Sub-grid Science: Urban Weather Research since ca.

1950 Vladimir Jankovic Centre for the History of Science, Technology and Medicine The University of Manchester [This research is part of the project on Climate Science in Urban Design: a Historical and Comparative Study of Applied Urban Climatology (UK ESRC Research Grant RES-062-23-2134). Please do not quote without permission. References to follow].

Introduction The domination of global scales in weather and climate modeling has created a lasting effect on the selection of issues in the twentieth-century atmospheric sciences. The focus of much of numerical weather prediction since the 1950s had been on large-scale weather systems such as midlatitude circulation, the upper-air planetary (Rossby) waves and regional weather forecasting. Far from being the only or even the most obvious approach to studying the atmosphere, the global bias is an outcome of a series of political, institutional and theoretical developments which continue to exert the influence on current practices and perceptions in earth sciences and larger culture. The discussions on how to tackle the global climate change – together with negotiations on international level on how to mobilize world nations to contribute towards mitigation efforts – confirm the importance of global scale of environmental issues as one of the driving forces in, again, global approaches to understanding and addressing such issues. Talk about ‘the global’ and ‘the globe’ has grown to the point that many analysts and academics speak about a global era, ‘a time in which no units of scales count for much except the globe.’ (Tsing 2000, 328).

IPPC has commissioned a new panel chaired by Arnulf Grubler from Yale University to investigate the overall relation between urban settlement patterns. through concrete practices of coping with large-scale environmental events in the communities affected by flashfloods and tornadoes. While this may be obvious enough. the climatologist Toshiaki Ichinose from Nagoya University complained about his difficulties in including a section on ‘urban climate’ in the chapter ‘Atmosphere’ for the Fourth Report of UNEP Global Environmental Outlook. demographic growth of the twentieth-first is predicted to occur almost entirely in cities. or. In a recent post from International Association of Urban Climatology. not to say that such commentators ignore the fact that large scale trends make sense in their local manifestation. a particular city was hit by extreme atmospheric conditions.This is. non-linearity and turbulence. small-scale phenomena such as urban weather remain below the threshold of visibility in representational tools and are thus willy-nilly rendered less relevant as meteorological events and building blocks of climate policy. either through adaptations to global products and services. it fails to gain a prominent epistemic place on the map of global climatological concerns. Metaphorically and literally. heats and tsunamis.’ While this attitude is changing in recent years – for its Fifth Assessment. Reviewers declined his contribution on grounds that ‘urban climate is not a global environmental issue. droughts and blizzards. smaller scales have been rarely treated as sui generis: if. This is surprising in the face of the fact that world cities account for of 75% of global energy consumption.and urban-scaled research . The UK ESRC project which this research is a part examines the historical circumstances behind the invisibility of urban weather sui generis. 80% of GDP and 60% of luminosity. the theoretical. energy and climate – Ichinose’s experience confirms the predilection for imagining the climate as a global entity driven by forces that are teleconnectically integrated into a sort of synergetic whole – pardon the expression – and which make the globality of weather and climate epistemologically superior to petty locality of daily cognition. local heat sources. and the specificity of urban/rural form. 50% of population. Outside the specialist field of urban meteorology. buildings. however. Perhaps due to their mathematical intractability. the city is rarely described as a producer of weather and when and where it is seen as such. for example. as was the case during the Chicago 1995 heat wave that killed in excess of 700 people. Here my concern is to briefly reflect on how the small. subjectivity of lived experience. pavements. pertinent to this paper. And while they comprise only 3% of land area. or lack of green space. and only occasionally towards the small-scale features of the ‘city-made weather’ resulting from the artificial effects of urban infrastructure. methodological and political history of atmospheric sciences makes it hard to see how such local scales can gain a wider scientific and political recognition and incite a bottom-up approach of global crises. the attention is usually first directed toward the synoptic (large-scale) features of the weather as it was manifested in the city.

