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2 The history of the Old South is complex and heavily laden with social and political implications. Presentations of the Civil War, Reconstruction and life in the South must be approached in a very careful manner. Like many areas of history, interpretations of southern history have a strong impact on the public. To simplify Southern history in a way that is presentable in a museum interpretation or other public history presentation can mean leaving out a number of nuances that are important to the greater understanding of what the South was, and how Southerners identify themselves. Historians have struggled with the notions of Southern exceptionalism, the causes of the war and the true impact of slavery and racism. Public historians must also be aware of these complex issues surrounding Southern history. When an interpretation of southern history assumes that the Confederacy and the loss of the Civil War are central to southern identity and “white heritage and southern identity are synonymous”1 it ignores the diversity of the southern past and the struggles blacks and whites have encountered to preserve the past. Representations of the South that focus solely on the noble Confederate, the glorious plantation, and the passive and happy slaves leave out important elements of Southern history. The participation of African-Americans in the shaping of the South, both as freedmen and slaves, is often ignored and glossed over in these representations. Also avoided in the “moonlight and magnolia” interpretation is an understanding of the complex political and economical motivations for the Civil War and the path of Reconstruction. To state that the Civil War occurred solely due to the plantation owners‟ desire to maintain slavery not only flies in the face of generations of
W. Fitzhugh Brundage, The Southern Past: A Clash of Race and Memory. (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap
Press of Harvard University Press, 2005), 2.
3 the Lost Cause rhetoric but also ignores the participation of non-slaveholding whites in the Confederacy. To fully understand southern history, one must look beyond the public images of the past and examine why these images were chosen. An understanding of the kind of history southerners have valued and how those memories have been used is vital to creating an interpretation of southern history that can address the needs of the public and the desires of historians to present the most accurate representation.2 In an imaginary museum, an exhibit on Southern memory and how that memory was created by different forces may be able to paint a picture of the South that incorporates the dominant memories of the Lost Cause and alternate views of African-American participation in memory making. Public memory, or how history is remembered, is not just a simple statement of what happened in the past. Instead, public memory is how events in the past shape individuals, communities and cultures. What is remembered, and how that memory is displayed demonstrates not only who we, as a culture, are but who we wish to be. Public memory serves as a reflection of the current social and political relationships rather than a true representation of the past. Control of public memory, and control of how events in the past are interpreted is often a highly contested area in a culture. Groups struggle for control of public memory and history as they struggle for dominance or representation within a culture.3
W. Fitzhugh Brundage. “Introduction: No Deed but Memory” in Where These Memories Grow: History,
Memory and Southern Identity ed. W. Fitzhugh Brundage (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000): 3.
Paul A. Shackel, Memory in Black and White: Race, Commemoration, and the Post-Bellum Landscape
(Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira Press, 2003), 11.
4 Following the Civil War, the American South desperately needed to establish a cultural identity. Both white and black Southerners struggled to understand what it meant to be Southern in the post-war years. For whites, the loss of the war and the emancipation of slaves challenged notions of identity, status, and patriotism. For blacks, the change in status from chattel to citizen was fraught with difficulties. Although freed, blacks still had to struggle with the existing social structures of the antebellum South in order to benefit from that freedom. The public spaces of the South were conspicuously white and avoided almost all recognition of African-Americans‟ participation in southern history.4 Groups like the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) worked diligently following the war and well into the twentieth century to preserve and honor a vision of southern history that they felt was important. In Dixie’s Daughters, Karen L. Cox examines the influence that the UDC had on southern memory and representations of history. According to Cox, the movement was not just about memorializing the Confederate dead, but about vindication as well. By building monuments, monitoring history and educating younger generations of white southerners, the ladies of the UDC sought to “transform military defeat into a political and cultural victory, where states‟ rights and white supremacy remained intact.”5 In presenting the work of the UDC to the public it is important to emphasize the goal of the organization was not just memorialization of the dead, but vindication of the cause. The UDC was dedicated not only to preserving the past but to creating history. Adelia Dunovant, a Texas member of the UDC, stated in an address in 1902, “What lies before us is not only loyalyty to
Brundage, Southern Past, 10. Karen L. Cox, Dixie's Daughters: the United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Preservation of
Confederate Culture (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2003), 1.
