IntzOÓuC1ÌOn

TOðzÓ ð TheO
_
OÎ OYgæÌzðtÌOnðI SOCÌðIÌ×ðtÌOn
JOhn Vðn Hððnen ðnÓ BÓgðz Ü� SCheÌD
NðSSðChuSettS InStÌtute OÎ TeChnOIOgV
J+ OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðI SOCÌðIÌzðtÌOn
hOzk OzgðnÌzðtÌOnS OÎÎez ð OezSOn Îðz mOze tDðn mzeIV ð ]Ob. InÓeeÓ, ÎzOm
the tÌme ÌnÓÌVÌÓuðIS ÎÌzSt entez ð WOzkDIÐCe tO tDe tÌme tDeV IeðVe theÌz meWez~
Sh1D behÌnÓ, theV e×ezÌenCe ðnÓ OÎten COmÌt theWeIVeS tO ð ÓÌStÌnCt WðV OÎ
IÌÎe COmDIete WÌth ÌtS OWn zhVthmS , zeWðzÓS , zeIðt1OnShÌDS , ÓemLÓS , ðnÓ DOtentÌðIS
TO be Suze� the ÓÌÎÎezenCeS tO be ÎOunÓ WÌtDÌn ðnÓ betWeen OzgðnÌzðtÌOnS zðnge
ÎzOm the bðz£JV ÓÌSC eznÌbIe tO the StðzkIV ÓzðmtÌC . But , SCC
j
ðI zeSeðYCh hðS
Vet tO ÓÌSCCVez ð WOzk Set
T
Ìng WhÌCh IeðVeS DeODIe unmðzkeÓ bV theÌz DðztÌCÌDðtÌOn
BV ðnÓ Iðzge , StuÓÌeS OÎ WOzk behðV1Oz hðVe , tO Óðte , ÎOCDSeÓ DzÌmzÌIV
uDOn te ðhÌStOzÌCðI Oz "heze ðnÓ nOW" behðVÌOz ðnÓ ðttÌtuÓeS ðSSumeÓ bV ÌnÓÌVÌÖuðI
meWe¥S OÎ ðn OzgðnÌzðtÌOn thðt ðze ðSSOCÌðteÓ WÌth VðzÌOuS ÌnStÌtutÌOnðI , gzOuD ,
ÌDtezðCtÌOnðI , ðnÓ SÌtuðtÌOnðI ðttzÌbuteS . RIðtÌVeIV IeSS ðttentÌOn hðS been

OÌVen tO the mnnez Ìn WhÌCh theSe zeSDOnSeS ðze t!Ought tO ðzJSe In DðztÌCuIðz,
the queS1ÌOn OÎ hOW Ìt ÌS thðt OnIV CeztðÌn DðtteznS OÎ thOught ðnÓ ðCtÌOn ðze
DðSSeÓ ÎzOm One OenezðtÌOnOÎ OzgÐÌzðtÌOnðI meWezS tO tDe next DðS been negIeCteÓ .
SÌnCe SuCh ð DzOCeSS OÎ SOCÌðIÌzðtÌOn neCeSSðzÌIV ÌnVOIVeS the tzðnSmÌSS1On OÎ
I
ÌnÎOYðtÌOn ðnÓ VðJueS , Ìt ÌS ÎunÓAntðIIV ð CuItuzðI mttez
Ay o¥gaa1zat1onaI cuItute cons1sLs btoadIV oI Iæg stam1ng tuIes
oI thunb¡ a sonevm1 spec1aI Ianguage and 1deoIogV that heIp ed1t a nen�
ber
*
s evetyday expet1ence¡ �¡ðeU standatds of ¥eIevance as to 1he ct1t1caI
aspects of the votk that 1s be1ng accoopI1she¡ wttez~of~fact pze] ud1ces,
��
weIs fot soc1aI et1quette and deoeanot, cetta1a cusLons and t1tuaIs
suggest1ve of hov nenbets ate to �eIate 1o coIIeagues¡ suÞotd1na1es, su~
pezIors , and outs1dets¡ aw a sott of tes1duaI cateæ oI sm tatbet
2
DIðÌn "hOzSe SenSe" zeOðzÓÌDO Whðt ÌS ðDDzODzÌðte ðnÓ '

'Smðzt" behðVÌOz WÌthÌn
the OzOðnÌZðtÌOn ðnÓ whðt ÌS nOt . AII OÎ theSe CDItuzðI mOÓeS OÎ thÌnkÌnO ,
ÎeeJÌDO , ðnÓ ÓOÌnO ðze , OÎ COuzSe , ÎzðOmnteÓ tO SOme ÓeOzee OÌVÌnO zÌSe
WÌthÌn IðzOe OzOðnÌzÐtÌOnS tO VðzÌOuS " SubCuItuzeS" Oz "OzOðDÌzð1ÌOnðI SeO¬
2
mentS . "
SuCh CuItuzðI ÎOzmS ðz÷ SO zOOteÓ Ìn the zeCuzzent DzObIemS ðnÓ COWOn
e×ezÌenCeS OÎ the membezShÌD Ìn ðn OzOðnÌzðtÌOnðI SeOment tDðt OnCe IeðzneÓ
theV beCOme VÌeWeÓ bV ÌnSÌÓezS ðS DezÎeCtIV " nðtuzðI" zeSDOnSeS tO the wzIÓ
CÎ WOzk theV ÌnhðbÌt. ThÌS ÌS mezeIV tO SðV thðt OzOðnÌzðtÌOnðI CuItuzeS
ðzÌSe ðnÓ ðze mðÌntðÌneÓ ðS ð WðV OÎ CODÌnO WÌth ðnÓ mðkÌnD SenSe OÎ ð
OÌVen DzObIemtÌC enVÌzOnment . Thðt OzOðnÌzðtÌOnS SuYÌVe the IÌÎetÌmeS
OÎ theÌz ÎOunÓezS ÌS then tO SuOOeSt tðt the CuI1uze eStðbIÌSheÓ bV
the OzÌOÌnðI m£bezShÌD ÓÌSDIðVS ðt IeðSt SCNe StðbÌI11V tDIODOh
tÌme . HetðDhOzÌCðIIV, j uSt ðS bÌOIOOÌStS SOm11meS ðzOue thðt
"Oene DOOIS" e×IOÌt ÌnÓÌVÌÓuðIS 1n the ÌntezeSt OÎ theÌz OWn

auzIva. otgan1zat1ons¡ as soc1ocuItutaI foWs, do tbe sæ • Tus , the
devout beI1evet 1s the Chutch

s vay of ensut1ng th
u
sutv1vaI ot che Chuzch¡
IBB lo¥al c1t1zen 1s the 5tate

s �a¥ of easut1ag the æ¥1vaI of tbe $cace'
Lm 8cient1f1c apptent1ce 1s Fb¥s1cs

va¥ of ensu¥1ng tm s�tv1vaI of
Fhys1cs¦ and the ptoduct1ve eopIoyee 1s the Cotpotat1on

s vay ot ensut1ng
LB0 8ur1vaI of the Cotpotat1oa.
ThÌS ÌS nCt tC SðV ,

hCWeVez , thðt the tzðnSÎez CÎ ð OðztÌCuIðz WOzk
cmzte fton geaetat1o� to genetat1on of o¥gnizat1onaI Þa¥t1c1Þaats
ocuts sooothIy¡

qu1cky, æd v1thout evoIuc1onaty d1ff1
-
uIty. Nev oeo~
b0¥8 aIvays bt1ng v1th theo ac Ieast the poteat1aI fot chanRe» They wy¡
toz

exanpIe¡ quest1on oId assuopt1ons about hov the votk 1s to be petfotOed ,
be Iæotant of soOe tathez sacted 1ncetçetsonaI convenc1ons chac def1ne
autbot1ty teIat1onsh1ps v1ch1n the votkpIace¡ ot Ia1I 1o ptopet1y appte~
3
CÌðte t1e WOzk ÌÓeOIOgV Oz OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðI mðnÓðte ShðzeÓ bV the mOze ex¬
DezÌenCeÓ meWezS Dz÷Sent On the SCene NOVÌCeS bzÌng WÌth them ÓÌttez~
ent bðCkgzOunÓS , tðuItV DzeCOnCeDtÌOnS Ot the ^ObS tO be Dez1OzmeÓ WÌthÌn
the SettÌng ÌnCIDÔ1ng theÌz OWn, æÓ DezhðDS VðIueS ðnÓ enÓSthðt ðze ðt
OÓÓS WÌth thOSe Ot the WOzkÌng mWezShÌD.
The mze e×ezÌenCeÓ meWezS muSt thezeÎOze tÌnÓ WðVS tO ÌnSuze thðt
the neWCOWz dOeS nOÍ ÓÌSzuDt the On¬gOÌng ðCtÌVÌtV On the SCene , eðzzðSÐ
Oz CðSt ð ÓÌSDðzðgÌng IÌght On OthezS , Oz OueStÌOn tOO mðnV Ot the eStðb~
IÌSheÓ CuItuzðI SOIut1ODS WOzkeÓ Out DzeVÌOuSIV. Put bIunt±V, neW membezS
muSt be tðught tO See the OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðI WOzIÓ ðS ÓO theÌz mO¥e exDezÌenCeÓ
COIIeðgueS ÌÎ the tzðÓÌtÌOnS OÎ the OzgðnÌzðtÌOn ðze tO SuzVÌNe . The mðnnez
Ìn WhÌCh thÌS teðChÌng7IeðznÌng OCCuzS ÌS zetezzeÓ tO heze ðS

the OzoðnÌzð¬
LÌOnðI SOCÌðÀÌzðtÌOn |zOCeSS
hhðt IS OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðI SOCÌðIÌzðtÌOn?
At heÐzt, OzgðnÌzðtÌOnÐI SOCÌðIÌzðtÌOn ÌS Ð ^e^une DhzðSe uSeÓ bV
SOCÌðI SCÌentÌStS tO zeÎez tO the DzOCeSS bV WhÌCh One ÌS tðught ðnÓ
IeðznS ''the zODeS" Ot ð DðztÌCuIðz OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðI zOIe . In Ì1S mOSt gen¬
ezðI SeDSe , OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðI SOCÌðIÌzðtÌOn ÌS then the DzOCeSS bV WhÌCh ðn
ÌnÓÌVÌÓuðI ðCOuÌzeS Lhe SOCÌðI knOWIeÓge ðnÓ SkÌIIS neCeSSðzV tO
ðSSWe ðn OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðI zOIe ACzOSS the zOIeS , the DzOCeSS mðV ðDDeðz
Ìn mnV ÎOzmS zðngÌng Îz
¬
m ð zeIðtÌVe±V quÌCk SeIÎ~guÌÓeÓ , tzÌðI¬ðnÕ~
e¥¥o¥ ptocess to a fat wte eIabotate one te0u1t1z a IeagthVptepatat1on
pezIm of educac1oa and tta1n1ng foIIoved by an equaIIy dtaw ouL pet1od
oI oII1c1aI apptenc1cesh1p. ´ In fact , 1f onecake8 Se¥10uBV cheno11on
that Ieatn1ng 1cseIf 1s a conc1nuous and I1fe~Iong ptocess¡ che enc1te
otgaa1zat1onaI cateet of an 1w1v1duaI canbe chatacter1ze as a soc1aI1za~
W
tÌOn DzOCeSS | SCheÌn 1S¯1ð: Vðn Hððnen, 1S¯¯ðJ . At ðnV zðte , gÌNen ð Dðz~
4
t1Culðz zOle , OzOðn1zðt1Onðl SOC1ðl1zðt1On zeÎezS m1n1mÐllV, LhOuOh, ðS
We Shðll See , nOt mðx1mðllV, tO t1e ÎðSh1On 1n Wh1Ch ðn 1nÓ1V1Óuðl 1S
tðuOht ðnÓ leðznS Whðt behðV1OzS ðnÓ ]ezS]eCt1VeS ðze CuStOmðzV ðnÓ ÓeS1z~
ðLle W1th1n the WOzk Sett1nD ðS Well ðS Whðt OneS ðze nOt .
Iasofat as Lhe 1m1v1duaI 1s concetaed , Lhe tesuILs of aa otgan1zac1onaI
so1I1zaL1on ptocess 1ncIude, fot 1nsLance, a tead1ness co se1ecc cetca1n
eveats fot aLLenc1on ovet ochets , a sLy11zed sLance covatd one

s touc1ne
acL1v1c1es , soOe 1deas as co hov one

s vat1ous.behav1otaI tesponses co
tecuttenc s1cuac1ons ate v1eved by ochets , and so fotch. In shotc,
socIaI1zaL1on enLa1
|
s che Ieatn1ng of a cuILutaI petspecL1ve Lhac can be
bzCuOht tO beðz On bth COWOnDlðCe ðnÓ uuSuðl mðttezS OO1nO Cn 1n the
WOzk ] lðCe . TO COme tO knOW ðn CzOðn1zðt1Onðl S1tuðt1On ðDÓ ðCt W1th1n
1t 1�OJ1eS thðt ð ]ezSCn hðS ÓeVelC]eÓ SOme COWOnSenS1Cðl bel1eÎS , ]z1n~
C1]leS , ðnÓ unÓezStðnÓ1nOS , Oz 1n ShOzthðnÓ nOtðt1On, ð DezS]eCt1Ve
ÎOz 1ntez]zet1nO One`S e×ez1enCeS 1n ð O1Ven S]heze CÎ the
WOzk WOIlÓ AS Sh1butðn1 | 1S62J SuOOeStS , 1t ]zOV1ÓeS
th Im1v1duaI v1Lh an otdeted v1ev of Lm wtk I1fe LmL tuns ahew am
m1des expet1ence, otdets and shapes petsonaI teIac1onsh1ps 1n che votk
seLL1ng, and ptov1des che ztound tuIes undet w1ch evetyday conducc 1s
to be wnaged . 0nce deveIoped¡ a petspecc1ve pzov1des a petson v1ch che
coavenc1onaI v1sdoo chac zovetns a patc1cuIaz concexc as co che cyp1caI
teaLutes of evetyday I1fe.
To 1IIusctace ch1s h1zhly conc1ngenc an concexcuaI ptocess , con~
s1det Lhe foIIov1ng hypoLhec1caI , buL coOp1eceIy pIaus1bIe exchange becveen
aa exet1enced paLtoIæn and a coIIeague 1n a poI1ce depatcoenc. Men
aske abouc vhac happened co h1O on a z1ven sh1fL , che vecetan off1cet
æmL veII tespond by say1ng, "ve d1dn
×
c do any pI1ce vtk, ]usL moce

