Cultural Citizenship and the Creation of European Identity | Citizenship | Identity (Social Science)

Electronic Journal of Sociology (1997) ISSN: 1198 3655 Cultural Citizenship and the Creation of European Identity Juan

M Delgado-Moreira Madrid Spain Ministry of Education An earlier version of this paper was presented at the "Nation Creation and Dissolution" session at the American Ethnological Society Meetings, Puerto Rico, April 21, 1996. Mary Rauner, Phil Lowenthal and several anonymous reviewers helped me by comment ing on various drafts. This essay compares the concept of cultural citizenship, based on an anthropological study of Latino communities in the United States, with the proposal of European identity made by the European Union Administration during the past five years1 . Cultural citizenship and European identity are considered two contemporary and circulating discourses on the relationship between cultural identity and citizenship. Firstly, the essay explains what is to be understood by each. Se condly, it summarizes the main differences between the two and discusses each dimension. Finally, it concludes with a critique of the current European identity project. Cultural citizenship is the oxymoron that some American anthropologists use to describe chicano's claims and ideas on citizenship, in certain towns of certain states of the United States (Rosaldo 1994a, 1994b, 1994c). European identity is what I call a project, or more precisely, a desire of the administration of the European Union, as expressed in texts of European law, court cases and other official sources of news and reports2 . Hence, the concepts of cultural citizen ship and European identity differ in nature, content, context, original data gathering procedure and means to access secondary data. The possibility of a comparison and the dimensions that will be used demand more explanation. According to Bachelard (1960), the conquest of the object against common knowledge is the first step of the cognitive process. It involves an epistemological decision. As distinct realities and words, cultural citizenship and European identity speak th e untranslatable languages of their particular circumstances. As logics or styles to address the relations between identity and citizenship, both are positively focused on how differences leading to cultural identities participate in larger political unit s. Political and social sciences need a type of analysis in which they are allowed to deal with identity and citizenship as if they were groundless inventions, discourses and practices in continuous remaking. Social constructionism is an approach that emp hasizes the creative as well as the reproductive activity of individuals and collectives. Both cultural citizenship and European identity, though from different angles, advocate for ideas which are not being upheld by the majority. The two of them stress the process of spreading certain values and constructing more suitable institutions. In

how it will relate to postnational states. from one type of data of a particular source. The American performance in the international arena casts the image of a solid political nationalism. From the outside there is but unity and American nationalism. localism. Th e terms and the interest of the comparison rely on its theoretical relevance. how it could overcome the limitations of the state and embrace the body of human rights in the context of globalization. Discourses ought not to be mistaken for their speakers. the methodological rationale is the same: structural analysis to determine the ideal typical constructs. My choice of working at the level of the discourse and centering on its structural dimensions does not imply that I forget the conditions in which they are produced. In fact. not on its representative capacity. They already appear stripped of context and practical implementation in their original form. which in turn could be used by software of quantitative content analysis as search topics throughout the larger body of texts. Hence. both of them remain public discourses. any refer ence to nationalism pointing at a foreign affair. See Delgado and Gutierrez (1994) for further explanation on what I understand by structural analysis. both intend to define their communities and. True. Yet it is the opposite of what an European perspective expected in the context of a nation of immigrants. They emerge amid questions on whether citizenshi p is still meaningful. coming from the new country that championed citizenship as the bedrock of a nation. Having granted that. transnational movements. for it takes part in the larger wave of identity politics. the analysis chooses to follow the conventions of the early stages of qualitative structural analysis. reposition not only the meaning of being European or American. the constructs elaborated do not become the ideal of cultural citizenship as a whole nor the only existing European identity. also utilized by structuralist anthropology in its analyses of myth. the creature of European political economy. It focuses on the design of the dimensions. Moreover. politics of citizenship or group politics. It equals to part of a semiotic approach common to both the Russian and the French school. The discourse analyzed reveals the large degree to which the position of a widespread feeling of identity of the union is a desirable asset. The importance of this politics in America's so ciological agenda is conspicuous. In this regard. From the inside the discussion is about multiculturalism. the mere presence of cultural citizenship is a discovery in itself that calls for further research. but also what identity or culture a re in themselves. On the methodological stand. I single out cultural citizenship and European identity because they are the most relevant positions in the contemporary debate of citizenship. the Latino understanding of cultural citizenship is not the only cultural citizenship available. it doesn't even represent all the practices associated with cultural citizenship by the members of the communities studied. given the present sociological agenda. Along the study. Rosaldo's account of cultural citizenship does not represent all kinds of cultural citizenship in America. European identity is analogous to the United States in subverting expectations. although without any of the original formal notation. Consequently. This analysis concludes that there are other projects of European identity at other levels o f the Union precisely because it selects only one. believed to improve the odds of survival of a multinational and .doing so. which had a remarkable civil rights decade. and enjoys the status of in ternational superpower. Neither do I intend to extrapolate their dynamic. what is more. They also have in common their eluding earlier assumptions from external observations. highly rhetoric. although the discourses are brough t to our attention by different means.

