the issue of climate change. Is the topic a priority of news media outlets? The answer to this question is not straightforward, and requires that we consider a set of variables. First, awareness of the subject in the national media is a recent phenomenon, particularly when compared to traditional agenda issues such as education. Second, the trends identified in different outlets vary significantly, hampering efforts to draw general conclusions regarding the media’s coverage. These variations are clearly illustrated in the number of news stories published in the national newspapers (Folha de São Paulo, O Globo, Correio Braziliense, O Estado de São Paulo), the financial and business dailies (Valor Econômico and Gazeta Mercantil), and local newspapers. As Table 1 indicates, the newspapers within the first group published a news story on climate change every 1.7 days. The average for the financial and business dailies was one every two days. Lastly, the local publications ran a story on climate change every eight days. The key aspects of this imbalance are discussed below. For now, suffice it to say that the coverage of the subject displayed significant fluctuations throughout the first three quarters surveyed (July 2005 to December 2007). Specific peak periods were identified – particularly in the first quarter of 2007 – followed by sharp drop-offs. In 2008 alone, the topic’s inclusion on the agenda stabilized, although at lower levels than those registered in the previous period, as demonstrated in the section below. Graph 1 presents the distribution of news stories on climate change in the 14 quarters analyzed by ANDI. The data indicate stable coverage in the 1st and 5th quarters, with a slight uptick in the 2nd quarter (immediately following Katrina). However, beginning in the 6th quarter, the coverage on climate change rose dramatically, a trend that continued through 2007. In the 2nd half of 2007, media interest in the issue declined. Yet, 2007 remains noteworthy as a period of prolific reporting on climate change in the Brazilian news media. In the opening months of the year an average of one news story (editorial, column, article, interview, or report) was published per newspaper every 2.2 days. The yearly average was slightly lower – one news story published every five days – but above the number registered in 2006 (one news story every seven days).

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* The graph considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Peaks and Valleys of the Coverage

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

The IPCC is a global alliance of the World Meteorological Organization – WMO and the United Nations Environmental Programme – UNEP which is engaged in evaluating the impact of climate change and recommending measures to confront the phenomenon based on international studies. Throughout 2007, the IPCC released three climate change reports. The first, published in February, assessed the planet’s climate conditions; the second (April) identified the key vulnerabilities in respect to the phenomenon; and the third (May) examined the options for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. In November, the organization released a summary report.

The appreciable rise in the number of news stories published by Brazilian newspapers is related to the issue’s prominence at the global level in the second quarter of 2006 and even more so in the initial months of 2007, when a number of developments produced a powerful impact on the media, fueling the coverage of climate change. The developments include:

• Release of the Stern Review in October 2006; • Debut of An Inconvenient Truth, starring former VicePresident Al Gore, in November 2006;

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The event was held in conjunction with the 62nd session of the UN General Assembly in New York and sought to provide a blueprint of which measures should be implemented post-Kyoto. The issue has generated disagreement among decision-makers in various countries, insofar as it would require the adoption of strict emission targets and a long-term commitment by developed and developing nations alike.

• Release

of three reports by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change - IPCC in 2007; ber 2007 to evaluate the first stage commitments established in the Kyoto Protocol; lastly;

• The UN High Level Meeting in New York in Septem• The COP-13 meeting in Bali in December 2007, and, • The Nobel Peace Prize award to Al Gore and the IPCC
for their efforts in raising awareness on climate change worldwide.

As laid out above, this period of peak coverage in 2007 was followed by a drop-off in the related news content in 2008, which stabilized over time. The average number of stories published by newspaper in 2008 was one every six days. The decline in media coverage of the topic in 2008 was not restricted to Brazil. A number of international media studies identified a similar trend. An example was a survey of the nightly news broadcasts on three major American networks, ABC, CBS, and NBC, conducted by Robert J. Brulle, a researcher at the University of Philadelphia, which found a reduction in media coverage in that same year in relation to 2007. According to Brulle, the natural phenomena caused by global climate change lost its status as “big news,” conferred in 2007.

The COPs (acronym for Conference of States Parties) are periodic meetings held among the member States to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (CQNUMC), the primary objective of which is to reach agreement on reducing greenhouse gas concentrations to safe levels. More than 180 countries gathered at the COP 13 in Bali to present a Roadmap for the post-2012 agreement, enhancing the negotiating process on a series of new objectives related to the climate phenomenon aimed at achieving a reduction of up to 40% in greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 based on 1990 levels. Among other issues, the document centered on the issue of clean technology transfers, the provision of financial resources (including the creation of an assistance fund for the most vulnerable countries); and the development of mechanisms to reduce deforestation.

Understanding the coverage in 2008

The apparent waning of the climate change issue in the pages of Brazilian newspapers requires special consideration. Specifically, three variables need to be examined: the impact of the international agenda; the increase in coverage relative to the initial 12 months of the survey period; and the disproportionate concentration of coverage in the national newspapers.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

1. Impact of the international agenda

The period spanning July 2006 to June 2007 corresponded to a distinctive moment in the climate change debate. As discussed above, coverage of the issue was driven by an international agenda that exercised a powerful impact on the media. 2008 saw a decline in “news hooks” (documentaries, reports, award ceremonies), resulting in a relative loss of interest in the topic within media outlets worldwide, as the results of Robert J. Brulle’s survey – described above – demonstrate.

2. Increase in coverage compared to the initial 12 survey months

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Despite the decline in relation to the October 2006 to December 2007 period, the number of stories published in 2008 (one every six days) exceeded that registered in the first 12 months of the analysis (July 2005 to June 2006), when the average was approximately one story every nine days.

Environment and Climate Change
In the July 2005 to June 2007 period, ANDI’s analysis included a comparative component: to assess the Brazilian media’s coverage of climate change in relation to the space devoted to the environment in general. In sum, the survey found an inverse relationship between the media’s coverage of the two topics. Specifically, as the number of stories specifically centered on climate change grew, the attention given to other environmental subjects decreased. Between July and September 2006, for example, the 50 newspapers surveyed published a total of 5,436 stories on the environment in general. Less than a year later (April to July 2007), that number had dropped to 3,492. In regard to climate change, the trend was reversed, as reflected by the increase in published stories from 516 to 2,304 during the same period. The national media’s growing attention to the phenomenon, therefore, was accompanied by a reduction in the volume of content on the urban environment, biodiversity, extrativism, environmental education, wildlife and fisheries, and countless other topics. The finding suggests that climate change stories did not in fact secure new dedicated space in newspapers, but that they occupied the pages previously devoted to other environmental topics. Therefore, the increased reporting on the phenomenon from the second half of 2006 through the first half of 2007 reflected the new priorities of environmental editors. As the results of the study indicate, the concentration of stories on the phenomenon in the national newspapers was not observed to the same degree in the reporting on environmental topics in general. In this, case the 44 local newspapers accounted for 80% of the published content. On the issue of climate change specifically, the local outlets were responsible for 60.6% of the stories, while the national newspapers, including the financial and business dailies, contributed 39.4%. The shifts in this trend, or its consolidation, were not examined in the remaining stages of the analysis, providing, therefore, a potentially interesting avenue for future study.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Another important aspect involves the variables related to a key element of the climate change agenda in the Brazilian media: the difference between the coverage provided by local newspapers and those of national circulation. The latter group includes the Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, O Globo, Correio Braziliense, Valor Econômico, and Gazeta Mercantil (the last two focused primarily on financial and business news). During the period surveyed, coverage of the issue was concentrated in Brazil’s national newspapers, including the financial and business dailies. As an example, in 2006, when the Brazilian media’s interest was at its lowest ebb, the national newspapers ran one story every 2.2 days, while local outlets ran only one story every 10 days. This disparity grew in step with the increase in coverage in 2007. The intense international agenda had a more significant impact on the four national newspapers, which began running an average of nearly one story a day, while the local dailies continued to publish approximately the same volume of news content registered in the earlier period – one story every seven days. Despite the overall decline in 2008, the national newspapers (including the financial and business dailies) continued to provide reasonably substantial coverage, publishing an average of 0.55 stories per day, corresponding to one news piece every 1.8 days. The results indicate that the issue of climate change is fast taking hold as a permanent fixture on the agenda of the national newspapers and the maTable 2 General profile of the sample news stories on climate change by category of newspaper category (July 2005 to December 2008) *
(figures calculated on the basis of total number of news stories on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Topic examined 2005** Estimated average number of stories by newspaper 2006 2007 2008 2005** Average number of daily stories by newspaper 2006 2007 2008 2005** Percentage of news stories analyzed in relation to sample total 2006 2007 2008 General sample 23 50 62 54 0,13 0,14 0,17 0,15 100% 100% 100% 100% National newspapers 63 150 301 196 0,35 0,41 0,82 0,54 22,12% 23,80% 29,40% 31,40% Local newspapers 17 36 56 40 0,09 0,11 0,15 0,11 67,36% 62,90% 57,00% 55,20% Financial and business dailies 60 168 215 203 0,33 0,46 0,59 0,56 10,52% 13,30% 13,60% 13,40%

3. Concentration in the National Newspapers

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*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high. ** Figures calculated based on the number of months surveyed July to December). Challenges to consolidating the issue

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

jor financial and business dailies, while continuing to constitute, at best, an incipient topic in local publications. This conclusion becomes all the more evident when considering the contribution of each newspaper category to the total number of stories reviewed in the two different periods – July 2005 to June 2007 and July 2007 to December 2008. Table 3 Distribution of news stories on climate change by category of newspaper*
Types of newspapers National newspapers Local newspapers Financial and business dailies Total 2005/2007 24,0% 63,0% 13,0% 100,0%

(% of total news stories on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) 2007/2008 31,7% 54,4% 13,8% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

As Table 3 demonstrates, the share of news stories appearing in regional newspapers fell in relation to the total number of published pieces – from 63% in the first period to 54.4% in the second. For their part, the national outlets (including the financial and business dailies) accounted for 45.5% of the coverage, corresponding to an increase of more than eight percentage points over the first period surveyed. It is worth recalling that the survey sample was composed of 50 newspapers, highlighting the imbalance of the coverage provided by the media outlets in each of the three groups.

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In view of the findings, it is worth considering for a moment why local newspapers appear to have encountered greater difficulty in maintaining the issue on the agenda. One possibility is a lack of interest and qualified knowledge on the part of journalists. Another may reside in the reduced

The International Climate Change Agenda in 2008
Despite the somewhat reduced impact of the international agenda on the coverage of climate change in the Brazilian media in 2008, several significant events contributed, in some measure, to stimulate reporting of the issue. These include: • In February 2008, the Global Forum of Legislators G8+5 was held in Brasilia. The event brought together lawmakers from member countries to offer a political assessment of the proposed post-2012 climate change strategy. • In April, the We can solve it campaign sponsored by the Alliance for Climate Protection, an NGO headed by Al Gore, was launched. Described by its creators as a nonpartisan, nonprofit campaign, the initiative seeks to “build a movement that creates the political will to solve the climate crisis”; • In May, the 9th Conference of States Parties to the UN Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), brought together heads of State from around the world to Germany to discuss the implementation of “Target 2010”; • In June, Germany hosted the Climate Change Talks, an event organized by the UNFCCC – UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. The event is part of the UNFCCC’s annual agenda and takes place every year in Bonn. • In November, the governors of Brazilian states with tropical forest areas and cabinet-level officials from the United States, Brazil, India, Mexico, and Canada, among others, met in Los Angeles during the Governors’ Global Climate Summit.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

The National Climate Change Plan was released in December 2008 to widespread criticism from experts, who cited a lack of clear guidelines for effective action and the failure to establish mandatory carbon emissions and deforestation targets. The lone response to the loud protests of civil society was to establish a deforestation reduction target of 72% by 2017. On the eve of the COP-15, the Brazilian government appears to be shifting its stance. Recently, Foreign Minister Celso Amorim acknowledged that Brazil must present a “reference target” on greenhouse gas emissions at the Climate Conference.

effectiveness of interest groups with the capacity to incorporate the topic on the local agenda. An important caveat worth noting is that the data represent a sample rather than the total news content on climate change published in the period surveyed. The results presented in these pages refer solely to the body of stories primarily centered on the phenomenon. In addition, news releases with fewer than 500 characters were not included in the study (for more on this, see the chapter on the Research Methodology).