Neither I’ll be able to talk about the obviously related issues of parameterization. This is a large area of research and in the interest of time I cannot discuss technicalities of the grid-construction and its relationship with atmospheric modeling. as these would raise issues beyond the remit of this paper. Mannheim (1952). meteorology and climate research since ca.developed in the aftermath of World War Two and then proceed to raise the question of whether our awareness about this research can equip us to better understand the intractability of current global environmental crisis. in particular. In the concluding remarks I propose that the relatively marginal status of urban meteorology sheds new light on the status of ‘anthropogenicity’ in climate science and relevant policy documents. Early History: In Europe. studies have repeatedly confirmed the distinctiveness of urban climate. My concern is rather to alert you to the existence of urban meteorology (and say a word or two about why this would even matter). data assimilation and so on. Montreal (1954) (Landsberg. The introduction of the so-called tiled-land surface models – which account for the sub-grid heterogeneity by calculating an energy balance for each element (tile) within a gridbox – has enabled modeling of subgrid land use. The scientific study of how cities change their own and regional climate has been known for more than two centuries and many. However. make ‘visible’ on the grid – even the major cities of the world. agriculture. the progress is slow and with mixed results (Best 2006). Even the highest resolution of regional (meso-scale) models is at a scale greater than can explicitly represent urban phenomena. and has given the opportunity to include cities within models. The problem: This paper is only partially concerned with grids. Leningrad (1939). Uppsala (1950). construction. As a consequence. 1956). nesting. In contrast with the specifically numerical treatment of cities as meteorological phenomena. To begin with the relatively obvious: the current grid resolution of operational weather forecast cannot resolve – i. I use them to introduce the issue of scale in environmental sciences and.e. Budapest and Paris (1947). cities have been usually ignored in such models. there is a tradition of (mostly) descriptive urban meteorology which has by and large escaped historians of environmental sciences. . 1950s. boundary conditions. I would argue that some of the reasons behind this intractability reflect the condition that is sometimes referred to as the ‘politics of scale’ – or ‘ideologies of scale’ – which has significantly shaped environmental policy but which rarely comes to the forefront of informed analysis or public debate. albeit unsystematic. small-scale weather studies emerged during the early modern period as a response to issues in public health. including Moscow (1928).

miniature climate. Whereas the countryside radiated its daily heat into the night air. weather events in cities were ‘contaminated’ by factors invisible in synoptic meteorology. and radiation) did not follow the ‘synoptic’ laws of atmospheric motion. Rudolf Geiger’s (1894-1981) work on climates near ground (1927) and Albert Kratzer’s Stadtklima (1937). working at the Meteorological and Climatological Institute at the University of Munich. Germany had taken the lead in the science of small climates. in addition to a bibliography of over 250 titles. chose the term Kleinklima in his Das Klima der Bodennahen Luftschicht (1927). new terms gained currency: local climate. street layouts.’ Piecing together data from a tract of land populated by the 2-meter shelters led to the construction of ‘large scale climate’ which played both the scientific and national role as . Schmidt’s micrometeorological observations in an urbanized area (1917). He argued that with the extension of observational networks during the nineteenth century. dust. Father Kratzer (1905-1975). based his study on the early investigations of urban climate in Berlin at the end of the nineteenth century and gave a summary on all literature on city climate published prior to his time. The London chemist and cloudclassifier Luke Howard (1772-1864) was among the first who studied urban atmospheres. His weather statistics of London revealed the existence of what is now known as the ‘urban heat island. The urban weather could be seen not only as a natural feature of local atmosphere but a phenomenon controlled by the fabric of the city. transportation. But Geiger was not happy with its scientific status. a Benedictine monk. darkness. Rudolph Geiger. humidity and radiation. His notion of ‘included’ atmosphere referred to a scale that was not only smaller than that of the free atmosphere but also a space in which the physical properties (winds.pollution. vol 1. parks and green-roofing. To avoid errors. influencing public decisions on housing. and pollution shaped thinking about the ‘physiology’ of the densely populated areas. peculiar climate. Wilhelm Schmidt (1863-1936) and August Schmaus (1877-1954) furthered Luke Howard’s discoveries into micro-studies of urban precipitation. In this sense.’ Howard connected an artificial excess of heat in London with the domestic and industrial emissions that warmed up ‘the included part of the atmosphere’ (Howard 1833. and architecture. wind speeds. His Stadtklima was translated into English by the US Air Force in 1956. and was arguably the first modern description of the state of the art in urban climatology. 13-14). urban climate. By the fin de siècle. national services agreed on ‘the most suitable exposure’ of 2 meters above the ground to diminish the influence of the layer adjacent to the ground. With the above studies. humidity. During the nineteenth century. was. Dirt. the city’s surfaces reflected the heat on each other and stayed warmer during the night. scientists became aware that the consistency of measurements depended on the exposure of instruments. What followed was resurgence in research topics such as Georg Kraus’s (1841-1915) investigations on the ‘Climate in the Least Space’ (1911). the city became the site of sanitary intervention and planning. which Geiger informally termed ‘zone of disturbance.