Muslims. However well meaning. More categories could be added and rearranged. The comparison will be articulated in several categories and dimensions. the world system perspective has increased our awareness of the importance of trans-national influences and worldwide processes in shaping national and local phenomena. Much work should be done to turn this categorization into an interdisciplinary tool for international comparison. political and social citizenship. though it is my contention that none of the following can be removed. The six dimensions stem from three levels of the discourse: the level of the process of production (context). cultural citizenship and European identity share a creative selection of historical background. which side of European roots do we study as influencing most the present strategy of the European Union? We might correctly answer warfare and genocide. The European consciousness is so concerned about escaping from these events that any form of racism or nationalism is now called neonazism. Yet this is only the case once the Mexican side is taken for granted as a unit already formed from acculturation of native cultures under the Spanish conquistadors. In summary.multicultural union. the conditions are different. There might be no apparent similarities between cultural citizenship in the United States and a Europe that fears "balkanizat ion" and looks at its past as a "phantom" to avoid. The American observer would have expected a focus on this diversity and a defense of a political corpus of transna tional citizenship deprived of any ambivalent emphasis on "identity" of the union. European identity amounts to a surprise in a continent that is said to have come back from too many experiences of the drama of too much "identity". the types of influences he or she is willing to consider and the viewpoint to adopt. But this depends heavily on how the analyst draws the limits of the relevant periods of time. Dominant and minority discourses on violence and identity are at the roots of all political institutions based on territory. know better. but the formula is the same of earlier European experiences. European historic background of European identity experiences the same distress.e. either in form or historic context. empires. This argument is also facilitated by considering all points of history and nations as potentially comparable in regard to ethnic violence and discourses of identity. Similarly. rightist extremism in Southern France or Northern Italy are among outbursts of national ism and racism in Europe that have little to do with the Holocaust and WWII. i. Moreover. among others. Basques. If nothing else. Furthermore. Jews. its structure). including historic influences in any study requires making decisions in need of a broader background which is beyond the scope of this paper. However. For one. In addition to this relevance. These dimensions are essential to any analysis of any text and especially relevant in this analysis because of t heir showing the contrast between the . it doesn't rec ognize that the discourses and their actors have drawn distinctions of this kind. It works as though by resorting to the label we could scare away the feared repetition of the horror. the level of the narrative (how the action is organized. and the level of the content (what is said). the situation of Dominicans or Moroccans in Spain. this categorization fosters the impression that racism and genocide were invented in Europe in the twentieth century. this alternative seems to suit better the strategy of a prospective superstate. Arguably. and Scots. se e Netanyahu's thorough research (1995) on the annihilation and expulsion of Jews in XVth century Spain. In the American case the interaction between the Mexican American minority and the Union seems well defined in time and space. in its present form it is supported by the consistency of a minimal structural analysis of both discourses. As cultural citizenship is to a country built upon civil. nations. Which past will be on the pedestal? Or if we take the stand as analysts.

In a typical narrative pattern there exist the hero's strategy (B) to overcome or outsmart or simply bea t the rival's resistance (C) in order to attain a goal or object (D). none answers the question of how the protagonists are going to achieve their political goa l. nor an allor-none issue. dimensions E. F and G are made up of native statements of social and anthropological theory. mostly by doing fieldwork as partici pant observers. what is said regarding citizenship and cultural identity. It is a claim to the right to be different and to belong in the nation-state's democratic life. F and G arise from questioning the content. Cultural citizenship defends that peoples may continue to be different yet contribute to a participatory democracy.two discourses. cultural identity and the relationship between the two as general categories. cultural citizens hip is not a theoretical oxymoron. I should highlight that what these three boxes read is not apropos Latino or European identity only. B is an empty category on the level of what is said by both terms compared. They roughly correspond to essential pillars of many narratives as they were remarkably analyzed by Propp (1958) in the Russian folktale. the critique should also bear in mind that neither discourse fills the category itself. Notwithstanding. to cite the classic dichotomy once championed by the English philosopher David Hume. Rosaldo's particular account provides access to the core of that discourse.cultural citizenship. its structure) I select categories B (political strategy). It might seem that Latino cultural citizenship discourse couldn't be but internal and that labelling European identity as externally produced is an understatement. As Rosaldo points out. Cultural citizenship designates a corpus of discourse captured by several researchers. Rather. New York City and San Antonio and how they conceive of community and their belonging to America as an oxymoron -. in part. cultural citizenship offers the . which are by definition crosscultural and thus. 1. it is what each of them implied concerning citizenship. Instead. From the first level (Category A. "From the point of view of subordinated communities. Why should the Administration of a successful economic union speak of European identity fro m an imaginary external point in regard to all identities of the member states instead of doing it from the internal perspective of transnational practices? Why should the discourse of Latino communities speak of identity from an internal perspective when they seek economic and social entitlements. Los Angeles. both provide much information on a meta-discursive level. Yet such a prejudice would incur in the post hoc ergo propter hoc fallacy. In other words. The Oxymoron of Cultural Citizenship Rosaldo (1994a) labels the position of Latino communities in San Jose. Ultimately. Never theless. "Latino's identity is. shaped by discrimination and by collective efforts to achieve full membership for themselves and their culture" (Rosaldo 1994a:57). Other scholars such as Lévi-Strauss or Girard are found in this tradition of structuralists. content production) I select "from where" and "to whom" the discourses are launched. Any critici sm targeting this issue would be justified. This is the part that relates closer to a standard contemporary content analysis and remains open to broader research. Dim ensions E. shared with other minorities and low-income white families? The structure of this discourse should not be taken as a matter of fact but as a crafted relation of ideas. and this is the one finally chosen to enable some comparison between strategies. From the level of the narrative (how the action is organized. C (political rival) and D (political goal). Whereas C and D have been filled with the explicit obstacles and goals defined by the discourses.