5 memories, but loyalty to principles; not only for the building of monuments, but the vindication of the men of the confederacy.”6 In the first panel, an image of the UDC‟s Nashville chapter illustrates the vast number of women who were involved in this movement. Starting at the close of the war, women‟s groups like the UDC and organizations of community members began the memorialization process. Beginning in cemeteries, monuments like the one in Indian Mound Cemetery in Romney, West Virginia were built to honor the Confederate fallen. Southern women were closely associated with the Victorian customs of mourning and grief. This close association allowed for a logical progression into public remembrance of the dead. Women‟s organizations created during the war to provide aid to soldiers often transformed into memorial organizations after the close of the war. These rituals of remembrance and monuments to the dead were important in preserving the memory of the past and laid a foundation for the work of the UDC towards vindication.7 Gradually, the placement of the monuments to the Confederate dead moved from the semi-private areas like cemeteries to visible and public areas of town squares and parks. The progression of the monuments to public areas coincided with the slow and eventual return of southern whites to power following the Reconstruction. Memorials honoring fallen soldiers were acceptable during Union rule, while outright statements of Confederate loyalty were not. Therefore the memorials acted as a way to preserve the memory of the fallen and as an act of defiance against Northern rule. During the twenty years following the end of the Civil War, 70 percent of Confederate memorials were
Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 93. Brundage, Southern Past, 23-26.
6 installed in cemeteries.8 The monument in the public square of Union City, Tennessee was built in 1909 by the local UDC chapter and carries a profound statement of defiance and pride in the Lost Cause. Not only did the Confederate soldier give his life, and suffered torture in a federal prison, he did so to preserve the “Anglo-Saxon” south. According to the Lost Cause rhetoric, the Civil War was not fought to protect slavery, but rather to protect the Tenth Amendment of the United States Constitution which guarantees states‟ rights.9 While the defense of states‟ rights was important to the Lost Cause, there was another element that white southerners sought to protect. Ulrich B. Phillips firmly asserts in The Course of the South to Secession that the underlying and central theme of southern history is the south “shall be and remain a white man‟s country.”10 The inscription on the Union City monument attests to the importance of not only the soldier‟s courage and suffering but the model of racial protection and superiority he stood for. When and if African-Americans were portrayed on UDC and other southern monuments, they were servants or mammies like on the Confederate Memorial in Arlington National cemetery. The statues of soldiers and generals throughout the South serve to preserve those values that southern whites revered and to serve as a reminder to southern blacks of their exclusion from the cultural landscape.11 Statues to important generals of the South like General Robert E. Lee, General J.E.B. Stuart, and General “Stonewall” Jackson lined Monument Avenue in Richmond, Virginia marking
Gaines M. Foster, Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, The Lost Cause, and the Emergence of the New Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 4. Ulrich B. Phillips, The Course of the South to Secession, an interpretation. (New York: Hill and Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 49.
South 1865 to 1913 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 40.