5
ß CO010 0Î WV0I8 80 0T00§BL 10 8 WY, 8 8LßM^00, Y00 W0V- ¯ 100 £8V
Z0CZ0ÍL couId hatdIy æow of such things for the des0t1ptio� given clearly
presumes 4 spe01aI k1nd of kovIege shate by exer1en0ed oYgan1za11onaI
mm0ers as to the typical features of their work and how such knowledge
Is use when going about and talking about their ]ob. The took1e wst
learn of these uwetstand1ngs 8u0 0V00I0811Y 00W 1o mke use of them 1n
80 enLiteIy mtter-of-fact way 1Í he 1s to 0ont1nue as a nenbet of the ozgan1~
88LÍ00- ÅL I00L, this is the cultural mterial wth which organizational
soilization is concerned.
ÅL L01S p0int, howe�er, it is iportant to aote that not aII otgan1za~
LÍ08Î so0iaI1zat1on can be assumd to be functionl for either the 1nd1v1d~
081 0I the organization. Organizations are created and susta1ned �y people
D1ÌeD 1DI other people and are also ewdded deeply w1ÌD1D ð 1ðIQeI ðDÕ CDD¬
t1nuaIIy c!�anging CuV1tOn�CnL. ¯nCV 1nVCnc BB weIJ BS pYov1d0 LhC 0CUOU
DY NÍ0B 1n0iv1du1 an 001Î00L1V0 00M8 are Î0ÎÍ11100 - Wereas Ieatn1ng
CB0 OZR ¼Í88LÍ008Î 00IL0Ie W Y 81WY8 W M1L01Y 8d]ustive fot an
Í00ÍV10u81 Í0 L08I S000 Iearn1ng wII reduce the tens1on assoc1Bte w1th
ØLEZÍ0R 80 unfamiliar s1tuatLon, S0C0 Ie8In10gg in the Iong tun, my
Dt ß1wys be
adaptive S10B 0erLa1D cuItuzaI for my pers1st Iong
8ÎLm LBey have cease to be of 1001V1008Î V8100- Cons1det , fot example,
the prasive pr8ct10e 1n mny teÎativeIy stab1e otgan1zat1ons of encoutag1ng
W8C 10V0I and middle mnagerial employees t0 &p1te to h1gh pos1t1on w1th¯
U Lbe otgan1zat1on des

1te the tact that there will be very few positions
0DeD ð1 ÌDeBe 1eVe1$+ Perhaps the Õ1BCDDÌBDI D1 ÌDe $D¬Cð11eÕ
¯018C080Ð Ww§eI
n
080 then be seen as a res01L 0Í a s
¿
c1a11z

at1on ptac~
CÍC0 TWL 088 00LÎ1V00 1ts useÍunesse
Cosider also that vhat my be 80]USL1V0 Í0I the 1nd1v1duaI nay noc
m
ðÕð[Ì
+
Ve
Í0I the orgaO1z8tÍ00e ¯ Þ1L08LÍ0m Í0 w10h the careless
6
assignt oI aa eaget aw caIenced nevcomt to aa 1m1ffetenc, d1sgtuncIe,
oz abras1veIy cantankezous supezv1sor wy represent such a case vheze1n
Lhe a}usc1ve soIut1on se1zed upon by the nev OeObez 1s toIeave the ozgan1za~
L1oa as soon as eopIOyent eIsevheze has been secured. 5oc1aI±zat1on pzac~
L1cea wsc not theretore be taken~tor~granted or¡ vorse¡ imored on the
bas1a tha1 aII cuLturaI 1eazn1ng Ls tundaoentaIIy tunct1onaI� The s1eve
LmL is h1story operates 1n otten capr1c1ous am acc1dentaI vays and there
is I1Ltle reason to beI1eve that aII aspects Ot a caIture that are wnutac~
Luteand passed on by OeObezs ot an organ1zat1on to othez 1ncoO1ng neObers
m necessar1Iy usetuJ at e1ther the 1nd1v1duaI oz coIlec t1ve IeveIs.
We must note also tat the problems oforganiza-
L1oæI soc1aI1zat1on zeter to any and aII passages umezgoneby OeObers
of &u ozgaa1zat1on. Fton beg1na1ng co end¡ Æ persoa'. cateez
vIth1a aa otgaa1zac1oa teptesencs a poceat1aI set1es of ctaas1c1ons ftoo
oae pos1t1on to another (Yan Nanen¡
1977
b
; G�, I%61 h8LI¡ 1976;
Sche1a¡
1971a)
. These trans1t1ons wy be tev 1n numbez or wny¡ theV wy
eata1 upvard¡ domvazd¡ oz IateraI OoveOent¡ and dewnd zeIa
¡
1veIy O1d
Lo severe ad]ustOenLs on the part ot the 1nd1v1duaI. 0t course¡ the
Intens1ty¡ 1Opoztance¡ and v1s1b1I1ty ot a g1ven passage v1II vary across
& petsoa's career. It 1s pzobabIy wst obv1ous (both to the 1n1v1duaI
and to others on the scene) vhen a person t1rst enters the organ1zat1on
Lhe outs1der to 1ns1der passage. It 1s perhaps Iea81 obv1ous vhenan
mer1enced OeObez ot an ozgan1zat1on undezgoes a s1OpIe change ot ass1çn~
wat¡ sh1tt¡ or ]ob Iocat1on. NevertheIess¡ a per1od ot soc1aI1zat1on
accompanies each pasaage. Fton th1s stampo1nc¡ otgaa1zac1ona1 soc1aI1za~
Ì1OD 1$ W10U1IOU$¡ DGI$1$IGDI¡ ðDÕ ÏDIBVeI DIDD1GMðÌ1C •
. II. ÜðCKÇIDUDÕ ðD0 UDÕeI1V1DQ ÅB$uI1OD$
7
With fe eXeptions , observers of organizatios h&Ve faie L0
ære sysrØtIC &LIeuLI00 L0 Lhe ÞT0b1e& 0Í h0V 9ÞeCIÍIC 0It90Í Cu1LuTe
are tra0sØILLed WIthI0 an organ1zat1oa. 1he e&ÞITICa1 WteTIa1S thaL
do 0XI9 L &Te 9CaLLeTed VIde1V &CIO$$ a11 dI9CIÞ1I0e9 Í0u00 Iu the 8oC1a1
8cIeuce9 &0d he0Ce 00 mt ShaTe a C0Wu Í0Cu9 or a 9et ot $JØ1ðI Con¬

J
CeDL9+ ËVe0 �lLh1n socJoloz� and aILhtooO1oRV, LÞe dJscipl1nes COSL
c0meI0ed W3Lh CuLut&1 WLLetS¡ Lhe Þ uÞ1IShed 9LudIeS deV0Le0 t0


cialization practices of arou�s, oraani.atios, aubcultur.s, societIes g
tribes, ard so forth tend to be mre often than not an0cdot&l, 000�
Comarative, and based upon reLrosÞecrive IuÎ0W0L 80c0uuL9 0Í Lhe
process rather than the obseration of the process in 9Itue ÏBdeed¡
then, general stateænLs &00uI Ihe þI0ce88¡ c00T6uL¡ 8ge0I9¸ &0d L&T¬
gets of or¿&nIzationB1 90cI&1I&&LI0Þ are grossly INÞIe9SI00I9LIc+
In other words, & total c00ceÞLu&1 schem L0¥ aËtackIn¿ Lh6 ÞT0b1e& WV
Þ said to be presently non-exietet.
In ÌD1$ ðDÕ ÌDe $eCI1OD$ ÌO ÏD11O¡ we OÏÏeI IDe De01DD1D0$ O1 d Ôe$CI1DÌ1Ve
CODCeDÌUð1 $CDeM wD1CD we Ïee1 w111 D U$eÏU1 1D 0U1Õ1D0 $OW NUCD DeeÔeÔ
Ie$ÐðICD lD ID1$ CIUC1ð1 ðIeð. OUI eÏÏOII$ ðIe Õ1IeCÌeÔ ÌOWdIÔ DU11Ô1D0
d $OuDÔ ÌDeOIeI1Cð1 Dð$e ÏOI ÌDe $IUÕV DÏ OI0ðD12ðI1ODd1 $OC1ð112dÌ1OD dDÔ
DOt ÌOWdIÔ ÇIO1ÏeI1D0 ðDV DOIÌ1Ve ÌDeOIV ð$ ÌDe ÌDe "e1ÍeCÌ1VeDe$$¨ OI
"1DeÏ1eCÌ1VeDe$$¨ OÏ ðDV 01Ve OI0ðD12ðI1DDð1 ÏOIM+ He ðIe 1DÌ0Ie$ÌeÕ COD$e¬
0UeDI1V 1D 0eD0IðI1D0 ð $eI DÏ 1DIeIIe1ð1eÕ CeOIeI1Cð1 DIODO$1Ì1DD$ ðDOUÌ
L00 8IrucIur0 and outcom of organiz4tional 80C1&111&I100 proce8ses. Such
a theory, to Þ0 analytically sound, must accomplish at least three things.
First , it mst tell us where to look within an organization to obsere
80c181118L10u in its mst salient and critical forms.
Second, such a
B
theory must describe in a fashion generally applicable t9 a large number
of ofsanizAtional contexts the varioul ·cultural fors or',anizational 9O·º
eial1zation can take. md , third, the theory must offer some exlana­
tion as to why a particular form of a SOC181128I10u occuring at a given
location within an organization tends to result in certain kinds OÍ in~
d1Vidual or collective outcomes rather than others. Only in this fashion
V111 1I 00 Þ0$61Þ10 to Þu1ld a te8taÞl0 theor L0 d1reCt I••••rch 1n the
d
&ZØ&× ¯
_,,mm~"¯¯¯•
Some Assuptions
There are, of course, many assuptions that undergird 6ur theory build­
ing efforts in this regard. First, and perhaps of most imortance, is the
well grounded assumption that individuals undergoing any organizational
.
transition are in an anxiety producing situation. In the main, they are
mre or 1088 WI1V8I0d I0 I0d0c0 I018 ameLY bY 1eaZn1ng thefunct1onaI
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alo 19 the leared social situation wth it9 established and comortable
routines for handling interaction ad predicting the responses of others
to oneself. Thus, stress is likely because newcomrs to a
p
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t1cvJaz content and rype ot ad] ua tOents achieved (or not ach1eved) . In
so cases, a shift 1nto a nev wozk situation wy rØsuIr in a sharply aItezed
ozgao1Zat1onaI and pezsonaJ ident1ty toz an 1nd1v1duaI as otten occurs
vhen B tactozy vozkez beCooes a fozeOan oz a statt anaIyst becoOes a line
wagez. In othez cases , the shJft wV zesult 1n onIy O1noz and ins1g~
nificant changes 1n a pezson s organizational and Þersona1 1dent1ty as pez-
haps 1s the case when a craf ts¯n is rotated to a*· new depaztOent oz a t1zeoan
chæges from work1ng the hook-and~Iaddet tO a zescue s¤uad. Yet¡ 1n any
of these sh1t ts there iS St1ll l1kely to be at Ieast soOe suzpz1se oz what
Eughes (I9ö8) cBlJs "tea11ty Shock
¬
in store toz tbe 1nd1v1duaI 1nVoIved
vhen he t1zst enCountezs the new work1ng context. Ven pezsons undezço a
tzans1t1on¡ regardless OÍ the iuíoznt1on they a1ready possess about the
nev zoIe¡ the1r ayz1or1 underS1and1nvs ot that zoIe v1II undoub
+
edIy
chæge. ' In shortg tately , 1f evez¡ can such Ieazn1ng be coOpIete unt1I
a nevcoOez has enduted a 0et1od of Jn1t1atJon v1thin the nev zoIe. As
ßazazd |]9J5) noted W1th chatacter1st1c clarity, `theze 1s no 1nstant
repIacemnt, there 1s aIvays a pez1od of ad)ustmut."
Fifth, the analysis that follows makes no so�called functional assump-
tions about the necessity of organizations to socialize individuals to
particular kinds of roles. Indeed, we reject any implicit or explicit
notions that certain organizationally relevant rules, values, or motiva-
tions must be internalized by people as "blueprints for behavior" if they,
are to participate and contribute to the organization's continued survival.
Such a view leaves little room for individual uniqueness and ignores the
always problematic contextual nature of the various ways organizational
roles can be filled. While, there are no doubt reasons why certain social-
ization tactics are used more frequently by one organization rather than
another, these reasons are to be located at the human level of analysis,
not at the structural or functional levels. From this perspective, we
are very much comitted to a symbolic interactionist view of social life,
one that suggests that individuals, not organizations, create and sustain
beliefs about what is and is not functional (Strauss, 1969) And, as in
II
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12
FJæ of this Paper
Given this rather lengthy presentation of introductory matters, the
following section, Part III, provides a model of the general setting in
which organizational. socialization takes place. As such, it is a theor­
etical depiction of an organization within which certain boundaries
exist and therefore demark particular transition points where social­
ization can be expected to occur. In Part IV, several types of individual
responses or outcomes to the sccLaJLt1on process BIØ dØscr1bed 1n tex
we beI1eve to be bo th ozzan1zatLonaIIy and theoret1caIIy reIevant . Tat
1s, these outcooes are potencial effects of a ¿1ven soc1aI1aat1on process
and are cons1dezed IazzeJy 1n tezos of hov an 1nd1v1duaI actuaIIy behaves
Í the nev ozzan1zat1onaI zoIe , not 1n tezs of hov an 1nd1v1duaI oay or
NY Oot feeI tovazd the nev roIe. lt 1s therefore the perfor�nce or
aetion o f a person that concerns uain this setion ðÞ0 OÅ thØ attitudes,
mtivs, beI1efs, ox vaIues that myor my not be associa ted v1th an
individual's handling of a given organizational role. In Part V, we
present the basic propositions which comprise the core analytic.
materials of this paper and specify a set of strategic or tactical
means by which organizational socialization is typically accomplished.
Each strategy or tactic is discussed generally and then related system­
atically to its probable absence or presence at a given boundary as well as
its probable effect upon individuals who are crossing a particular boundary.
Part VI concludes the paper with a brief overview and guide to future
research in this area.
III. The Organizational Setting: Segents and Boundaries
Perhaps the best way to view an organization follows the anthropological
line suggesting that any group of people who interact regularly over an
13
extended period of time will develop a sort of unexlicatedor tacit mandate
concerning what is correct and proper for a memer of the gro
u
p to undertake as
well as what is the correct and proper way to go about such a
n
undertaking. At
'a high level of abstraction, then, memers of on-going business organizations, for
example, orient their efforts toward "making money" in socially prescribed
ways just as memers of governmental agencies orient their efforts toward
"doing pulic service" in socially prescribed ways. More concretely, however,
otgan1zat1ons aze Oade up ot peopIe each foIIm1ng ends that aze to soOe
degzee un1que. ßuc¡ s1nce chese peopIe 1ncezact v1ch onenochez and
shaze 1ntoWat1on, puzposes¡ and appzoaches to the vaz1ous evezyday pzobIeOs
Lhey tace¡ ozgan1zac1ons can be v1eved as azenas 1n vh1ch an aIOost 1nt1n1ce
set1es ot negot1aced s1cuac1ons az1se ovez vho v1II do vhat¡ vhen, vheze¡
and 1n vhat tash1on. 0vez t1oe¡ tbese negotLat1ons zesuIt 1n an eoezg1ng
seL ot ozzan1zac1ona1ÎV def1ned zoIes toz peopIe co t1II (Kann1ng Iº/û). These zoIes
wy ot wy not be tozI1zed and tuIIy sanct1oned thzoughout the ozgan1zac1on
yet they nonetheIess appeaz to have sooe zathez stabIe pzopezt1es assoc1aced
Wth theo vh1ch tend co be passed on tzoO zoIe cakez to zo1e cakez. 0t
coutse¡ these ozgan1zac1onaIy det1ned zoIes hazdIy coezce each zoIe cakez
to pettozo 1n 1dent1caI vays. 0ezta1nIy¡ vhenevez a noveI pzobIeo az1ses,
peopIe coOe togethez acc1ng v1ch1n che1z zoIes to contzonc and wke sense
oI the shazed event. 5uch events, 1t sez1ous enough¡ g1ve z1se to aItezed
det1n1t1ons ot both'che ozgan1zac1onaI zoIe and the ozgan1zaL1onaI s1cuac1on
1n vh1ch the zoIe 1s cazz1ed ouc. Fzoo th1s standpo1nc¡ an ozgan1zc1on 1s
little mre than a s1tuated act1v1ty space 1n W1ch vaz10us 1nd1v1duaIs
14
cm tozether and base theLz efforts upon a sooevmt shated , but cont1nuaIIy
prob1eæt1c , vezs1on of vhat 1t 1s they are to do , both coIIect1veIy and
IndLvLduaIIy.
8
The pzobIe ve face heze concerns the oannez 1n M1ch these vers1ons
o
f
vhat peopIe aze to do ~~ oz¿auJzat1onaIIy def1ned zoIes -~ aze passed on
and Lntezpzeted fzoo one roIe occupant to the next . To do so , hovevez,
requ1res a oodeI of the oz¿anJzatJon such that oeobets can be d1st1n¿u1shed
f
roo one anothez and fzom outs1dezs on the bas1s of as fev orzan
{
zat1onaI
variables as possible. Furtherore, wC need a �odel that 15 !1eX1b1e enOu�¬
to aIIow foz as ouch descz1pt1ve vaI1dLty as possLbIe aczoss a wide vaz1ety
of or¿an1zat1onaI conte×ts.
Schein (1971a) has deveIop� a wd4 m tm· orlanizatfon that provides
a quite useful descr1ptLon o
¥
an organi1atLoWllY define role in ters o
f
tbtee dLoens1ons that aze d1scernabIe eop1rLcaIly . The fLrst d1oens±on 1s
a
f
unc t1onaI one and zefezs to the varLous tasks pezfomed by oeobers of
Ð orzan1zat1on. Thus , oost or¿an1zatLon