chaos and conflict"6 of every kind (military .possibility of legitimizing demands made in the struggle to enfranchise themselves. With regard to the end and means of having European identity. there exists the need for identity at the level of the Union. there are some differences in content and s cope between cultural citizenship and the leftist politics of citizenship proposed by Hall and Held (1989). and stands for social change. They are not merely imagining it (Rosaldo 1994a). self-esteem one pays to the minority. The more identity. there is a circulating idea on the need of consciousness of European identity which is being systematically sponsored by the Administration4 of the European Union. This model also bears an ethic that resembles a zero-sum game3 -. 2. economic and political) and to help achieve cohesion. etc. This leap brings cultural citizenship in line with what has been called the politics of citizenship. history. gays. churches and activist groups" (Rosaldo 1994a:61). people speak of citizenship by means of a continuum drawn from the ir everyday conditions. Rosaldo applies the core of cultural citizenship to other social movements and vulnerable minorities: people of color. solidarity. well-being and respect" (Rosaldo 1994a:57). In Search of European Identity Beyond the existing icons of Europeanisation. subsidiarity. sharing a destiny and so on. It is left wing in new politics of citizenship. The process of collectives coming forward to participate in everyday democratic life is about creating America. culture. Like Hall and Held (1989). the less of the sa me can go to the mainstream. and lesbians. These demands can range f rom legal. economic theory. European identity has to crystallize. A European identity is necessary for the European Union to avoid "fragmentation. I shall refer to the Latino case only. language. However. By means of citations and paraphrases. The mainstream puts pressure on minorities to make their differences melt into the national community of the nation. Since cultural citizenship is about claiming and expanding rights in the community. political. it goes hand in hand with a "micropolitics that seeks cultural citizenship in one's plural communities neighborhoods. so as to remain within the empirical references of cultural citizenship. That is to say Europeans have to increase the feeling of belonging together. Otherwise the threat of dissolution will come from both inside and outside. the previously mentioned metaphor of the melting pot is an ideology of coercive assimilation in the national project. As Hans Van Den Broek7 suggests.the gain of one is always matched by a loss by the other. women. social. and economic issues to matters of human dignity. diversity and institutional reform. But they all have to be subjectively effective. I shall outline how this discourse works in official texts of the European Union5 . recent immigrants. workplaces. There are two typical contexts for the use of the word identity in the treaties that regulate the European Union from which I have rephrased the last paragraph. Such identity has to b e perceived as clear and distinct from both . ethnic common destiny. It takes on the struggle of people in subordinated communities. These demands often take the shape of "first-class citizenship". concertation and cooperation.state model. Almost all potential sources of a European identity are welcome: political and ideological beliefs. that is. geography. First. the texts are highly redundant. In this approach.

Once this has been settled." However. by means of which the WEU would become the "defense component" of theUnion (today there are members of the European Union which are not members of the WEU). Such understanding of defense identity is effective today. the "hierarchical levels of belonging" tell us that the Union is to get a consciousness and a culture of the same kind of the nations. Only national identity is visible: other sources of a plural culture coming from outside the national identity (immigration).inside and outside.. the Union is perfectly aware that such a model deals with a problematic integration. Agnelli's outline of the priorities of Italian Presidency for the first semester of 1996. the emphasis on the more inclusive set. blossoms all over European policies. The idea of a European audiovisual policy to lay the foundations of European identity is deeply rooted on the Union project since the Single European Act (1986) .. Article F of the Maastricht Treaty reads "Union shall respect the national identities of its Member States". social movements) do not appear to make the selection. It is the same model that Shore (1993) reports having seen pictured by European Administration representatives when asked about the issue. As the Declaration on Western European Union (WEU) reads. the European identity. there is the need to respect existing national identities of the Member States. the Treaty only links identity to defense. one step of critical importance to build such a "genuine European Security and defense identity" is the progressive merger of Western European Union and European Union. as is shown by Mrs. On the other hand. published on July 29. As we shall see.. . Secondly. delivered to the European Parliament on 1/18/96: "External Security. For instance. which could be defended as a matter of justice or equal opportunities are stressed in their consequence of strengthening the European identity. The European Union must assert its external identity by exercising an "irreplaceable" stabilizing influence. Likewise. The Commission Work Program for 1993/94. Bearing in mind that the introduction of common protection arrangements for citizens of the Union in third countries will also strengthen the idea of European solidarity as perceived by the citizens in question. 1992) emphasizes the European identity as a goal to achieve in military defense.. being independent and asserting its identity on the international scene. addresses the continuation of an "active audiovisual policy designed to promote more extensive cultural exchanges which will accentuate the European identity". In spite of that. based on a common defense. Herein after I shall use brackets to insert remarks)." (Italics are mine. What is widely known as Maastricht Treaty (Treaty on European Union. these two aspects (European identity and respect for national identities) set up a segmentary-type model of belongings. ethnonational minorities. Decision of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States of 12/19/95 on protection for citizens on European Union by diplomatic andconsular representations reads: "Whereas such common protection arrangements will strengthen the identity of the Union as perceived in third countries. or below the national level (regions. dated on 2/14/93. when the Commission advocates the insertion of a policy on tourism in the European Union Treaty (Green paper of 6/20/95) it argues that "tourism contributes to promoting a European identity". A report on the functioning of the Treaty released on 5/10/95 broadens the meaning to all Union's external dealings "where it will have to bring a genuine European identity to bear". Many legal or economic harmonizations. Taken together.