in microclimatology the two formerly contradictory extremes seem to join hands’ (Geiger 1956. and the tradesman and inspired the planner in thinking about ‘the street construction. had long suffered from industrial pollution. It served the farmer. Stuttgart’s municipal meteorology indeed remains one of the best examples of how local concerns. Schwalb’s energetic leadership paved the way for two generations of Stuttgart climatologists which have thus far produced an unusually detailed set of models and atlases of urban airflow and temperature anomalies. street width and land use. xx). local government and local capabilities could result in tangible mitigation results even before there was anything like a global . xix) Geiger thought that microclimatology first appeared in Germany because of the lack of living space and ‘the consequent necessity of getting the utmost out of the earth’ (Geiger (1927) 1956. the municipal council of Stuttgart founded an urban climatology department led by the meteorologist Karl Schwalb who. the specialist departments and the borough departments during the implementation of the before mentioned tasks’ (Reuter 2009).exemplified in the multi-volume Climatic Information on the German Empire published by the German Imperial Weather Service during the 1920s. it gradually became imperative to look at the weather situation in the zone of disturbance: ‘it was soon found that all plants have their lives conditioned by that very zone of disturbance which had been so meticulously avoided in meteorological observations’ (Geiger (1927) 1956. Stemming from practicalities of agriculture and urban congestion. and its depth to undue specialization. Not to mention that the department had an influence on the planning strategies of the city which included the preservation of cold-flow corridors. According to these regulations ‘the head of the climatology department can immediately communicate with the concerned town hall’s departments. railroad building. the doctor. Following the establishment of the national Act of Health Care System from 1934. his aerial hygiene informed a regulatory policy that included regular consultation with the mayoralty and district authorities with regards to meteorological and noise abatement issues. Schwalb was consulted in 1948 during the development of the city’s General Building Site Plan and in 1953. An industrial city placed in a valley and subject to winter inversions and summer heats. house construction and the establishment of communication systems […] While formerly the extent of science has led to the leveling out of research. the height of buildings. As the increased interest in meteorological information for economy made large-scale climate annuals too general to be of use. charted the city’s ventilation paths as crucial for maintaining air quality.1 Three case studies Stuttgart The city of Stuttgart was an early example where the joining of hands between theory and practice produced some of the most interesting and lasting effects. xxi). with the instruments provide by the Chemical Investigation Office. microclimatology helped reduce hazards in an industrial civilization.