have departæntaI structuzes
vbIch
f
or enterpr1ses Iocated 1n tm bus1neæ seccor of the econooy o1¿ht
JncIude the funct1ons of oarket1nz, f1nance , productJon, admn1strat1ve
sta
ff
, personne� zeseazch and deve1opoent , and so fozth. In the pubI1c
sector, æ oz¿an1zat1on I1ke a poI1ce depaztoent o1¿ht have funct1onaI
dIvIsIons correspond1n¿ to patzoI , 1nvest1¿atLons , comunLcatLons , pIann1n¿,
tecords , custody, and the I1ke . V1suaIIy, ve can oap the funct1onaI dooa1ns
o
f
an orzan1zat1on aIon¿ depaztoentaI and subdepartoentaI oz pro¿ræ I1nes
as L
f
each funct1on andsub-function occupJed a part of a cLrcIe or pLe~shaped
figre. Each
f
unctLon then covers a particular Þrt1on of the c1rcunference
15
. of Lhe cItcIe depend1ng upon 1ts pzopott1onate S1ze v1th1n the ozgan1zac1on.
ConsIdet¡ tot ex�pIe¡ the XZ V1dget 0oopany aS dep1cted 1n F1guze I.
fI55ERT ÏÏÛÜ
1
Æ0ü E£%)
Zch sIIce 1n the t1gutac1ve reptesentatIon 1s a tunct1onaI d1v1S1on
wth ¥eIat1veIy d1st1nct boundar1es such tha¢ Oost p�zSons 1n the ozçan1za-
tion couId eas1Iy Iocate theoSeIves and others v1th1n a SÎ1ce ot cbe c11cIe.
Cl�arlYt no tv0otgan1zat1ons vouId be ptecIseIy the saæ becauSe even 1t
the deµattoent and subdepattoent sttuctutes veze 1dent1caI¡ the nmbezs ot
people eontained w1thLn each slice would' DO doubt d1tter.
Te aecoad dimnsion Ident1tIed bv ScheD c0ncw$ tm hWarcb1caI
dIsLWbutIon ot tank vIth1n an otgan1zat1on. TT1s 1s essent1aIIy a Oattez
of wo¡ on µaµet¡ Is tespons1bIe tor the actIons ot vboo. It retIectS che
oItIc1aI I1nes ot supez1sozy authoz1ty v1thIn an organ1zat1on, but does
noL ptesæe that such author1ty autooat1caIIy cart1es v1tb 1t the povez
to· dItect the behav1ot ot undezI1ngs.
ÅccotdIng to the oodeI¡ very decenttaIIzed organ1zat1ons v1II have¡
for emmIe¡ zeIat1veIy tev b1etazcb1caI d1st1nct1ons Weteas very centraI1zed
ozgan1zatIoos v1II have Oany. mpp1ng th1s d1oens1on on paper¡ 1t vouId
LWIcaIIy take a tr1anzuIat Shape lthe trad1t1onaI ozgan1zat1onaI pyzaO1d)
weteIn the h1ghest zanks are beId by reIat1veIy tev peopIe Iocated at the
XYZ WIDET CO.
PERSONNEL
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PRODUCTI O /
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\
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·
Z
I
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1
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1
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Z
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Fig"ure I: Functional Domains of Organizations
¡b

ap. Ioz eææIe, FLguze Z LIIustzates a gzaphLc zepzesentatLon ot che
mezazchLcaI dLnens1on 1n t1ve hypothetLcaI, but poss1bIe, ozgan1zat1ons.
{W88K7 FIGU Z Æ0ü EM)
A FIguze Z sugg�sts, a vast næbez ot hLezazch1caI poss1b1I1c1es
exst. Te XZ VLdgec CoæanV lZ~A¹Ls pezhaps the uost typ1caI 1n chac
It tLts textbook nodeIs ot aænageænt stIctuze vheze1n 1nczeas1ng rank
Is assuned by deczeasLng nmbezs ot peopIe Ln a zeIat1VeIy sOooth vay.
BetzopoILtan FoILce 0epaztnent lZ~ß) Ls zepzesentat1ve ot a Iazge nuObez
ot sezLce buzeauczac1es. These agencLes mve been ta ¿ked 'stzeet IeveI"
ozganIzatLons because, 1n pazt , nost ot theL¥ neWbezsh1p occup1es pos1c1ons
tht cazzy Iov zank. 7c vLt , ovez 7J pezcent ot che eOpIoyees 1n uos

c

poIIce ozganLzatLons vozk as patzoIæn oz Lnvesc1gatozs= the IOvest zanked
posItIons Ln these ozgan1zat1ons l¥an hanen, Iº/4: L1psky¡ Iº7|}. Z1ppez
5aIes, Inc. (Z~C) 1IIustzaces an orzan1zat1on v1ch a vezy sceep auchor1ty
scructu:� WlLn1n Wh1ch eacn :un� Supe\V16=5 te1aL1VeJV !eW D�O]1� but t�e:e
ate wny zanks. FyzaO1d saIes ozzan1zat1ons and peacet1Oe arO1es aze good
exaæ1es Ln thLs zegazd. The Zezo keseazch Institute (2-D) d1s�l&Ys vhac a
taIstIVeIV t1at hLezazchLca1 stzuctuze 1oom 1Lke Ln thIs wh� mte
theze aze tev ranks toz nenbezs to seek to ascend. F1naIIy, the $tutted
mttzess Cozpozat1on lZ~£¹Ls LncIuded heze to denonstzate soæth1nz ot che
zange ot poss1bI1t1es ava1IabIe to descz1be the h1ezazch1caI spzead vh1ch
potentLaIIy can chazactez1ze an ozgan1zat1on. As can be seen, che 5cutted
mttzess Comany has a buIg1ng nunbez ot nLddIe ænazers. In tacc, theze
are wze wnagezs than vozkezs Ln thLs hypotmtLcaI tLm.
A: XYZ Widget Co.
RANK
high
low
D´ Z e ro Research Inst itu Ie
U ' Metro Pol ice Dept. C: Z ip per Sale s Inc.
L´ Stuffed MD11tes s Ûo.
Figure Z. Hierarchical Domains of Organizations
w
O
19
T thLrd d1æns1on 1n 5cheLn's wdeI Ls the mst d:fficlt to con~
ceptæI1ze and concers the soc1aI fabr1c or 1nterpersonaI dooa1n of
orzan1zat1onaI I1fe. Th1s 1s fundaoentaIIy an 1nteract1ona� d1oens1on
an d refers to a person's 1ncIus1on v1th1n the orgaa1zat1on. I t can be
depLcted as 1f 1t vere a rad1aI d1oens1on extend1nz froo the oeobersh1p
edze of a sI1ce of orzan1zat1onaI oeobers 1n tovard tbe o1ddIe of the
twct1onaI c1rcIe. As F1zure 3 1nd1cates , ooveoent aIonz th1s d1oens1on
WI1es that a næber`s reIat1onsh1p v1th others 1n sooe segoent of the
ozzan1zat1on chanzes. 0ne ooves tovard the "center of th1nzs" or avay
tovard the "per1phery. " Men exan1n1nz th1s d1oension, the quest1on oust
be asked hov 1nportant to others on the 1æed1ate scene 1s a g1ven oeober's
zole La the vork1ngs of a part1cuIar

zroup , departoent , or organ1zat1on?
Tus , thLs raJ1aI d1oens1on oust 1nvoIve the socLaI ruIes , noros , and vaIues
tbtough vh1ch a person's vorth1ness to a zroup 1s ]udzed by oenbers of that
moup . It concerns 1n part , then, the shared not1ons of vhat the "reaIvork"
ot any orzan1zat1onaI sezoent 1s at any g1ven t1oe. To`oove aIong th1s
dUens1on 1s to be�ooe accepted by others as B centraI and vork1ng oeober
of the part1cuIar organizat1onaIsezoent and th1s can nomIIy not be
accoopI1shed unIess the nenber~1n~trans1t1on denonstrates that he or she
to sbates the sæe assunptLona &B otheta La th sett1ng •• to vhat 1s
orzan1zat1onaIIy 1oportant and vhat 1s not.
fIR5ET FI0ü 3 A0O Æ%)
8evconets to nost h1erarch1caI IeveIs and funct1onaI areas 1n
VIztuaIIy aII organ1zat1ons 1nev1tabIy rew1n "on the edge' of organ1za�
tionl affa1rs for sone t1m after eattaace fot a bost oÍ t Ø&Oa TheY
Wy .ut yet be deemd trstworthy by other "er. oa the &m6+ Dey æY
Centrol Fi gure
Conf i d ant
"
11\ /
\
Leoder
/
. Te nure Granted
Permanent M embers hi p
Confederate ,
.
/
\
Pro vis o Mjember
Accepted But Not
Permanent
/
\
Out sider
Figure õ Ì I nc lusionary Domains of Orga n i Ï a t i ons
?0
21
not yet have
had tLw to deveIop and present the sort of affabIe, cyn1caI,
easy goLng, or hard~dr1v1ng front wLnta1ned and expected by cr1t1caI
others 1n the settLng vh1ch oarks neæersh1p 1n the part1cuIar segoent of
the organLzat1on to vh1ch the nevcooer has been ass1gned . 0r, qu1te typIcaIIy ,
nevconers nust f1rs t be tested e1ther
·
1nforæIIy or forwIIy as to the1r
abLILtLes , notLves , and vaIues before be1ng granted 1ncIus1onary r1ghts
vhLch then petLt then: I) t0 share orgao1zat1onaI secrets , Z) to separate
the presentat1onaI rhetor1c used on outsLders to speak of vhat goes on 1n
the sett1ng from the operat1onaI rhetor1c used by 1ns1ders to coæn1cate
Wth one anothet as to the nat ters~at~hand� and/or 3) to understand the
unoffLc1aI yet recozn1zed ooræ assoc1ated v1th the actuaI vrk go1ng on
aad the wraI conduct exected of peopIe Ln the part1cuIar organLzat1onaI
seæt .
In other words, movement along the inclusionary dimension is
maIogous to the entrance of a stranger to any gr0up. If th1ngs go veII,
the stranger 1s granted oore say 1n the zrou¤ ' s act1vit1es and 1s g1ven
wre opportun1ty to d1spIay his or her particular skills thus becominq ' t

