The Role of Nationalism
and the Orthodox Church in the of 1804
Clinton, NY May 1995
Charles Yocum Rist. 402 - Sr. Project Grade: A Chuck, This is an excellent senior project. Your essay addresses a key issue in understanding the Serbian Revolution of 1804 and presents a compelling interpretation of it based on significant primary source materials. Your understanding and discussion of the historiography of this topic is excellent, as is your ability to locate your own interpretation within it. The presentation of the essay is polished and its prose style clear (much Lmpz'ov , .iride , ed ed over the first draft). Both your independent conduct throughout the seminar and the high quality of this essay reveal an intellectual maturity far exceeding that of your peers. It has been a pleasure final project. to watch your work develop and to read this
CONTENTS Introduction Historical ...... 1
The Ottoman Period The Serbian Revolution of 1804 . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Events Prior to 1804 The Fight to Restore Autonomy The Revolution for National Independence . . . 18
Origins and Nature of the Revolution A Socio-Economic A Religious Revolution?
A War of National Liberation? A Regional Phenomenon? The Persistence of a Serbian National Consciousness. 32
The Serbian Orthodox Church The Folk Epic Conclusion ...
• . 39
Illustrations Glossary Notes Works Cited ii
41 · . 48
• 50 • 55
Introduction On the city walls they set the banner Of their army, with the cross emblazoned, And received the keys of Belgrade fortress. As it was in those days, so it continues: Belgrade has remained in Serbian keeping. May their empire be of long duration -And we Sqy: It will, if God but grant it! - "The Taking of Belgrade"l
The seizure of Belgrade by the Serbian army was one of the last victories Serbian Revolution. of what is today referred to as the First Yet after all these years, historians This debate against
still argue over the character of this conflict. is centered
on the question of why the Serbs revolted time. Many historians
the Turks at this particular characterized expression
these events as nothing more than a violent of the
of the social and economic grievances
This view is opposed by those who of a true Serbian
believe that 1804 marked the beginning struggle a planned national for national liberation.
Others agree that this was
revolt, but attribute it to social rather than causes. account of the beginnings
The most accurate and thorough
of this revolution
are the memoirs of Prota Matija Nenadovi~. the most important He was
He was the son of Aleksa Nenadovi6,
Serbian leader during the last years of Ottoman rule. born in the village of Brankovina around 1777. in the Pasalik ,
One of the few literate Serbs in the area, he Besides his priestly duties,
was ordained a priest in 1793. Matija
served as an envoy for his father and in 1803 traveled in an attempt to gather support for a revolt When the revolt began in 1804, he served the Governing entity to exist to
against the dayis. as a military
commander and also established
Council, the first Serbian national political in nearly half a millennium. St. Petersburg Karadjordje Russians.
A year later he travelled leader,
on behalf of the revolutionary
in an attempt to elicit aid from the
Upon his return he continued the armed struggle Nenadovic
until the final defeat of 1813. an important
continued to play
role in the Serbian state which was established
in 1817 until his death in 1854.2 Nenadovic
claims to have written his memoirs
in order to
teach his children to "love God and [their] homeland".3 However, his account is much more than a mere lesson given by What he wrote was a detailed and
a father to his children. insightful chronology
of his experiences which sheds light on A
debate over the nature of the revolution.
reading of these memoirs reveals that though the Serbs may not have initially fought to restore the medieval
state, a Serbian national consciousness importance Ottomans.
was of the utmost
in unifying them in their common cause against the The existence of this national consciousness would
not have been possible without the Serbian Orthodox Church. Therefore, revolution, considered when examining the underlying national and religious one in the same. causes of the 1804
reasons ought to be
Historical Background An adequate understanding rebellion preceded of the outbreak of the
in 1804 must take into account the events which it. Many of the immediate social and economic
factors leading to this revolt were the result of four centuries of Ottoman rule. connections Yet, in order to comprehend the
fundamental and national
between the Serbs' religious
one must look at the formation
both in the period before Ottoman rule. Medieval Serbia
It was during the sixth century A.D. that Slavic tribes migrated to become
into the Balkans, Serbia.
settling in the area of what was into tribes,
These people organized
zupanates, headed by chieftains known as zupans.
this period the Serbs were engaged primarily agriculture, organization which necessitated
no greater political More often than of
above the local, tribal level.
not, these zupanates found themselves the Byzantines.4
to be at the mercy
The status of the area went basically next six centuries. The Serbs officially
in the ninth century during the reign of Zupan For a short time a Serbian state existed
Mutimir of Raska.S
under a foreigner, King Michael of Zeta, in the eleventh century, but it soon disintegrated However, back into ~upanates.6
it was not until the latter half of the twelfth Serbian state was formed.
century that a truly independent The consolidation conflict between
of the zupanates was a result of
Stephan Nemanja of Raska and his brothers. took
It was during this fraternal conflict that Nemanja control of most of the Serbian lands. first centralized, independent
What resulted was the In 1180, and took the
Nemanja ended his allegiance title "Grand-Zupan", Although politically
which he considered united,
to mean "king". that united.
Stephan Nemanja realized
would also need to be religiously coast were predominately
Those areas on the Adriatic Catholic,
while the eastern regions were Orthodox. entering
were also elements of Bogomilism Nemanja
from the south.7 Orthodoxy to
achieved religious unity by proclaiming
be the state religion, despite the fact that he himself was a baptized Catholic. At the same time he cultivated a
He was also able to unify both
and the Orthodox by calling for a crusade against
the Bogomils, who were defeated and expelled to Bosnia and Hum (roughly modern Hercegovina).8 In 1196, Stephan Nemanja abdicated his throne in favor 5
of his son, Stephan II, so that he could pursue a monastic life. Stephan II continued the rule of his father, and in of the Venetian doge
1217 married Anna, the grand-daughter Enrico Dandalo. Honorius III.
That same year he was crowned king by Pope It would seem that the Serbian state was "Latin" approach to its own affairs had it of Stephan II's younger brother,
taking a decidedly
not been for the activities Rastko.9 Around
1192, Rastko entered the monastery
at Mount Athos Sava
and took the name Sava.