and is subject to review by each succeeding generation. Yet. There is of course no clear definition of the word "European". the Commission put together the European identity and article F of Maastricht Treaty (on democracy and respect to human rights) and reached the following conclusion: "A state which applies for membership must therefore sat isfy the three basic conditions of European identity. such as "to act more effectively and visibly in areas of great symbolic value. historical and cultural elements which contributes to the European identity. the few official texts that deal with such a problematic topic present a circular approach. youth. Upon Russian claim to membership of the European Union and on external relations of the Union with Russia.Even the minor proposals. The Commission believes that it is neither possible nor opportune to establish a definition". which are ca pable of contributing towards enhancing shared community values (culture. A previous Commission report on the Criteria (7/3/ 92) went farther in line with it: "The shared experience of proximity. Moreover. released on 9/27/95 echoes that the desired adoption ofa European citizenship. ideas. More subtle is the Commission's evaluation with Cyprus' application recognizing that i t has "the kind of European identity that suits it . The official reports on external relations or reviewing applications of new members offer a good deal of information in this regard8 . Later in the paper. health care)". values.) to fostering the spirit of European cohesion and identity in a way which will st rengthen the sense of a common European identity amongst all the citizens of the Union". democratic status... the report will stress the need for spelling out such hostility by preparing "an explanation in clear language which citizens can understand". European identity is both something out there and something that we [European Union Administrati on] contribute to developing and whose border we [European Union Administration] administer. It would therefore appear neither possible nor desirable [for the inside] to lay down once and for all the borders of the European Union. Returning to more central examples. as a transparency measure whic h could also help to strengthen the idea of belonging". tourism. as regarded in Maastricht Treaty itself. they do not think it appropriate to develop either the content or essence of the concept". unless that perception is corrected. The Commission's evaluation of Sweden's application (7/12/92) is consistent with these criteria and highlights "her important place in European history and culture". such as that of Luxembourg on providing access to European Union Institution Libraries (3/7/95) emphasizes it as "an important contribution (. and historical interaction cannot be condensed into a simple formula. "is perceived as a threat to national identity in some Member States. The report reflects as well on "the possibility of holding a referendum at Union level on certain matters of general interest. the agenda of the Italian Presidency. When it comes to reflect directly on what European identity is. and that. As the Commission rightly says. the Economic and Social Committee states on 1/26/95: "Under Article O of the Treaty of European Union any "European" state m ay apply to become a member of the Union. education. Ukraine and Belarus. which will need to emerge gradually over an extended period of time". despite a hesitant tone. the expression embraces geographical. as reported by the Reuter European Community Report on 12/18/95. and respect of human rights". the progress report on the preparation of 1996 Intergovernmental Conference. includes provisions to boost European identity.

as in French and American membership". by whose selection the European Union matches the traditionally considered political and ideological content of the nation-state project. other endeavours point more direc tly to economic and even sociological features as solid ground for European identity. Political strategy . This section introduces a comparative discussion in terms of each dimension. yet the second case hastily stresses the defensive responsibility of European Union. b) A Reflection Group's report (12/5/95) distinguishes between the states. Although they address all contemporary concerns of the European Union. cultural citizenship and European identity. 3. balanced and lasting settlement of the conflict [with Greece]" (cited in Goebel 1995). Content production 1) Observer 2) Addressee/actor CC 1) Internal 2) Collective 1) External 2) Individual EI B. political rival. idea of cultural identity and relation between citizenship and cul tural identity. the intended addressee is not European identity or the nations. In addition to democracy and human rights. I find slightly different understandings of identity inEurope in only two isolated cases. a) The Committee on the Regions (11/16/94) discuss the principle of subsidiarity9 and appeals to the "integration of citizens". idea of citizenship. which is to protect "our plural identity". CC stands for Cultural Citizenship EI stands for European Identity Brief Description CC: Right to cultural difference and participation in Democracy EI: Need to combine national identities in a concentric system under a shared global identity A. In the preparation for the Greek presidency (1/6/94) the Greek Prime Minister said to the Commission "it is vital to bring the Union closer to its citizens and to preser ve the European model. political strategy. political goal. Europe faces complexity. Comparing Cultural Citizenship and European Identity Projects The two projects. The citizen and decentralisation (in terms of subsidiarity principle) are the goals to attain. Nor is it the region or the people. which "continue to be the bodies mainly responsible for ensuring economic and social cohesion" and the need for European integration. namely the right to work and to fair and satisfactory pay". differ in various dimensions: content production. although it would be advisable for this country to reach a "peaceful.