Enhancing the Coverage of Brazil

An examination of the Brazilian media’s coverage of the internal and external agenda yielded a number of interesting findings. While the volume of coverage remained directly associated to the global context – a decline in the number of international news hooks led to a corresponding reduction in the number of news stories – an area of significant progress was the growing importance attached to the internal setting, particularly beginning in 2008. This trend derived directly from Brazil’s dynamic political and scientific landscape through the course of the year and to a number of severe climate-related disasters. In addition to a series of research studies and scientific reports produced in Brazil, 2008 saw approval of the National Climate Change Plan, the Brazilian government’s energetic defense of ethanol production, and the widespread media coverage of severe rain storms in Santa Catarina toward the end of the year, resulting in a number of fatalities and a toll of more than 70,000 homeless. An examination of Table 4, which lays out the percentage of articles by type of locality cited, indicates a pronounced jump in the number of stories with reference to localities in Brazil, from 42.7% of the total news content (first survey period) to 72.43% (second period). The finding is highly encouraging to the extent it demonstrates a greater concern with providing coverage centered not only on the potential or real impacts of climate change on the country, but on the policies required to confront the phenomenon as well.

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Table 4 Locality referenced*

(% of total article on climate change in which a specific locality is referenced – 82.6% in 2005/2007 and 48.9% in 2007/2008) Locality In Brazil Outside Brazil Both Could not be identified Total 2005/2007 42,7% 26,7% 28,6% 1,9% 100,0% 2007/2008 72,43% 17,65% 9,01% 0,92% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

A closer look at the contribution of different newspapers to the coverage of the domestic setting reveals that the media outlets with the greatest capacity to influence the national political debate (more specifically, the four major national dailies) have a more internationalized agenda than the local publications. Local outlets have traditionally sought to connect issues covered through a broader prism in other newspapers to the local milieu. The major dailies, in turn, strive to report on their agendas from a wider perspective to reflect the diversity of their audience. With this in mind, the data presented in Table 5 indicate that the distribution of news stories in local and national dailies adhered, as evidenced by the localities referenced, to a logical and predictable pattern. However, careful examination of the table also reveals that beginning in 2007 the domestic setting came to dominate the coverage in all three categories, accounting for a whopping 82.3% in the financial and business dailies, which registered the sharpest increase (a full 50 percentage points above the first period surveyed), 79.8% in the regional publications, and 55.3% in the national outlets. While these figures do not invalidate the argument set our above, they do call attention to the growing value attached to Brazilian reality in the three categories. Yet, the increase in the number of news stories with reference to challenges affecting Brazil was accompanied by a concomitant drop in the number of pieces in which a specific locality was cited, whether in Brazil or abroad. While 82.6% of the content published from July 2005 to June 2007 referred to a specific locality, in the July 2007 to December 2008 period, only 48.9% of the news made mention of a particular location. In other words, a considerable percentage of journalists chose to approach the climate change issue in general terms without placing it in geographic context. Table 5
Locality cited by newspaper type * (% of total articles on climate change focused on a specific locality – 82.6% in 2005/2007 and 48.9% in 2007/2008) Locality Type of newspaper In Brazil 2005/ 2007 National Newspapers Local Newspapers Business and Financial Newspapers Total 36,8% 53,5%% 32,7% 46,8% 2007/ 2008 55,3% 79,8% 82,3% 72,4% Outside Brazil 2005/ 2007 31,6% 22,5% 30,8% 25,8% 2007/ 2008 31,2% 11,5% 11,3% 17,6% Both 2005/ 2007 29,5% 22,9% 36,5% 26,3% 2007/ 2008 12,9% 7,4% 6,5% 9,0% Not identified 2005/ 2007 2,1% 1,2% 0,0% 1,3% 2007/ 2008 0,6% 1,3% 0,0% 0,9%

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*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 6 Stories focused on a specific locality*
(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) 2005/ 2007 82,6% 17,4% 100,0% 2007/ 2008 48,9% 51,1% 100,0%

The Brazilian Setting
2008 was marked by the release of several studies demonstrating the impact of global warming on the country from a variety of perspectives. Some of the most notable of these are enumerated below: • Costs and Benefits of the Reduction of Carbon Reduction for Deforestation and Degradation (Custos e Benefícios da Redução das Emissões de Carbono do Desmatamento e da Degradação REDD) in the Brazilian Amazo, a research study prepared by the Amazon Institute of Environmental Research (Instituto Brasileiro de Pesquisa Ambiental Amazônica – IPAM); • Climate Report (Relatório de Clima), a study released by the National Institute for Space Research (Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas Espaciais – INPE); • Climate Change and Energy Security in Brazil (Mudança Climática e Segurança Energética no Brasil), an analysis prepared by the Alberto Luiz Coimbra Institute of Graduate Studies and Research in Engineering – COPPE/UFRJ; • Global Warming and the New Geography of Agricultural Production in Brazil (Aquecimento Global e a Nova Geografia da Produção Agrícola no Brasil), a study developed by the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecuária – EMBRAPA) with the State University of Campinas; and • Climate Change, Migration, and Health: Scenarios for the Brazilian Northeast (Mudanças Climáticas, Migrações e Saúde: Cenários para o Nordeste Brasileiro), an analysis produced by the Regional Development and Planning Center of the Federal University of Minas Gerais in partnership with the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation. The studies offer an examination of the risks posed to Brazil by climate change and lay out the measures required to mitigate future impacts. They call particular attention to at-risk regions of the country, including the Northeast and the Amazon, as well as the need to adopt measures related to agribusiness, a key component of Brazilian gross domestic product and a major contributor to deforestation and the CO2 emissions generated from widespread burnings. The major policy development in 2008 was the approval of the National Climate Change Plan in December. The Plan establishes quantifiable and measurable goals to reduce deforestation - the primary source of greenhouse gas emissions in the country. Among its objectives is a 72% cut in deforestation in the Amazon by 2015. (For more on the Plan’s development, see page 31). In June, a bill to establish the National Policy to Combat Climate Change was submitted to the National Congress, and is currently pending approval.
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Specific locality Yes No Total

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

THEMATIC FOCUS

Despite significant, yet subtle, differences among the newspapers surveyed, the quantitative data clearly demonstrate that the Brazilian print media has incorporated the issues encompassed under the broad umbrella of climate change on its agenda. Before moving ahead with the analysis of the data, it is worth stopping for a moment to consider how the climate change question is reported. A first step in this effort is to identify the sub-topics–based on the various encompassed within the coverage of global warming – to which the news media has attached priority. Table 7 offers an interesting finding: a shift in the print media’s priorities in the years surveyed. From July 2005 to June 2007, the coverage centered predominantly on the greenhouse effect, which accounted for 26.1% of the content. This was followed by the discussion of renewable energy sources (13.5%) and the consequences and impacts of climate change (12.1%), respectively. Beginning in the second half of 2007, a clear shift occurs toward emphasis on the measures undertaken to confront Table 7 News topic*

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(% of total articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Topics Measures to confront climate change Consequences and impacts of climate change Climate change in general Collective international action Fuel Global warming in general Greenhouse effect Scientific research and technological issues Causes of climate change or global warming Agriculture Legislation Development Severe climate-related events Industry Vulnerabilities Ozone layer Desertification Others Total 2005/2007 7,3% 12,1% 3,6% 2,8% 13,5% 4,6% 26,1% 3,4% 5,2% 2,0% 3,9% 1,4% 3,1% 1,4% 0,5% 1,1% 1,9% 5,5% 100,0% 2007/2008 26,8% 9,8% 8,5% 8,3% 8,0% 7,0% 6,5% 4,8% 4,6% 2,8% 2,3% 2,2% 1,8% 1,6% 1,3% 0,5% 0,1% 3,1% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Downs’ theory centers on five stages: • The problem exists, but has yet to draw media attention; • Discovery of the problem, focused on the associated harm and consequences; • Analysis of solutions and the associated costs; • Loss of interest in the topic; • The post-problem stage, when the issue is dropped from the agenda. For more, see DOWNS, Anthony. Up and down with Ecology: the issue-attention cycle. Available at: http://www. anthonydowns.com/upanddown.htm. Accessed: 18 May 2009

the problem. The content on the responses to climate change grew from 7.3% of the total in the first period surveyed to 26.8% in the second period. By contrast, coverage of the greenhouse effect fell sharply from 26.1% to 6.5%. of the total. Stories on the consequences and impacts of climate change also decreased, falling from 12.1% of the total to 9.8%. The energy discussion registered a similar trend, dropping from 13.5% to 8%. Lastly, the number of stories on global warming in general rose from 2.8% to 8.3% of the total content. This shift in the news media’s issue focus with regard to climate change is best analyzed on the basis of the “Issue-Attention Cycle” method developed by researcher Anthony Downs to explain how certain issues gain prominence, impact, and finally disappear from the public agenda. Based on Down’s approach, the Brazilian print media’s coverage is migrating from a second stage – in which the reporting on the climate change centers on the challenges posed by the phenomenon – to a third stage focused on laying out solutions to the phenomenon. In a general sense, where the coverage initially honed in on the greenhouse effect (description of the problem), the content now reflects a growing concern with discussing the measures to confront the phenomenon (identification of solutions and the associated costs). However, climate change is not a finite story, as opposed to most of the issues reported in the print media – which, as a result, evolve naturally to the fourth and fifth stages in Downs’s theory (loss of interest in the topic). The key challenge for news outlets lies in identifying alternatives to maintain the interest of different social segments in the climate change discussion and ensure the issue is not dropped from the public agenda. The scientific evidence points to the urgency of the question. Consequently, it is essential that journalists are qualified to follow and enhance the debate on the root causes of climate challenge and the attendant responses. Additionally, the data suggest that the increased importance the Brazilian news media attaches to the measures required to confront the problem is associated to the prevalence of this question in the international arena, where priority is given to the discussion on greenhouse gas emission targets. ◆
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Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

2

Contextualized Information
Analysis of Results 36

A

s discussed earlier, the role of the print media is not restricted to supplying information to the public – but includes the responsibility to ensure minimum quality standards for the information conveyed in order to provide the reader with access to a set of contextual elements capable of connecting isolated events to general aspects of social life. Assessing whether news coverage provides the means to offer a broad understanding of a given subject is not an easy task. It is critical to identify factors that, when presented in the public arena, guarantee the delivery of a larger and more qualified body of information to the target audience. In the case of climate change, a series of concepts, scientific evidence, statistical data, and practical and everyday examples can be employed to elucidate the impacts and point the way toward the required solutions. Further, putting this, or any other, phenomenon in its proper context requires discussion of legal frameworks, related issues, the contributions of sources, and an array of other variables that lend substance to a news story. In this section, we discuss some of these elements, which are then applied to a critical assessment of the quality of the Brazilian print media’s coverage of climate change over time.