After his return from Russia, at Khilandar, which
and his father founded a monastery
quickly became a center of Serbian culture, both religious and literary. continued Stephan Nemanja died in 1200, but Sava from Khilandar. Even after Stephan the Serbian
II married the Catholic Doge's grand-daughter, clergy, under Sava's sway, remained faith. 10 In 1219, Sava traveled to Constantinople convinced the Patriarch
loyal to the Orthodox
to grant the Serbian Church autonomy On
as well as to raise its status to that of Archbishopric. his return to Serbia, Sava took the position and crowned his brother, of Serbia".ll underestimated. founders Stephan of Archbishop
II, "The First-Crowned
of these events should not be
The close familiar links between the Church
of the Serbian state and the Serbian Orthodox
are symbolic of the close linkages between the two which existed until the destruction of the Serbian state in 1389.
In fact, the strength of the Serbian church grew in direct proportion years. with the Serbian state over the next 150 so did the number of churches It was during the
As the state expanded,
as well as its prestige. ("the mighty")
reign of Stephan Dusan
that the medieval
Serbian state reached its zenith. Bulgarians borders and Greeks at Kustedil
The defeat of the in 1330 extended the
of the Serbian empire to include not only Serbs, but and Bulgarians as well.
Greeks, Albanians challenge
In a direct himself
to the Byzantine Emperor,
Dusan proclaimed According to
"Tsar of the Serbs and Greeks" Byzantine legal tradition,
crown an emperor.
thls, Dusan cajoled the
only a Patriarch
Great Council then in session in Skopje into raising the Serbian Archbishop
of Pe6 to Patriarch,
who in return crowned
Stephan Dusan tsar.12 Dusan, who died on his way to Constantinople in 1355,
would prove to be the last of the great Serbian monarchs. " The reign of his son, Stephan Uros V ("the weak"), was largely ineffectual. Unable to maintain the cohesion of the
empire, it disintegrated principalities.
into a number of feuding to stay -
The failure of these principalities
united made them easy prey for the new force in the Balkans - the Ottoman Turks. The Serbs lost the southern portion of
their empire to the Turks in the 1371 battle of Maritsa. Finally, on 28 June 1389, the entire Serbian nobility 7 was
by the invading Turks, putting an end to the The site of this defeat, the and national
fields of Kosovo, would serve as a religious Mecca to this day.14 The Ottoman Period Though a "desposate autonomous Kossovo.
of Serbia" existed until 1441, the
Serbian state ceased to exist with the defeat at The imposition event. of Ottoman rule had indeed been a destruction brought
Besides the physical
about by conquest, the Serbs lost their entire ruling elite, who had either been killed, had fled to Italy or Hungary, had converted to Islam. the medieval Tied to this loss was the loss of Many physical artifacts were or
culture of Serbia.
lost, such as manuscripts patronage
and works of art, along with the
which would have been needed to replace them.IS both of
Despite these losses, a Serbian consciousness, national Ottoman and religious, rule. continued throughout
The reasons for the persistence
of a "Serbian
has much to do with the nature of the Ottoman
The Osmali Turks lacked both the ability and the will In fact, the of non-Muslim
to convert all of their subjects to Islam.
Ottoman system was based upon the exploitation peoples. The Turks allowed,
and in some cases encouraged, their The
those whom they had conquered to continue to practice own religion non-Muslims in return for the payment were considered
of special taxes. inferiors
social and political
society, but more importantly
largely left alone provided
they continued to pay tribute. often used the their rule.
In the case of the Balkans, the Ottomans existing religious communities to facilitate
Serbia was divided into seven sancaks, the northernmost, Smedervo, would form the core of the modern Serbian state. Sancaks was further divided into millets, each of which was
headed by a religious leader and granted a great deal of local autonomy. Serbian Orthodox Orthodoxy religious The fact that the Ottomans allowed the of Greek
church to remain independent in preserving
was instrumental identity.
of Pee remained
up until 1766, at which time it was placed under of Constantinople.16 in maintaining Serbian identity were
Of equal importance
the social and economic division which had developed within Serbia. The Turks were primarily concerned with maintaining allowing the world of
control over the cities and major thoroughfares, Serbian peasants the village.
to live within their self-contained grouped themselves
known as knezinas. family households
Within each knezina were large, complex known as zadrugas. The Turkish landlords had little of rents
tended to live in the cities;
contact with them except for the periodic and taxes.17 Smedervo
It is important to note that when the Serbs of in 1804, it was not against this system but
because this system was falling apart. This system remained stable until the period of AustroTurkish wars of the eighteenth Belgrade (Sancak of Smederevo) century. The Pasalik I of
often served as a
as it was located on the border between the The most important effect of of the Serbian population that
and Ottoman empires.
these wars was the disruption they caused.
The most important disruption
occurred in 1689
when the Patriarch Arsenije
led 100,000 Serbians north across There they were given the and gradually The nationalist the Pasalik , of
the Danube into southern Hungary. right to ecclesiastical developed writings Belgrade
into a Serbian intelligentsia. of this intelligentsia through the Church.18 re-entered
To fill the void left by
these Serbs and others who had fled, other Serbs migrated into the pasalik ) "mountaineers", militancy from Bosnia and Montenegro. Known as and Also,
they brought with them ufolk-democracy"
which would play an important role in 1804.
many Turks fled in front of the Austrian the Serbs even greater affairs.19
armies, thus giving
freedom in regard to their own
The century of warfare meant that the Serbs were occasionally themselves Austrian delivered from Ottoman rule only to find The periods of
worse off under the Austrians. usually meant economic
to Catholicism, 10
and martial law.
Austrian long run.
in the was
Under the Austrians,
local Serbian government
and popular militias were often formed under Trade also increased with the Hapsburg of a small class of
lands, which led to the development Serbian merchants.
Over the course of the eighteenth of a small Serbian
century, this all led to the development elite which would provide revolution. 20 important
leaders to the
The Serbian Revolution
Events Prior to 1804 By the last decades of the eighteenth century, the The 1791
Ottoman system in the Balkans was in steep decline.
Peace of Sistova formally ended the conflict between the Turks and the Austrians. However, the end of hostilities The
left many of the Ottoman janissaries unoccupied.
janissaries were Christian slaves who formed an elite branch
of the Ottoman army. They were the most effective fighting centuries,
force in Europe during the fifteenth and sixteenth but by this period they had degenerated hereditary troublesome elite independent
into a privileged, The most
on the Sultan.
janissaries were sent to the outlying pasaliks, ~
such as Belgrade.21 Many of the janissaries organized infringing into ayans. in the area around Belgrade
They preyed on Serbian villages, autonomy. The Ottoman (1793/4/6) in an for
upon their traditional
Sultan Selim III issued a series of decrees effort to restrain the ayans. broader local autonomy
These fermans provided
for the Serbs, -- including the
of their own taxes, the right to bear arms and in defense -- and forbade the janissaries from
entering the Pasalik of Belgrade.