.
�n e
process nore centraI and perhaps vaIuabIe to the group as a vhoIe. In
shorc. to cross inclusionary boundaries �EBOB that one becomes an 1nSÍde1
vLth aII the r1ghts and pr¡viIezes that go v1th such a pos1tion. To
LIIustrate, g1ven a part1cuIar funct1on and h1erarchicaI IeveI , passing
along the inclusionary dimension can be characterized as going from an
outsL±er, to a wrg1naIIy accepted novLce group w wer , to a confederate
ot sorts vho ass1s ts other oeobers on certa1n seIected oatters , to a
confLdant or 1nt1nate of others vho fuIIy smres 1n aII the soc1aI,
cuIturaI, and task reIated affa1rs of the group. In certa1n educat1onaI
Im¥ItutLons , the grætL0g of unLversLty teme ræmæm Lm fomI
recognition of crossing a major inclusionary boundary, as well as the more
obvious hierarchical passage.
22
Men the three dimensions funct1ona1, h1erarch1caI, and 1ncIus1on~
ar -~ aze Coob1ned, the modeI of the or¿an1zat1on becooes anaIyt1caIIy
oost usefuI and interesting. From a Weber1an, 1deaI-type perspect1ve,
oz¿an1zat1ons are conical in shape and conta1n v1th1n theo three ¿eneric
types of boundaries across which a member wy pass (see F1¿ure 4-A). Ad,
BU $che1n suggests, these boundaries will d1ffer v1th1n and betveen or¿an~
izat1ons as to both their number and pezeab1I1ty (1. e. , the ease or dif­
ficuIty associated with a boundary passa¿e). 8eIat1veIy taII or¿an1zations
(4-B) oay have, for example, many hierarchical boundar1es yet reIat1veIy
few functional and inclusionar ones. ßy 1opI1cat1on, oeobers oov1n¿ up
oz dom in such organizations must orient theæeIves oore to rank and IeveI
d1st1nctions among the membership than to the d1st1nct1ons vh1ch resuIt
fzoo either functional specialization or soc1aI status v1th1n a ¿1ven rank.
mI1tary organizations and the elaborate pa¿eantry that surrounds the
h1erarchical realms within them are unusually ¿ooð exaopIes of th1s type.
U the other hand, flat organizations (4~C) su
¿
h as sooe consuIt1n¿ firms
have fev hierarchical boundaries but ony funct1onaI and inclusionary ones.
Indeed, in such tÍ1V¡ LUITOVCT iS hÍ9h and few members are allowed (or
necessarily desire) to pass across the relatively str1n¿enL tad1aì d1OenS1OnS
to becoÆe centraI and pemnent f1xtuzes vthM the ormn1zar1on. PzeetJ¿1ous
un1vers1t1es represenz another good illustration wherein functional boundaries
are exceedin¿Iy difficult to zotate throu¿h and 1nc1us1onary boundar1es are
¿uazded by the most rigorous of tenur1n¿ po11c1es.
(IX$£8T FI0Ü£ 4 A0O 8M)
Organization aIso d1ffer in the sorts of fiIter1n¿ proCeBes theY use
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24
to screen, select, and process those members wo pass across particular
boudaries. Hierarchical boundaries crossed by persons moving upward are
asociated usually with filtering processes carrying notions of merit,
potential, and judged past performance, although age and length of service
are often utilized as surrogate measures of
"
readiness
"
to move upward in
BD organization. Functional boundaries usually filt
e
r pe
o
ple on the basis
of their demonstrated skill or assumed aptitude to handle a particular task.
However, when functional boundaries are relatively permeable, as they often
are, the filtering process may operate on the premise that there are people
in the organization who
"
need
"
or
"
wish
"
to broaden their work experiences.
Finally. inclusio�ary filters, in the main, represent evaluations made by
others on the scene as to another
'
s
"
fitness
"
for membership. Of course,
such evaluations may be formal, informl, or both. Consider the new patrol­
ÆD in a large urban police department who must not only serve out a period
of official probation successfully but also must pass a number of unofficial
colleague-initiated tests on the street before others in the department will
vLev him as a desirable member of the patrol division land assigned squad
within that division) within the organization (Van Maanen, lS¯o; Rubenstein,
l9(o) .
Given this model, some key postulates about the socialization process in
organizations can be stated.
First, socialization, although continuous throughout one's career
within an organization, is no doubt more intense and problematic for a
member (and others) just before and just after a particular boundary
passage. That is, an individual's anxiety and hence vulnerability to
organizational influence are likely to be highest during the antici­
patory and initiation phases of an organizational boundary passage.
25
Simlarly, the wre boundar1es tmt are crossed by a persOn at anyone t1w,
�°
the wre protound the ezer1ence 1s I1keIy to be for tbeperson. Th1s 1s
one reason vhy the outs1der~to~1ns1der passaze 1n vh1ch a=1nd1v1dua
|
crosses
over aII three orzan1zat1onaI boundar1es at once 1s so oftenwrked by
dzaæt1c chanzes 1n a person, changes of a sort that are rareIy mcched
agaLa dur1nz other 1nternaI passazes of the 1nd1v1duaI ' s career (Van Haanen,
1Ý/0| 0Iaser, Iº0ö; ßecker e aI. , Iº0I; Buzhes , IºJö) .
5econd , a person 1s I1keIy to have the wst 1npact upon others 1n the
ozgaaLzat1oa, vhat Porter , LavIer, and Backn (Iº7§) caII tbe "1nd1viduaIization"
process and vhat 5che1n (Iº0ö) refers to as the "1nnovat1on" process, at
poLnts furthest fron any boundary cross1nz. In other vords , the 1nfIuence
ot the orzsn1zat1on upon the 1m1v1duaI peaks dur1ng passaze
t
vhereas the
ILvLduaI
+
s 1nfIuence upon the orzan1zat1on peaks veII after and veII before
ay turther novenent�
TLrd, because of the con1caI shape typ1caIIy d1spIayed by organ1zations.
socLaI1zat1on aIong the 1ncIusionary d1oens1on 1s I1keIy to be nore crit1caI
æ
to Iover pIaced nenbers than h1gher pIaced neobers s1nce , accor1ing to the
vodeI, tO oove uU 1n the OIPanÍZat1On ind icates that sooe . Þethð08 COn81deIðb1e
noveoe:�L ua6 aJIe0d] OCcuI:Cd iC×JId. ¡:1S UteSuOCSg uOWCve1¡ CU .d<a1 t¸¡÷.
sW etr1caIIy shaped organ1zations vhere1n centraI neobers froo the top to
tÞe bot1OT ot tbe OYean1za11on aÎ1 smre rou�hIv the saoe noms am vaIues .
In fact, as Figure 5-A shows, organizations may be
26
non~sy etricaIIy skeved , thus, h1erarach1caIIy favorinz the novenent up
ot onIy those persons cooin¿ froo a partLcuIar funct1onaI or incIusio�ary
Iocat1oo. 0onsider , for exaopIe those bus1ness conc�rs vhose top executives
InvariabIy cooe froo onIy certain funct1onaI areas of the or¿anization.
5IIIarIy, or¿anizatJons oy aIso be t1pped radicaIIy to the side (5-B) .
In such cases , certaJn JncIusJonary prerequisites for career ooveoents and
LÞeI£ assocIated boundary passa¿es have been oore or Iess aItered because
"InsIders" at one IeveI are "outsiders" at another . Ror are "1ns1ders" 1n
a tavorabIe position to oove upvard in the orgBniZat1oO as nLght be the case
Iu nore sy etricaIIy shaped fims vhere certa1n key vaIues are
smred by aII "insiders" re¿ardIess of IeveIØ To take an exanpIe, certain
or¿anizations headed by reforo oined top officiaIs wy wke "oountain
cIUbers" out of sooe oeobezs vho IiteraIIy scaIe the verticaI d ioension of
t he or¿anization froo an outsJder' s or non-incIusionary pos1t1on. Yet , 1t
Is probabIy aIso true that durin¿ such a cIiob the cIiober has IittIe effect
upon any of the various ¿roups in vhich he or she oy have cIaioed oeobership
sInce the cIJober viII never have deveIoped a persuasive or infIuentiaI pos1tJon
I0
vIthin these or¿anJzationaI sezents .
lIR5E8T FT0V 5 ABOU RR)
Ve have nov reached the sta¿e vhere it wkes sense to return to the
IoIviduaI IeveI of anaIysJs for a tioe and consider tm vays in vhich peopIe
can respond to an or¿anJzationaI soc iaIization process . Ad , after consJder-
1ng th1s probIeo brJefIy , ve can then proceed to the centraI wtters of our
COnC OtU . |ÞO Cx3Olnat 1On O ! VJr : Ous ptOCeSSeS thtOu2h WhiCh orz�n¡za t !onaIly
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28
defined roles (consisting of hierarchical, functional , and inclusionary
properties) are passed on from generation to generation of organizational
memers.
1V. Individual Responses to organizational Socialization
Role Components -- Knowledge, Strategy, and Mission
Any or¿anLzatJonaI1y defLned roIe IncIwes vmt 8uzhes (1958) caIIed
• "bunJe of tasks" . Vhether cne Is a Iathe opetatot , dentIst , beauty
operator , or comput er pro¿ramer , each roIe IncIudes wny spec IfIc
ætIons am tasks to be perfored ran¿In¿ frcm perhaps sveepIn¿ the
fIccr tc medLatLn¿ dLsputes betveen coIIea¿ues , cr , frcm fIIIIn¿ Ln for
an absent covorker to ut LILzLn¿ one ' s om scnevhat specIaI and unIque
skIIIs In the perforance of a ¿Iven task. In ¿eneraI , then, a rcIe Is
mereIy the set of often dLverse behavLors that are more OT Iess e×pec ted of
persons vho occupy a certaLn defLned posLtLon vLthIn a partIcuIar socLaI
system, Ln thLs case, an or¿anLzatLon (Parsons , 1951 ; Revcomb, 195 2 ; ß� &|e
an�e�a , I96�) . Noreover , Lt usuaIIy foIIovs that If these e×pectatLons
are met or exceeded , certaLn or¿anLzatIonaI rI¿hts and revards are passed on
tc the person performLn¿ the roIe . Tf not , hcvever , It usuaIIy foIIovs
that certaIn re�edLaI actLons are taken or punLshments meted out .
AII roIes vhLch are created , sustaLned , and transmItted by peopIe
LncIude both content characterLstLcs ( Ie , vhat It Is peopIe shouId do) and
process characterLstLcs ( Le, hov Lt Is they shouId do It) . The content of
a partLcuIar roIe can be depJcted both In ters of a ¿eneraI , �Imost
LdecIo¿IcaI wndate that ¿oes vLth It and In terms of the prac tIcaI set
cf ondate~fuIfLIILn¿ ac tLons that are suppose tc be performed by the
roIe occupant . Tus , doc tors are thou¿ht to "heaI the sIck" by prescrLbLn¿
avaLIab1e "cures " ro be Íouud sOOeWhere v1 ch1n tbe vðst CatalOgue of '�ec icaì'
K0V1edRe- ¯ b1D11a£1Y, Lhe Þ£0Ce99 aS90C1aLw VLh Lhe ÞeIÎOTuCe OÎ
• I01e a1S0 haS a990C1aLed W1Lh 1L generaI SLIaLeg1eS aw 9peC1Î1C ptaCL1Ce9 -
1e d0CL0£ ¯d0e9 d1aRu0919¯ bY LaK1uR a ÞaLIeuL'B b100 p£e99u£e , elÌCÌtÌng
Z º
& Þ1SL0£Y, £ead1uR au Ĭ£aY, am S0 Ï0ILÞ- ËIw1Y, 11uK0 L0 a11 Lhe9e
C0uCe£u9 a£e 9OC1a1 D0£Q9 aud £u1eS VÞICh SuRReSL, Î0£ eX8QD1e, Lhe apptOpz1ðLe
Wme£I9D9 , aLL1Lude9 , aud 90C1a1 £1L0a1S L0 be d1Sp1aYw Wheu pe£Î0£D1uR
rarIous Þa£L9 0Î Lhe ¯buud1e 0Î La$KS¯ Ca11w a £01e, Ü0CL0IS, L0 C0uL1uue
mI I11uSL£aL10u, haVe ¯bÐ91de WuueIS ·
tt
0ÏLeu aSSuDe a Þ09e 0Î d19LauCe
0I IeWLeue99 L0Wa£d Ce£La1u eD0L10ua11Y L£Y1uR eeuL9 Iu Lhe 11Ve9 OÎ
LÞeII ÞaL1euL9, aud LaKe a Cw£aCLe£1SL1Ca11Y ` a11 K0W1uR¯ 9LauCe L0Wa£d
W8L 0Ï LÞe 00IS1uR Þe£90uue1 V1LÞ VÞ0 LÞeY Cm IuL0 C0uLaCL -
¥LLIuR LÞeSe C0uCeÞLua1 WLLe£S L0ReLÞeI, 0IRau12aLI0ua11Y deÎ1ued
roIes Cau be 9eeu L0 Þ099e9S , Î1£9L , a C0uLeuL OZ Ku0W1edRe ba9e Wh1Ch,
1 &CCeÞLed bY Lhe £01e 0CCuÞauL , 1udICaLeS LÞe I&uRe 0Î eX19L1uR 901uL10u9
L0 LÞ0 RIVeu Þ£0b1eW 0uC0uuLe£ed £eR1a£1Y 0u LÞe j0b - ËuR1uee£9 K0W,
foz Iu9LauC0, Lhe heaL 11Q1L9 L0 Wh1CÞ Ce£LaIu BeLa1S Cau 0e eXÞ09w beÎO£e
LÞe D01eCu1e9 0Î Lhe QeLa19 £ea££auRe LheWe1VeS- beC0ud , au 0£Rau1ZaL1OuaIIY
deÏIued I01e 1uC1ude9 a 9LtaLeH1C ba9e Wh1Ch SuRRe9L9 Lhe R£0uud£u1e9 Î0£ Lhe
CÞ0SIuR 0Î Þa£L1Cu1a£ 901uL10u9 - beuCe, euRIuee£$ WY be 0uL L0 ¯CuL COSt9¯
0I ¯beaL Lhe C0DpeL1010u¯ 1u 90Ne 0£Rau1zaL10uS Wheu de91R1uR a pa£L1CuIa£
0I00CL 0I Þ1eC0 0Î WC0Iue£Y. TÞIId, oræaIætIomIIy d0ÏIu0d £010S &£0
ÌnVeSteÓ hÌStOzÌCðlIV WÌth SOmethÌng Ot ðn e
^
lÌCÌt ðnÓ ÌælÌCÌt mÌSSÌOn,
DuzDOSe , Oz mðnÓðte WhÌCh ÌS , Ìn Dðzt, tzðCeðble tO the InC·/1edOe ðnd Stzðtegy
bðSeS Ot the zOle , but, ðlSO ÌS gzOunÓeÓ Ìn the tOtðl OzgðnÌzðtiOnal mÌSSÌOn
ðnd Ìn the zelðtÌOnShÌDS thðt ð DðztÌCulðz zOle hðS WÌth Othez zOIeS WÌthÌn
ðnd OutSÌÓe the OzgðnÌzðtÌOn. Bng1neezÌng zOleS , tO WÌt , aze detÌneÓ ðnd
supported by other managerial , technical support , and sales roles in both organ-
izational and cli�nt contexts , and hence are influenced by their relative position
3 0
in the overall scheme of things B While the professionalization Ot a: particular
occupational role can be viewed as an attempt to reduce such dependencies
through the claim made by role practitioners to have an autonomous and special
knowledge base, such professionalization in an organizational society such
. .
1
11
as ours 1S very 1ncomp ete. At any rate, the missions associated with
organizationally defined roles serve to legitimate, justify, and define the
ends pursued by role occupants and, thus, support to some degree the various
strategies and norms followed by those presently performing the role.
Tese three features of an orsagizatiouly dm1w I0Î0 ¬ WoVÎedze
base, strate¿y, and m1ss1on ~~ and the normç that surround them are of course
hLzhIy Intertv1ned . A chan¿e In the kovIed¿e base of a ¿Iven roIe may
aIter the means an end foIIoved by practItIoners . Imeed , the reco¿nIzed
faIure to achIeve a ¿Iven end wy provoke the deveIopment of nev knovIed¿e.
8trate¿Ic faIIures are not unkom eIther am wy Iead to the dIsenchantment
am chan¿e In the mIss1on an kovIed¿e bases of a �artIcuIar roIe . RevertheIess ,
zLven the sItuat1on In vh1ch a nevcomer Is asked to take on an or¿anIzatIonaIIy
defLned roIe, that nevcomer æst respom in some fashion to these three
oØnts W
Responses to Socialization
A. Custodianship, Content Innovation, and Role Innovation
Perhaps the easiest or most expedient response of a newcomer to a given
role is to assume a custodial or caretaker stance toward the knowledge, strategies,
and missions associated with the role (Schein, 1S¯|b) . Taking such a stance,
the nevcomer does not questIon bt accepts the status guo. 0ertaImy, there
are poverfuI reasons for adopt1u¿