THE NEWS IN CONTEXT

The body of available scientific evidence demonstrating the reality of climate change and dissecting its causes and effects is so vast as to make it highly difficult for any interlocutor, including the print media, to cast doubt on the phenomenon. Indeed, the certainty regarding global warming can be compared to that underlying the media’s unquestioning coverage of the wisdom of polio vaccination campaigns. Yet, to take the example above, not questioning the relevance of a particular vaccination campaign is not sufficient. Journalists cannot limit their coverage to simply announcing the respective vaccination dates. Rather, information should be offered on the scope of the campaign, its methods, and the associated costs. By the same token, it is important to identify whether the Brazilian media’s coverage of climate change reflects such a high degree of certainty regarding the phenomenon as to produce content that fails to provide readers with full context. In the absence of context, an agenda is treated as a given, while the associated discussion of which is opened and closed by virtue of its mere mention – ultimately undermining framing of the problem and full debate. In other words, just as merely announcing an upcoming polio vaccination campaign does not constitute good journalism, disseminating, in rote

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

fashion, the existence of climate change and the urgency of addressing the phenomenon represents substandard professional practice. With this in mind, and to verify the extent to which the national media’s coverage displayed a tendency to decontextualization of the issue, ANDI’s study analyzed four basic aspects: presentation of the concept, publication of data demonstrating the existence of the problem, information pertaining to its gravity, and inclusion of statistical data.

Presenting the evidence and framing the gravity of the problem

The results of the study reveal that media outlets had significant difficulty in offering a cogent presentation of the concept of climate change. During the entire period surveyed, a full presentation of the concept appeared in only 1.4% of the news stories, as indicated in Table 8. The finding underscores that given the complexity of the topic the vast majority of information sources in news pieces – including decision and opinion makers – are not well educated on the issues underlying the topic; thus the importance of employing these concepts in the news content. In turn, data confirming the existence of the phenomenon were provided in slightly more than 24% of the stories, a significant percentage, particularly when compared to previous data. However, an average of 75% of the news stories presented the existence of the phenomenon as a given, without offering evidence or concepts to substantiate this assertion. The findings are more encouraging with regard to the efforts of media outlets to lay out the gravity of climate change and the use of statistical data. On the first point, nearly 1/3 of the stories surveyed between July 2005 and December 2008 endeavored to highlight the seriousness of the issue. Similarly, almost half of the content (49.5%) in the second period surveyed included statistical and scientific figures, registering a slight increase over the first period (42.6%). In addition, more emphasis was given to data comparisons: whereas in the first stage 36.7% of the stories offered comparative analyses, in the second period the total rose to 54.7%, a considerable volume. Finally, the data on the presentation of concepts, evidence of the phenomenon, and calculation of its scope exhibited little change over the three and a half years of the analysis. As Table 18 shows, the indicators varied only marginally, if at all, during the survey periods.

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Table 8 Contextualizing the problem*

(% of total articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Contextual elements Concept Data demonstrating the phenomenon Gravity specified Statistical data cited Statistical data compared ** 2005/2007 1,4% 24,7% 31,9% 42,6% 36,7% 2007/2008 1,3% 24,1% 33,6% 49,5% 54,7%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high. ** Percentages calculated according to the total number of articles citing statistical data.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

LEGISLATION: THE KYOTO PROTOCOL
The document represents one of the most important strategies related to the mitigation of climate change and is considered a first concrete step toward addressing the problem - it was negotiated in 1997 at the COP-3 in the Japanese city of Kyoto. The Protocol is a legal instrument establishing binding commitments to limit and reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in developed countries. The document provides for an average reduction of 5.2% over 1990 emission levels by 2012. At that point, the accord will be replaced by a new agreement that will be developed during the COP-15 in Copenhagen (Denmark) in December 2009.

The inclusion of legislation significantly enhances the coverage of climate change – in the period surveyed, legislation was cited in 40% of the sample stories. A brief review of the results of other research studies reveals the significance of this finding. The analyses of the coverage of children’s issues performed by ANDI since 1996 found that the news media devoted a far more limited space to legislation in this area: in 2007, for example, the figure was only 4%. Among the various international agreements, the Kyoto Protocol was cited most frequently, accounting for 42% of all the references to legislation in the first period surveyed and 50% in the second period. The repeated references to the document were tied to the discussion of what the print media has referred to as the post-Kyoto or post-2012 agreement, an international instrument with new greenhouse gas emission targets and guidelines intended to replace those in the current Protocol, which lapses in 2012. The new agreement is expected to be signed in December 2009 at the COP 15 in Copenhagen, Denmark. Table 9 Reference to legislation*
2005/2007 42,1,% 57,9% 100,0% 38

(% of total articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Reference to legislation Yes No Total 2007/2008 43,1% 56,9% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Environment legislation in Brazil includes a number of important instruments to ensure the general safety and security of populations from climate change impacts. Unfortunately, national legislation was cited in a mere 2% of the stories reviewed between July 2007 and December 2008.

CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES, AND SOLUTIONS
The development of a regulatory framework to implement effective measures to confront climate change is still in its infancy in Brazil. As mentioned in an earlier section, the National Policy to Combat Climate Change bill was submitted to the National Congress in June 2008, but has yet to be approved. Climate change is currently governed by the National Climate Change Plan, which does not have the force of law.

One of the most important elements to enhance the coverage of a particular issue consists of effectively presenting the related causes, solutions, and consequences. The studies of Stanford University professor Shanto Iyegar indicate that the specification of causes and solutions makes it possible to identify those with primary responsibility for specific issues on the agenda, insofar as analyses of the reasons underlying a given phenomenon or problem invariably reference the pertinent actors. A similar logic applies to the coverage of solutions. Several studies on the relationship between the news media and climate change, including those conducted by Keith Stamm, Fiona Clark, and Paula Reynolds Eblacas, 1 point to increased emphasis on the
1 STAMM, Keith R.; CLARK, Fiona; EBLACAS, Paula Reynolds. Mass communication and public understanding of environmental problems: the case of global warming. Public Understanding of Science, v. 9, pp. 219-237, 2000.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 10 Causes, consequences, and solutions*

(% of total articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Causes, consequences, and solutions Causes cited Consequences cited Solutions cited 2005/2007 36,5% 58,5% 41,8% 2007/2008 36,6% 34,4% 41,1% 39

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

negative consequences of the phenomenon in news stories and less on the measures to confront the challenge. The results of ANDI’s study reflect a major shift in the perspective of the Brazilian print media’s coverage: a growing preference for discussing potential solutions and strategies to address climate change to the detriment of reporting on the negative consequences and risks of global warming, as discussed throughout this document. In the two periods surveyed, reference to the causes of global warming remained fairly stable, accounting for about 36% of the content. Stories on the consequences of the phenomenon fell from 58.5% of the total to 34.4%, while reports setting out possible solutions accounted for 41% of the total in the two periods surveyed.

Natural causes vs. man-made causes

While the proportion of stories in which causes were discussed varied only slightly in the two periods surveyed, changes were observed in the specific factors addressed. A good example was the increasing recognition that human activity exercise a direct impact on climate disequilibrium across the plant. In fact, from the initial survey years the Brazilian news media identified human activity as one of the primary causes underlying the problem. In the first period surveyed, 59.4% of the coverage made reference to the impact of human beings, a percentage that rose to 63.9%. By contrast, the discussion of climate change as a naturally occurring process – beyond the control of human beings – progressively decreased. Reference to “natural causes” of the problem in the media’s coverage fell from 42.6% of the stories surveyed to 36.1% in the two periods.

In search of solutions
Table 7, presented in Chapter 1 of this document, highlights the significance attached to the discussion of solutions to the climate challenge. As the figures indicate, the number of stories on climate change centered on measures to confront the phenomenon rose from 7.3% to 26.8% of the total between the two periods surveyed. Reporting on preventive factors gained momentum beginning in the second stage of the analysis, appearing in 47.6% of the sample stories from July 2007 to December 2008 and surpassing the coverage of climate change risks (27.1%), the discussion of climate change impacts, and the adverse consequences of the phenomenon.

Identifying the accountable actors

Among the primary actors identified as potential agents of the phenomenon were national and international public officials. An average of 24% of the stories reviewed between July 2005 and December 2008 assigned some measure of responsibility for climate change to an agency of the State. In addition to government, the general public, and the private sector received special attention in the second period surveyed, with references to the sectors made in 16.9% and 15.2% of the news stories, respectively.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Similarly, government was identified as the primary channel for developing solutions to the problem. An intriguing finding was the increasing weight given over time to the idea that the Brazilian government has more of a role in formulating a response to climate change than international bodies. For example, references to the executive branch rose from 20.1% in the first period surveyed to 32.8% in the second period, while those to foreign governments fell from 24.5% to 16.2%, respectively. Chapter 3 of this document offers a more in-depth analysis of the division of responsibility in the climate change area among the various stakeholders, with respect to causes and solutions alike. The goal is to consider the debate from the perspective of public oversight theory – specifically, emphasizing the State’s role in the conduct of public policy and the print media’s role in policy oversight. Areas impacted*

Table 11

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(% of articles on climate change citing impacts – 58.5% in 2005/2007 and 34.4% in 2007/2008) Areas impacted Environment Economy Public Health Security Socio-cultural Not identified Total 2005/ 2007 72,6% 16,8% 4,8% 2,1% 2,7% 1,1% 100,0% 2007/ 2008 56,5% 24,6% 3,9% 8,1% 3,9% 2,9% 100,0%

Environmental impacts vs Economic impacts

As with so many areas identified in the coverage, the analyses of the sectors most affected by climate change registered significant progress, as reflected by the drop in the percentage of news pieces, 72.6% to 56.5%, in which the consequences of global warming are linked exclusively to the environmental sphere. By contrast, examination of the economic repercussions of the phenomenon rose, with reference to the issue made in one of every four stories – against one in every six stories in the first survey period. The result reinforces the hypothesis discussed below that the economic impacts of climate change have begun to assume greater importance in the media. This is an encouraging finding given that climate change, as the Stern Review notes, could trigger a significant drop in GDP by the end of the century on the order of 5% to 20%, or £ 3.7 trillion (approximately R$ 15.12 trillion). According to Stern, the cost could vary depending on the speed of technological innovation and the investment decisions of policymakers. However, while the narrow focus on environmental impacts is slowly giving way to the economic question, challenges remain in associating the phenomenon to other equally significant repercussions. Discussion of the impacts on public health, for example, was limited to approximately 4% of the stories reviewed in the two survey periods in which consequences of climate change were referenced. A similarly low percentage of stories, 3.3%, on average, cited the socio-cultural impacts of the phenomenon.

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

INFORMATION SOURCES

An additional quality indicator involves the plurality of the sources cited in a news story. News content is substantially enhanced when its capacity to serve as a forum for debate is increased. The diversity and quantity of sources consulted reflects the level of participation of various social sectors in the debates promoted through the media. After all, different actors not only present a range of ideological perspectives and interests, but often offer complementary knowledge on the same issue. In this context, it is important to note the significant reduction in the number of stories in which information sources were not cited. While in the first period surveyed, 24.9% of the content lacked any sourcing, in the second period the total dropped to 14%. The specific sources consulted in the two periods remained stable, as demonstrated by Table 12. At both stages of the analysis, a balance was maintained between expert sources (cited in 18.6% of the sample content in the first period and 17.8% in the second) and government officials (referenced in 17.6% and 19.7% of the reports, respectively).