Had these decrees been
carried out, the events of 1804 might have been postponed. However, the Porte was unable to exert its will and as a result the janissaries fermans.22 A situation developed themselves in which the Serbs allied in Belgrade, remembered the as flagrantly ignored the Sultan!s
with the Porte's representative
Pasha Hadji Mustafa, who was affectionately "the mother of Serbia". janissaries Pasvanoglu.
Against them were the rebellious Bulgaria,
as well as the pasha of neighboring
Mustafa armed the Serbs and along with regular defeated the janissaries under In 1798,
Turkish troops, decisively pasvanoglu. Napoleon
The victory, however, was short lived.
invaded Egypt and Selimfs attention was drawn away He had no choice but to allow the
from the Balkans. janissaries
back into Belgrade, who then promptly murdered
Pasha Mustafa.23 The Serbs were not immediately developments, threatened by these
as the janissaries were more concerned with than seeking revenge against (dayis) had seized power, They then began
fighting amongst themselves them.
But by 1802, four officers
and quickly put an end to Serbian autonomy. to terrorize thousands the Serbian countryside,
causing tens of in
of peasants to flee into the hills, especially
the area of Sumadija.
In early 1804, the janissaries, their
fearful of a Serbian uprising, began to massacre 13
Ober-knez Aleksa Nenadovic,
It was this event that forced the Serbs into action. 1804, three hundred Serbian notables met at the Petrovic commander
In February village
of Orasac and elected Karadjordje
of a force of approximately
30,000 armed Serbs.24
The Fight to Restore Autonomy Initially, the Serbian leadership was united around Karadjordje in their effort to restrain the dayis. At this
point, there was much contact between these leaders and the Porte. moderate The declared goals of the revolutionaries were quite
and differed little from the situation that existed These goals
during the more stable periods of Ottoman rule.
included the removal of the dayis, amnesty for the Serbian rebels, recognition Pasalik
of a supreme Serbian knez for the entire an end to arbitrary taxation, the
of the janissaries to the cities, and freedom of At this point the revolution was not
trade and religion. nationalistic, pasalik
in that its goal was not to separate the
from the Ottoman Empire but to restore rational (though national identity tended to unify the
revolutionaries) .25 By August 1804, the dayis had been defeated by the
Serbs with the aid of the Pasha Abu Bekir, vezir of Bosnia. The revolt would have ended at this point had the Serbs not demanded an international guaranteer of their autonomy.
Selim III could not allow this, for by doing so he would be
giving up a degree of his own autonomy. Serbs sought international Nenadovic
aid, and in November Matija to St. Petersburg in an
led a small delegation
effort to win support for the Serbian cause. time allied with the Ottomans, told Nenadovic directly with the Porte. links with other Christian
Russia, at this to deal
At the same time the Serbs sought groups within the Empire, such as of Wallachia and Moldavia,
the Serbs in Bosnia, the governors and the Greek klephts. In 1805, the janissaries countryside. the situation, considered
again began to terrorize
Selim III, realizing that he could not control reversed his previous position He dispatched and now Pasha Hafiz to
the Serbs as rebels.
deal with the rebellious
Serbs, whose army was soundly at This victory gave the Serbs
Ivankovo in August of 1805. effective military January
control over the entire pa$alik.
1807, the two major cities, Smedervo and Belgrade, had. Serbs.26 state might have persisted for
fallen to the besieging
some time had it not been for the changing international situation. After Napoleon's victories at Austerlitz and
Jena, the ottomans decided that it would be in their interest to change their allegiance By doing so, hostilities the Russians from Britain and Russia to France. and
broke out between the Ottomans
in the summer of 1806.
So that he could focus a settlement
on the Russians,
Selim III wanted to negotiate
with the Serbs. victories,
The Serbs, in light of their recent
believed that they could achieve full independence Because of this, they ignored
with Russian assistance. Selim's overtures
and on 10 July 1807 they signed the Convention, in which the Russian and economic aid
Paulucci-Karadjordje representative for the Serbs. by Karadjordje,
in Serbia promised military With this agreement
in place, the Serbs, led
could focus on full independence.27
The Revolution Unfortunately
for the Serbs, at the same time Alexander By ending
I had signed the Treaty of Tilsit with Napoleon. hostilities affectively assistance, countryside the Russians against the Ottomans, the Russians had abandoned the Serbs.
Even without Russian control over the
the Serbs managed to maintain
until 1809, when fighting again broke out between and Ottomans. When Russian troops under Marshal
Kutuzov finally arrived in Serbia in June 1810, it appeared that a Serb victory was near. By October, all Turks were state
cleared from Serbia, and it seemed that an independent was only a matter of time.
However, the Serbs once again situation.28
fell victim to the changing international
By 1812, the Russians were forced to deal with Napoleon's withdraw imminent invasion of their country. Anxious to
from the Balkans, the Russians
signed the Treaty of Article
ending their latest war with the Turks. 16
VIII of this treaty dealt specifically
with the Serbs.
article stipulated that: Serbs must destroy their fortifications; Ottomans were to return to the garrisons they
occupied prior to 1804; Serbs were to be given amnesty and the "administration of their own affairs"; and Serb officials Such an
were to collect a fixed tribute
for the Porte.
agreement would have been widely accepted a decade earlier, but ten years of fighting in the name of a Serbian state caused most Serbs to reject it. little choice. The Serbs, however, had
Once Russian troops left the Balkans the By July 1813, Karadjordje had fled into Hungary. and most of
Turks counterattacked. the Serbian leadership
Ottoman troops captured Belgrade years of rebellion.29
and put an end to almost ten
Origins and Nature of the Revolution It is clear that the immediate revolution
cause of the 1804 back into the
was the return of the janissaries
the Pasalik of Belgrade.