7 the city as not only the former capitol of the Confederacy, but the home of some its most notable monuments. Following the death of former President of the Confederacy, Jefferson Davis, the UDC created a committee and worked to get the funding to build a monument in Richmond. The UDC committed to raising $50,000 for the monument that featured Davis as the central figure surrounded by thirteen Doric columns representing the eleven seceding states and the two states that sent representatives to the Confederate Congress12 Panel two features both the statue of General Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis on Monument Avenue. The representation of generals and the president in addition to the hint to the Lost Cause rhetoric reasserts the desire of the UDC and other groups to create a public space that honored and vindicated Southern history. General Lee was revered as a noble man torn between his dedication to his country and to his state, and Davis was not only the former president, but had published works after the war to explain secession in terms of constitutional law in line with the ideals of the Lost Cause. Monument Avenue was notable not just for the statues to three Confederate generals and the president but for the link it provides between the Old South and the New. Richmond, during the years of the avenue‟s construction, was one of the first cities of the New South. Richmond became much more urban and influenced by industry and reflected the idea of a modern South that was moving forward. At the same time, the monuments to the Lost Cause feature prominently in the city‟s public landscape made it clear that while
Monument House Foundation “Monument Avenue,” 2001. Monument House Foundation,
http://www.monumenthouse.com/richmond/monument/ (May 1, 2008)
8 Richmond was New South, it was still, and ever would be, the capitol of the Confederacy.13 On June 4, 1914, the UDC and the devotees of the Lost Cause celebrated a monument that not only represented the glory of the Confederacy but the reconciliation of the South with the Union. The Confederate Monument in Arlington National Cemetery was a joint effort by the Federal government and the UDC. By allowing the reburial of Confederate soldiers in Arlington, the United States government signaled recognition of the fallen soldiers that legitimized their struggle. By giving the UDC permission to build a monument in tribute, the government gave permanency to the Lost Cause. 14 Panel three features two images of the Confederate Monument at Arlington, a view from the north side and from the south side. Also included is the text of the dedication on the north side of the monument. The monument at Arlington is the prime example of the UDC‟s drive to present a “correct” view of southern history. The Confederate soldiers are presented as valiant and brave, not worn or beaten. Planters turned soldiers leave behind loving families that include a dedicated mammy to care for the children and go into battle with brave and loyal black servants. The sculptor, Moses Ezekiel, wanted to portray “kindly relations” that he felt had existed throughout the
Richard Guy Wilson, “Monument Avenue, Richmond: A Unique American Boulevard,” in Monuments
to the Lost Cause: Women, Art, and the Landscapes of Southern Memory, eds. Cynthia Mills and Pamela H. Simpson (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2003), 100-104.
Karen L. Cox, “The Confederate Monument at Arlington: a Token of Reconciliation,” in Monuments to
the Lost Cause: Women, Art, and the Landscapes of Southern Memory, eds. Cynthia Mills and Pamela H. Simpson (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2003), 149.
9 South. The inscription on the north side demonstrates the central theme of the Lost Cause, the soldiers fought not for glory or fame, but for duty and devotion.15 Although the monument is “textbook in bronze” for the Lost Cause16, it does manage to represent a definite form of reconciliation between the North and the South. The monument stands in one of the nation‟s most sacred military cemeteries and serves to not only honor those who fought for secession, but the very ideas that they fought for as well. No where on the monument is an admission of failure or the idea that secession was unjust. Like many southerners, the monument asserts that the cause was just, the fighters were valiant, and although they were on the losing side; they remain unconvinced it was the wrong side. The monument served also as a comfort to southerners. Cox asserts that the “placement on a landscape of national significance suggested to them that the North had finally recognized the „truth‟ about the South.”17 The „truth‟ was that the south was as honorable and valiant as the north; that they, too, had fought to protect the Constitution and the noble ideals of the United States. This form of reconciliation was targeted solely at white southerners, and was the exact kind of reconciliation the UDC and other groups like it could accept. Reconciliation through vindication was the only acceptable path. The UDC did not focus just on memorials and monuments to create white southern historical memory. They also used their organization to shape and encourage the “correct” historical narratives and silence others. The women of the UDC used the Victorian ideal of women as a civilizing influence to promote interpretations of southern
15 16 17
Cox, “The Confederate Monument at Arlington,” 158-160. Ibid., 160. Ibid.
10 history that advocated notions of white superiority closely linked to the betterment of civilization. Programs, lectures, educational texts and fictional works that glorified the image of the happy slave were tools in an effort to both glorify the southern past and root the current racial hierarchy in a significant historical narrative.18 This representation of an idyllic agrarian society of the supposed past contrasted drastically with the current world of uncertainty, urbanization and violence. These programs and lectures were not just a way to preserve the memories of the Confederate generation, but they were designed to create an image of the South that could be proudly passed down to future generations.19 Panel four shows the work the UDC did in incorporating the younger generations in the rhetoric of the Lost Cause. The UDC planned commemorative events for young children, involved children in the ritual unveilings of monuments and worked with teachers to plan history lessons that promoted the ideals of the Lost Cause. Children of former Confederates were recruited to join the UDC‟s youth branch, the Children of the Confederacy, and instructed by UDC members in Confederate culture. This commitment to indoctrinating children into the Lost Cause was designed to shape a vision of the New South that was strongly founded on the principles of the Old. The lessons from the past of racial superiority, the benevolence of slave ownership and the glory of the Confederacy served as a road map for the future and for the youth of the South. Cox refers to this work as an example of “Confederate Motherhood” reminiscent of the work done by women during the Revolutionary War to train children to be good and contentious citizens of the Republic. According to Cox, “the Daughters were determined to keep alive the values of the Old South and the Confederacy and hold off
Brundage, Southern Past, 32-34. Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 52.