the Yugoslavian city of Skopje ran an international planning competition won by Kenzo Tange. His proposal for Skopje included a detailed micrometeorological modeling of the airflow in relation to city structures. a Japanese architect from the Metabolist movement who played a role in the reconstruction of Hiroshima (Lin 2010. Nicole Baumueller. The team examined the relationship between the velocity of air currents . Courtesy of Prof Dr Jurgen Baumueller and Ms.climate change [NB: Stuttgart’s case is one of the main subjects of our project. Stuttgart was not the only example of using small-scale meteorological studies in city planning. Linz. zoning policies and urban development (Leavitt. Stalingrad. New York City. documented through a series of oral histories and interviews). 1957) especially with regard to air pollution and urban-generated heat (urban heat island). cold-air corridors. Kanze’s team used model experiments to investigate the effect of tall buildings in the exterior zone of Skopje on the airflow in the urban interior. EPA 1971). green areas and the city grid). Skopje. Munich and Skopje were other cities in which local weather and wind information helped inform reconstruction. Following a major earthquake in 1961. Stuttgart climate analysis map 1992 (including wind roses.

In 1955. University of Michigan. During the 1946 meeting of the Committee on Air Pollution. similarly insisted that ‘applied meteorology has a substantial contribution to make in the campaign for clean air. a member of the Committee and Chief of Scientific Services in US Weather Bureau – and one of the most influential meteorologist in postwar era – argued that understanding of the weather conditions in relation to air chemistry was ‘necessary in planning the zoning of cities or in the development of new industrial areas’ (Wexler 1948). and the relative location of buildings with respect to streets. Harry Wexler. Different model designs resulted in different airflow patterns and Kanze used the local wind rose chart to choose designs that had least impact on wind velocities in hope of reducing the effect of air pollution. Wendell Hewson. urban meteorology in the US had shaped in response to municipal and federal concerns over air pollution. open spaces between buildings. Tange’s simulation of airflow through Skopje’s model City Wall (1962). US EPA Special Report. starting with those on flat terrain and then looking at more complicated .and the height of buildings. E. In line with European developments.’ He saw a need to approach the problem on a city-by-city basis. December 1971.

No meteorologist in a department whose job is the air around us. TV speech). the leading US climatologist. New York The air pollution became a major issue in a New York mayoral election in 1965. a self-evident point that has rarely featured in the histories of either of the fields. later. Education and Welfare (Sewell. written for the US Department of Health. Now any New Yorker can tell you that it’s when the layers of air above us arrange themselves in such a way that our pollution can’t float away – and instead just hangs at street level in a stagnant pool… Commissioner Heller recognizes the need for enforcement […] but at the same time he’s working on long term solutions. the issues of dispersion were assimilated into security considerations. Imagine that. Heller outlined a five-year scientific study and inaugurated a network of aerometric stations with the goal of releasing daily records to the public. Heller as the Commissioner of the Department of Air Pollution Control (DAPC) in May 1966. Hewson focused on dispersion of pollutants and the downwind concentration in relation to wind speed. Until he came. Lindsay praised Heller for introducing urban meteorology into the process of control and mitigation: ‘A few years ago. 1968). and Cooper Union in developing basic studies of our traffic pattern. turbulence. The early attempts to model the city atmosphere studied singlesource and. but a department is already working with Columbia. While the application of such ideas remained sporadic at best. witnessed by the Air Resource Laboratories’ and ESSA’s volume on Meteorology and Atomic Energy (Slate 1968) and Human Dimensions of the Atmosphere. and a host of new devices that may hold down pollution at its source’ (Lindsay 1967. Dispersion plume modeling formed a good part of postwar research. the department never had a meteorologist on its staff. Briggs 1965). Not only do we now have a meteorologist. broadening and becoming more numerically-intensive during the 1960s (Högstrom 1964. One of the challenges in the pollution modeling was to account for the diffusion features of plumes from industrial stacks. Turner 1964. Lindsay appointed the public health expert Austin N. and continued to be a central issue in the new Republican Administration of Mayor John Vliet Lindsay (1921 – 2000). Pooler 1961. NYU.geographies. multiple-source diffusion of aerosols and pollutants (Frenkiel 1956. Meade and Pasquill 1958. Bruce 1964). . the scientific study of city atmospheres had picked up in pace during the 1950s. In 1961 Helmut Landsberg. Lucas 1958. During the 1960s. it would have taken a meteorologist to tell you what an ‘inversion’ of the weather was. and diffusion (Frontier 1955). envisioned an interdisciplinary approach to air pollution as an element of urban meteorology. our weather and air currents.