The decision by the dayis to forced the Serbs into action. NenadoV1C
murder the Serbian notables Little historical
debate exists over this point. He writes:
clearly states this in his memoirs.
they [the dayis] have killed my father, Knez Aleksa, Bircanin, Hadji-Ruvim, many others throughout the whole pashaluk and, in fact, anyone they had been able to catch. . . . and we want to defend ourselves until the sultan should come to hear of it and send some good vezir to help us, for we are not against the Sultan nor against those Turks who are loyal to the Sultan, but have risen against the four dahis.30 However, there has been much debate over the nature of this revolution. For example, some historians revolution revolt. have characterized or the beginning of
the events as a socio-economic a Balkan-wide anti-imperialist
Others have written in nature. Still
that the uprising
was really religious
others believe that it represented revolution. The memOlrs
a true national
indicate that the revolution important religious
but with an
To call the events of 1804 a peasant revolt would be misleading. participants This statement is true only in so far that the The Serbs did not
happened to be peasants.
revolt because they were peasants,
but because they were existed.
members of a Serbian society in which only peasants Although certain social and economic
factors were responsible
for causing the Serbs to revolt when they did, it was an inherent sense of nationalism which made the revolt possible The Stanford historian vital connection nation: To be a Serb meant to be a peasant. But this very peasantry, and this is important, proved to be the reservoir of national creative power, the preserver national traditions and the source of national strength. 31 Not all historians national 1804. consciousness are as willing to attribute to the peasant revolutionaries within Serbian peasant and ultimately society
has aptly described
between the Serb peasantry
and the Serbian
such a of
This is especially
true among a group of post-war the
Yugoslav historians national emphasize logically attributes
who at great pains have down-played of the revolution. Instead, they which would
the social and economic
fit into Marx's laws of social development. of these historians are Branislav
Nedim Filipovi~, Unfortunately,
Ru~ica Guzina, and Miroslav
very little of their work exists in the west,
did summarize their arguments
These Yugoslav historians
have attempted to characterize revolution so as to justify laws
the events of 1804 as a bourgeois their own communist of historical revolution
according to the Marxist
They argue that Ottoman feudalism in
-- Serbian society was more advanced
1350 than it was in 1700. a preserver Ottoman
The Orthodox church is seen not as of over
of the Serbian culture but as an instrument As Ottoman feudalism decayed century, economic activity
the course of the eighteenth
increased which led to the development and the formation
of a market economy
of a Serbian middle class.33
They argue that it was this small middle class which revolted against the Ottoman feudal system. Marxist
tend to see similarities
between the Serb and the character
not in terms of their national revolutions.
but because both were bourgeois
They conclude expression of
that the events of 1804 were not a spontaneous peasant grievances, but a calculated
revolt by the small
Serbian middle class in an attempt to remove from society the elements of Ottoman feudalism. They support this view by at a time when the empire was revolted against the
stating that the Serbs revolted at peace. The bourgeois
janissaries because they represented the only elements of
feudalism to "struggle" nobility against. Presumably, if a Serbian would
had still existed, the Serb revolutionaries
have fought against them instead of the Ottomans.34 20
Other Western historians had no overriding David MacKenzie
have argued that the revolution or social. century, that He Serbia
goal, whether it be national
argues that in the nineteenth
played the same role in the creation of Yugoslavia Prussia did in Germany or Piedmont-Sardinia believes the revolution
did in Italy.
was nothing more than a series of goal. MacKenzie
localized peasant uprisings with no unifying argues that the peasants never had a national
consciousness His In
but continued to fight only out of fear and desperation. argument is similar to that of the Yugoslav historians. of a common consciousness
order to trace the development
among all the Slavs of the Balkans over the course of the nineteenth importance century, MacKenzieJs argument needs to dismiss the amongst the peasants in the
of Serbian nationalism
1804 revolution.35 MacKenzie revolutionary argues that the peasants movement only out of fear. participated in the
There would also be
little reason for the peasants revolution, peasants
to support a bourgeois Historically,
as the Marxists have defined it.
have been seen as the "enemies" of social as the views of Robespierre and Lenin attest to.
,' Yet according to Nenadovlc,
the peasants were of vital effort. Not only did
to the Serbian revolutionary
they do almost all of the fighting, they also did so willingly. There is no evidence of coercion or conscription In recounting the
on the part of the Serbian knezes.
of the revolt, Nenadovic
describes how the peasants
flocked to Karadjordje support.
once he had called on them for
The Turks having corne to kill him [Karadjordje] as they had killed others, he dispersed them, fled and summoned Stanoje Glavas. The first day there were four of them [Serbian volunteers], the third day nine, the seventh day three hundred and on the tenth day two thousand.36 Overall, it is estimated that Karadjordje commanded a force
of over 30,000, almost all of whom were peasants. There also seems to be little evidence to support the Marxists' characterization of a bourgeois revolution. Though
there had been a small movement
of Serbs into a bourgeois century, by 1800 Serb homogenous. the The
class over the course of the eighteenth
society was still socially and economically Pasalik
strictly divided between by foreigners
cities inhabited predominately
Greeks, etc.) and the vast countryside which was populated almost entirely by Serbian peasants. revolution, Karadjordje, The leader of the
was a former hajduk who had fought
in an Austrian became involved
freikorp before returning to Serbia where he in swine farming. Nenadov~c was the closest The son of an oberand still felt
thing to a member of a Serbian elite. knez, he became
a village priest in Brankovina
he had much in common with the peasant.37 The 1804 revolution conflict. should not be described as a class
The fact is, there was little class and no conflict among the Serbs. Instead,
one ought to view these events not as an uprising
social and economic conflict, but as nothing less than a war of national liberation that pitted Serbian peasants against
their Ottoman oppressors.
A Religious Before discussing
Crusade? in the 1804 revolt, it is
useful to first examine the vital role that the Serbian Orthodox church played in these events. Not only was the
church an important actor in the revolution but it had also served as a bridge which connected the Serbia of the medieval period with the Serbia which was resurrected important importance a religious in 1817. It is
to note, though, that when speaking of the of Serbian Orthodoxy, crusade. it is not in the context of
Neither the church as an institution viewed the revolution as a conflict
nor the Serbs themselves between Christians
After all, the revolt began
over the issue of loyalty to Sultan Selim III, himself a Muslim. Michael B. Petrovich is correct when he argues that 1804 The uprising was not instigated Although
was a secular revolution.38
by the church, nor did the church try to impede it. it is inaccurate Christian component to characterize the revolution
in terms of
versus Muslim, there was an important religious to it. The clergy, especially on the individual the of
level, played an important role in facilitating revolution.