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 12 Information sources*

(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Information Sources Brazilian Government Foreign Governments International Organizations State Enterprises Non-State Enterprises Civil Society Organizations Labor Unions and Faederations Experts/Technical Specialists Other No Information Sources Consulted 2005/2007 17,6% 11,5% 6,5% 0,5% 7,0% 9,5% 0,2% 18,6% 3,7% 24,9% 2007/2008 19,7% 6,7% 10,8% 0,0% 12,1% 9,0% 0,0% 17,9% 8,9% 14,0% 41

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Another important finding was the prominence given to international organizations in the second period surveyed. Consulted in only 6.5% of the stories in the prior survey period, international organizations were cited in 10.8% of the content in the second period. References to private sector actors also expanded, climbing from 7% to 12.1% of the total.

Coverage grounded in consensus

Table 13 Articles with more than one information source *
(% of articles on climate change citing information sources – 75.1% in 2005/2007 and 86% in 2007/2008) 2005/ 2007 41,5% 58,0% 100,0%

Despite the notable progress made in including a diversity of social actors in the coverage, the journalistic content on climate change was centered on securing consensus, as reflected in Tables 13 and 14. A comparative analysis reveals that while more than 40% of the stories cited more than one source, only 10.2% presented divergent opinions in the first period surveyed and 7.4 % in the second. In that regard, it is important to emphasize a basic tenet of journalism: to cite and identify diverse and opposing opinions, even where the understanding of a particular phenomenon (causes and consequences, for example) has been effectively established. Yet, the issue is not straightforward. The argument put forth on one side – although not always valid for all categories of news – is that a fundamental principle of journalism is to provide balanced editorial treatment of divergent opinions. At the same time, researchers such as Maxwell and Jules Buyoff2 note that the theory of balanced coverage – same number of lines for every side of an issue – is a potential trap: it is easier to report the status quo than to redefine the dominant discourse. The two arguments have raised an interesting debate in the field of media analysis, although both seem somewhat off the mark when we consider that:

More than one information source Yes No Total

2007/ 2008 43,7% 56,3% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

2 BOYKOFF, Maxwell T.; BOYKOFF, Jules M. Balance as bias: global warming and the US prestige press. Global Environmental Change, v. 14, pp. 125-136, 2004.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 14 Articles with divergent views*

• Presenting differing opinions does not imply endorsing them, much less
decontextualizing them. For example, if 10 scientific articles are published casting doubt on whether human activity lies at the root of climate change and 900 arguing the opposite view, readers should be informed of this.

(% of articles on climate change citing information sources – 75.1% in 2005/2007 and 86% in 2007/2008) Divergent views Yes No Total 2005/ 2007 10,2% 89,3% 100,0% 2007/ 2008 7,4% 82,6% 100,0%

• Presentation of these views requires discussion of the background and • Although there may be issues on which there is substantial consensus wi-

credentials of sources. For example, where did the funding for the research study originate? thin the scientific community, there are others on which sharp differences persist, whether among researchers or decision makers. Democracy requires that these disagreements be duly noted in the record.
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*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Uncertainty and Probability
One interpretation raised in the specialized literature on media and the environment argues that two competing currents are emerging in the coverage of climate change: one grounded in the science, laying out the probabilities and possibilities, and one shaped by the news media, rooted in certainties and assertions.1 On this basis, issues would only be included on the print media’s agenda after a minimum degree of consensus was secured, while questions on which there is wide disagreement and doubt would be excluded. While understandable, this view begs the following question: is the perception that the media tends only to deal with certainties not perhaps connected to the idea that science journalism tilts heavily to the exact sciences? To elucidate the issue, let us consider an illustration of the polarity between certainty and uncertainty in media discourse. In an election campaign, for example, newspapers do not venture predictions as to who will win or lose. Rather, they merely report the uncertainty drawn from opinion polls. In other words, it is indeed possible to produce journalism through the various stages of a story. If there is no doubt regarding particular aspects of an issue, all the better – these should be presented. However, if there is uncertainty, they need to be discussed. Probabilities do not hamper the work of journalists, or of policymakers. In its 2008 report, the UNDP makes an interesting argument which can be applied to our discussion: our uncertainty as to the losses climate change will trigger and where those losses will occur does not negate the need to take precautions, for we know that the risks are real, the harm wrought by the greenhouse effect is irreversible, and, as long as nothing is done, the harm will only tend to increase. Given this, the role of the print media cannot rest solely in reporting on the certainties regarding climate change. To the extent we are confronted with a dynamic and shifting setting, it is important that journalistic coverage channel differing approaches to the topic – something which has not occurred for the most part.
1 For more, see Weingar Peter et al.. Risks of communication: discourses on climate change in science, politics and mass media. Public Understanding of Science, v. 9, pp. 261-283, 200.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

RELATED TOPICS
The study performed by ANDI assessed a number of specific issues closely linked to the climate change agenda that can provide broader context to the discussion. Some of the specific aspects considered relate to the energy field – which itself includes a number of important discussions in the current context of climate disequilibrium – and references to greenhouse gases and their effects (primary greenhouse gases and their emission sources, for example).

THE USE OF HYDROCARBONS AND CLEAN ENERGIES

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The data indicate that significant space was devoted to energy issues in the coverage of climate phenomena. From July 2005 to June 2007, 44% of the sample stories made reference to energy; from July 2007 to December 2008, the figure stood at 42.7%. Table 15
Energy sources* (% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008)** Type of energy Fossil fuels/hydrocarbons Ethanol Clean energy Hydroelectric Biodiesel Wind Solar Nuclear Agro-energy Hydrogaen No reference to energy sources
** Multiple references possible

2005/2007 31,6% 10,3% 5,1% 2,9% 5,8% 3,8% 3,9% 2,7% 0,3% 0,4% 56,0%

2007/2008 25,9% 9,4% 6,9% 5,8% 4,5% 4,0% 4,0% 2,8% 0,2% 0,8% 57,3%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Energy issues on the agenda
Table 7, presented in Chapter 1 of this document, indicates that the subject of energy was a central topic in 13% of the published content from July 2005 to June 2007 and 8% between July 2007 and December 2008. While apparently modest, the percentages were sufficiently substantial to rank energy as the fifth most reported issue among a list of 17 sub-topics.

Table 15 quantifies the coverage of renewable energy centered on the use of fossil fuels, a topic cited in 31.6% of the sample pieces in the first period and 25.9% in the second. A closer look at the data, however, reveals that the reporting on clean energy is still in its infancy. Several sources identified as clean energy sources, including ethanol, biodiesel, and hydroelectric power garnered considerable attention. Among the alternatives cited by the print media, particular prominence was given to ethanol – referenced in 9.4% of the articles published from July 2007 to December 2008, a figure not far below the 10.3% registered from July 2005 to June 2007.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

The crisis erupted in early 2008 following widespread increases in food prices across the globe. According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the price spike was due, initially, to increased demand – primarily in emerging economies -, higher oil prices, and unfavorable climate conditions. The connection to biofuels, the respective raw materials (cane, corn, and others) used for the production of food items as well, remains a source of controversy given the lack of scientific evidence demonstrating widespread conversion of food producing areas to biofuel production.

The number of stories on ethanol in the Brazilian print media reached its highest level between May and June 2008 at the time of the 9th UN Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Climate Change Talks (a meeting sponsored by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change), both in Bonn, Germany - the first held from 19-30 May and the second from 2-13 June. The coverage of the two events highlighted the commitment of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s administration to counter the allegations that biofuels produced from sugarcane could trigger a world food crisis. Other events converged to fuel the coverage of ethanol, including German Prime Minister Angela Merkel’s visit to Brazil in early May 2008, during which she raised the issue of biofuel production in the country. At the time, she called particular attention to the conditions of farm workers and deforestation activities aimed at sugarcane cultivation. At the World Food Security, Climate Change, and Bioenergy Conference in Rome in June 2008, President Lula defended the production of biodiesel, refuting assertions that sugarcane plantations set aside to produce the raw material for biodiesel could lead to a reduction in agricultural area and a corresponding hike in food prices. A positive aspect of the reporting on the energy topic involved the repeated references to the need to reduce coal use – 70% and 61.1% in the periods surveyed. Among the cited coal reduction strategies, particular attention was devoted to carbon credits, the development of clean energies or a non-fossil fuel energy matrix, the substitution of fossil fuels with other sources, and enhanced efficiency in CO2 consumption.
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GREENHOUSE EFFECT

As discussed in Chapter 1, the first stage of the study revealed that the greenhouse effect was a central topic in a substantial portion of the new content (26.1%). Although a shift did occur in the issue’s framing from the first to

The social implications of ethanol production
Although the Brazilian government has advanced ethanol as a strategic measure to reduce the effects of climate change, it is important to note that while the ethanol production process can be less environmentally detrimental it is often founded on practices that violate human rights. A news report published in the Caderno Mais section of the Folha de S. Paulo in August 2008 revealed that the state of São Paulo, which is responsible for than 60% of Brazilian sugarcane production, fails to share the wealth generated from ethanol with the its 135,000 sugarcane cutters. In 1985, a sugarcane cutter in São Paulo earned an average daily wage of R$ 32.70. In 2007, the amount was R$ 28.90. Additionally, the drop in income was accompanied by increased productivity, which went from 5 tons of cut sugarcane per worker every day in 1985 to 9.3 tons. The report notes that of the 5,999 Brazilian workers the Ministry of Labor removed from conditions analogous to slavery in 2008, more than half worked in the sugarcane sector.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 16 Articles referencing reduced fossil fuel use *

The impact of mitigation strategies on the energy sector
As Table 32 will illustrates, the Brazilian print media identifies the energy sector as one of the areas most impacted by mitigation measures. From July 2007 to December 2008, for example, the energy sector was cited in 20.8% of the articles in which emission reductions were discussed, behind only soil and forest use (25.4%).

(% of articles on climate change referencing fossil fuels – 31.6% in 2005/2007 and 25.9% in 2007/2008) Cites reduction in fossil fuel use Yes No Total 2005/2007 70,0% 30,0% 100,0% 2007/2008 61,1% 38,9% 100,0% 45

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

the second survey periods, with increased emphasis given to the measures adopted to confront the phenomenon, the focus on the greenhouse effect remained an important component of the coverage. Table 17 Articles referencing one or more greenhouse gases and/ or aerosols*
(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) 2005/ 2007 55,8% 44,2% 100,0%

Identified as the principal source of global warming, the greenhouse effect is a process by which gases in the atmosphere absorb some of the sun’s radiation. Key greenhouse gases include CO2 (carbon dioxide), CH4 (methane), N2O (nitrous oxide), O3 (ozone), and CFCs (chlorofluorocarbons). More than 50% of the published content on climate change in the two periods cited gas exchange efficiency – GEE (55.8% and 59.9%, respectively), although the issue was rarely the central topic of the news stories. The most oft-referenced greenhouse gas, meanwhile, was CO2, identified as the leading source of greenhouse emissions. By the same token, more than 50% of the articles published in the two periods in which reference to GEE was made identified the source responsible for the emission, with a slight increase registered from the first period surveyed to the second (50.7% to 56.4%). According to the 2008 Sustainable Development Indicators – SDI of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística – IBGE), 75% of CO2 emissions in Brazil are the product of burnings and deforestation primarily in the Amazon and Savannah (Cerrado) regions. Another recurring source

Cites greenhouse gases Yes No Total

2007/ 2008 59,9% 40,1% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Table 18 Articles referencing the sources of greenhouse gas emissions*

(% of articles on climate change citing greenhouse gases – 55.8% in 2005/2007 and 59.9% in 2007/2008) Cites the source of the greenhouse gas emission Yes No Total 2005/2007 50,7% 49,3% 100,0% 2007/2008 56,4% 43,3% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 19

Amazon Forest – a priority in combating GEE emissions
The most frequently cited sources of emissions in the Brazilian print media corresponded to those areas identified as priorities of the mitigation policies presented in Chapter 3. As shown in Table 32, between July 2007 and December 2008 soil and forest management were cited as the primary target activities requiring mitigation measures (25.4%).