such a custodIaI or conformIn¿ or1entat1on.
FLrst and foræost amon¿ them Is the pIaIn !act that the Inher1ted past
assumed by the nevcomer my have mch to recomend It In tems of func tIonaI
achIevement . If the enterprIse has been successfu, WY "rok the boat"?
31
Û0 S1Þ1Y 1e&T9 LÞe 9ub9LauLIVe £e0uI£weuLS 0Î Lhe j 0b aud Lhe Cu9LODtY
8LI8LeRIeS Lh&L h&Ve beeu deVe10Þed L0 WeL LheSe £e0uI£eDeuL9 t aw the norms
0Ï 0Se LÞ&L 9u££0uud LheD) &w Lhe 9uCCe99Îu1 &CC0Q p1I9meuL 0Î Lhe mssIon
ÌS ðSSuzeÓ.
On the Othez hðnÓ, ðS ð neWCOmz one Oay teei tot a vatiety ot teasons
SOmewhðt ÌmDðtÌent WÌth Oz uneðSV ðbOut the knOWleÓge bðSe Ot ð DðztÌCulðz
OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðl zOle thðt ÌS tzðnSmÌtteÓ ðnÓ, henCe , be unWÌllÌng tO
lÌmÌt OneSelt tO the uSe Ot SuCh knOWleÓge Ìn the DeztOzmðnCe OÎ the zOle .
A neWIV DzOmOteÓ mðzketÌng mðnðgez mðV, tOz ÌnStðnCe , tðke ÌSSue WÌth the quðl~
ÌtV Ot SOme Ot the zegÌOnðl zeDOztS uSeÓ bV hÌS Oz hez DzeÓeCeSSOz tO ÌntOzm
ÞS d0CISI0u WKIuR- Te new WmRe£ WY Lbeu aRR£e9IVe1Y 9eeK 0uL other
IÎ0WLI0u 0u VhICÞ L0 b&9e hI9 deCI9I0u9 - A a £e9u1L, ueW strate¿Ies
&w Þe£ÞÞ9 eVeu ueV 0bjeCLIVe9 WY �VeuLu&11Y deVe10p Iu LÞI9 department .
ôMI1&I1V, L&CLICa1 &1Le£uaLIVe9 a9 L0 Lhe Deau9 L0 Ce£LaIu ew9 wy be sou¿ht
00L by IwIVIdua19 &ÎLe£ a99uD1uR a ueV £01e- TÞe ueV W£KeLIuR wna¿er wy
d0CId0 L0 IuV01Ve D0£e 9&1e9Deu &ud euRIuee£9 U ¿roup DeeLIuR9 devoted to
ÓeVelODÌng neW DzOÓuCt lÌneS ÌnSteðÓ Ot zelVÌng OnlV On hÌS Oz hez OWn
mzketÌng DeODle .
SCheÌn | lS/lb) zetezS tO thÌS zeSDOnSe ðS " COntent ÌnnOVðtÌOn. " It ÌS
mðzkeÓ bV the ÓeVeJODment Ot SuStðntÌVe ÌmzOVementS Oz ChðngeS Ìn the
W0V1edRe ba$e 0£ 9L£aLeRIC pIaCLICe9 0Î a pa£LICuIa£ £01e- The "reformer"
1 Þub1IC 9e£VICe a¿encIes , for e×ampIe, rareIy seeks to chan¿e the stated
0bjeCLIVe9 0Î the a¿ency mIssJon, but rather seeks to 1mprove, æke more
0ÏÎICIeuL or Iess corrupt
the
e×IstIn¿ practIces by WhICÞ ¿Iven ends are
C011eCLIVe1Y 90uRhL- Ïu 9uCÞ C&9e9 , tradItIonaI ends aud noms of pract1ce
&£e aCCepLed by the nevcomer , bt the person Is troubIed by the e×Ist1nz
s trate¿Jes ot tacnnoìogieS~in~uSe Iot thC aChiCVaCant OI tnese end s a�d
32
perhaps Is trcubIed tcc by the de¿ze e tc vhIch the tradItIcnaI ncms are
cIrcumented U practLce.
PshIn¿ the anaIysLs cne mcre step , an ImIvIduaI wy seek tc redefIne
the entire role by attack
.
ing and attempting to change the mission associated
traditionally with that role . This response is characterized by a complete
re] ectIcn cf most cf the noms zcvernInz the ccnduct am perfcznce cf a
pa�tIcuIar rcIe. The "8ebeI" or "0uerzIIIa" cr "Insur¿ent" are pcpuIar
ta¿s ve attach tc and assccLate vLth such responses. TaKe, fcr exmpIe ,
&Iph Rader ' s attempts vLthLn certaLn ccænItIes cf Iavezs vhc vcrk fcr
the fæezaI ¿cvernment tc create and sustaIn an cr¿anIzatIcnaIIy defLned
roIe cf ccnsumer advocate, LndustrLaI safety pzcponent, cr even vhIstIebIower .
Kso ncte the recent questLcnLn¿ raLsed by heaIth care cffIcLaIs as tc the
appzcpr�ate aL of medLcaI practLce • ¶ $cme dcctcrs have Ln fact ar¿ed
vIr¿crcusIy Ln both vords am deeds fcr prcfessIcnaI roIes tmt are proactLve
æ pzeventatLve centered rather than t�e hIstorLcaIIy f1xed reactLve and
treatment centered roles . Schein (l97lb) has called this response "role inno­
vation" in that a genuine attempt is made by a role holder to redefine the ends to
vh±ch the rcIe functLons .
Tus , there are twc pcIes tcwrd vhIch a nevcmer ' s respcnse tc an
or¿anIzatIonaIIy defLned roIe can zravItate . At cne e×treme Is the caretakLnz
respcnse , orked by an acceptance of the rcIe as presented and tradItLonaIIy
practLced by rcIe occupants . Ve vLII IabeI thLs response and the varLous
fczms Lt can take as "custodLaI" . At the cther e×treoe, ve can zrcup r�sponses
cf an "LnnovatLve" nature . &rhaps mcst extreme are thcse respcnses vhLch
display a rejection and redefinition of the major premises concerning missions
and strate¿!es followed by the m] or1ty of the rcIe occupancs tc both pract1ce
and jus tify their present role what WO label nC:ð 'tOie LnnOvatLOn` . Less
3J
BCZ0D0, b0L Þ0IÞÞS equaÎ1Y &S Im0V&LIVe Iu S0De Ca9eS are thcse responses
11C&LIVe 0Ï &u 6ÏÏ0£L L0 Î0C&Le ueV W0V1edRe 0u W1Ch tc base the or¿anLza~
CI0011Y deÏ1uw T0Îe 0� Mp£0Ved DeauS L0 Þe£Ï0£D 1L VÞL ve IabeI
B0I0 ¯C0uLeuL Iuu0VaLI0u- ¯ ÜÏ C0uISe, SuCÞ ueV K0V1edRe, IÏ dLsccvered ,
W Y 10w 0u1Y L0 a Ïu£Lhe£ £aLI0m1IzaL10u 0Ï the Þ£e9euL Þ£aCL1Ce9 and
.
Ioals, b0L , nevertheIess , Lhe 9ea£Ch ILS01Ï, L0 dIÏÏe£IuR de¿rees , represents
80WLÞIuR 0Ï &u Iuu0VaL1Ve £eSp0uSe- Ï0£ 0uI Þu£p0SeS Lheu, thcse LndLvLduaIs
wo 8ÎLe£ aSSuNIuR a ¿Lven £0Îe, SeeK &CLIVe1Y L0 &1Le£ ILS kcvIed¿e
D880, 8L£&LeRIC p£aCLICeS, 0£ hISL0£ICaÎ1Y eSLabÎIShÐ wS dISpÎaY B zenerLc
Z08Þ0uS0 LYpe V0 VÎ1 IabeI ¯Im0VaLIVe¯ aud �1Ch Cau be turLhe£ broken
dm 10L0 £0Îe Im0VaL10u &ud C0uLeuL Im0VaLI0u-
10 C0uL£&1 DuL SLI11 uaRRIuR queSLI0u £eWIuS , 0Ï C0u£Se , aS tc the
ZBS0uS LÞ&L Þ£0V0Ke 0ue 0£ LÞ0 0Lhe£ £eSÞ0uSe L½eS . Üe£LaIu1Y, Iud1V1duaI9
. var 1u LÞeII b&CKR£0uudS , V&1u0 SYSLeW, aw Þ£&ISp0SLI0uS to CaÎDÎY
8CC00L LÞIRS &8 LÞeY a£e 0£ L0 VIR0£0uS1Y SL£IVe L0 aÎL0£ LheN- ÏL I9
CT0 L00 LÞ&L Ch&uReS 1u Lhe 1a£Re£ euVI£0meuL WILhIu VhICh cr¿anLzatLonaIIy
d0Ï1uw £01eS &£e p1aYed 0uL WY Ï0£Ce Ce£LaIu chan¿es up0u rcIe cccupants
d0SÞILe pe£haÞ9 vehement £e9ISLeuCe 0£ VhaLeVe£ partLcuIar baCK¿rouuds g
V&100S , 0I predIsposItLons detLne Lh09e Wh0 Þ£e9mLÎY Þ6£Ï0T a zLven
I010- b0L , LheSe Ï&CL0£S R0 WeÎ1 beY0ud 0u£ IuLe£e9L9 he£e for they
eSSentÌðllV lÌe OutSÌÓe ðn OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðl ðnðlVSÌS . The CðuSðl meChðnÌSm
We Seek tO exðmÌne heze ÌS the OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðl SOCÌðlÌzðtÌOn DzOCeSS ÌtSelt .
Te£eÏo£e, the arzement to fcIIov su¿¿ests that there are partLcuIar
Î0IS 0Ï S0C1.1zatLoO that Cau euhauCe 0£ £eta£d the ILkeILhccd of au
1 0V&LIVe 0£ CuSL0d1&Î respcnse tc au 0£RauIzaL10uaÎÎY d eÏIued £OÎe
OO WLLeI Vh&L Lhe aLL£1buLeS 0Ï Lhe pe0pÎe beLn¿ �ocessæ cr hov the
partJcular enVì tOnenc :s Cì.ataCtetized ¯õithin Wh1Ch the UtOCCSS OCcu1 S .
V&L Lhe9e Ï0T9 a£e aud hcv they vcrk Ls the topLc nov L0 be addressed e
34
V. People Processing -- The Tactical Dimensions of Organizational
Socialization and Their Effects·
The phrase, "tactics of organizational socialization" refers to the ways
in which the experiences of an individual in transition from one role to
another are structured for him by others in the organization. (Van Maanen,
ì97B) . These tactics may be selected consciously by the mnagement of an
organization such as the requirement that all newcomers attend a formal
training session or orientation program of some kind before assuming the
duties of a particular role. Or, they may be selected " unconsciously" by
management, representing merely precedents established in the dim past of an
organization's history such as the proverbial " sink or swim" method of
socialization used on certain jobs by which individuals must learn how to
perform the new role on their own. From the perspective of those learning
the role, the selection of teaching methods is often mde by persons not of
their own situation but rather by those long gone. Yet, these choices may
still bind contemporary members of the organization. Or, teaching methods
may arise simply from certain latent and unexamined premises or assumptions
underlying present practices. However, regardless of the manner of choice, any
given tactic represents a distinguishable set of events which influence the
1wIVIdu&1 1u L£auS1L1Ou aud WICh wy WKe Iuu0V&LIVe Ie8Þ0u$eS ÍIO& that
ImIvIduaI more IIkeIy than custodLaI (or vIse~versa) . It Is possIbIe
therefore to denote the v arLous tac tLcs used by or¿anIzatLons aod then to
æpIore the dLfferentLaI resuIts of theLr use upon the peopIe to vhom they
are dIrec ted .
1e &uaIys1s presented In thLs 9eCL1Ou e×Iores these LðCL1C9 from
prLwr±Iy a strcturaI �andpoLnt . That Ls , ve are Interested Ln descrLb!n¿
vazIous fors am resuIts of soc LaILzatLon as they occur vhen persons move
across hierarchical , func t ional , anO inc lusionary boundaries . The OaJn !Ocu s
35
18 C0u9e0ueuL1Y uÞ0u Lhe eLeIa1 0£ 9L£uCLu£a1 Þ£0Þe£L1e9 ÞeCu11at to
8 8eCIÎ1ed L&CL1C. The L&CL1C9 a£e e98euL1&11Y Þ£0Ce9$ Va£1ab1e9 akIn to,
Þ0L D0£e SÞeC1Î1C Lhau 9uCh Reue£a1 L£au91L10ua1 Þ£0Ce99e9 as educat1on, traIn~
IR, aÞÞ£euL1Ce9h1Þ, 0£ 9Þ0u9Oz9h1Þ• ¸ Ïu£LhetD0£e, Lhe ÞI0Ce99 V&£1ab1e9
LÞeD9e1Ve9 are not t Ied
to
any Þa£L1Cu1a£ LYÞe 0Î 0£Rau12&L10u- Theoret IcaIIy,
8L 1e89L , LheY Can be used In vIrtuaIIy any settIn¿ In Vh1Ch 1w1V1dua1
C8Iee£9 a£e Þ1ðYw 0uL be LheY bu91ue99 Ca£ee£9, 9Ch001 Ca£ee£9 � Þ011L1C&1
0Iee£9 , 9e71Ce Ca£ee£9 , b1ue, Wh1Le, 0£ Þ1uK C011a£ C&£ee£9 , C1V11
8e£LCe C8£ee£9 , &w so 0u- The anaIysIs Î0110W, Lheu, Lhe D09L fundamentaI
ÞIeD9e LhaL Þe0Þ1e respond to Þ&£L1Cu1a£ 0£Rau1Z&L10m11Y defIned roIes
d1ÎÎe£euL1Y u0L onIy because peopIe and 0£RauI2&L10u9 d1ÏÏe£, buL aIso
ÞeC8u9e 90C1a11zaL10u Þ£0Ce99e9 d1ÎÎe£ - Ad , 11Ke a 9Cu1ÞL0£ ' 9 D01d ,
CeIL&Iu Î0T9 0Î socIaIIzatIon can produce £eW£kb1Y 9Ma£ outcomes no
WLLe£ VhaL IndIvIduaI In¿redIents a£e u9ed L0 Î111 Lhe moI 0£ no Wtte£
Ve£e Lhe D01d 19 LYÞ1C&11Y 9eL dOV-
ÅCÞ L&CL1C We dIscuss beIov OÞe£aLe9 In a WaY LhaL 90DeWhat unIqueIy
organIzes the IeazIn¿ exerIences 0Î a ueWC0W£ L0 a ÞaIL1Cu1at roIe.
ÅLh0uRh WCh 0Î the evIdence presented here on Lhe eÎÎeCLS 0Î a ¿Iven
8L£aLeg comes Σ0D studIes comucted on Lhe 0uL91de£¬L0¬1u91de£ passaze
We£e1u a person fIrst becomes a member of Lhe orzanIzatIon, the anaIysIs
8eeæ L0 ¿� beyond these transItIons by e×amInIn¿ the effects of each
L8CL1C across the three orzanIzatIonaI boundarIes separateIy, reInforcInz ,
8L LDe same tIme, the pzoposItIon that socIaIIzatJon occurs perIodIcaIIy
Lm0u¿houL the orzanIzatIonaI careers of IndIvmuaIs .
1e Va£10u9 tactIcs ve W11 descrIbe are not mtuaIIy e×cIusIve .
1wew, LheY are usuaIIy combIned In sundry am sometImes �nventIve vays .
The effects of thC tactlcs u¡OD DCODLC atC COnSCquCnti7 CuriatÍVC . txCepc
36
for a shcrt suæry sectJon, ve dIscuss each t&CtIC M £0Ì&L1V0 LsoIatIcn.
Eovever, the reader shouId b e avare tht any recrLt to an or¿an±zatJonaI
posLtLcn often encounters a II the 1I9Led LaCLICS sLItanecusIy. AdItJcnaIIy,
0aCh tactJc Js dJscussed aIon¿ vJth Lts ccunterpart or cppcsIn¿ tactJc . In
other vords , each can be thou¿ht of BB e×LstLn¿ on a ccntInuum vhere there
I9 a ccnsJderabIe ran¿e between the tw poIæ.
Þ f
1e term tact Jc Js · use here tc descrLbe each of the ILsted prccesses
because the de¿ree to vhJch any one tac tIc Is u0e by an or¿anLzatIon Js not
1 any sense a "naturaI" or prerequIsIte ccndLtLon necessary fcr sccIaI~
IætLon tc occur . In cther vords , S0C I&1Iz&L10u It861Î &1WY8 takes pIace
at boundary transitions by some means or other. And, whether the tactics
used are selected by design or accident, they are at least theoretically
subject to rapid and complete change at the direction of the
management of an organization. In other words, the relative use of a
particular tactic upon persons crossing given organizational boundaries
can be, by and large, a choice made by organizational decision
makers on functional , economic , technical , humnistic , expedient,
tradItLonaI, cr perhaps pureIy arbJtrary RmmS - ThIS Ls &u Uportant pcJnt
for Lt su¿¿ests that ve can be far more seIf~ccnscIous abcut empIoyJn¿ certaJn
"pecpIe processJn¿ technJques" than ve have been In the past . In �act , a
w] or purpose ot thJs paper Js to heJ¿hten and cuItIvate a broader awareness
of vhat It Is vt� do to peopIe under the ¿uJse of "breakIn¿ them Jn" to an
or¿anJzatIcnaIIy defJned roIe . P�esuwbIy, If ve ¿aJn a ¿reater under~
SLaudIuR and apprecJatJon for the sometUes unIntended ccnsequences cf
a patt iCuìJt tac t ic , �C C2O 31 ter the sttateµy tot the bet terent O:
both the JndIvJduaI and the or¿anIzatJcn.
37
Van Maanen (l978) has identified at least six mjor tactical dimensions
which characterize the structural side of organizational socialization. These
d1uSI0uS 0£ Þ£0Ce9SeS Ve£e deduCed 10RICa11Y Î0 6NÞIIICa1 Ob9e£VatIOu9
and from accounts found in the social science literature. We do not assert
here that this list is exhaustive or th