A perfect example of this was the importance
perhaps only Karadjordje to the eventual
himself was of
greater importance As mentioned revolutionary diplomat,
success of the revolution. Nenadovic
in the introduction,
cause not only as a priest, but also as and military leader. However, he was as
chosen for these positions
not because of his position
priest, but because the position
of priest meant that he was
one of the few literate Serbs in the pasalik. ) The Pasalik ~ of Belgrade at the time of the revolt was division within the
nothing more than an administrative Ottoman Empire. political
Inside the pasalik, there existed no Serbian \ above the level of the knefina. Even the
was named commander
of the revolution, institution with
Serbs still lacked any unified political which to fight the conflict. Serbian church filled. describes
It was this void that the
r , /
In hlS memolrs, Nenadovlc
and chapels were used as a place The monks of these network, both
for the revolutionary monasteries
leaders to meet.39
also acted as a communication
within the pasalik , area.40 Nenadovic participate
and with Serb groups outside of the
was not the only clergyman to actively In matters concerning of Belgrade the
in the revolution. the Metropolitan
entire pasalik, intermediary
served as an On a more involved
between the knezes and the Porte.
local level, the bishops
and priests were directly
in the fighting.
Besides leading detachments
Serbian clerics were often responsible and storage of munitions. Nenadovic
for the procurement
recounts one episode
prior to his mission to Russia in which he and another priest, Pop Luka, receive cannons from the bishop of Novi Sad and single-handedly important rout the Turks.41 Yet no matter how
the church and its clergy were to the war effort,
this revolt never would have occurred had it not been for the churchrs preservation of Serbian culture. Liberation? interpretation of these
A War of National
Perhaps the most controversial events is whether considered
or not the revolution
of 1804 should be To answer this it
a true national revolution.
must be determined
whether or not a Serbian nationalism by
existed at this time and if so whether it was acknowledged those who participated. On one extreme, historians revolution. have Those
argued that this was in fact a national
who oppose this view argue that a true Serbian nationalism did not yet exist in the pasalik, ., national revolution impossible. therefore rendering a
argues that the revolt did not begin in the
winter of 1804 as a series of uprisings but as a mass movement. The Ottoman system had clearly failed to maintain Petrovich
law and order and the peasants wanted action. believes leaders,
that the revolt was planned by the pasalik's citing the quickness with which a national
as proof that these events action. Because the to
more than a spontaneous
Porte could not reestablish
order, the leaders attempted
do so through the creation of an autonomous national By forming a separate Serbian government, did indeed acknowledge which they were a part. a particular
those leaders of
As the seal of this Governing was based upon a shared, This linkage was a
Council indicates, this distinction unique linkage to the past
(see fig. 4).
not based on religious terms alone, but also indicated continuity with the Serbian state of centuries past.
Roger Paxton disagrees with Petrovich's of the revolt as a national revolution. differentiates nationalism. between national
His argument and
Paxton defines the former as "an individual's with a particular group of
feeling of cultural identification persons"43
and the latter as "the conscious and unconscious of primary allegiance social and political and loyalty from to a newly
transference traditional conceived
created nation-state".44 consciousness did exist in
Paxton agrees than a national the pasalik
on the eve of the revolution. consciousness
However, he argues
that this national
had not developed beyond the Paxton does admit that a Serbs of
stage of cultural identification.45 "real" nationalism the Vojvodina had developed
among the Pre6ani
-- the descendants
of those Serbs who had fled
from the Pasalik of Belgrade
across the Danube into Hungary. Serbs
Paxton argues that it was this group of better educated who had adopted the Enlightenment Revolution.46 ideals of the French
This is a view supported by Ivo Lederer.
Lederer agrees with Petrovich that 1804 was indeed a national revolution,
Precan~ Serbs, who he labels as the "active reservoir administrative, 'Serbia'Il.47 In his memoirs, Nenadovlc of Paxton and Lederer's
" • t
but only because of the influence of these of for
refutes two of the key pOlnts First of all, the Serbs of
the Pasalik of Belgrade did in fact "transfer their allegiance" hundreds to the conception of a new Serbian state. For
of years the Serbs had recognized political leader of the Serbs.
the Sultan as the Although the focus
of the revolt at its inception was against the four dayis, as early as July 1804 it was decided to fight against the authority of the Sultan himself. decision Nenadovic
Karadjordje's guarantee stand!
following the Sultan's refusal to of the dayis: "'Now we know where we
Do you really think we can make peace in this way, There can be no peace. From now on
and then all go home?
there will be big battles. 1"48 Not only did the revolutionary leadership decide to
reject the authority of the Sultan, but they also soon recognized the need to set up a "Governing Council".
Russian Foreign Minister,
to Nenadovic .
the need for some type of a Serbian governing body"'
.since neither Russia nor any other country will enter into relations with anyone man [Karadjordje], but only with a
people and with a Council. '''49 This idea was well received by the Serbs upon Nenadovic's He wrote that .all urged that a Council be formed. Karageorge agreed and so did all the others; the people too approved, for they wanted some form of government to be set up.50 Second, Lederer is incorrect in his statement that the Serbian leadership was derived from the Precani Serbs. Serbs outside the pasalik were of great importance -, eventual success of the revolution. Those return home in January 1805.
However, they were
important not because they developed and instilled nationalism fulfilled procurers into the revolutionaries, but because they
such important of supplies.
functions as lenders of money and The true leaders of the revolution (from the Pasalik of Belgrade).
were in fact "Old Serbs" Governing August
Council of Serbia which was established
on 15 notables
1805 consisted of civil and ecclesiastical
from the pasalik
itself.51 on the part of both Paxton as being truly and
Finally, the reluctance Lederer to characterize national
in spirit if not in scope is based upon a strict with the French revolution of 1789. Lederer
faults the revolution
for not striving for any greater 28
ideological or philosophical
goals, as did the French.52 situation that the that
This is due in part to the very different Serbs found themselves in.
That is not to say, though,
nationalism played less of a role in the case of the Serbs. In 1789, nationalism was used by the French revolutionaries goals.
as a means of achieving certain social and ideological In 1804, the concept of a nation-state Serbian revolutionaries.
was the goal of the in the of the in
The revolt was reactive
sense that it was aimed at removing the oppression Ottomans. Yet, national
feelings were no less important Serbian state.
attaining the goal of an autonomous
Phenomenon? and a religious than
Tied to the ideas of both a national revolution
is that the revolution had wider implications In The Balkan Revolutionary interprets
just the Pasalik of Belgrade. ~ Tradition, Balkans, sixteenth Dimitrije Djordjevic
the history of the
from the revolt of Michael the Brave in the late century to the post-war reVOlutionary communist settlement as
"one of continuing domestic
and foreign oppressors by the people of the Therefore, he views the Serbian revolution not as
an indigenous history
event, but as a single chapter in a long in the Balkans. was in fact that the
agrees that the revolution
in its approach.