culturalism 2) National citizenship Relational. objective EI: F. interior 3) Everyday shared lifestyle EI 1) Opposition 2) Boundaries. Idea of citizenship CC: EI 1) Particularism. exterior 3) Common heritage. Political rival CC 1) Universalism 2) Second-class citizenship D. multiple centers 5) Political activism 6) Micro 1) Concealed relation w/ social sciences 2) Grounding 3) Top down 4) Officialism. Idea of cultural identity 1) Continuum of differences CC 2) Collectives. politico-economic and cultural rights. Political goal CC: EI: Multicultural State National Superstate E.1) Open relation w/ social sciences 2) Grounded 3) Bottom up CC 4) No periphery . political and technological landmarks in . subjective Individual politico-civil and trade-related rights. central administration 5) Consciousness 6) Macro EI C.

citizen. European identity. ethnic separatism and the like. Content Production According to Rosaldo (1989). . the idea of European identity is targeting the individual. On the other hand. etc. comes forward because it is supported by the community. By means of a self-observation loop. Meanwhile. It mobilizes every single person in every single space. The subject of both political action and sociological description is the collective with awareness -. Distinction between periphery and center is erased. Underneath the states level. cultural citizenship is built by and for collectives.there is a family resemblance between the two of them. as cultural citizenship shows and European identity project conceals. The oxymoron is enacted by collectives as much as collectives are the addressee of the oxymoron. Whereas cultural citizenship arises as a bottom up construction. cultural citizenship. job. Politics and social sciences are interwoven. a spirit of time. the mall. and have to be explicitly discussed. She or he is inside the system. it is easy to follow the commonalities between scientific and political statements -. Also. in creating the European identity. workplaces. while cultural citizenship is grounded in an ethnographic description of people's claims. the observer intends to draw a distinction from the outside and describes the needs of the inside as an omn iscient observer. Yet a noteworthy difference remains. the observer who is to deal with cultural citizenship has to situate him or herself. housing or dignity and respect. etc. European identity is grounding in traditional fears of Political Science such as social chaos. The former. Relation between citizenship and cultural identity (other than the union's) CC: culture AND citizenship EI: culture OR citizenship A. B. church. defining its own content and limits. European Union Administrat ion has split into observed European Union and observing European Union. the European Union Administration wants the described hierarchy of identities to grow in the voter. for there is no outside. has to gain public support whereas the latter. taxpayer. This political activism implies certain micropolit ics that the collective lives by: demands in neighborhoods. In both cases the relationship between social sciences and politics is an issue.the group raises its voice because the individuals are lacking education. the collective is seen as an activist. On both sides . European identity is a top down one. the ultimate subject of political action.history G. They are not American citizens the way they wanted. Political Strategy There are several differences between cultural citizenship and European identity in term of the s political strategy that they deploy in posing their ideas. In the position of cultural citizenship. The people create and negotiate what America is and define their own community.

Waever and Kelstrup (1993:84) designate this project "to square the European/national circle: make Europe a nation-state of the nation-states Europe". Eth nic wars in Eastern Europe are a source of concern for the European Union. military forces. cultural citizenship intends to remove the actual different classes of citizenship based on economic. universalism has even rendered ethnic minorities invisible in the United States. Political Rival The political rival of cultural citizenship is the universalism that dismisses the local and cultural attachment as incompatible with universal values. cultural and subjective conditions of the people are greatly overlooked. It comes from the administrative center and moves towards the periphery. democracy being one of them. civil. Conversely. European identity does not need political acti vism on the part of the citizens. They are embodied. Inequality affects the exercise of citizenship entitle ments. it has been said that some candidates to membership of the European Union from this region should not be "too ethnic". the European Union Administration seems to hold the idea of sponsoring an official coming-of-age of the consciousness. In addition to that rivalry. languages. the banner of these values have match ed the interests of only a portion of the society. Far from rootless social engineering. C. D. In cultural citizenship. The forthcoming European citizen consists of a general holder of economic-related rights in the public sphere 11 . for the time being. economic and cultural rights and duties. it seems as though they (statesmen) did what they know (building states) the best they can10 . European identity faces its limits when confronting culturalism or particularism at the national level. educational. In contrast. the European identity project is to turn the emerging superstate into a political consensus and a national narrative. As Johan Galtung highlights. In the past. In this view. This project does not aim to make the b elonging from scratch. Idea of Citizenship Cultural citizenship and European identity sustain two types of citizens. The political. if they seek admission.). European identity is closer to the liberal concept of citizenship: comprised of political and civil rights in the public sphere. in time for it to go through some technical simplifications (currency. E. Unlike cultural the same time maintaining cohesion and identit y at the union level while respecting the nations. In that regard. Political Goal Cultural citizenship aims to unfold a multicultural state where every minority contributes. national citizenship as we know it is both reportedly threatened by European identity and reluctant to holding European citizenship. Elsewhere. Also . it is within this context where any political relation between cultural minorities and citizenship is seen as a resistance to the state. the "more of the same" dynamic seems sufficient to face the current problem of European identity -.European identity bears a macropolitical project: the worth of achieving a wide European ide ntity would be cohesion in the political union. etc. citizenship is about political. shaped and spoken from a cultural background to a rela tional context. In setting such a goal. The European Union applies the same nation state invention to a larger scale. and ethnic issues. but only needs simple awareness of the cultural basis underlying the European Union. law.