11 the intrusion of northern values.”20 The success of the UDC in creating an interpretation of Southern history that held to the old values was evident in the continued participation of children in Confederate oriented groups. The UDC‟s commitment to Confederate memory was not limited to preserving history for future generations, but to maintaining support to those who served in the war and the women who relied upon them. Unlike Union veterans, Confederate soldiers did not receive pensions or support from the government for their service. Therefore it was the responsibility of the UDC and other women‟s groups to find funding and resources to support the aging veterans and their families. While the UDC did provide funding and support for veterans‟ homes, they were also concerned with Confederate women. Many of the established Confederate veterans‟ homes did not allow for the wives and female family members of veterans to reside with them. In response, the UDC founded the Home for Needy Confederate Women in Richmond in 1900. The drive to provide for those women who supported the cause off the battlefield reflected the UDC‟s desire to honor and support the entire Confederate generation, not just veterans.21 While the UDC and other women‟s memorial organizations were concerned largely with the preservation of the memories and values of the Confederate generation and creating a historical narrative that supported the Lost Cause and promoted southern elite whites, other groups in the South were seeking to claim a portion of the historical narrative for themselves. At the same time that white southerners were striving to define the South as a place with an unchangeable history of racial superiority, black Southerners were creating rituals of memory and a view of Southern history that reflected a world
Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 122. Ibid., 80-83.
12 largely ignored by whites.22 Prominent African-American, W.E.B. Dubois noted that the examples of southern history in the textbooks of the region portrayed freed blacks in a far from positive light. African-Americans were portrayed as lazy, ignorant, dishonest and largely responsible for the corrupt governments that took power during Reconstruction. Dubois lay the fault of this misrepresentation of the African-American people at the feet of historians and those who sought to manipulate the presentation of history for their own ends. “In order to paint the South as a martyr to inescapable fate, to make the North the magnanimous emancipator, and to ridicule the Negro as the impossible joke in the whole development, we have in fifty years, by libel, innuendo and silence, so completely misstated and obliterated the history of the Negro in America and his relation to its work and government that today it is almost unknown.”23 African-Americans were aware of the misrepresentation of their race in white histories and sought ways to correct that vision while working with limited political, social, and financial capital. Panel five shows images of African-American troops serving in the Civil War both before and after Emancipation as well as a broadside flyer encouraging blacks to join the military in exchange for freedom, protection and pay. It is essential to not just portray African-American celebrations of memory in the exhibition, but to set up a frame of reference for patrons to understand why African-Americans felt that they had a stake
Brundage, Southern Past, 5-11. W.E.B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction: an Essay Toward a History of the Part of Which Black Folk
Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860-1880. (New York: Russell & Russell, 1935), 723.
13 in southern history and memory. The participation of free and freed blacks in the Union army as contrabands and soldiers is often overlooked in the interpretation of southern history. The role African-American soldiers played during war was vital, some felt that the North would not have won without the contributions of manpower and support of the African-American troops.24 In later memorial parades and celebrations of Emancipation, the black soldiers and militias played an important part in establishing a strong identity for southern blacks. Communities of southern blacks sought to commemorate their history and claim the power of historical memory to establish an identity that was positive and independent from the identity of blacks created by southern whites. Unlike white communities, African-American communities were limited in financial and social capital and therefore were unable to create massive monuments to their history. Instead, public celebrations and ceremonies became the most common form of celebrating African-American historical memory. According to Brundage, these celebrations were ideal because they did not rely on literacy or large sums of money and the public nature of the events “ensured that the black sense of the past was accessible” to all African-Americans.25 Panel six displays sketches of Emancipation Day celebrations and a portrait of Frederick Douglass, one of the more prominent speakers at African-American celebrations and parades. African-Americans did not just celebration the day of their emancipation from slavery, but the celebrated other patriotic holidays that had typically been the domain of white celebration. The birthdays of Lincoln and Washington were important in
Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 713-715. Brundage, Southern Past, 60.