NYC Mayor John V. suspended particulates. The authors framed the policy in terms of ‘air resource management’ (ARM) based on a network of 37 aerometric station for the measurement of sulfur dioxide. dust fall. DAPC was also developing contacts with Columbia University School of Public Health and Administrative Medicine to establish an Institute of Air Pollution Research devoted to investigations on medical and biological effects of air pollution. US National Archives. smoke shade. They also developed with New York University a program of academic . Lindsay after a ‘smog tour. The full outline of this research was published in DAPC Annual Report for 1968. Courtesy of Roger W. wind direction and air temperature. Washington DC. Eardley-Pryor.’ 29 July 1966. carbon monoxide.

schools. Why all this detail? My point is simply to highlight the great level of interest – political. Skype 2011).2 . Simultaneously a network of SO2 sites had been established to initialize the model and provide it with boundary conditions (Davidson 1967. $1m) to chart an inventory of the sources of sulfur dioxide on a grid half a mile by half a mile (very dense for the times and unusual even today).). 10 Coast Guard bases. In 1964 Davidson had accepted an invitation to build a team for the ca. The New Jersey based Sign X Corporation was hired for helicopter measurements to collect data for temperature profiles around sunrise The team laid down a network of measurement sites and asked local participants to send wind measurements. then at the NYU Bronx School of Engineering. Robert Bornstein (grad student at Bronx NYU campus) collected the data and calculated the average wind speed direction from anemometer records (Bornstein to Jankovic. and Bornstein et al. sanitation. Davidson received funds (ca.endeavor with emphasis on the meteorology of air pollution. 5 million project on the meteorology of the Planetary Boundary Layer. It seems to me to be of importance to realize the possibility of constructing a dense grid of observation at the time when the global circulation models and worldsystem models were dominating the work in the field. 4 military bases (Air Weather Service and Naval Weather Service). 29 public agencies and institution (Public Health. and street canyon turbulence. 14 industrial sites. The wind network consisted of 14 airport stations (assisted by the National Weather Service and Federal Aviation Administration). public and scientific – in the work of a very small group of urban meteorologists who received support to build observational networks and meteorological products for investigating the scales considerably below the resolution of general circulation models (ca.’ concluding that ‘our Department is probably the first city agency in the nation to effect such an arrangement’ (DAPC 1968). The rectangle was 220 km long in the E-W direction and 110 km long in the N-S direction. Druyan 1968. 1976). Data were used to study the effects of synoptic features on mesoscale flows and mesoscale trajectories and urban-rural wind velocities differences (Bornstein and Johnson. an experiment was run in New York City to test the feasibility of tetroontransponder balloons for tracing air movement. headed by Ben Davidson. etc. In June 1965. 1977). 100 km). DAPC hoped that such a combination of actors would result in ‘the cross-fertilization of the academic and operational branches of applied science and basic research. Davidson’s associate in the project. 15 utility companies. pollution concentration. The experiment obtained information on air trajectories. and 11 sites established by New York University. and especially on the effects of the sea breeze on air pollution transport and dispersion in the metropolitan area. This cross-fertilization became institutionalized in NYU Air Pollution Dynamics Project of 1964-68. This grid consisted of 97 sites located in a rectangle centered on the west side of mid-town Manhattan.