which I have kept away from my discussion. a. collective sources of identity at the state l evel and underneath.overlooked is the relational context and cultural background in which these condi ions are created t and interpreted. Unlike cultural citizensh ip. The emphasis goes to the political drawing of the boundaries. as forming European identity. The idea that these two goals can be attained together without contradiction and wi thout threatening the national unity is simply out of the European identity project. Citizenship can i nclude local interpretations and cultural forms away from the universalism of disembodied political values. or those of the state. The main concern is how these identities oppose one another and how they will oppose the idea of Eur opean identity. there exists a continuum of differences significant to people. Nor have we addressed "multicultural" provisions adopted by several states under the . I am aware that cultural citizenship discourse has links to a political background in campus and nationwide polity. Hence.a. culture being the local. a group has no rival in the different groups per se. Idea of Cultural Identity In terms of cultural citizenship. and the idea of citizenship described before. The making of this cohesive identity appeals to the historical heritage that comes from memorable developments in polity and technology12 . G. If there is one thing that cultural citizenship shows it is that there were and still are other ways to square the circle as long as some of the initial assumptions are questioned. But we have not studied the praxis of regulations issued by the European Union in the name of European identity project. I t does not emphasize the frontiers of the group. In this context. for the European identity project there is tacitly a choice between culture and citizenship. It is consistent with this logic to create an enemy from the rivals. The result follows the familiar route: Gr eece-Rome-Christianity-RenaissanceWestern democracy. the proposal of European identity does not address how to benefit from national and cultural differences. Relation Between Citizenship and Cultural Identity Cultural citizenship connects culture and citizenship. be at the same time different in culture and first-class citizens --. but points to which is common ground for all differences. In addition to this. the claim to cultural citizenship is pointing to participation in democracy at every level. the designed citizenship of the European Union would be a mixture between certain universal values. The opponent is whoever rejects the possibility of the oxymoron -. differences do not necessarily challenge the union or attempt to segregate13 . In principle. The emphasis relies on how to overcome them. it understands that quotidian life experiences are the source and touchstone of identity. Taking the cultural citizenship discourse as an example. F. Conclusion for Europe The comparison between cultural citizenship and European identity sheds new light on the hazards that the European identity project conveys. Its content description shows that it has two aims: first-class citizenship and respect for cultural differences. Moreover. 4. It is a discourse in which there is no concept of "the Other" as a rival cultural group. 1994).k. This launching of European identity and the making of its discourse provide a magnificent example of identity and opposition being built simultaneously. which has been called the "from Plato to NATO" definition of "Western Civilization" (see Shore 1993:792.

Then. the reconstruction of tradition by violent means (Giddens 1994). I argue that the way in which the European Union is launching European identity is that of an official nationalism.) Like it. European identity resembles the style of nationalism and imperialism that flourished in Europe after 1850s (Russia. it certainly poses the problem in a subtler manner and reaches beyond the segmentary models of belonging.. Likewise. the historical context for the launching of European identity does not prescribe its identity or how such European identity is to be promoted. I seek both intentions and side-effects or unintended consequences. I ask what these "descriptions" are or might be doing to society. These words ar e repeatedly assembled with this significance in the analyzed texts. AustroHungarian Empire. and aims to be effective in terms of propaganda. should Europeans strengthen the idea of European citizenship based on transnationalism. hu man rights and constitutional principles 16 . with special regard t o the rights of second-class. economic or legal inequalities to penetrate and shape the idea of a European citizenship? If so. European identity is meant to respond to threats of national populism. and the grounding of economic and social inequities in cultural and even biological differences (Ferrarotti 1993). In following the chosen procedure to do so. supporting it as the true uniqueness of European historic identity? If so. primary education. The supposedly necessary and inevitab le aspects of reality have to be temporarily bracketed off in an epoche-like turn. or positio ned observers. etc. ethnic minorities (traditional and new14 ) and so on. The multiculturalist group politics of the American style is not a solution to the European identity p uzzle.. To reconstruct social analysis in the light of situated knowledge. Should Europeans strengthen the mechanism of the ethno-national border and allow national. not with impact-evaluation. under a constructionist approach. minorities. British Empire. For European nations to achieve a European Union beyond the economic level. rewriting of history and affirmation of identity.supranation al level of the European Union. low-speed or ex-communist citizens. Since the union is meant to be truly democratic and sensitive. they have to step back from the idea of nation and start working towards a plural and cultural citizenship. partial perspectives. we may face the escalation of nationalism. But in addressing how to deal with citizenship and cultures. It wholeheartedly wishes to create a superstate. we might face again the same consequences. but it also ignores the relationship between them and the future European identity and citizenship. minimizing centralization and empowering local administrations. without becoming victims of their own success. References . I concur with declaring pluralism or barbarism (Liebich 1995:38). Our major investment should go to designing pluralism in citizenship as the crossroads of globalization and localization. intends to overcome the pressure both from underneath (unemployment. militarism. As distinctions made by observers. Using Anderson (1983) as a frame of reference.) and outside (growing immigration). Both the input and the outcome of this essay deal with the project-making terrain. There should not be a perceived threat in identity terms15 . there should be no more need for inter-state cultures to split out and attempt the construction of a homogeneous nation-state . Not only does this nationalism fail to relate the European identity with all the cultural network in the nation-states.