However, he believes
goals of the leadership were not just to create an autonomous Pasalik of Belgrade, but to recreate the historic
state, which would unify all Serbs then under Ottoman Austrian rule.54
It is true that after 1806 the revolution of the pasalik,
spread beyond the borders non-Serb peoples. revolution Djordjevic
and even involved origins of the
However, the national
were Serbian, specifically
"Old Serbian". outside of
even admits that local Serb populations into
the Pasalik of Belgrade had to be "stimulated" resistance.55
The same can be argued about the religious Djordjevic
aspects of the revolution. use of the Greek patriarch evidence patriarch
argues that the Serbs
to mediate with the Porte is revolution.56 However, the
of a larger, Christian was only replacing
a function previously
performed of the
by the Serbian patriarch patriarchate in 1766.
of Pet until the abolition
Some historians interpretation. revolutionary
have argued against Djordjevic's
Paxton argues that the aims of the leaders were confined to the pasalik.
they realized that the boundaries administrative
of the pasalik .,
and not ethnic nor national boundaries,
accepted them as the limits of the revolution. their part to export the revolution whether
Any effort on
beyond those borders, should of
it be to other Serbs or to non-Serbs, be seen as a means of diverting away from Belgrade.57 explanations 30
Despite these conflicting
He makes an important distinction the revolution. expression throughout The destructive,
the two aspects of anti-Ottoman
was something that was shared by peasants the Balkans. Serbian. The constructive expression, though,
The formation of a national and
society was already in motion prior to the revolution continued revolution during and after it.58 in Balkan history The importance
should not be based on whether Serb and non-Serb groups or even the region. of the impact it began as a mass
or not it included numerous if it received widespread Instead, the revolution had on later events. of oppressed peasants overlords.
is important because
The Serbian revolution
in conflict with their Ottoman later, only
This same conflict existed a century as oppressed
it was expressed
nations in conflict with the
of a Serbian National
Having determined constitute necessary a revolution
that the events of 1804 did in fact of national liberation, it is connected
to determine how those revolutionaries The nationalist
with their past.
sentiment which fueled the but derived from
events of 1804 was not a new phenomenon Serbia's medieval heritage.
Lederer cites the fact that no presses
school above the primary level and no printing existed within the pasalik
as evidence that an intellectual He is correct. Serb
had yet to develop.60 was not the product
of an elite Serbian class had
a class which did not exist. survived Orthodox
Instead, Serb nationalism
for four centuries through the institution Church and was reinforced
of the of the
by the epic poetry
Serbian guslars. This nationalism the time. was as popular as any in the world at unique, however, was
What made this nationalism
that it was reactive. of Kahn's
was not the product
"power of an idea".61
Instead, Serb nationalism of
since the fourteenth oppression.
century had been the product
Serbian identity in 1800 was fundamentally It seemed
linked to the notions of defeat and victim-hood.
to most Serbs as if the Battle of Kosovo had taken place a decade instead of 415 years ago.
The Serbian Orthodox Church Had it not been for the Serbian Orthodox Church, would have been impossible after centuries Ottoman to resurrect an autonomous it Serbia
of Ottoman rule.
system allowed for an independent
Serbian church to
exist until 1766. Serbian nationalism
It was the church which had preserved and it was that church's Orthodoxy component of the Serbian identity. but also which
became a fundamental
In a land which lacked not only self-government
a native ruling elite, the church was the only institution which unified the Pasalik of Belgrade.
were only one step removed from the illiterate peasantry
from which they came, it was able to preserve in two ways.
identity of the peasantry the maintenance
The first was through
of its monasteries,
which existed as an the period of
entity independent occupation. a movement symbolism
of the Ottomans throughout
A second development
was the "Cult of St. Savan, medieval
which began in an effort to incorporate into the everyday ritual of the church.62 was as important as the
Perhaps no institution monasteries in preserving
the Serbian identity.
This is a
fact not lost on Nenadovit: We should therefore be grateful to our monks, since they have preserved the monasteries where our priests have been taught and have kept intact our faith and our
customs, so that we have not gone over to Islam or to Rome as in Bosnia. 63 In an area surrounded by Catholicism became inseparably and Islam, Orthodoxy This linkage was
linked to nationality. by the Porte's
only strengthened Serb Patriarch Orthodox
1766 decision to place the of the Greek
of Pec under the authority of Constantinople.
By replacing the
bishops with Greeks, the Serbian clergy was pushed even closer to the people. However, this did not weaken the but instead had the feelings were heightened
church as a crucible of nationalism opposite result. Serbian national
as it was focused against not only the Ottoman Turks, but also against the intrusion of the Greeks into what had always been a Serbian sphere.64 The most important way in which the Serbian monks and priests cultivated national consciousness was the way in
which they promoted Serbia. Church, Considered
St. Sava as the national patron of the founder of the Serbian Orthodox
St. Sava was later canonized by the Church along with and eighteen other political
his father, Stephan Nemanja, leaders of the medieval consciously
The Serbian clergy
and frequently brought the symbols of medieval reminding By the
Serbia into their church services, constantly churchgoer combining
that a Serbian empire had once existed. the religious
cult of St. Sava with the epic folk
poem, the church created a "Serbian faith" known as Srpska
Srpska vera has been described as ITareligion which
never bothered much about theology churchgoing."66 vera promote peasants, This was important
and dogma or even for not only did Srpska
common history among the Serbian the Serbian church by
but it also strengthen
itself from the Greek faith. during the
The effects of Srpska vera were widespread revolution. examples blurred The memoirs of Prota Nenadovic Orthodoxy
are full of and nation is
in which the line between if not indistinguishable.