t the processes are presented in
any 0Ide£ 0Î £e1eVauCe LO a Þa£LICu1a£ 0TRau12aLI0u O£ 0CCuÞaLIOu. The9e
are Ïuw&NeuL&Î1Y eDÞI£ICa1 0ueSLI0uS LhaL Ca0 be auSVe�w 0u1Y bY Îu£the£
Zm0a£CÞ- He d0 &SSe£L h0VeVe£ &w aLLeWL L0 dæu9t¥at0 LÞ8L LheSe taCtICS
are 0uILe COW0u L0 & RIVeu bOuuda£Y Þ&SS&Re &w 0Î SubSL8uLIa1 C0u9e0ueuCe
to pe0Þ1e Iu Lhe O£RauI2aLIOu Iu LhaL LheY Þa£LIa11Y deLeTIue Lhe deR£ee
to VÞICÞ Lhe £eSÞOuSe OÎ Lhe ueVCme£ VI11 be CuSL0d1a1 O£ IuuOVaLIVe.
Lstly, Ve Sh0u1d u0Le Lh&L Lhe£e IS SeeDIuR1Y uO 10RICa1 O£ COuCIu9IVe
m t0 a 1ISL 0Î O£RauI2aLIOua1 SOCIa1I2aLI0u LaCLICS � 1he 1ISL WY VeI1
D0 10ÏIuILe Î0£ LheSe a£e eSSeuLIa11Y Cu1Lu£a1 Î0£NS LhaL a£e C0uL1uuaIIY
8D§eCL L0 IuVeuLI0u &w DOdIÎIC&LIOu &S Ve11 &S SL&bI1I2aLI0u &w COuLIuuItY.
At 1eaSL aL LhIS juuCLu£e Iu the deVe10ÞNeuL OÎ theO£Y, 0ue9tIOu9 COuCe£uIuR
CÞ0 uSe 0Î &ud ChauRe Iu the Va£IOuS LaCLICS 0Î SOCIa1I2aLIOu a£e ju9t
D0RIuuIuR LO be &uSVe£ed bY Ca£eÎuI1Y de9IRued research. . Our reasons for choosing
CÞeSe Þa£LICu1a£ taCtIC9 a£e 6IDÞIY Lhe VISIb1e Þ£e9euCe íO£ OWI¬Þ£e9euCe)
0Ï a L&CLIC aC£O99 VhaL aÞÞea£9 LO be a VIde Va£IetY OÎ 0£RauI2atIOu9 as
V011 aS Lhe SeeDIuR INÞO£LauCe aw ÞOVe£ OÎ Lhat LaCLIC
on persons who are
80bjeCLed LO IL .
1e SIX dIDeu9IOu9 We WII auaIY2e a£e¦
1) Ü011eCtIV� VS . IudIV1duaI 9OCIa112at1Ou Þ£OCe9SeS
Z) Ï0T1 VS . IuÎO£OaI 9OC 1aII2aLIOu Þ£0Ce99e9
3) be0ueuLIa1 VS - £audOO 9teÞ9 Iu the SOC1aII2atIOu Þ£OCeS$
4) ÏIXed V9 - Va£IabI � 5OC1aL1ZðtIOu Þ£OCe99e9
5) �eriai vs . d is; uc L .V� sO¯iaIiZ at iOn processes
6) LuVe9LItu£e V9 . d1vest1ture 9OC1ðL1Zat1Ou pzocesses
A. Collective vs. Individual Socialization Processes
Definition
3B
0·lectIve socIaIIzatIon refers tc the tactIc cf takIn¿ a ¿rcup
of zecruIts vho are facIn¿ a ¿Iven bcundary passa¿e an puttIn¿ them throu¿h
a ccæon set of e×perJences to¿ether . A numbez of ¿ood exmIes of thIs
pzocess are readITy avaIlabIe t basIc tzaImn¿ or boct camp
In mIItary or¿anIzations , pIed¿In¿ In fzatezmI crdezs , educatIcn U
gzaduate schooIs for the schcIarIy and pzofessLcnaL tzmæ. IntensIve ¿roup
traInIn¿ for saIesmen In busIness fIz, wna¿ement tzaLnLn¿ ccurses to
wLch ¿rcups of prospectIve or practIcIn¿ mana¿ers are sent for an
ætended perIod of comon educatIon, and sc fcrth.
At the other e×treme, socIaIIzatIcn In the InIvIduaI mode refers to
the tactIc of prccessIn¿ recruIts sIn¿Iy and In IsoIatIon from cne another
thzcu¿h a more or Iess unIque set of expezIences . ApprentIceshIp pro¿rams ,
specLfIc Intern or traInee assI¿nments , and pIaIn "on~the~] ob traInIn¿"
wherein a recruit is exected to learn a given organizationally defined role on
his or her own accord are typical examples. As Wheeler ( 1977) notes, the difference
betveen the tvo tactIcaI forms Is anaIc¿ous tc the batch versus unIt
styIes of productIon. Tn the batch or mass productIon case , recruIts are
bunched to¿ether at the outset and channeIed throu¿h an IdentIcaI set of
events vIth the resuIts beIn¿ reIatIveIy unIform. In the unIt or ode-to~
czder case, recruIts are processe IndIvIduaIIy throu¿h a rather dIfferent
serIes of events vIth the resuIts beIn¿ reIatIveIy varIabIe.
A 8ecker (J9b4) and others hve ar¿ued quIte persuasIveIy, vhen
LndLvIduaIs e×perIence a socIalIzatIon pro¿ram coIIectIveIy, the thou¿hts ,
feeIIn¿s , and actIons of those In the recruIt ¿roup aImost aIvays refIect
au "In the same boat " consc iousness . Ind ividual chanzes 1n perspect ive are

39
tbezetoze buLIt upon an undezstamLng ot the pzobIew taced Py aII zroup
Þæezs. Ï ßeckez' s vozds, "as the gzoup smzes pzobIæe , varLous nenbers
æez¼mt vLth possLbIe soIutLons and zepozt back to the gzoup. In the course
of coIIectLve dLscussLons , the newezs azzLve at a det±nLtLon ot theLr
sItuat1on and deveIop a consensus . "
0oIIectLve socLaILzatLon pzocesses ottm pzowte am LntensLty the
dæms ot the socLaILzatLon agents . Indeed, aæ zecz1ts socLaILze each
othr 1n vays t
þ
e az couId nevez do, oz, toz that wttez, wuId not
ottIcIaIIy be pezn
{
tted to do. 5W1IazIy, muam stadents aze ottm
8&1 to Ieam noze tzon one anothez tmn tzon the tacuIty. m, vhLIe the
so1aI1zatLon agents wy have the povez to detLne tbe mtuze ot the
coIIect1Ve pzobIen, the zeczuLts otten have wze zesouzces avaLIabIe to then
to define the soIut1on ~ tW, exez1ence, wtLvatLon, exeztLse and
patience foz Iack thezeot) . In wny cases, coIIectLve tactLcs �esuIt 1n
toWt1on ot an aIwst sepazate subvozId vLthLn the orzaaLzatLon conpr1sed
soIeIy ot zeczuIts , �onpIete vLth Lts ow azgot , azeas of dIscourse , and
unIque undezstandLngs. A cuItuzaI pezspect1ve Ls deveLoped that cæ be
bzought to beaz upon coæon pzobIens taced by the group.
13
0ornbush (1955)
8uggested, toz æanpIe, that a "unLon ot sypathy" deveIoped anonz recruits
1 a Coast Oazd A cadem as a zesuIt ot the mtorcæ rezLnentat±on assoc1ated
Wth the tzaLnLnz �zozran. 5hazLnz sLnLIaz dLtt1cuItLes aw vork1nz out
coIIectLve soIutLons cIearIy drawtLzed to the rec¥1ts the vorch and
usetuIness of coIIeamaI reIatLonshLps .
IndLvLduaI stratez1es aIso 1nduce personaJ chan¿e . ßut the vLevs ·
adopted by peopIe pzocessed 1ndLv1duaIIy aze ILkeIy to be tar 1ess
bonogeneous than the vLevs ot t�ose pzocessed coIIectLveIy. In psychoanaIytic
tzaLnLnz, tor exaopIe , the vocabuIazy ot notLves a recrit-patLent deveIops
40
to interret his or her situation is quite personal and specific comared to the
vocabuIary that deveIops 1n ¿roup therapy (LaLn¿, Iºbû) . 0f course , such
socLaI1zat1on can resuIt 1n deep 1nd1v1duaI chanzes ~~ vat 8urke lIºô0)
rcfers to as "secuIar convers1on" but they are IoneIy chan¿es and are
dependent soIeIy upon the part1cuIar reIatLonshLp vh1ch exLsts betveen a¿ent
m recru1t .
Apprent1cesh1p modes of vork soc1aIIza&1on a� æm1WB quLte sLm1Iar
to the therap1st~pat1ent reIat1onsh1p . If the responsLb1I1ty for transform1n¿ an
DdLv1duaI to a z1ven status v1th1n the or¿anLzatLon Ls deIe¿ated to
oaIy one person, an 1ntense , vaIue~or1ented process 1s wst I1keIy
to foIIov. Th1s pract1ce Ls comon whenever a roIe
incument is viewed by
othets 1n the or¿an1zat1on as be1nz the onIy nenber capabIe of shap1n¿ the
recrLt . 0apIov (I964) notes the prevaIence of th1s pract1ce Ln the upper
IeveIs of bureaucrat1c or¿an1zat1ons . $1nce the respcns1b1I1ty 1s z1ven
to omy one or¿an1zatíonaI menber , the person so des1¿nated often becomes
B
a zoIe nodeI vhose thouzhts and act1ons the recru1t emIates . PoI1ce
departments , craft~I1ke trades , am arch1tecturaI f1ms aII make e×tens1ve
use of the 1nd1v1duaI soc1aI1zat1on strate¿y. 0tcomes 1n these one~on~one
efforts are dependent pr1mar1Iy upon the affect1ve reIat1onsh1ps wh1ch may or
wy not deveIop betveen the apprent1ce and wster . In cases of h1zh affect ,
the nev member 1s I1abIe to qu1ckIy and fuIIy apprec1ate and

acce
p
t the skills,
beliefs, and values of his or her mentor and the process works �relatively well.
Bovever , when there are few affectLve bonds , the socLaI1zatLon process may
break dom and the hoped for trans1t1on v1II not take pIace.
Frm th1s standpo1nt , 1nd1v1duaI soc1aILzat1on processes are most I1keIy
to be associated with complex roles. Further, such modes are most frequently
followed when there are relatively few incuments compared to many aspirants
41
for a given role and when a collective identity amng recruits is viewed
as less important than the recruit' s learning of the operational specifics
of the given role.
On the other hand, collective socialization programs are usually
found in organizations where there are a large nuer of recruits
to Þe pzccessed Intc the same ozganIzatLomIIy detInæ zcIe; weze the content
of th±s zoIe can be faIrIy cIearIy mecIfIed ; am, vheze the ozganIzatIon
desIzes tc b�IId a coIIectIve sense of IdentIty, scIIdarIty, am IoyaIty
mthIn the cchort ¿zoup beIn¿ socíaIIzed . UmKI , the Im1vIduaI processes
aze emensIve both In tIm and money. FaIIuzes cannot be easIIy zecycIed
oz zescued by zeassI¿nment . m, vIth ¿zcvIng buzeauczatI� stzuctures ,
coIIectIve socIaIIzatIon tactIcs , because cf theIz eccncmy, ease, effIcIency,
and pzedIctabIIIty, have tendæ tc repIace the wze tzadItIonaI IndIvIduaI
wes cf sccIaIIzatIon such as appzentIceshIp and "on~the~]ob tzaInIn¿" In
the wdez oz¿anIzatIon ($aIaman, I97J ; Perrov, I972; 8Iau and $choenhezr , I97I)
CIven these coneIderatIons , ve can nov dezIve some pzcposLtIons about
the zeIatIonshIp of thIs socIaIIzatIon dUensIcn to bounary passa¿es an
zeczIt zespcnses .
Propositions
A. l . Collective socialization is most likely to be associated with
functional boundaries (where new skills of a technical or functional nature
have to be learned) or with the external -- non-memer to memer -- inclusionary
boudary of a given organizational segment (where some period of orientation
or training is required before it is felt recruits are capable of entering
into even the simplest of role relations associated with the new role) .
A. 2 . Individual socialization is most likely to be associated with
hierarchical boundaries where preparation for promotion requires the comlex
learning of skills, attitudes, and values, and where specific judgments of "
42
a ¿Lven IndLvIduaI mst be æd by certaLn others Ln the or¿anIzatLon as to
the person' s "fLtness" for promotIon (or dewtLon) . $ULIarIy, one vouId
emect LndLvLduaI socLaILzatLon to prec
¿
de passa¿e throu¿h the Innemst
LncIusLonary boundarLes vLthLn an or¿anIzatImaI seznt . To be ¿ranted
tenure or a very centraI posLtLon Ln any or¿anIzatIonaI se¿ment ImpILes
that the IndLvLduaI has been evaIuated by och�zs on the scene as to hLs
or her trustvorthLness and readLness to defend the coæon Lnterests of other
"LmLders . " 0IearIy, such deILcme ewIuatLone can onIy be acomILshed on a
reIatLveIy personaI and case~by~case basLs .
A. 3 .
Matever the boundary beLn¿ passæ, coIIectLve socLaILzatLon
Is wst ILkeIy to produce a custodLaI (or, at best , a content LnnovatLve)
orLentatIon amon¿ nevcomers . It Is Ieast IIkeIy to produce roIe LnnovatLve
outcomes because the ¿roup perspectIve vhIch deveIops as a resuIt of coIIectLve


socLaILzatLon acts as a constraInt upon the LndLvLduaI . The ILkeILhood
of rebeIILon mst be¸ mentLoned hovever because the consensuaI character of
the soIutIons to the boundary passa¿e probIæs wrked out by the ¿roup oy
aIIov the members to coIIectLveIy devLte wre from the stand�rds set by
the a¿ents than Ls possLbIe under the LndIvIduaI node of soc±aIIzatLon.
CoIIectLve processes provLde therefore a potentLaI base for recruIt resLstence.
Classic illustrations of the dilema raised by the use of the collective
strate¿y can be found Ln both educat LonaI and vork envLroments . In
educatIonaI settLn¿s , the ÎaCuJtV wV beseech a student to study hard vhLIe
the student ' s compatrLots e×hort hLm to reIax and have a ¿ood tLme. In
wny vork settLn¿s , supervLsors attempt to Lnsure that each empIoyee vorks up
to hLs IeveI of competence vhLIe the vorker ' s peers try to Lmpress upon hLm
that he mst not be a "rate buster . " To the de¿ree that
recruits are backed
#
.
43
Mto t�e ptovetb