14 connecting the southern black community to the celebrations of the nation as a whole and in the years following the Civil War, the celebration of the Fourth of July became almost a completely African-American holiday. Southern whites were still reluctant to participate in overt rituals that celebrated the Union and their “oppressors” and therefore were much less likely to participate in celebrations of the Fourth. Southern blacks, on the other hand, saw celebration of the Declaration of Independence as a celebration of liberty and equality that had been denied them.26 Another vital element of African-American celebrations was the control of public spaces. In an era of de jure segregation, southern blacks were excluded from a majority of public spaces. However during these parades and celebrations, African-Americans carefully stepped across racial barriers and claimed public spaces reserved for whites in celebration of a different side of history. African Americans in Richmond pointedly used the grounds of the former capitol of the Confederacy in their celebrations and even incorporated the statue of General Robert E. Lee on Monument Avenue as a site for musters of black militias. In doing so, they associated themselves with “memory of a renowned military figure. But at the same time they reminded Richmond‟s whites of Lee‟s defeat at the hands of an army that included former slaves.”27 In some communities in the South, these celebrations were integrated, however whites largely excluded themselves from African-American celebrations and ceding the streets and parks to parades and speeches honoring black progress and dignity. Southern blacks continued to establish and maintain their claims to public spaces even in the face
Brundage, Southern Past, 61-63. Ibid., 67.
15 of segregation. Black residents continually challenged the southern white effort to establish a clearly defined “white” past, present and future of the South.28 African-American militia groups often paraded or lead the celebrations of Emancipation Day, New Year‟s Day, and the Fourth of July in many communities. While left out of white movements to commemorate soldiers of both the North and South, black militias and the displays of military prowess during these commemorative and public celebrations acquired a great significance. These well-dressed, well-ordered and competent black troops served as a refutation of the white assumption of black inferiority and came to “symbolize the ideal of black masculine leadership.”29 Panel seven also features an image of the Knights of Pythias. After the abolition of black militia groups, secret societies like the Knights transformed their orders into organizations with a military air complete with faux uniforms and drill squads. These private organizations contributed a great deal of organizational and public support for the commemorative parades and celebrations. Of primary importance to the organizers of the celebrations was to present an image of the African-American community that was, above all, respectable. Leaders understood that by holding these celebrations in public spaces shared with whites, they had to exert caution and care in how they presented themselves. Many whites asserted that the exclusion of blacks from the political process was necessary because African-Americans could not be expected to behave properly in these occasions. Racial stereotypes were a powerful motivation to continue African-
Kathleen Clark, “Making History: African American Commemorative Celebrations in Augusta, Georgia,
1865-1913,” in Monuments to the Lost Cause: Women, Art, and the Landscapes of Southern Memory, eds. Cynthia Mills and Pamela H. Simpson (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2003), 48.
Brundage, Southern Past, 73.
16 American exclusion from the political process even after suffrage was guaranteed by the United States Constitution. Therefore, it was vital that the celebrations be elegant, upright and well-ordered with participants behaving in a modest and polite manner. Any error in the ceremony, rowdiness in the crowd or misstatement in a public speech would provide ammunition to the whites that the African-Americans were indeed inferior and would be seen as failure by the black community.30 The presentation of southern history can be complex, given the intricacies of memory and pride in southern heritage. White southerners sought, since the close of the Civil War, to create an image of the past that exalted southern whites, particularly the planters, and justified the Civil War on heroic terms. This drive to create a vision of the past resulted in a rather coherent and sweeping interpretation of the Old South that persists well into the twenty-first century. Continued discussions of the Old South and the Civil War are shaped and shadowed by the work done by the UDC and other groups. The overwhelming and long-lasting effect of their work in not only creating memorials to the Confederate generation, but to preserving the ideals of the Lost Cause can be seen in discussions of Confederate heritage, southern pride and the complexities of race in the south. While white southerners sought to glorify some elements of the past and erase others, African-Americans in the South used their dark history as a foundation for celebration and promise of the future. Unable to fully participate in the memorialization of the South as presented by whites, black southerners created their own framework for public memory that served not only to validate and assert their claims of freedom and
Brundage, Southern Past, 77-80.