He writes of the
of feast days for the secular heroes of Serbian Of particular interest is the formalization of
such as Tsar Lazar.67
way in which Nenadovic Karadjordje's 1805.
describes the planned
leadership by the Governing
Council in August
We brought also the two cannon, which were to fire a salute at the moment when the religious proclamation was to be made. We also brought with us the Bishop of Valjevo, Antim (it is true that he was a Greek but he was a saintly man), who would anoint Karageorge with the Holy Oil in the sacred mystery. Boza had prepared a very moving address on freedom which was to be delivered in the church [at BogovadjaJ at the time of the anointing of Karageorge, setting out what were his duties and what was the oath that he should take upon himself, as well as another address to the people and the soldiers outside the church, setting out the duties of the whole people, and so on -- and we should then elect the members of the synod. . . Everything was in readiness and we awaited with joy the coming of Gospodar George [Karadjordje] so that on the morrow we should stage a parade and the whole ceremonial. It would, indeed, have been simple, but would have given great joy to us Serbs.68 This passage describes is revealing for a number of reasons. What it
the official formation of the modern
enough, it is occurring within the legacy of is a of is
the context of the church which had preserved the medieval Serbian state. What Nenadovic
true example of Srpska vera. Karadjordje's leadership
Not only is the proclamation but the entire process
quite ritualistic. This description Nenadovic is also particularly Serbian.
speaks in terms of "us Serbs" and distinguishes He also This is
Bishop Atim as being Greek, albeit a "good Greek". describes the influence of Serbian folk democracy.
in essence a social contract
formulated between Karadjordje This
and the people with the church acting as guarantor. elemental previous democracy examples is not without precedent. in the vicinity
There had been of monasteries
electing the new abbot after the previous this was the first example of political
abbot's death, but
The "Cult of St. Sava" was also important to the revolution. The Cross of St. Sava (fig. 1) was adopted as It
the symbol of the revolution was emblazoned
and the new Serbian state. banners from the earliest
days until the end incorporation
(figs. 5 & 6).
The best example of the
of the cult is the 1804 seal of the Governing (fig. 4), which harkens back to the Serbian
Council of Serbia
Empire by using both the Cross of St. Sava as well as the Imperial crowns.
The Folk Epic Because the Serbian peasantry was illiterate, impossible it is
to know exactly why they had taken up arms. is the folk epics of the people. with the
However, what is available While Nenadovic's revolutionary
accounts deal primarily
elites -- knezes, clergy, and vojvodas -- the of the peasant whole. The
folk poetry is more representative themes
of these folk epics are very similar to those found in
Srpska vera and are also unique among national
a celebration of
epics in that at the core, they represent defeat.
The decade following the outbreak of the revolution 1804 is generally folk epic.
regarded as the golden age of the Serbian
Serbian guslars sang of times past to the of their single-stringed
"" guslars were not Precan1. lntellectuals but "Old Serb"
peasant bards. Beginning with the earliest accounts dealing with the events of Kosovo, these epics served as open-ended oral histories to which the most recent events were appended. scores
The Kossovo cycle of epics, though passed down through of generations
of guslars, was not "completed" until after
the events of 1804-13 were put to verse.70 Nenadovi~ clearly understood the importance of these
epics in his memoirs. Karadjordje
He recounts one episode in which patriotism and loyalty
appeals to the peasants'
by alluding to Milos Obili~, one of the heroes of Kosovo.71
It was Obilic who remained the one true vassal to Tsar Lazar; Now the Tsar lifts up the golden goblet; Lazarus thus questions all his lords: "To whom, I ask you, shall I make this toast? But if heroic courage must decide me I shall drink .r tovnoble Captain Milos Yes! to Milos -to nobody else at all. I'll only toast the health of Milo~ Obilic72 These folk epics were not just tales of heroism and courage, but they also rationalized peasant. Serbia's history for the
"The Downfall of the Kingdom of Serbia" explains saint Elijah just prior
the defeat at Kosovo as a choice made by Lazar. brings a letter to Lazar from the Blessed Mother
to the battle in which she offers either an earthly crown or a heavenly crown.
"If I chose an earthly kingdom now, Earthly kingdoms are such passing things-A heavenly kingdom, raging in the dark, endures eternally."73 The peasant and printed revolutionaries did not need universities
in order to cultivate a national
The folk epics of the guslars were more than of their
adequate in supplying the peasants with a knowledge past, albeit glorified,
and a connection to the present.
Conclusion Many historians popular uprising have been reluctant to characterize a
in the "back-water
of Europe" as one of the Yet, this is between the of 1789
first true national revolutions exactly what it was. Serbian revolution
in the West.
Their are more similarities
of 1804 and the French revolution
than one might think at first glance.
But this wasnrt the in the in
case for those Serbs who actually participated revolution. the historic
They were well aware that they were following footsteps of the French people. of Teodor Filipovic, Nenadovic
includes the sentiments companions
one of his
on the trip to St. Petersburg,
in his memoirs.
"I am a Serb, gentlemen, and I love the Serbian nation as much as any Frenchman loves the French or any other patriot loves his people; therefore, I shall go and share fortune or misfortune with my kin!"74 The revolutions in France and in Serbia grew out of
social and economic problems but both took on a decidedly nationalist agenda. However, it is the differences unique. between While the elements in
the two which makes the Serbian revolution peasantry
and the Church were seen as reactionary
France, the revolution
would have been impossible without For it was the Serbian
these two elements in Serbia.
Orthodox Church which preserved
and fostered the medieval
Serbian identity and it was the peasant society of the Pasalik of Belgrade which devoured ~ it. Though thoroughly Serbian state a
defeated in 1813, the idea that an independent could be recreated was such a powerful reality only four years later.
idea that it became
St. Sava in the Monastery
Prota Matija Nenadovi~77
Seal of the Governing
Council of Serbia78
from the first days of the revolution79
Banner of regular rebel troops,
comprised of former
Bogomilism: A Manichean sect which flourished in Bulgaria during the Middle Ages; known for its anticlericism.
(T.): A janissaries commander; especially one of the four to seize control of the Pasalik of Belgrade in 1802. ':l
desposate (from Gk.): Used in reference to the Serbian vassal state which existed 1389-1459.
from the Sultan.
(Ger.): Organizations of Serbian volunteers who fought with the Austrians against the Turks; considered a part of the Imperial army. A Serbian peasant bard who chanted epic
(S-C.): A single-stringed instrument played with a bow; always accompanied the chanting of the epic poem. (S-C.): A Serbian outlaw who refused to acknowledge Ottoman rule; their exploits were celebrated in many epic poems.
(from T. flYeni r;:::erifl): Literally "new army"; an elite branch of the Ottoman army consisting of converted Christian slaves. (Gk.): The Greek equivalent of the Serbian hajduk.
(S-C.): The Serbian leader of a group of villages; responsible for maintaining order and collecting taxes for the Ottomans. (S-C.): A territorial unit comprising villages; its assembly elected the knez. 48 a group of
millet (T.) = A recognized group of people of the same religion given a measure of autonomy by the Ottomans. ober-knez (Ger./S-C.)
The chief knez. unit governed by an Ottoman
pasalik (T.): The territorial ':> governor. pasha Pop (T.):
Title given to an Ottoman governor. UPriest
Precani (S-C.): Term used for those Serbs outside of Serbia; especially those across (preko) the Danube in Austria-Hungary. Prota (S-C.) = "Archpriest" . An administrative region of the Ottoman
sancak (T.): Empire.
vera (S-C.): Serbian faith "; a peculiar brand of Orthodoxy which incorporated medieval symbolism into an idealized history of the Serbian people.