The imitative reflected WMO's concern to encourage national weather services from their focus on aviation and maritime forecasting. and New York to show that the story of post-war meteorology need not necessarily be written in terms of largescale numerical modeling. Skopje. 1972 2. Moreover. industrial cloud initiation. and canopy studies. and carbon dioxide .What does it all mean? I have mentioned Stuttgart.. the urban atmosphere (or technosphere) has always been treated as contaminated and unrepresentative of the processes in the free atmosphere. Hebbert and MacKillop 2010). From the human and economic perspective. Ironically. ‘building specifications and architectural design. human health and disease. decreased sunlight. to a wider engagement with social and economic stakeholders and the smaller-scale research in the social ‘zone of disturbance. a major meeting on Urban Climates and Building Climatology jointly sponsored with the World Health Organization in Brussels in 1968 was the first in a regular series of scientific conferences.. street canyon turbulence. air pollution’ (IJB. however. not the atmosphere (Blühdorn 2000). The Sixth Congress in 1971 renamed the Commission for Climatology as a Commission for Special Applications of Meteorology and Climatology (CoSAMC). the layer is inexhaustible in meaning. and a global science of climatology.’ In 1968. health hazard and urban planning. synoptic weather prediction. From the point of view of continental and global scales. urban runoff island. maintaining its biocentric character over the course of modern history. during the last sixty years. urban climatology has become a thriving sub-field of meteorological research. defined by change and chance. air pollution. Urban heat island. With the institutionalization. construction and other industries (. It was first endorsed by World Meteorological Organization in 1951. Geiger’s ‘zone of disturbance’ has never received a public acclaim commensurable with that assigned to academic work on global atmosphere and the numerical weather prediction of national weather services. For most of the time. urban meteorologists were interested in the technosphere. Indeed. if anything.) to special problems of the environment such as human ecology. a larger portion of human population is already a subject of dramatic climate change on local level and of a magnitude larger than is predicted for the global atmosphere in the next several decades. street advection and urban heat island to road meteorology and sky view factors to traffic induced turbulence. flashfloods. land transport. Neither is it necessarily to be seen as a study of the physical atmosphere independent of anthropogenic factors. split thunderstorms. and despite such developments. these cases prove that the interest urban in weather responded to environmental plight. the research has become increasingly fine-grained and down-scaled with topics ranging from solar geometry. and military applications. whose mission statement made explicit reference to the application of meteorology to problems in land and town planning.

urbanization. This bias is additionally manifested in carbon-centered mitigation policies which are promoted regardless of whether the quality of urban life depends of reduced emission or bad planning. lack of green belts or some other factor. but their plight is becoming visible only because smallscale climates are now imagined as places where global climate change manifests itself. As Delaney and Leitner (2007) point out. scale is defined by the choice of actors and agencies involved in environmental negotiation. rather than a ‘place’ of weather events. Imamura. in other words: the culture of global climate consciousness does not recognize the importance of taking urban weather as sui generis and the results which the tradition of municipal meteorologies produced in the last sixty years. land use. seem to be written by an alphabet of global climate change. relevance and power. Garden. during which the placement of imperial naturalists in research sites across the European colonies spurred correspondence and cross-continental comparisons of climate that led to a widespread anxiety over climate change caused by deforestation. and made the landscape a part of climate. Richard Grove (1995) identifies this as one of the earliest constructions of a ‘global’ climate. Making this choice is not a given – just as the scale of a process is not a given – but contingent upon the context. Their local effects. The history of this process in climate sciences reaches back to the eighteenth century. The politics of scale The notion of ‘politics of scale’ or ‘ideologies of scale’ – or just ‘scale making’ – has received attention in recent geography and environmental studies (Swyngedow 1997. Lebel 2005). To me this condition is a result of a particular politics of scale. 2005). This also prevents the possibility of using the tools already available in fighting environmental stress on local level. we see this top-down culture in situations when people struggle to understand whether a single heat wave. One might additionally look at the ways in which scientists from this period imagined the atmosphere as a ‘vessel’ of physical processes.‘dome’ have all plagued metropolitan areas for longer than is usually acknowledged. or a hurricane represent instances of global change. as painful and fatal as they might be. Many of our interviewees have noted that the resurgent interest in urban mitigation represents a top-down policy driven by ‘downscaling’ of global scenarios. as if their local manifestation does not make sense without a global driver. Tsing 2000. As national interests in global weather observations can motivate countries to spend resources on the world network (Edwards 2010). Urban populations have suffered a climate change for at least a century. whereas the rules and knowledge of the state have much bigger scope and significance’ (Lebel. so the national framework of the problem/solution complex describes local-level knowledge as ‘local in scope. I argued (2001) that this imaginary changed the perception of climate as part of the landscape. On a more informal level. I now realized that . a blizzard. The global approach is triumphant again.