Articles referencing differences in the greenhouse effect by region*
(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Cites regional differences Yes No Total 2005/2007 0,5% 99,5% 100,0%

2008 2,1% 97,9% 100,0% 46

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

cited by the print media was fossil fuel vehicles, ranked by the IBGE as the second leading source of emissions.

Regional differences

A curious point is that while burnings in the Amazon Forest – an area occupying a large portion of the North region – were continuously cited as a principal source of GEE emissions, the Brazilian print media made no effort to draw regional comparisons in respect to emission volumes. The percentage of articles highlighting inter-regional variations in the July 2007 to December 2008 period was only 2.1% of the sample total. In the previous survey period, the total was negligible.

Differences between countries

Comparative analyses between countries, in turn, received greater attention in the media. Between July 2007 and December 2008, country comparisons were included in 9.6% of the articles in which reference was made to emissions, registering a significant jump over the first survey period – when 5.9% of the news stories provided comparative information. It is worth noting that the Climate Convention’s ranking of the top 10 emitters is led by the United States, followed by China, Russia, Brazil, India, Japan, Germany, Tanzania, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, France, Indonesia, and Mexico. Table 20 Articles referencing differences between countries in respect to greenhouse gas emissions*
(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) 2005/2007 5,9% 94,1% 100,0% Cites differences between countries Yes No Total 2008 9,6% 90,4% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

FRAMING
In the context of research in the field of social communication, framing refers to the specific approaches chosen by outlets in preparing a news story. According to Professor Salma Ghanem3, framing is defined on the basis of the interpretive standards in the journalistic content. From this perspective, climate change can be analyzed either from an environmental (the impact of global warming on sea levels, for example), economic (the impact of mitigation measures on a country’s GDP), political (the interests involved in the fight against deforestation in the Amazon), or other standpoint. With this in mind, the section below sets out to identify the various angles from which the climate change debate was reported by the newspapers surveyed. An analysis of the framing of the central topics considered in the sample content selected by ANDI yielded a series of interesting findings. As expected, environmental framing of the issue predominated (except in the financial and business dailies), although the economic/financial angle received significant attention as well, representing the second most analyzed perspective – leveraged primarily by the financial dailies, the discussions of energy, and individual columnists who gave particular emphasis to this question. The Table 21 political perspective emerged as the third most common approach, with the scientific anThematic framing* gle coming in a distant fourth, a (% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) finding which clearly belies the view that the debate is confined Thematic framing 2005/2007 2007/2008 to climate experts.
Environmental Economic/financial Political Agricultural Individual or community Scientific-technological Socio-cultural Public health Educational Legal Not identified Total 43,4% 15,6% 11,5% 6,4% 1,2% 11,4% 3,6% 1,6% 1,9% 0,6% 2,0% 100,0% 45,0% 18,7% 15,8% 4,6% 4,2% 4,0% 2,4% 1,3% 1,3% 0,4% 2,2% 100,0%

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CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

As shown in Table 21, environmental framing appeared in slightly more than 40% of the coverage. The economic and financial angle, for its part, hovered between 15.6% and 18.7%, registering a moderate rise in the two periods surveyed. Articles with a political slant represented 11.5% of the coverage in the first survey period and 15.8% in the second. In general, the print media’s approaches remained fairly stable over the two periods surveyed. The lone exception involved references to scientific and technological aspects, which dropped from 11.4% of the total to 4%.

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

3 For more, see: GRAHEN, Salma. Filling in the Tapestry: The Second Level of Agenda Setting, Available at: http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=29210605. Accessed: 22 May 2009.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 22 Thematic framing by newspaper category* With regard to the economic perspective, the preponderance of this approach in the financial dailies (Gazeta Mercantil and Valor Econômico) in relation to the other survey publications is to be expected. Table 22 – which applies only to the July 2007 to December 2008 period – helps elucidate the differences in framing in the three categories of newspapers (national, local, and financial). As the Table shows, 40.9% of the articles published in Valor Econômico and Gazeta Mercantil offered an economicfinancial approach to the climate issue. In the other two categories, the total failed to reach 16%. It is important to note that because the two dailies are primarily devoted to financial and business news the weight given to the economic and financial angle was not unexpected.

(% of articles on climate change – 2007/2008) Thematic framing Environmental Economic/financial Political Agricultural Individual or community Scientifictechnological Socio-cultural Public health Educational Legal National newspapers 49,3% 15,9% 17,6% 2,5% 3,4% 3,4% 2,5% 0,8% 1,4% Local newspapers 46,8% 14,7% 14,5% 4,8% 5,5% 5,1% 3,0% 1,8% 1,3% Financial and business dailies 27,9% 40,9% 16,9% 8,4% 1,3% 1,3% 0,0% 0,0% 1,3% Sample Total 45,0% 18,7% 15,8% 4,6% 4,2% 4,0% 2,4% 1,3% 1,3%

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An inverse logic applied to environmental framing of the issue. While almost half of the national Not identified 2,5% 2,3% 1,3% 2,2% and local news coverage opted for this perspective, the financial and Total 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% business dailies took this approach in slightly less than 1/3 of their *The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high. stories. Although predictable, given the characteristics, a priori, of each newspaper category, the findings contribute to gauging the extent of the differences between each category and the gaps that need to be addressed.
0,6% 0,2% 0,6% 0,4%

Without question, the data presented in these pages indicate that the media has, in part, diversified it approaches to the climate change debate – even if economic framing of the phenomenon remains, as seen above, superficial and concentrated in a specific newspaper category. At the same time, we cannot neglect to note the absence of other important perspectives: technological, socio-cultural, and individuals/behavioral modification, to cite just some examples.

DEVELOPMENT PUSHED TO THE BACKGROUND

Of the principal findings arising from the study, one of the most notable involved the difficulties in associating climate change to specific development questions. In general, the data revealed that the Brazilian print media tends to consider climate change and the related topics in isolation, without drawing adequate connections to the various aspects of the development agenda. Of the sample articles reviewed, only 14.5% and 18.5% in the respective survey periods sought to establish a link between the two subjects.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 23 Development strategies* As Table 23 elucidates, where a thematic association was made, the discussion revolved around sustainability, the focus of approximately 10% of the articles centered on development. A concern in the findings was the dearth of discussion on other forms of development, disconnected from a strictly economic analysis (human, social, community, socio-environmental) in Brazilian newspapers.

(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Type of strategy cited Sustainable development Economic growth Economic development Socio-environmental development Human development Community development 2005/2007 10,0% 2,6% 1,7% 0,0% 0,0% 0,0% 2007/2008 10,7% 3,6% 3,1% 0,5% 0,3% 0,2%

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This finding warrants some consideration to the extent that for years economic growth was considered Social development 0,2% 0,1% the key route to improving the soDevelopment strategies not cited 85,5% 81,5% cial condition of nations. The idea rested on the principle that enhanTotal 100,0% 100,0% ced economic performance would automatically provide individuals *The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high. with greater access to the consumer goods and services capable of boosting their quality of life. However, there is growing awareness that the strategies adopted on behalf of economic growth share a large measure of the responsibility for climate change, due primarily to unabated natural resource consumption. On this point, the UNDP’s Human Development Report 2007/2008 calls attention to the intimate relationship between climate change and development, primarily in regard to the phenomenon’s added impact on vulnerable populations:

Development for future generations
“A concept related to the idea of the rights of future generations is that of sustainable development: future generations should have a right to a standard of living no lower than the current one.” The Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change

Climate change will condemn 40% of the world’s poorest people – nearly 2.6 billion – to a future of negligible opportunities. It will exacerbate the sharp disparities between countries and undermine efforts to make globalization more inclusive, reinforcing the wide chasm between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots.’ In sum, we are at a crossroads requiring a public debate that offers more than palliatives. The willingness of societies and governments to dramatically alter their consumption patterns and redefine the existing production model must be thoroughly analyzed.

Society and development: discussing consumption patterns

In regard to the development question, the study found only marginal reference made to consumption patterns, a topic taken up in 6.1% of the articles examined in the first survey period and 7.1% in the second. The data capture the difficulties Brazilian newspapers had in communicating the extent of the impact wrought by the habits and patterns of modernday societies on the environment and, in particular, climate change. What is curious about the finding is that the vast majority of the sample articles (63.9%) identified human action as one of the direct causes of the climate phenomenon. We can only conclude, therefore, that a highly selective awareness prevails in regard to the impact of human actions, centered specifically on those that visibly alter the ecological balance such

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 24 Articles referencing consumption patterns*
2005/2007 6,1% 93,9% 100,0%

(% of article on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Cites consumption patterns Yes No Total 2007/2008 7,1% 92,9% 100,0% 50

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

as burnings and deforestation. At the same time, the news media is not as effective in identifying the adverse effects of more diffuse habits assimilated by the broader society.

From risk to prevention

Despite persistent limitations, the data on the analysis of climate change in the national news media revealed significant strides in the coverage. This progress was characterized by a transition in the reporting, initially evenly divided between enumerating risks and discussing prevention, to an approach focused predominantly on prevention. Again, the result was associated to a shift in thematic focus, as highlighted earlier in this document. Beginning in the second half of 2007, increasing emphasis was given to stories centered on measures to confront the issue, which climbed from 7.3% of the total survey sample to 26.8%, becoming the most prevalent theme in the media’s coverage. In line with this trend, the volume of news stories focused on prevention rose from 37.2% to 47.6% of the total in the two periods surveyed (Table 25). The preference for prevention over risk suggests substitution of “catastrophic” reporting in favor of a more pragmatic approach. ◆ Table 25 Journalistic perspective*

(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Journalistic perspective Prevention Risks Not identified Total 2005/2007 37,2% 35,3% 27,5% 100,0% 2007/2008 47,6% 27,1% 25,4% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

3

The media as watchdog
Analysis of the Results 51

T

o support the argument put forth in the introduction to this document – that the media can contribute to the exercise of good governance – this chapter sets out to assess the Brazilian print media’s coverage of climate change in the context of State action. Has the media contributed to public oversight of the policies adopted to confront the phenomenon by tracking, demanding, and disseminating the initiatives undertaken within the government sphere? In the pages that follow, we will consider to what extent the news media serves, within Brazil, as an efficient communication channel between various social sectors and government – enabling, in this way, citizens to demand responses from their representatives to a multifaceted and increasingly pressing challenge.