61-74. & Held. Morphology of the folktale. London. B. Netanyahu.Anderson.Fordham International Law Journal. La formation de l'esprit scientifique. 12(1):1-19 Hall. Nelson. New York: Random House. Marquardt. Agnes (1992). J. Europe: An Epilogue? In The Idea of Europe. Problems of National and Transnational Identity. Benedict (1983). Berg. Benzion (1995). London. D. Polity Press. In Citizenship East and West. Identity and Solidarity in the complex of citizenship: the relational approach. A. Living in a Post-Traditional Society. The European Union Grows: The Constitutional Impact of the Accession of Austria. 12-25. Roberts & W. Jürgen (1992). Vladimir (1958). Citizenship in its international dimension. Politics. London. Bachelard. Andr Liebich. In New Times. December: 616-640. B. Metodos y Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion en Ciencias Sociales. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. International Sociology. Galtung. (1992). Sven (1992). (1989). Donati. Paris. Messina. International Journal of Politics. Indiana University. Imagined Communities. Kegan Paul international. London. Lash (Eds). Verso. Citizenship and National Identity: Some Reflections of the Future of Europe. Velt (Eds). Hall & M. Citizens and Citizenship. Tradition and Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order. Beck. 7(2): 163-171. Liebich. Nelson. The two tiers of ethnic conflict in Western Europe. 10(3): 399-314 Ferraroti. Europe in the making. D. New York. Who Needs European Identity and What Could It Be? In The Idea of Europe. Anthony M. Paul (1994). The origins of the inquisition in fifteenth century Spain. We Have Never Been Modern. Praxis International. Papcke. The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs. Velt (Eds). Anthony (1994). Pp. S. In Reflexive Modernizations. Bloomington. The Changing Face of Politics in the 1990s. Propp. U. Gaston (1960). S. Bruno (1993). Pp. Problems of National and Transnational Identity. Fordham International Law Journal. Goebel. Heller. J. New York. Latour. (eds) (1994). Delgado. Taylor & Francis. Cambridge. . Harvester Wheatsheaf. 18(4): 1092-1190. Berg. Vrin. Giddens & S. Pp. Prospects for Multicultural Societies in Europe. & Gutierrez. Roger J.M. Sintesis. Subsidiarity and Sovereignty in the European Union. Roberts & W. 56-110. J. D. Giddens. Franco (1993). Lawrence & Wishart. Johan (1989). 16(2):50-64. Madrid. Culture and Society. Finland and Sweden. Daniel Warner and Jasna Dragovic (Eds). Pierpaolo (1995). (1995). Andr (1995). New York. Jacques (Eds). Habermas.