this was not an irreversible process and that.’ This is precisely the approach used in the contemporary framing of climate change. And perhaps most important in these concluding remarks is the fact that urban meteorology is. For one. ecosystem. Murphy and Sellers explain (2004): ‘[T]he points of intervention recommended by UNEP scientists-enhanced technoscientific surveillance. As Mitman. a science defined by the concern with anthropogenic production of weather. its technoscientific production emphasized particular scales molecular. But the brave new weather of global warming is not the only kid in town. international cooperation between scientists and government officials-were largely predetermined by the modes of representation through which the Brown Cloud had become an artifact of expert and elite concern. planetary in which environmental health problems as well as solutions were conceived to reside.’ Crucially. we must attend to the contingencies involved in scale making and un-making: ‘Globalism’s automatic association of particular scales with particular eras’ – such as is usually performed in thinking about the nineteenth and twentieth ‘networks’ of observatories and episodic traverses of large tracts of land and water – ‘makes it very difficult to notice the details and idiosyncrasies of scale making’ (Tsing 2000. a model based on ‘intergovernmental harmonization. which is by definition about the ‘natural’ weather behavior of planetary and regional proportions. following Tsing’s advice. intercontinental comparisons of climate (and climate change) were known since at least late seventeenth century and were in full blow a century later (Vogel 2011. For this science. . And secondly. that is. this particular framing of global scale embodied an American approach to thinking about science and political order. This contrasts with the subject matter of meteorology of large (non-anthropogenic) scales and general circulation models. A recent example is the Asian Brown Cloud which has become a global health problem partly through the virtual technologies and media coverage and partly because of the choice of techno-political solutions recommended by the United Nations. as the authors point out. technical assistance and international cooperation. 348). general meteorology has seen Earth as uninhabited. Framing this global problem through a technoscientific imaginary. Fleming 1998). Because the process is framed in the universal terms of greenhouse effect and because the effect enfolds in the whole of world’s atmosphere. there is no weather first and ‘man-made’ weather second. local ‘anomalies’ and locally-induced extremes were subject of research from at least early nineteenth-century. as has always been. the mitigation of adverse developments is always phrased in carbon-laden language. Urban meteorology has from the start seen it inhabited. Until recently. the UNEP report engaged in a politics of scale.

launched 25 red and yellow helium-filled balloons from the top of Rockefeller Center in an experiment designed to trace the path of air pollution. The experiments received good publicity. W. ‘Analysis of low-level. D. 2 W. H. Hoeker. Benline. Pack and J. some of which were related to health.000-mile-long sewer from the California coast" (NYT obituary). A. residential solar heating.H. Arthur J. urban induced rainfall and so on. some to architectural conditioning and others to climate 1 The story is more nuanced. especially when one considers the military and economic rationales for large-scale climatologies developing during the post-war decades. Angell. The city. dressed in what for them were working clothes. Hass. K. In October 1965.’ Quarterly Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society 93 (1967): 483-493. . being "the place at the end of a 3. constant volume balloon (tetroon) flights over New York City. the Commissioner of Air Pollution Control. Benline said. It is further enriched by the plethora of new concerns. and six Radio City Music Hall Rockettes. bioclimatology of housing.Climate Science in Urban Design: a Historical and Comparative Study of Applied Urban Climatology http://bit. exported far less dirty air than it received.