THE INSTITUTIONAL FOCUS ON GOVERNMENT

One of the questions assessed by ANDI in the study centered on the institutional perspective of the news coverage. The goal was to identify if climate change was addressed primarily on the basis of the particular characteristics of one or more of the institutions of contemporary democratic societies, and, in this light, if preference was given to any of these in the related reporting. To elucidate this point, a story on climate change framed through the prism of the executive branch, to take an example, will tend to focus on a discussion of government policy, while a story drawn from the perspective of the private sector will underscore aspects related to the inherent interests of the sector. Given this range of framing options – government, private sector, civil society organization, or research institutions, among others – readers might question why we are basing our discussion of the institutional focus on the public oversight of government policies. The answer is really quite simple: because the data collected from ANDI’s survey lead to the conclusion that the media’s coverage relied primarily on the government perspective. Taken together, the news content centered on the executive branch (national and international) and the Brazilian legislative and judicial branches accounted for 26.6% of the total in the first survey period and 34.7% in the second, registering an increase of almost ten percentage points over the two stages of the analysis. By examining the topic mainly from the standpoint of State generated actions, discussions, and proposals, the news media contributed to dis-

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

seminating this particular institutional focus among the public – clearly an important step to ensure accountability and public oversight of government policies. This is not to suggest that different institutional perspectives were not considered in the coverage; they were, although to a lesser extent, as indicated in Table 26. Of particular note was the importance attached to educational and research institutions, which accounted, notwithstanding a relative decline from the first to the second period surveyed, the institutional focus in 17.4% and 13.9% of the sample articles, respectively.
(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Institutional perspective National and international executive branch Brazilian legislative branch Brazilian judiciala branch International organizations Private sector Civil society organizations Social movements Inter-sectoral Educational and research institutions Not identified Total 2005/2007 23,3% 2,8% 0,5% 8,6% 10,1% 5,9% 1,1% 14,2% 17,4% 16,2% 100,0% 2007/2008 32,7% 2,0% 0,0% 10,2% 13,3% 9,1% 0,1% 7,2% 13,9% 11,5% 100,0%

Table 26

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Institutional focus*

Table 26 also calls attention to shifts in this variable, such as the increase in the number of stories devoted to civil society (5.9% to 9.1%) and the reduction in those focused on inter-sectoral actions (14.2% to 7.2%). Institutional framing could not be identified in a portion of the content reviewed, in all likelihood because the issue was addressed from the perspective of general environmental questions. In spite of this, the analysis found a reduction in the number of news stories on general environmental questions between the first and second periods surveyed: 16.2% to 11.5%.

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Emphasis on the domestic arena

Table 27
(% of articles on climate change focused on the national or international executive branch – 23.2% in 2005/2007 and 32.7% in 2007/2008) Government sphere referenced Brazilian federal executive branch Brazilian states Brazilian municipalities Partnerships between one or more levels of government (Brazil) Foreign governments Partnerships between national governments Not clearly stated or not identified Total 2005/2007 26,0% 10,7% 6,0% 4,7% 46,7% 4,7% 1,3% 100,0% 2007/2008 40,7% 12,4% 7,1% 1,6% 25,0% 8,0% 5,2% 100,0%

Government sphere*

Our evaluation of the institutional focus offers some interesting conclusions. While the government perspective prevailed throughout the two periods surveyed, a shift took place in the particular government sphere (national or foreign) to which the media devoted the greatest attention. Table 27 indicates the predominance of foreign governments in the first period, when they were referenced in 46.7% of the sample articles centered, from an institutional perspective, on the executive branch. However, in the second period of analysis, references to the Brazilian executive surpassed those made to foreign governments, climbing from 26% to 40.7% of the total, while references to

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

foreign governments slipped to 25%. Once again, the data corroborate earlier findings of this analysis, namely: a clear trend among Brazilian newspapers toward emphasizing the domestic setting in their coverage of climate change. A significant point was the relatively insignificant coverage devoted to the state government sphere (10.7% and 12.4% in the first and second periods surveyed, respectively) and Brazilian municipalities (6.0% and 7.1%). A possibility for the weight given to the federal government could be the insufficiency of initiatives undertaken at the other levels of government or the larger agenda-setting capacity of federal institutions.

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PUBLIC POLICIES ON THE AGENDA

It is worth examining in greater depth how the results of the analysis corroborate the conclusion that the media is an important channel for dialogue on the government’s actions in the field of climate change.

Commitment to the future
“Brazil needs to make a long-term commitment to future generations and devise a new development model that minimizes CO2 emissions. It should also map our vulnerabilities to create a national policy to confront climate change – in the same way plans are in place to eradicate illiteracy or hunger.” Carlos Nobre, Ph.D. in Meteorology and General Coordinator of the Center for Meteorology and Climate Studies (Centro de Previsão de Tempo e Estudos Climáticos – CPTEC) of Brazilian National Institute for Space Research (Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas Espaciais – INPE)

In the July 2007 to December 2008 period, 32.7% of the sample articles centered on the executive branch made reference to public policies. The figure does not necessarily represent references to government programs in the strictest sense, but information on any action taken within the executive branch, the State institution with primary responsibility for policy formulation and execution. As such, we can apply a broader conception of public policy which does not only include concrete proposals, but the debates prompted and steered by the executive branch, in order to offer up alternative responses to the climate change phenomenon. Based on these parameters, the results of the study are highly encouraging. As mentioned earlier, reference to actions recommended and implemented by governments (national and foreign) was substantial in the initial years of the analysis: 23.2% of the stories from July 2005 to June 2007. In the second period surveyed, the total rose even further, reaching 32.7% of the coverage (Table 26). As a comparison, references to public policies in other research studies performed by ANDI varied significantly. As an example, the coverage of children’s issues in 2007 cited public policies in a mere 16% of the sample content.

Civil society, it should be stressed, is engaged in the development of an effective policy to address climate change in Brazil. In October 2008, the Climate Observatory (Observatório do Clima), which brings together a number of NGOs, submitted a document tilted “Elementos para Formulação de um Marco Regulatório em Mudanças Climáticas no Brasil: Contribuições da Sociedade Civil” (“Elements for the Formulation of a Regulatory Framework for Climate Change in Brazil: Contributions of Civil Society”) to the Brazilian government. The objective was to enhance the guidelines set out in the document by establishing goals and deadlines for Brazil’s transition to a low-carbon economy and accompanying reduction in greenhouse gas emissions.

The news media’s increased attention on government actions is the product of a series of factors, most notably, in the case of Brazil, more vigorous discussion within the executive branch on combating global warming, particularly in 2008. In June of that year, for example, the Brazilian executive branch submitted a bill to Congress on implementation of the National Policy to Combat Climate Change, the text of which precedes the National Climate Change Plan. Another encouraging trend in regard to the inclusion of public policies in the coverage involved the growing number of references to assessment measures, which climbed from 2.7% to 11.1% of the sample content (Table 28). By the same token, Table 29 reveal a modest increase in the inclusion of performance benchmarks, 3.3% to 5.5% – although extremely low, the figure points to increased media interest in tracking and evaluating government actions. The references to budget appropriations for climate change policies warrant mention as well. Of the total number of articles citing public policies (as

Evaluating public actions

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

defined in this document) in the two periods surveyed, 9.3% and 12.1%, respectively, employed budget data to supplement the coverage. It is always worth underscoring that consistent news coverage of public policy monitoring can contribute significantly to enhance the performance of government officials. As economist André Soliani notes, news coverage must not only track the allocation of public resources, but the outcomes of their investment. “Following the money spent by the State contributes to the debate on the best alternatives for accelerating socioeconomic development in Brazil,”1 concludes Soliani.
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Table 28
(% of articles on climate change focused on national or foreign executive branch – 23.2% in 2005/2007 and 32.7% in 2007/2008) Cites assessment Yes No Total 2005/2007 2,7% 97,3% 100,0% 2007/2008 11,1% 88,9% 100,0%

Articles citing public policy assessments *

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high

Table 29 Articles citing performance benchmarks of public policies*

(% of articles on climate change focused on national or foreign executive branch – 23.2% in 2005/2007 and 32.7% in 2007/2008) Cites performance benchmarks Yes No Total 2005/2007 3,3% 96,7% 100,0% 2007/2008 5,5% 94,5% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high

Table 30
(% of articles on climate change focused on national or foreign executive branch – 23.2% in 2005/2007 and 32.7% in 2007/2008) Cites government budgets Yes No Total 2005/2007 9,3% 90,7% 100,0% 2007/2008 12,1% 87,9% 100,0%

Articles citing government budgets*

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high 1 SOLIANI, André. Siga o dinheiro: orçamento e cobertura das políticas sociais in

Políticas Públicas Sociais e os desafios para o jornalismo. Cortez, 2008.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

MITIGATION AND ADAPTATION POLICIES AT THE CENTER OF THE DEBATE
The 2006 Stern Review strenuously argues that climate change will directly affect the lives of people everywhere. To minimize the impact, the various sectors of society should be mobilized for purposes of identifying urgent measures to confront the issue. With this in mind, it is imperative that mitigation and adaption policies are thoroughly threshed out and implemented by the competent officials as quickly as possible. The first group of strategies directly addresses the causes of the phenomenon, while the second places emphasis on the development of practices, products, and technologies capable of more effectively adapting themselves to higher temperatures. The paragraphs below endeavor to expand the debate on these two aspects and on how they are reported in the media, highlighting, in particular, government initiatives and examining the shared responsibilities of various social actors in their initiatives.
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MITIGATION POLICIES

Table 31

Notwithstanding the existence (or not) of a consensus on the most effective approach to climate change, an analysis of the international setting reveals a growing effort to enhance the debate on the different strategies in question. A series of initiatives have gained prominence due to the positions adopted by political figures, environmentalists, academics, and several other actors concerned with the impacts of climate disequilibrium on future generations.
(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Cites mitigation measures Yes No Total 2005/2007 45,9% 54,1% 100,0% 2007/2008 51,1% 48,9% 100,0%

Articles referencing mitigation measures*

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high

The data below indicate that these positions exercise a direct effect on the print media’s coverage, a finding demonstrated by the increase in the number of stories focused on the search for responses to the climate phenomenon (see Chapter 1). In line with this trend, the results collected in the two periods surveyed by ANDI point to an increasingly clear emphasis on adopting policies with a direct impact on the volume of greenhouse gas emissions.

Table 31 illustrates the growing coverage devoted to mitigation measures in recent years. The number of stories with references to these measures accounted for 51.1% of the total sample survey in the July 2007 to December 2008 period. In the first period, mitigation policies were cited in 45.9% of the articles. A shift took place in regard to the sectors to which the news media devoted its coverage of mitigation strategies. Energy issues, the overwhelm-

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

ing priority in the first period surveyed (45.1%), gave way to reporting on other areas, including:

• Industrial activities, which climbed from 6.8% to 10% of all references in
the sample stories;

• Carbon credit sales, wholly ignored in the first period, surfaced to account
for 9.8% of the citations; the sample total.