LaI cotnet and caa not satIat both dæ ds

t the sane
tÌme , theV W1ll tyDÌCðllV tOllOW the ÓÌCtð Ot thOSe W1th WhOm theV SDenÓ
´
mOSt Ot theÌz tÌHe . ThuS , Ìn COlleCtÌVe mÓeS , the COngzuenCe between ðgent
ob]ectLves and the actuaI petspectLves aad pzactIces adopted by the gtoup
Is aIvays ptobI�ætLc� "ßeatIng the systeu" by seIectIveIy LgnotLng ot
dIsobeyIag cettaLn agent dewnds Ls.taz noze IIkeIy to occuz In a coIIectLve
socIaIIzatLon ptOcess thaa Ln an LndIvIduaIIzed oae wezeLn agent sutveLIIance
Is cIoset at hand to cozzect vhatevez "monæ" the· ne�wr nm be Ieatn1nz.
Ê. 4 . '
IndLvLduaI socLaILzat1on Ls wst IIkeIy to p¥oduce the spec1t1c
� . . ·

�tcones des±ted by the soc1aILzatLon azeat ls) . ßecaus� ot the teIatLveIy
gz�atez coattoI an azent has ovet a tezIt In the IndIvIduaI node , theSe
outcmes can be custodLaI, content LmovatIve, ot zoIe LnnovatIve .
The ÌmDlÌCðt1On heze ÌS SÌmDlV thðt Ìt One ÌS ðttem

tÌng tO tzðÌn tOz
COntent Oz zOle ÌnnOVðtÌOn í Ì .

e. , Set uD SOCÌðl1zðtÌOn BÌtuðtÌOnS WhÌCh WÌll
wImze the IIkeIIhood ot LnnovatIve tesponses , Lt Ls pzobabIy essentLaI .
B
to nInInIze as æch as possLbIe any coIIectLve ptocess�s thus avoLd1ng the
toætIon ot tectuLt gtoup nozns based oa a coæn ot shated tate. Note
so than IwIvIduaI notns , gtoup notns ate ILkeIy to b8 both ttadLtLonaI and
custodIaI Ln otLencatLon lotten tefIected by the popuIat 1dLons , "the
Dðth Ct leðSt zeSÌStðnCe" Oz the " lOWeSt COmn ÓenOmÌnðtOI" ) whÌCh SezVe
tO SeVezelV lÌmÌt the neWCOmezS ' DOtentÌðl zeSDOnSeS tO theÌz nCVel WOzk
sItwtIon.
B . FOzml VS . IntOzmðl SOC1ðlÌzðtÌOn PzOCeSSeS
DetÌnÌtÌOn
FOzl SOCÌðlÌzðtÌOn zetezS tO thOSe DzOCeSSeS Ìn WhÌCh ð neWCOHez
ÌS mOze Oz leSS SegzegðteÓ tzOm zegulðz OzgðnÌzðtÌOnðl meWezS WhÌle beÌng
44
put throu¿h a set of experiences taiIore exILcLtIy for th� nevcooer .
Formal processes, then, leave no doubt as to the recruit ' s " special" role
D tbe scheoe of thinzs or¿anLzationaI CMææ, I966) . These processes are
= � � � = ~
IIustrated by such sociaILzatLon pro¿raos as poILce acaeoLes , professionaI schooIs
varLous sorts of internshLps , and apprent1ceshLps Ln vhIch the actLvities
tmt are to be en¿a¿ed in by the apprentLce are presczLbed offLcLaIIy and
cIærIy.
InfozI sociaIization processe� , Ln contrast , do not dLstLnzLsh the
tbe nevcooer ' s roIe specificaIIy nor Ls there an effort wde Ln such prozraos
to tLzLdIy dLfferentiate the recruLt froo other ocre exerienced orzanizationaI
. .
wers . As such, LnforwI tactLcs provLde a sort of IaLssez~faLre sociaILzation
tot tecrLts
whereby
nev roIes are Iearned , Lt Ls saLd , throu¿h triaI and
ØZZOZ = mmp1eS hece LncIude those oroverbIaI "on~the~] ob~traLninz` assL¿noents ,
apprentLceship pro¿raos in vhLch the apprentLce ' s roIe Ls not tL¿htIy specified ,
ao, wre ¿eneraIIy, any situation vhere the nevcooer Ls accepted froo the
outset as at Ieast a' provLsionaI oeobe of a wrk ¿roup and not officLaIIy
pIaced Lnto a recruit roIe by the use of specLfLc IabeIs , unLfoms , assizments ,
ot otber syboIic devices desL¿ned to dLstLnmLsh nevcooers froo others on
tbe scene.
TLs dLoensLon Ls reIated cIoseIy to the coIIectLve~LndLvLduaI
dIensLon but Lt Ls , in prLncLpIe , dLfferent . MLIe oost coIIective soc iaI~
LzatLon processes are aIso fomI ones , there are sooe vhLch are inforoaJ .
To vLt , there are those situatLons vhere B cohort of nev eopIoyees Ls brouzht
Lnto an or¿anizatLon tozether , vhere oeetLn¿s are heId periodicaIIy to assess
bov the ¿roup Ls coIIec tiv�y zettLn¿ aIon¿, but , vhere the vork assiznoencs
of each oeober ot the cohort are to dLfferent departoents v1thin vhich each
¬eoer o£ the COhatc is t raIned throuzh 1nÍOtr.l ceans . Un tne O the: hanJ ,
one can aIso iæzine a very forwI socLaIizatLon prozrao exist in¿ for an
LndLvLduaI vhLch entaiIs the IabeIIin¿ of the person as B recruLt and aIso
45
æecIfLee quLte �mteIy a serLee of actLv±cLæ· w W� be perforoæ as
pazt of the traLnLng regLoe. PouId~be partners Ln Iav fLæ are otten sub] ect
to euch eocLaILzatLon tactLcs vhereby they æst fLrst hamIe the "dLrty work"
of tbe fLm for sooe perLm. CertaLmy thLs sort of "pIedge cIass ot one"
Is aot tmt uncoæon Ln mny occupatLomI spheres.
Ë0W1 eocLaILzatIon processes are tyLcaIIy fcum La ozganLzatLcns
weze specLfLc preparatLon for nev status Ls LnvoIv�

am were Lt Ls deemed
Woztant that a nevcooet Iearn the "correct' attLtudes, vaIues , and prctcccI
æsocIated vLth the nev roI¢. Io put the m�ter bIuntIy, the wre tozI
Oe pzocese, the wre concern there Ls ILkeIy to be show for the recruLt ' s
abeomtLon ot the approprLate deoeanor and stance assocLated vLth the tarzet
role ¯¯ that one begLns to thLnk am teeI ILke a 0nLted $tates mr±ne. an
Ä=ÅeB. æecutLve, or a CathoILc prLest.
Te meatez the separatLon of the reczLt fron the day~to¬ay reaILty
0Ï tbe wrk settLng, the Iess the newooer vLII be abIe to carry over and
zeneraILze any abLILtLes or skLIIs Iearned Ln the socLaIIzatLoa settLnz
(BIdveII, I962; $cheLn and 8ennLs, I96J) . FoæI prcceBsUs coacentrate
tbereto

re nore upon attLtude than act . $uch resuIts wY be LnpILcLt cr
wUtended hovever. ConsLder, for examIe, the research vhLch suzzests
tmt poILce rectLts , student nurses , am saIes tzaLaees cowoaIy dencunce
tbeIz formI traLnLng as LrreIevant , amræt, aw duII. FaræoxLcaIIy,
these aevonets are aIso e×pressIn¿ Ln theIr attItude precIseIy thcse
cmonents ot the vaIued subcuIturaI ethos that characterLzes theIr partIcuIar
ocupatLon ~ autonom, pramtIso, and the concern tot pezsoaaI styIe
Òan Kaaen, Iº74 ; 5hafer . I97 5; 0Isen and MLttLker , I967 ) .
It 1� Lopcrrant LO DOCC LOO Lna L tOtCJ pet1OdS Ot SOC1al1ZatÍOn nOc
ony serve to prepare recruLts to assune partLcuIar statuses Ln an crzanLzaticnaì
wzId, thev aIso seze· to prov1de an 1ntens1ve perLod Ln vhLch cthers in
46
tbe or¿anization can rather cIoseIy ] ud¿e the nevcooer ' s comitoent and
deference to the criticaI vaIues of the occupation. 8ecruits in poIice acadeoies
aze, for exaopIe, assessed quite thorou¿hIy by staff oæbers as to their
IoyaIty to not onIy the or¿anization, but to theír feIIov recruits as
well . And, those who do not adhere to particular norms thought crucial to the
tzade (e . ¿. , the "no rat ruIe") are ushered as uncereooniousIy out of
police departments as they were ushered ceremoniously in (Manning and Van Maanen,
I¥75) . It is true of course that oereIy passin¿ throu¿h a ri¿orous forwI
process serves aIso as a test
of
the recruit' s viIIin¿ness to assuoe the
ne roIe. 0ften, siopIy the sacrifice and hard vork it takes B recruit to
cowIete a very Ionz foroaI process serves to effectiveIy fuse the nevcooer
to the ptepat�d~tot toie . Thus, µiven a ienzthv and deOandin� totwi

pzocess , it is unIikeIy that one viII Iater vish to ] eopardize the practicaI
vaIue of such a course by quittin¿ or appearin¿ to for¿et occupationaI
Iessons once Iearned .
Learnin¿ throu¿h experience in the infomaI sociaIization oode is an
ætLreIy different wtter . ïirst , such tactics pIace recruits in the
psLtion vhere they oust seIect their om sociaIization a¿ents. The vaIue
ot tbis oode to the nevcooer is then deteroined Iar¿eIy by the reIevant
kovIed¿e possessed by an avent and , of course , the a¿ent ' s abiIity to
tzansfer such kovIed¿e . The freedoo of choice afforded recruits in the oore
DtoæI processes has therefore a price: they oust force others in the
I5
settin¿ to teach theo. Second , oistakes OT errors oade by recruits in
an LnfomaI sociaIization process oust be re¿arded as eore costly and serious
tban oistakes occurinz in foroaI processes . 8ecause reaI vork is interfered
with, a recruit who makes a mistake may create considerable trouble for both him-
self and others. The rookie patrolman who " freezes" while he and his partner
strive to settle a tavern brawl on the street rather than in an academy role playing
47
exercise my find himself ostracized from the inner circle of his squad. The
Î0IReLÎu1 u0VICe 0e&uLICI&0 Vh0 ÞI0V0KeS & Cu00WI 0Y dY01ng h0£ h&1£
the V0ug C010I �Y 06 Î0ICed L0 100K e1SeVheIe Í0I &0 0IRa0I2&LI00 10
NDCb L0 C0&Þ1eLe Lbe W0d&L0£ 11CeuSIug IequIIe&euL 0Í LDe L£&0e- LXeTIeuCed
0ZR&uIz&LI00&1 &e&beI9 K0V Íu11 We11 LÞ&L ¯&I9L&Ke9 wÞÞe0¯ buL & £eCTuIt
1 u0deI & SÞeCI&1 ÞIe9Su£e L0 ÞeIÍ0T We11 duIIug &u IuÎ0£1 I0ItIatIOu
priod ¬ 0I L0 &L 1e8SL &SK beÎ0Ie &CL1ug-
With tbeBe C0u8IdeI&LI0u8 in &w, Lb6 follon §60I&1 ÞI0Þ0SILI009
� w �e atated.
Propositions
B. l • · Formal socialization is most likely to b associated with hier-
archical and inclusionary boundary passages wherein a newcomer is exected
to assue a new status or rank in the organization ( complete with the values ,
attitudes , and demeanor that go with such new status ) . Inforl socialization,
on the other hand, is mst likely to b associated with functional boundary
passages wherein the newcomer must learn new skills , methods