1995. 10(4): 347-367.. ECTY and ASIL files (European Treaties and Agreements) ECCASE (European Court of Justice cases). Man. J. Rosaldo. Schierup. Rosaldo. 239252.). in the broadest sense. Manchester University Press. Inventing the "people's Europe": critical approaches to European Community "cultural policy. Buzan. Ministerio de Come rcio y Turismo. (1994b). Boston. Cultural Anthropology. 5. In The anthropology of Europe. Rosaldo calls this logic "the ethic of the pie' or 'hydraulic model". 2. Endnotes 1. participation in sectorial meetings. Intergovernmental Conferences. Social Justice and the crisis of national communities. R. C. Shore (Eds) Oxford. I resort to my yearlong research experience on the impact of the Uruguay Round regulations over Spanish Industrial and Trade Companies. R. In addition. B. PoLAR. Madrid. The European Union Administration. Cultural Citizenship and Educational Democracy. A European dilemma: Myrdal. . See 1994b:403. b) this period coincides with the studies on Latino communities that led to the development of a particular use of cultural citizenship. Rosaldo. Pp. and Reflection Groups. Identity. 17(2):57-63. F. I have searched the following full-text on-line databases: CELEX (European Communities law). Barker. The original search request was EUROPE! W/20 IDENTITY OR COHESION W/20 UNION. The study consisted of nine chapters devoted to the principal headings of GATT regulations. M. Llobera.410. Kelstrup. International Sociology. Shore. The European identity debate is older than these events. O. & Black. I choose to begin my analysis in 1990 because of two reasons: a) there has been an increase in the focus on the construction of the European Union in and after Maastrich t. 4. New York. See La Ronda Uruguay del GATT: Impacto sobre la Empresa Espanyola. Beacon. & C. through the mediation of European Union policies. Migration and The New Security Agenda in Europe. Berg. P. Renato (1989). Carl-Ulrik (1995). 3. elit e interviews and a poll to the top 100 Spanish companies that trade outside the EU. For a methodological justification of this procedure in the early stages of qualitative data analysis see Delgado (1994). (1994a). 275-298. 9(3): 402-411. the American creed and EU Europe. All of them are available via LEXIS-NEXIS. econometrical analysis and qualitative data gathered in conversations. Iversen (Eds. Cultural Citizenship in San Jose. R. Hulme & M.Rosaldo. Shore. COMDEC (European Commission decision s applying fair competition rules) and ECNEWS (news from the European Union filed by agencies). Waever. San Martin. Culture and Truth. includes the activity of the Commission. Chris (1993). (1993).R. California. V. (1994c). Pp. "Citizens' Europe and the Construction of European Identity. Goddard. In Colonial discourse/ postcolonial theory. Council. They combine law comparison. 28(4): 779-800. A (1994).

Papcke points to the invention of the individual and his/her free will. and Corsicans in France. Goebel (1995) provides further details on the last negotiations with candidates. Among the traditional. 12. Also. and even the NATO a s a separated structure. 13. 9. the Europe of peoples. Walloons in Belgium and Belgium's Flemish population. Regardless of whether the listing is complete. Their interests collide in different ways that are often expressed in identity conflicts. built in the traditional seventeenth century style. Unlike Rosaldo (1994c). See Marquardt(1994: 637-640) for an understanding of subsidiarity as essentially corrosive to the nation state. and the aspirations of the new ethnic and racial minorities. For a critique of the liberal concept of citizenship see Donati. At the same time. Messina has devoted several pape to the interact ive "two tiers rs of ethnic conflict": the traditional ethnoterritorial and ethnonational minorities. contextual and focused on social aspects. 7. 10. the Europe of local governments. He coins "societal citizenship" as an alternative. this superpower is likely to rewrite the history of previous rises a nd falls of European giants. 14. Heller (1992:12-15) does not hesitate to name this project "a revival of Euro pean Enlightment". See Papcke (1992) for an approach to European identity that stresses this historical interconnection and addresses it as typically European. 11. Catalans and Galacians in Spain. For Galtung (1989) there is no doubt about the future development of a European superstate.6. which takes care of and coordinates social policies in a non-monopolistic and non-residual manner" (1995:306). he depicts the importance of applications for t he perceived success of the union. being relational. Although focusing on the constitutional impact of new accessions rather than on cultural aspects. the notion of political liberty and the emergence of civil society as the truly core of Europeanness. Alsatians. In addition. I shall note the emphasis on the traditional aspect. Citation from keynote address by Jacques Santer. Northern Irish Catholics. 3/17/94 on The Challenge of a Wider Europe. Schierup (1995) and Waever (1993) have cast their doubts on the future of the United States as one united country. I am aware of the ambivalent meaning of this concept. geographically and historically interwoven. 8. Citation from the European Commission Press Release. He argues that the alternative is the resistance of other Europes as distinct projects: the global Europe. it is held responsible for more centralization and more decentralization. His concept "envisages and indeed promotes an as sociative. in contrast with newer minorities who settled in Europe during recent immigrations. Brussels. In his view. Bretons. in the framework of a welfare state that ensures a smooth operation of the citizen's rights and duties through a relationoriented management. see Latour (1993) and his analysis of the Constitution of modernity. Messina (1992:52) lists the Scots and Welch in Britain. 10/3/95). . It is widely admitted that the Maastricht Treaty intended to protect the sovere ignty of the states. Basques. Speech delivered to the Institute for European Studies. President of the European Commission to the World Telecommunications Forum 1995 Opening Ceremony (Geneva. most competent and self-managed citizenship.

Copyright 1997 Electronic Journal of Sociology . Their connection in history is accidental. In his opinion. Along with a liberal immigration policy. informed by moral principles. and the active praxis of citizens. 16.15. Habermas (1992) defends a new European citizenship stemming from "the same universalist rights and constitutional principles which are marked by the context of different national histories. there is tension between citizenship and national identity. the constitutional aspec t would have to be the core of European Union and an active part of a world citizenship. See Waever (1993:23) and his concept of societal security for an analysis of security concerns of the political agenda in several European countries. Switzerland is an example of how c ommon politico-cultural self.image stands out against the cultural orientations of the different nationalities" (1992: 12).

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