• The transportation system, references to which rose from 7.5% to 9.2% of
Significantly, forest and soil management emerged to become the most frequently covered impact area (25.4%). Despite the decrease in references to energy supply strategies, coverage of the sector remained substantial in the second period surveyed. The related emission reduction strategies basically centered on the substitution of fossil fuels with clean energy sources, especially ethanol, the widespread impact of which on media coverage was driven by the federal government’s affirmative internal and external campaign on behalf of ethanol. Table 32 Mitigation strategies by impact area*

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Carbon credits have gradually emerged as a form of environmental currency, which can be exchanged between countries and businesses that need to reduce their emissions. The carbon market was established under the United Nations Framework Convention to stimulate emission reductions in the developed countries. The strategy’s key instrument is the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) by which businesses and the governments of developed countries invest in clean energy projects in developing nations. By reducing emission levels, the projects generate credits which investors can purchase. Purchase of the credits enables wealthy countries to offset a portion of their emissions. There are other carbon markets that operate independently of the Convention’s mechanisms. The most noteworthy example is the European Union’s Emissions Trade Scheme (ETS), which sets maximum emission levels for various productive activities. Enterprises that successfully reduce their emissions below the levels mandated by individual governments can sell their credits to those not able to achieve the specified targets.

(% of articles on climate change referencing mitigation strategies – 45.9% in 2005/2007 and 51.1% in 2007/2008) Impact areas Soil and forest management Energy supply Industry Carbon credit sales Transportation Residues Agriculture Others Total 2005/2007 26,4% 45,1% 6,8% 0,0% 7,5% 6,4% 4,1% 3,8% 100,0% 2007/2008 25,4% 20,8% 10,0% 9,8% 9,2% 4,9% 3,0% 16,9% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high

An important finding in the two periods surveyed concerned the increase in references to the carbon credits market. Initially neglected by the print media, the strategy gained momentum beginning in the second half of 2007, when it accounted for 9.8% of the sample stories in the July 2007 to December 2008 period in which mitigation strategies were discussed. In addition, the increase in the “Others” category in Table 32 was due primarily to the growing emphasis given to public awareness-raising on

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

The seeds for the new agreement were planted in 2007 at the COP-13 in Bali. The agreement is expected to be signed at the Copenhagen Conference (COP-15) in 2009. The new climate accord will replace the Kyoto Protocol, which lapses in 2012. The underlying goal of the document is to renew the existing commitments in addition to establishing more ambitious greenhouse gas emission targets (the Kyoto Protocol provides for a reduction in greenhouse gases through 2012 of 5.2% at 1990 levels).

behalf of more prudent renewable resource consumption and to carbon emission offsets through tree planting schemes.

Discussing Emission Reduction Targets

Analysis of the data of the coverage clearly indicates the growing importance attached to the debate on the need for public policies that directly contribute to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Some of the factors which may have driven the reporting in this area include the negotiations on a new global climate agreement establishing innovative mitigation strategies will be established, particularly in relation to forest degradation and deforestation. The negotiating effort is founded on the idea that a mutual international agreement on the parameters, objectives, and goals to be achieved can serve as a valuable instrument for action in individual countries. However, the enactment of emission limits depends on a series of variables ranging from the political will of national leaders in each nation to the socio-cultural elements permeating the customs and habits of societies. Examination of the data below reveals that the Brazilian media has made progress in demanding effective action on this front, a trend reflected in the growing references to reduction targets in general, as well as the Brazilian government’s position on the matter. The coverage of targets in the two periods surveyed climbed more than 15 percentage points. While in the first period, a mere 15.4% of the content cited emission targets, the total rose to 32.9% in the second period (Table 33). Discussion of the Brazilian government’s position in this area followed the same upward trend. Between the first and second periods, the number of articles laying out the official Brazilian stance on emission targets increased from 3.7% to 11.8% of the sample survey. The rise offers a positive sign that the media has not only endeavored to portray specific aspects of the country’s reality, as discussed in an earlier section, but has sought to provide the public with information on the Brazilian government’s position regarding the international debate on emission targets.

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Table 33

Articles citing greenhouse gas emission targets *
(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) 2005/2007 15,4% 86,6% 100,0%

Cites greenhouse gas emission targets Yes No Total

2007/2008 32,9% 67,1% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high

It is important to point out that under the Kyoto Protocol Brazil is not bound to restricting greenhouse gas emissions, to the extent the limits established in the agreement apply only to developed nations. In the light of this exemption, the Brazilian government’s official position on the issue has not signaled any intention to adopt mechanisms of this kind under the new global climate agreement. Yet, during development of the National Climate Change Plan (Plano Nacional de Mudanças Climáticas), a preliminary version of which was released in 2008, environmental organizations and researchers exerted significant pressure on the government to establish specific emission targets. The mobilization resulted in the inclusion of benchmarks to combat deforestation in the final draft of the document, although greenhouse gas emission targets were left out of the plan.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 34 Articles citing the Brazilian government’s position on greenhouse gas emission targets*
(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) 2005/2007 3,7% 96,3% 100,0% Cites the Brazilian government’s position on emission targets Yes No Total

2007/2008 11,8% 88,2% 100,0%

Nonetheless, the progress achieved in securing a greater commitment level from the Brazilian government on the adoption of greenhouse gas emission warrants note. Among the guidelines provided for in the National Plan are:

• To double the country’s planted forest area from 5.5 million hectares to 11 million hectares by 2015; • To reduce deforestation in the Amazon by 72% through 2017 in relation to the average for the 19962005 period.

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*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high

• To recover 100 million hectares of degraded pasture; • To increase ethanol production by 11% per year and reduce Petrobras’s
CO2 emissions by 20 million tons through 2012.

ADAPTION STRATEGIES
The importance of this issue is reflected in various studies, such as the Stern Review: “Adaptation policy is crucial for dealing with the unavoidable impacts of climate change, but it has been underemphasised in many countries. Adaptation is the only response available for the impacts that will occur over the next several decades before mitigation measures can have effect”. STERN, Nicholas. The economics of climate change. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

For their part, adaption strategies received verily little coverage in the Brazilian media, particularly when compared to the reporting on mitigation measures. However, references to the related strategies did increase over the two periods surveyed, rising from 3.6% to 11.9% of the sample survey. It is interesting to note that the preference for mitigation measures is not unique to the print media. For quite some time, adaption strategies were largely absent from the discussions of administrators and opinion makers. As an example, an analysis of the major gatherings of world leaders between 2006 and 2008 reveals a debate far more centered on the need to reduce GEE emission than on the consideration of adaption strategies. Only after an acute acceleration and exacerbation of the impacts wrought by climate change – including widespread flooding in the South of Brazil (Santa Catarina), extreme temperatures in Australia, the imminent disappearance of small islands, or the world food crisis, to name just a few – did the need to merge the two strategies become evident. Experts on the issue argue that the investments in adaption strategies should be considered as urgent as those directed to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Table 35 Articles citing adaptation strategies*

(% of articles on climate change – 2005/2007 and 2007/2008) Cites adaptation strategies Yes No Total 2005/2007 3,6% 96,4% 100,0% 2007/2008 11,9% 88,1% 100,0%

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

DISCUSSING RESPONSIBILITY
As argued in Chapter 2, human activity has been increasingly identified as the primary cause of climate disequilibrium in recent decades. In this light, it is important to consider how the media divides responsibility among different social actors. Table 36 indicates that governments (national and foreign) were singled out for responsibility in a substantial portion Table 36 of the coverage. Taken together, the Brazilian government and foreign governPrincipal causes identified* ments were cited as the responsible agent (% of total news stories on climate change in which causes are referenced – in 24.2% of the sample stories beginning in 36.5% in 2005/2007 and 36.6% in 2007/2008) the second half of 2007, a similar finding to that registered in the first period surResponsible actors 2005/2007 2007/2008 veyed (23.7%).
Brazilian government Executive branch Legislative branch Judicial branch Regulatory agencies Foreign governments International organizations Private sector Society at large Sociedade em geral Individuals Others 8,0% 7,2% 0,4% 0,4% 0,0% 15,7% 3,0% 8,5% 7,2% 9,4% 4,3% 1,3% 10,7% 10,1% 0,6% 0,0% 0,0% 13,5% 5,4% 15,2% 3,7% 16,9% 0,0% 7,3%

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Another important aspect involved the increase in the number of articles attributing responsibility to the larger society. The coverage of this aspect rose from 9.4% of the total content reviewed to 16.9%. The trend causes some concern in that it reflects an over-generalized approach by some outlets, which appear to ignore the specific responsibilities of individual social actors on this front. Although the coverage displayed some constraints, significant progress was identified as well, including an increased appreciation for the key role the private sector plays in climate disequilibrium (8.5% to 15.2%) and the need, therefore, for strategies with a direct impact on the largest corporations and their executives.

The results of ANDI’s study point to an important shift in the hierarchy of actors Not identified 42,6% 27,3% deemed to have primary responsibility for Total 100,0% 100,0% developing solutions. If initially the coverage was based on the view that the respon*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of sibility to respond to the challenge lay with average or high foreign governments (24%) – and that the related solutions could be achieved through partnerships and agreements between nations, such as emission reduction treaties –, in the second phase of the study that responsibility was increasingly transferred to the national government, especially the executive branch (32.2%). It is interesting to note that other spheres of government, including the legislature, the judiciary, and regulatory agencies are by and large exempted from the responsibility of developing alternatives to the problem, with reference to these institutions made in less than 2% of the news stories on solutions throughout the survey period.

Who do we turn to for solutions?

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Table 37 Key actors responsible for solutions* The finding emerges in a context defined by the growing importance newspapers attached to the internal setting, as discussed in a previous section. To be sure, the initiatives undertaken by the Brazilian government may well have driven this process. Some of these measures include:

(% of articles on climate change citing solutions – 41.8% in 2005/2007 and 41.1% in 2007/2008) Responsible actors Brazilian government Executive branch Legislative branch Judicial branch Regulatory agencies Foreign governments International organizations Private sector Organized civil society Society at large Others Not identified Total 2005/2007 20,1% 17,8% 1,9% 0,0% 0,4% 24,5% 10,0% 17,8% 9,3% 4,8% 1,5% 11,9% 100,0% 2007/2008 32,8% 32,2% 0,4% 0,2% 0,0% 16,2% 3,5% 17,3% 10,3% 7,9% 6,1% 5,9% 100,0%

• The defense of Brazilian biofuel production at the World Food Security Summit in Rome;

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• The • The

negotiations with civil society and approval of the National Climate Change Plan; creation of an Amazon and Northeast investment fund.

*The table considers news stories rated with a climate change content density of average or high

An important finding involved the discrepancy between the coverage of the actors to which “blame” is assigned and those who, according to the media, are responsible for formulating solutions. Often, actors identified as key agents in the implementation of potential strategies to address the phenomenon were not identified, to the same extent, as principal sources of the challenge at hand.

The results obtained from July 2007 to December 2008 illustrate this tendency. While society at large was cited as the cause of climate change in 16.9% of the sample articles, it was identified as part of the solution in only 7.9% of the total. The same outcome applied to the Brazilian executive branch, singled out as the cause of global warming in 10.1% of the news pieces surveyed and as a potential instrument for its solution in 32.2% of the content.

Corporate Social Responsibility off the Agenda
In spite of the significant references to the private sector as a cause and a key actor in the formulation of solutions to climate change, Corporate Social Responsibility was virtually absent from the coverage in the periods surveyed. From July 2005 to July 2007, only 1.9% of the 50 sample publications cited this issue. In the following period (July 2007 to December 2008), the total was 2.5%.