(T.): The highest official rank in the Ottoman system below the Sultan. A military commander of approximately 100
vojvoda (S-C.): soldiers.
(S-C.): members. (S-C.):
An extended household
of as many as fifty
The head of a medieval tribal state.
NOTES 1. W.A. Morison, trans., "The Taking of Belgrade", The Revolt of the Serbs Against the Turks (1804-1813) (Cambridge: University Press, 1942), 114. 2. Michael Bora Petrovich, "The Role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the First Serbian Uprising, 1804-1813" in The First Serbian Uprising, 1804-1813, ed. Wayne S. Vucinich, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 275-6. 3. Matija Nenadovic, The Memoirs of Prota Matija Nenadovic. Ed. & Trans. Lovett F. Edwards, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 2. 4. Michael Boro Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia. 1804-1918. 2 vols. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976), 3-4. 5. Matthew Spinka, A History of Christianity Balkans, (The American Society of Church History, in the 1933), 73.
6. Herman Kinder and Werner Hilgemann, The Anchor Atlas of World History, 2 vols., (Garden City, NY: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1974), 205. 7. Kinder, 205; Spinka 77-8; Petrovich, 8. Spinka 79. 9. Spinka 80,83. 10. Spinka 80,84. II. Spinka 85-6. 12. Spink a 141; Petrovich, A History, 13. Petrovich, 6. A History, 5.
Hi~:tQry, 6; Kinder 205.
14. Janko Lavrin, Historical Preface to KQssQvQ: HerQic SQngs Qf :the Serbs, trans. by Helen Rootham, (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1920), 17. 50
15. Petrovich, 16. Petrovich,
A History, 7. A History, 7-10.
17. Wayne S. Vucinich, "Introductory Remarks: Genesis and Essence of the First Serbian Uprising." Chap. in The First Serbian Uprising. 1804-1813. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 2; Petrovich, A History, 16-7. 18. George Rapall Noyes, Introduction to The Life agd Adventures of Dimitrije ObradoviC, by Dimitrije Obradovic. Ed. & Trans. George Rapall Noyes, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1953), 3. 19. Petrovich, 20. Petrovich, A History, 18-9.
A History, 22.
21. Wesley M. Gewehr, The Rise of Nationalism in the Balkans. 1800-1930, (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1931), 16-7. 22. Barbara and Charles Jelavich, The Establishment of the Balkan National States. 1804-1920, (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977), 27. 23. Jelavich, 28-9. A History, 27.
24. Jelavich, 28; Petrovich, 25. Jelavich, 26. Jelavich, 27. Jelavich, 28. Jelavich, 29. Jelavich, 30. Nenadovic, 31. Vucinich,
31. 32. 32-3. 33-4. 34-5. 68. "Introductory Remarks", 1.
32. Wayne S. vucinich, "Marxian Interpretations of the First Serbian Revolution," Journal of Central European Affairs, April 1961, 3-11. 33. Vucinich, 34. Vucinich, "Marxian", 3-5. "Marxian", 7-8. 51
35. David MacKenzie, "Serbia as Piedmont and the Yugoslav Idea, 1804-1914," East European Quarterly, June 1994, 155-9. 36. Nenadovi6, 37. Nenadovic, 38. Petrovich, Church" . 129. 1. "The Role of the Serbian Qrthodox
'I 39. NenadovJ.c, 86, 176.
40. NenadovJ.c, 25. 41. Neriadov.i c , 84-7. 42. Petrovich, A EistQry, 31, 41-2. A 6.3
43. Roger Paxton, "Nationalism and Revolution: Reexamination of the Origins of the First Serbian Insurrection, 1804-1807," East European Quarterly, (1971), 338. 44. Paxton, 337. 45. Paxton, 362. 46. Paxton, 340.
47. Ivo J. Lederer, "Nationalism and the Yugoslavs," In NatiQnalism in Eastern EurQpe, ed. Peter F. Sugar and Ivo J. Lederer, 396-438 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1969),405. 48. Nenadovic,
49. NenadovJ.c, 167. 50. Nenadovic,
51. NenadovJ.c, 167. 52. Lederer, 405. The
53. Dimitrije Djordjevi6 and Stephen Fischer-Galati, Balkan Revolutionary TraditiQn, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), xi. 70. 54. Dimitrije Djordjevic and Stephen Fischer-Galati,
55. Dimitrije Djordjevic, "The Impact of the First Serbian Uprising on the Balkan People," in The First Serbian Uprising. 1804-1813, ed. Wayne S. Vucinich, 361-89, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 367. 56. Dimitrije Djordjevic 57. Paxton, 348. 58. Dimitrije Djordjevic, 7. 59. Dimitrije Djordjevic 60. Lederer, 402. (New York:
and Stephen Fischer-Galati,
363. and Stephen Fischer-Galati, 76-
61. Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism, Macmillan, 1961), 15 qtd. in Lederer, 403. 62. Petrovich, Church", 262. 63. Nenadovlc, 64. Petrovich, Church" , 263. 65. Petrovich, 66. Petrovich, Church" , 263. 67. Nenadovic, 68. Nenadovic, 69. Petrovich, Church", 267.
"The Role of the Serbian Orthodox 181-2. "The Role of the Serbian Orthodox A History, 13.
"The Role of the Serbian Orthodox 77. 177. "The Role of the Serbian Orthodox
70. John Matthias, Introductio9 to !he Battle of Kosovo, Trans. John Matthias and Vladeta Vuckovic, (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1987), 23. 71. Nenadovlc,
72. "Supper in Krushevats" in The Battle of Kosovo, Trans. John Matthias and Vladeta vucckovic, (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1987), 33-4. 73. "The Downfall Battle of Kosovo, 31. of the Kingdom of Serbia" in The
75. Svetozar Koljevic, The Epic in the Making, Clarendon Press, 1980), facing 106.
76. Wayne S. vucinich, ed.r The First Serbian Uprising, 1804-1813, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982).
77. Nenadovi6. 78. Petrovich, 79. Vucinich, 80. vucinich, 81. Petrovich,
A History. The First Serbian Uprising. The First Serbian Uprising. A History; Nenadovic; Spinka.
82. Ger. German Gk. Greek S-C. = Serbo-Croatian = Turkish. T.
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