17 equality but also served as a reminder to whites that their interpretation of the past was not the only one. Both whites and blacks saw history and the preservation of memory as a way to record the progressive movement of civilization and both assumed that each race had “inherent capacities and a predestined future that could only be fulfilled, not evaded.”31 This goal of recording the progression of both cultures with a greater region ties the two groups together. Whether or not there is a unique feature of the Southern character or not, there does seem to be a tie to history as a way of shaping identity and the future. Both black and white southerners interpreted historical events and individuals with specific purposes in mind, and although those purposes may have been at odds with each other, the reliance upon history could be seen as unifying. Interpretations of southern history often attempt to reconcile the black and white interpretation of the past and fail to do either. By focusing on the desires of the groups and individuals who preserved the memories and created the public history of the South, it could be possible to create an integrated understanding of the Old South. AfricanAmerican and white Southerners are intricately tied to each other through generations of history in positive and negative ways. Each group and their interpretation of history does not paint the full portrait of the region and the time, but placed side by side, the greater image becomes more clear. Southerners, like most Americans, are deeply concerned with how their history has shaped them. Regardless of the situation, they are unwilling to accept or embrace the darker elements of the past, instead preferring to celebrate the glorious and romanticized notions of the past. Communities, like individuals, seek to create an understanding and identities out of the past, but often are unwilling to
Brundage, Southern Past, 99.
18 incorporate the negatives in with the positives. Interpretations that work to subtly blend the positive and the negative stand the best chance of creating an overall vision that is as true to life as possible while preserving the individual‟s or community‟s sense of positive self. It is through this blending of positive and negative, this mixing of public history and an academic understanding of the same that we can present the best possible solution. By examining what was preserved and celebrated in the past, we can better understand what message and mission the past was supposed to transmit. In understanding how our predecessors wanted us to see the past we can better evaluate our prejudices and preconceived notions of what the past truly was. History is not simply a collection of dates and battles. History is not just what happened, but who it happened to, how it happened and how we have chosen to remember or forget. The history of the Old South is no more complex or simple than any other region or era in human history. It is, like all history, a part of the greater puzzle of identity and understanding. The difficulty lies in the assumption that history can only be interpreted in a certain way. When the interpreter becomes too focused on the notion of “truth”, the interpretation is flawed. The UDC felt they were presenting the truth of the Civil War in their monuments and memorials. African-Americans felt that they were presenting the truth about the South in their speeches and parades. Both groups were representing a facet of the truth, but not the whole. Rather than obsessing about “true” presentations, public historians should strive to present the most accurate image of the past that is possible while accounting for the different “truths.”
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30 Kierner, Cynthia A. Scandal at Bizarre: Rumor and Reputation in Jefferson's America. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Levine, Bruce C. Confederate Emancipation: Southern Plans to Free and Arm Slaves During the Civil War . New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. Manning, Chandra. What This Cruel War was Over: Soldiers, Slavery and the Civil War. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007. Monument House Foundation. “Monument Avenue,” 2001. Monument House Foundation. http://www.monumenthouse.com/richmond/monument/ (accessed May 1, 2008). O'Brien, Michael. Conjectures of Order: Intellectual Life and the American South, 18101860. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004. Phillips, Ulrich B. American Negro Slavery. Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1959. —. The Course of the South to Secession, an interpretation. New York: Hill and Wang, 1964. Richardson, Heather Cox. The Death of Reconstruction: Race, Labor, and Politics in the Post-Civil War North, 1865-1901. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001. Rubin, Anne S. A Shattered Nation: The Rise and Fall of the Confederacy, 1861-1868. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005. Shackel, Paul. Memory in Black and White: Race, Commemoration and the Post-Bellum Landscape. Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira Press, 2003. Simpson, John A. Edith D. Pope and Her Nashville Friends: Guardians of the Lost Cause in the Confederate Veteran. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2003. Scully, Pamela, and Diana Paton. Gender and Slave Emancipation in the Atlantic World. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005.
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