Despite the apparent inconsistency, the data point to a positive feature of the coverage by underscoring the State’s regulatory role, even in those cases in which the root of the problem lies elsewhere – in the broader society or the business sector, for example. As argued by Nicolas Stern, whose report is cited throughout this document, the State has a responsibility to send signals to the market as to which mitigation actions can be considered investments. By the same token, it has the power to establish the parameters governing society’s efforts to develop solutions. The idea is not to exempt other actors from responsibility in the effort against climate change, but to reinforce the notion that an effective plan must not only include the State’s direct capacity to confront the challenge, but legitimate State action to set the rules of the game as well. ◆

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

C

Conclusions
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S

temming the advance of climate change is, without question, one of the major challenges facing contemporary societies. Indeed, this is why the issue is now part of an extensive international agenda involving a diversity of social segments – environmentalists, political figures, civil society, and a set of additional actors seeking to promote a dialogue on the causes and impacts of the phenomenon for future generations. In the light of the data presented in countless scientific reports in recent years, it seems reasonable to conclude that confronting the phenomenon should be a priority. The key question is: how do we do this? And, even more important: who bears responsibility for finding a way out of the problem? Unfortunately, there are no quick and easy answers to these two questions. But we can state that a joint effort is required to forge a path capable of steering us to more responsible consumption patterns with regard to the environment. We must have the courage to question the current development model and demand from our public officials policies that go to the heart of the problem. In arguing that the various social actors and institutions must contribute in some measure to the fight against global warming, we would like to return to a point made in the introduction to this text: how much has the Brazilian print media’s coverage contributed to this process? Before tackling this question, it is important to underline that the data presented in this analysis are among the most intriguing observed by ANDI in its 12 years of media research. Coverage of the topic manifested a clear evolution over the three and a half years of the survey, with particular note to the progressive shift from a predominantly international focus to the consideration of factors unique to Brazilian reality and local conditions, which has succeed in effectively establishing a link between a phenomenon of enormous magnitude and the daily lives of readers. And to be sure, innumerable experts in media and climate change advocate the adoption of news coverage that establishes precisely this type of connection. In analyzing climate change, global warming, or any other aspect of the phenomenon, readers must receive clear information on how the attendant changes will affect their lives. Also worth noting is the recent adoption of coverage based less on sensationalism and more committed to the pragmatic discussion of solutions. To this we can add the growing references to public policies and the Brazilian government’s position on the various challenges posed by the phenomenon. Discussion of budget appropriations and performance benchmarks reached significant levels, suggesting that news outlets have made progress

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

in contributing to the public oversight of government action in the area of climate change. Unfortunately, not all of the data are encouraging. Coverage of the topic displayed severe limitations, which must be faced directly. Primary among these was the disproportionate volume of coverage identified in the national newspapers. Publications of more modest circulation continued to manifest difficulties in respect to including the issue on their agendas. In view of this, strategies could be implemented to ensure climate change is incorporated on the agendas of regional and local newspapers. Another aspect requiring attention regards the scope of the debate. The coverage of climate disequilibrium by a significant portion of the Brazilian media continued to approach the phenomenon from an exclusively environmental perspective. To this end, it is imperative that the subject migrate out of the specialized sections of news publications and become a multidisciplinary topic that contemplates not only technical aspects related to the phenomenon but includes discussion of political, economic, and behavioral questions as well. The need to expand the coverage into other fields derives from the sheer number of sectors expected to suffer the adverse effects of climate change. Additionally, there is widespread recognition that the solutions to the phenomenon cannot be disconnected from the public policy realm, prevailing economic development models, or the consumption and behavioral patterns of contemporary societies. In this context, the print media must assume a responsibility to generate technical knowledge of the issue in other fields, ensuring as diversified a discussion of the topic as possible. We should also note that the overview drawn from the data collected by ANDI did not remain unchanged in the period surveyed. Progress was made in economic framing of the issue, yet we remain a long way from coverage that ensures a full understanding as to the gravity of the problems posed by the phenomenon to the key areas of human activity. As highlighted throughout this document, the limitations identified in the coverage can be transformed into strengths, to the extent they are employed as diagnostic tools to qualitatively enhance the climate change debate. Ultimately, confronting the challenges exposed by the analysis can serve to significantly advance the coverage of the issue, in addition to offering a clear path to its continued inclusion on the public agenda in Brazil. ◆
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Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

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Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

ANNEX I
LIST OF CONSULTANTS Paulo Eduardo Artaxo Netto
Bachelor in Physics, Master in Nuclear Physics, and Ph.D. in Atmospheric Physics from the University of São Paulo (Universidade de São Paul – USP). He is currently a full professor and head of the Department of Applied Physics at the Institute for Physics, USP. Artaxo Netto’s research work centers on the application of physics to environmental problems, primarily issues connected to climate change, the Amazonian environment, the physics of atmospheric aerosols, urban air pollution, and other topics. He serves as coordinator of the LBA Experiment Millennium Institute (Instituto do Milênio do Experimento LBA), a member of the IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change), and seven other international science panels. In 2004, he received a vote of applause from the Brazilian Senate for his scientific work on the Amazon environment.

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Paulo Roberto de Souza Moutinho

Bachelor in Biological Sciences from the State University of Rio de Janeiro (Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro – 1985), Master in Ecology from the State University of Campinas (Universidade Estadual de Campinas – 1991), and Ph.D. in Ecology from the State University of Campinas (1998). Currently, he is a faculty member at the Federal University of Pará (Universidade Federal do Pará). Moutinho serves as the Coordinator of the Amazon Institute of Environmental Research (Instituto de Pesquisa Ambiental da Amazônia) and an Associate Scientist at The Wood Hole Research Center. Moutinho has experience in the field of Ecology, with an emphasis in Ecosystems Ecology.

Eduardo Jose Viola

Bachelor in Sociology from the University of Buenos Aires (Universidade de Buenos Aires), with various graduate degrees, Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of São Paulo (Universidade de São Paulo – USP), and a PostDoctorate in International Political Economy from the University of Colorado at Boulder (1991). He currently serves as a full professor at the Institute of International Relations, University of Brasilia (Universidade de Brasília), and a member of the committee on the Human Dimensions of Global Environmental Change of the Brazilian Academy of Sciences. A pioneer within the social sciences in the study of the political economy of global warming, Viola previously served on the scientific committee of the Human Dimensions of Global Environmental Change Program (Bonn, 2002-05), the LBA Amazon Program (Programa LBA Amazônia – 2001-06), the Multidisciplinary Committee of the National Council on Scientific and Technological Development (2000), and the National Population and Development Commission (Comissão Nacional de População e Desenvolvimento – 1995-2004).

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

ANNEX II
Keywords
In the first phase of the study, an extensive list of keywords, developed with the collaboration of a group of expert consultants in the field of climate change, was employed. Following electronic capture of the articles and selection of the news stories, including those that in fact met the criteria established by the study’s coordinating team, some of the words utilized in the search system (in particular the most specific terms) were found to virtually never be applied separately from more general expressions such as “Climate Change” or “Greenhouse Effect.” Therefore, a decision was made in the second phase of the study to adopt a shorter list made up of the words deemed most effective for the proposed search. The two lists are provided below.
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FIRST PHASE General environmental topics 1. Environmental* (variations: environmentalism, environmentalist, etc. etc.); 2. Biodiversity; 3. Sustainable Development; 4. Ecology; 5. Ecosystem; 6. Earth’s Future; 7. Future of Planet Earth; 8. Environment; 9. Socio-Environmental; 10. Sustainability; General climate change topics 11. Global Warming; 12. Climate Scenarios; 13. Global Climate; 14. Greenhouse Effect; 15. Climate Equilibrium; 16. Climate Phenomenon; 17. Climate Model; 18. Climate Change; 19. Green Policies; 20. Climate System; Climate change agents/effects 21. Ozone Layer; 22. Fossil Carbon; 23. Carbon Intensive; 24. CFC; 25. CO2; 26. Fossil Fuels; 27. Desertification; 28. Deforestation; 29. Carbon Dioxide; 30. Carbon Emissions; 31. Fossil Emissions”; 32. Severe Climate Events; 33. HCFCs; 34. Sulfur Hexafluoride; 35. Hydrofluorocarbons; 36. Methane;

37. Nitrous Oxide; 38. Perfluorocarbons; 39. Burning; 40. Savannization; Climate change and national/international policy 41. Biblio Climate; 42. Climate Action Network; 43. Conference of the Parties; 44. COP; 45. Earth Summit; 46. Eco 92; 47. “FBMC” (Brazilian Forum on Climate Change); 48. Carbon Inventory; 49. Emissions Inventory”; 50. IPCC; 51. MDL (Clean Development Mechanism – CDM); 52. Clean Development Mechanism; 53. Mitigation; 54. Climate Observatory; 55. Post-2012; 56. Post-Kyoto 57. Proinfa; 58. Kyoto Protocol; 59. Protocolo de Quioto; 60. Prototype Carbon Fund; 61. Rio 92; 62. UNEP; 63. UNFCCC; 64. World Conservation Monitoring Center; Climate change and the economy 65. Biomass; 66. Carbon Neutral; 67. Carbon Credits; 68. Decarbonization of the Energy Matrix; 69. Low Carbon Economy; 70. Energy Efficiency;

71. Emissions per Capita; 72. Wind Energy; 73. Clean Energy; 74. Solar Energy; 75. Green Energy; 76. Renewable Energies; 77. Stabilization of Emissions; 78. Afforestation; 79. Carbon Intensity; 80. Clean Energy Matrix; 81. Carbon Market; 82. Coal Burning; 83. Offset Reduction; 84. Emissions Reduction; 85. Reforestation; 86. Carbon Capture; 87. Clean Technologies; 88. Green Technologies; 89. Economic Ecological Zoning. SECOND PHASE General climate change topics Global Warming; Warming of the Planet; Warming on the Planet; Change in the Climate; Climate Change(s); Climate Scenario(s); Global Climate; Climate Equilibrium; Climate Alteration/Alterations; Climate Phenomenon(a); Greenhouse Effect; Conference of Parties; COP; Clean Development Mechanisms; MDL (Clean Development Mechanisms – CDM); Carbon Credits; Carbon Market; Carbon Emission/Emissions; Emission Reduction.

Climate Change in the Brazilian News Media

Credits
ANDI – Brazilian News Agency for Children’s Rights
President: Oscar Vilhena Vieira Vice-President: Geraldinho Vieira Executive Secretary: Veet Vivarta

Prepared by Support

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ANDI • Brazilian News Agency for Children’s Rights Climate Change Communication Program – British Embassy in Brazil British Council in Brazil

Editorial Supervisor
Veet Vivarta

Editor

Aline Falco

Writers

Diana Barbosa, Fábio Senne, Guilherme Canela e Rachel Costa

Research Coordinator
Diana Barbosa

Assistant Coordinator
Naiara Rodrigues

Thematic Consultants Researchers

Eduardo Viola (UnB), Paulo Artaxo (USP), Paulo Moutinho (IPAM) Ana Potyara André Cidade Piauilino da Silva Andrea Ribeiro Bruno Gontyjo do Couto Hermes Pena Manuela Muguruza Osvaldo Assis Rocha Neto Paloma Maroni Rodolfo Ribeiro Kátia Sens

Graphic Design, Layout, and Cover André Nóbrega

ANDI – Brazilian News Agency for Children’s Rights SDS, Ed. Boulevard Center, Bloco A sala 101 70.391-900 - Brasilia - DF Telephone: 55+61-2102.6508 FAX: 55+61-2102.6550 E-mail: mudancasclimaticas@andi.org.br

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