or practical
abilities . If, however, the . new skills to be leared also require a new
knowledge base , a foral training period dealing specifically with such
knowledge and its use may precede the boundary passage . Since the teaching
of such knowledge is likely to occur in idealized or " theoretical" situations in
a formal process , an informl process of socialization dealing with the appli-
cations of the knowledge will still be required upn the recruit ' s entrance
into the new role .
16
In effect , this proposition alerts us to the apparent functional necessity
for the use of forml socialization tactics when there exists a cultural gap
between the organizational segments to be traversed by the individual. For
examle, a company sending an Arican manager to head an overseas
susidiary should probably allow for a formal period of socialization
4B
1Iud1ng perhaps Ian¿ua¿e tza1n1ng, bz1ef1ngs oa the nev cuItuze , ¿uided
touzs of the key areas , and so forth. AII of th1s oust occur under the
tozwI tuteIa¿e of sooeone vho knovs vhat sorts of cuIture shocks are IikeIy
to be encountered durinz the transition. 5uch ooveoents are not Iioited
tbeoret1caIIy to hierarchicaI or inc Iusionary boundaries , but rather refIect
tbe s1ze of the cuIturaI differences that exLst at any boundary. In sooe
ozganizations g a oove froo enzineerin¿ to saIes wy invoIve as ouch cuIture
shock foz an individuaI as a proootion froo pro] ect Ieader to ¿roup supervisor
oz a transfer froo staff anaIyst to Iine oana¿e�
ß . Z. ForoaI sociaIization tactics are oost IikeIy to be found vhere
the nature of the vork and/or the vaIues surroundinz the vork to be
petfomed in the tarzet roIe are seen to invoIve hi¿h IeveIs of risk
Î0I the aevconez, coIIeagues of the nevconez , the ozgan1zat1on 1tseIf , and/or
cIIeats ot the ozgan1zat1on.
Thus the training of doctors, professional pickpockets, lawers, and
airline pilots involves long periods of formal socialization largely because
the work involved in all these cases is complex, difficult, and usually entails
a very high penalty for the making of a mistake. Formal training for elec­
tricians, soldiers, and machinists is also predicated on the need to minimize
the minimizable risks such as damaging expensive equipment -- human or otherwise.
Where the cost of a mistake is relatively low, informal socialization processes
are more likely to be found.
B . 3 . ��atever the boundary passage, formal socialization is most
likely to produce a custodial orientation.
As implied above, formal tactics tend to emphasize the "proper" or "accepted" ways
to accomplish things in an organization. Even the fact that the target role can
J
4S
b presented in isolation from its everyday perfornce Jmlies LhaL Lhere are
aVa11ab1e Va£1Ou9 L£ad1L1Oua1 Qeau9 OÎ aCCOQp119h1ug Lhe taskø HOWeVer q
8 C&Ve&L I9 aÞp£0Þ£1ate P=¹= �L0£ IL IS 0ÏLeu LÞe C&9e Lhat 0uCe £eC£u1t9 haVe
D0Ruu L0 Þ0IL0£D the I01e 1u au 0LÏICI&1 C&Þ&C1LY, theY ¯uu1eaI¯ QuCh
0Ï NÞL LÞeY 1ea£ued 1u the Î0W&1 ÞI0C0SS &0d b0RIu t0 8ub9t1tute ¯p£aCL1Ca1¯
0Z `´SWIL¯ WaY9 0Ï d01uR thIuRS Ï0I-LÞ0 ¯ÞI0ÞeI¯ 0I ¯9t&ud&Id¯ 9t£ateR1e9
CÞeV VeIe 0uC6 L&uRÞL- ÏI0D thI9 9L&udÞ01uL, Î0W1 9001a1I2u110u p£OCe99e9
Z0ÞZeSeuL ÏIe0ueut1Y Ou1Y Lhe ¯L1I9L V&Ve¯ 0Ï 90C1a11Za110u æd a£e ÎO11OWed
by 8 ¯90C0ud WaVe¯ OL 1uLo£1 90C1a1I2aLI0u 00ce the ueWC0De£ 19 1OCaLed 1u
8 Þ&ZLICu1aI 0IRau12at1Oua1 910L aud b0R1uS L0 d19C0VeI Lhe aCLua1 p£aCL1Ce9
CÞ&L R0 0u theIe ÏLuke1e9 ,
ì
966) .
ì
´ WeIea9 Lhe L1I9t WaVe 9 L£e99e9 a bYOad
8OuCe L0Wa¥d the jOb , Lhe 9eCOud WaV0 eQÞha912e9 9peC1L1C aCt1Ou9 , m1que
8ÞÞ1ICaL10u9 0Ï the Reue£a1 £u1e9 , æd Lhe 0dd uuauCe9 thOuRht ueCe
g
9a£y by
0LÞ0IS 0u Lhe 9Ceue L0 peIL0T Lhe I01e 1u LÞ0 W0Ik 9ett1uR. meu Lhe ¿ap
80Þ&IaL1uR the O0 $OIL9 0L 1eaI1uR 3S IaLheI 1a£Re , d19111u91OuwuL W1Lh Lhe
ÏII9L W&Ve WY 9eL
in,
Cau91
¬
R Lhe ueWC0W£ L0 d19IeRa£d V1£Lua11y evecthin¿
1e&Wed 1u the L0Ta± 8OC1a11Zat10u pI0Ce99 - 1u9 , WhZ1e LO£W1 p£OCe99e9
Leud L0 ÞI0duCe Cu$LOd1a1 O£leutat1Ou9 M0uR IeCIu1L9 , Lhe96 or±entations Tay
00L be a11 t00 9tab1e w1e99 Lhe 1e990u9 0L Lhe Îo£1 Þ£OCe99 a£e £ea9Ouab1y
congruent with those of the inforal process which my fol�ow . .
B. 4. Inforal socialization, like individual socialization, carries
with it · the potential for producing more extrem responses in either the
custod
!
al or innovative directions than forl socialization .
If, for example, .a recruit is assigned in the inforl mode to 'a work group
or a· 1Oss characterized by an "organization mn" orientation, he or she is
likely to become very custodial in orientation -- at least in the short run. On
the other h
a
nd, if that sam recruit is assigned to a work group or boss char­
acterized by an innovative orientation, he or she might then become quite
50
innovative too. What we are saying, in effect, is that individual and infovmnì
socialization are p·otentially more powerful techniques of 8hapMg work
behavior than foral and collective mdes because they involve on-the-j ob
contingencies as well as teaching by people who are clearly doing the work.
In contrast , formal processes artificially divide up concers that mus t be
approached simultaneously on the j ob ad are often uder the control of
instructors (agents) whose credibility is lacing Ý
It would appear then that
1L Lofl ad collective processes are to "succeed" from a agent ' s perspective ,
first, they must be long enough to almost force recruits to learn their lessons
well and perhaps practice them too and, second, they must be run by persons
Wo have considerable legitimacy in the eyes oL the recruits .
U. 5Øquential vs . Random Steps in the Socialization Process
Definition
The degree of formality ad the degree to which the process of social�
ization is collective are , as indicated, associated with maj or bOWdary passages ,
V1M basic orientation activities , and , mos t often, with the initial ' entry
oL a recruit into tne organization. However, for some roles in an organizati�n,
Me �ocialization process may cover a broad spectrum of assignments and experi-
ences taking sometimes many years of preparation. The person wishing to become
a medical specialist has , for instaCe , to go through an udergraduate
pre-med program, medical school , intership , ad residency before becomng
el1gible to simply take the specialis t board examnations . Similarly , a
person being groomed for a general mnager posi tion Wy have to rotate through
several staff positions as a j uior aalys t, through various functional
divisions in order to lear the "areas of the business , " and through various
supervisory levels to build up experiences and a so-called "good track record"
which would then warrant the ultimate "goal j ob" (Gordon, 197 7 ) .
5I
SeqmntLaI socLaILzat1on refers to the degzse to wic tbe orgæ1zat1on
0I ocupat1on spec1f1es a ¿1ven sequence of dLscrete a�d 1dent1f1abIe steps
IeæDg LO the target roIe . 8andoo soc1aI1zat1on cccurs vhen the sequence
of stepB Iead1ng to the target roIe 1s mknow, æb1guous , or ccnt1nuaIIy
cmgLng. In the case of ncst profess1cnaI tra1n1n¿ such as oed1cine , we
b&W a ver sequent1aI process 1n that the s teps Iead1n¿ to the professionaI
roI &wL be ne¿ct1ated in a spec1f1c order. D the case of the ¿eneraI
mðnðgez hOWeVez , We hðVe ð SequentÌðl DzCCeSS OnlV WÌth zeSDeCt tC SuDezVÌSCzV Cz
zðnk leVelS , but the SeOuenCC CÎ zCtðtÌng thzCugh tunCtÌCnðl DOSÌtÌOnS ðnÓ ÓÌVÌSÍOnS
ÌS OÍIGO unaDeOÍtÍeÓ ðnÓ , 1n SOme OIgðn1zðt1OnS , leÎt mOze Oz leSS tO "zðnÓOm"
eVentS . TuS , Ìn zðnÓOm DzOCeSSeS , WhÌle theze mðy be ð nwbez Ot Ste]S Oz StðgeS
leðÓ1ng tO the tðKÌng Ot CeztðÌn CzgðnÌzðtÌOnðJ zOleS , theze ÌS nC necessazy
OzÓez SDeCÌtÌeÓ Ìn tezmS Ot the SteDS thðt ðze tO be tðken.
When exn1n1n¿ sequent1aI strate¿1es , 1t 1s cruc1aI to note the de¿ree
to which eaC sta¿e bu1Ids cr expands upon the preced1n¿ s ta¿e . Fcr exaopIe ,
t courses 1n nos t techn1caI train1n¿ prograns are arragned 1n vhat 1s thou¿ht
to be a s1npIe~to~coopIex pro¿ress1on. 0n the other hæd, soæ sequentiaI
pzOcesses seeo tc fcIIov no 1nteraI Io¿ic. hna¿eænt educat1on is , tor
instace , qu1te often d1s] ointed, with the curr1cuIuo j unp1n¿ froo topic tc
topLc vLth I1ttIe 1nte¿rat1on across sta¿es . In such cases . vhat 1s Iearned
by a recruit in the pro¿rao 1s dependent s 1npIy upon what 1s I1ked bes t in the
aequnce . LÎ , hovever , the fIcv cf top1cs or courses 1s hamcn1cus and
CCnneCteÓ ÍunCtÌOnðllV Cz lOgÌCðllV Ìn SCme tðShÌCn, Whðt mðV Seem lÌke
mÌnOz ðltezðtÌOnS zequÌzeÓ Ct ðn ÌnÓÌVÌÓuðl ðt eðCh SequentÌðl Stðge WÌll
ðCCumulðte SO thðt ðt the enÓ, DezSOnS WÌll "ÓÌSCOVez " themSelVeS tO be
CCnSÌÓezðblV ÓÌttezent thðn When theV begðn | e . g . , Ìn tzðÌnÌng tCz ð
SDeCÌtÌC SkÌll) . One SeeS thÌS etteCt mOSt CleðzlV Ìn the ðCquÌSÌtÌCn Ct
CCm)lex SkÌll Oz Ìn the tOzmðtÌOn Ot ð COmDlete "pzOteSSÌCnðl " DezSDeCtiVe
Cz Ìn the Vðlue SVStemS buÌlt uD ðttez mðnV VeðzS Ct gzðÓuðte StuÓV.
18
52
&IatedIy, 1f severaI a¿ents handIe var1cus pcrt1cns cf a sequent1aI
pzocess , the de¿ree tc vh1ch the a1os cf the a¿ents are ccæcn 1s very 1oportant .
Foz exæpIe , 1n scoe cft1cer ' s tra1n1n¿ schccIs oL peacet1æ mI1tary
ozgan1zat1cns , the a¿ents respcns1bIe fcr phys1caI and veapcns tra1ning tend to
mve very d1fferent perspect1ves tcvard the1r ] cbs and tmard the recru1ts
O thcse a¿ents vhc are 1n char¿e of cIassrccn 1nstruct1cn (kaosIey, 1972) •

&ct1ts qu1ckIy spot such ccnfI1cts vhen they ex1st æd scwt1nes expIo1t
tmn, pIay1n¿ a¿e

ts cff a¿a1nst cne æcther. $uch 1ncmgru1t1es cften Iead to
a noze zeIaxed s1tuat1cn fcr the recru1ts , cne 1n w1ch they en] cy vatch1n¿
tbeLr 1nstructcrs pay oore attent1cn tc each cther thæ they pay tc the
tzaU1n¿ prc¿rao.
We should note that mny of these concerns apply to random processes
as veII . In bcth randco æd sequent1aI arræ¿enents , a¿ents nay be unknom to

me æcther, they oay be qu1te far apart spat1aIIy, æd my have thcrou¿hIy
dItterent 1oa¿es cf the1r respect1ve tasks . 5cth Kertcn ( 1957) and 0Jaser ( 1964)
mve rewrked upcn the d1ff1cuIty oæy sc1ent1sts apparentIy have vhen ocv1n¿
tzon a m1vers1ty tc æ 1ndustr1aI sett1n¿ tc pract1ce the1r trade (a randco
socLaI1zat1cn pzccess) . The patter 1s seen1n¿Iy qu1te d1sccncert1n¿ for oany
scLent1sts vhen they d1scover that the1r acadeo1c tra1n1n¿ eophas1zed a far
dItferent set cf sk1IIs , 1nterests , æd vaIues tha× 1s tequ1red 1n the corporate
env1ronoent . As Avery ( 1968) cbserved , tc beccoe a
9
¿ccd
9
1ndustr1aI sc1ent1s t ,
Oe 1nd1v1duaI has t c Iear the pa1nfuI Iesscn that tc b0 abIe tc seII an 1dea
Is at Ieast as 1oportant as hav1n¿ cne 1n the f1rst pIace . Frco th1s s tandpo1nt ,
enpathy oust certa1nIy be extended tc the sc~caIIed ] uven1Ie deI1nquent who
zece1ves"¿u1dæce" at var1cus t1oes frco the pcI1ce , prcbat1cn cff1cers , ] ud¿es ,
soc1aI vcrkers ,
psychiatrists
,
and ccrrect1cnaI cff1caIs . $uch

a process , sone-
t1oes SequeUCiaI but typ ically random, eyocative ly suggests that the person ray
=
WCll leðzn tO be Only WhðteVez the ÌmeÓÌðte SÌtuðtÌOn ÓemðnÓS .
In ð SequentÌðl DzOCeSS , theze ÌS lÌkely tO be ð StzOng bÌðS Ìn the
DzeSentðtÌOn by eðCh ðgent tO Wke the next Stðge ðDDeðz benÌgn . ThuS ,
53
& zeczuIt Ls tcId that Lf he vLII ]ust "buckIe dm æd appIy hLnseIf
9
�hUe in
5tage A, 5ta¿es 5 , 0, 0, æd £ v1II be easy. A¿ents usuaIIy wsk, unv1ttin¿Iy
oI vIttLn¿Iy, the true nature cf the sta¿e tc fcIIcv, fcr, 1f recruLts teeI
that the future 1s br1¿ht, revardL¿, and assured, they vLII be ocst cccp�rat1ve
at the s ta¿e th
o
y are 1n, nct vLshLn¿ tc r1sk the future they thÌnk ðWðÌtS them.
To vLt, ncte the tactLcs cf hL¿h schccI oathewt1cs teachers vhc teII their
students that 1f they v1II ] ust vcrk hard 1n aI¿ebra, ¿ecætry v1II be a "C1Ch . "
A cxtreoe case cf th1s sequent1aI
9
betrayaI
9
cccurs Ln state execut1cns WheIO
condewed perscns are usuaIIy tcId by theLr
9
ccaches
9
On the scene that the1r
de
¬
se vLII be quLck, pa1nIess , and ILkeIy to speed then on theLr vay tc a
"bettez DlðCe" í BShelmðn, 1962) .
GÌVen theSe SenSÌtÌzÌng ÓetÌnÌtÌOnS ðnÓ the quðlÌtÌCðtÌOnS thðt ðpplV tO
thÌS SOCÌðlÌzðtÌOn tðCtÌC , SOme theOzetÌCðl DzODOSÌtÌOnS Cðn nOw be StðteÓ .
PzODOSÌtÌOnS
C. l . SequentÌðl SOCÌðlÌzðtÌOn ÌS mOSt lÌkely tO be ðSSOCÌðteÓ WÌth
hÌezðzChÌCðl bOunÓðz1eS .
HÌezðzChÌeS ðze tyDÌCðlly OzgðnÌzeÓ tzOm the OutSet On the ðSSumDtÌOn
thðt hÌghez leVel DOSÌtÌOnS CðnnOt be tultÌlleÓ ðÓequðtely untÌl lOWez leVel
OneS hðVe tÌzSt been tultÌlleÓ . SuCh ðn ðSSumDtÌOn ÌS nOt buÌlt ÌntO tunCtÌOnðl
Cz ÌnCluSÌOn bunÓðzÌeS Wheze ð DezSOn Cðn ÓemOnStzðte ð zeðÓÌneSS tOz DðSSðge ðt
ðny gÌVen tÌme . At leðSt Ìn Dðzt, hÌezðzChÌeS DzeSezVe SequentÌðl SOCÌðlÌzðtÌOn
DzOCe�SeS Ìn OzÓez tO mðÌntðÌn the Ìmðge thðt the hÌezðzChy ÌtSelt ÌS
ð VðlÌÓ bðSe tOz the ÓÌStzÌbut1On Ot ðuthOzÌty. It One
54
could skip levels, the whole concept of authority , it is thought , would be
underined . Of course, in some executive promotions, skipping is accomplished
for all practical purposes through the extremely rapid advancement of someone
viewed as unusually talented , "fast tracked , " fortuitously connected , just
plain lucky, or all of these attributions together .
To pass inclusion boundaries may take a long time while one is proving
oneself to be trustworthy to many different people, but the process typically
does not specify a sequence in which such a test can or must be passed . In
the case of functional boundaries, there my be many specific steps associated ·
with the education or training activities involved in preparing to cross the
boundary, but, sometimes at least, one may be given a job on the basis of
education received at a much earlier time or on the basis of certain exper­
iences which are seen as " equivalent" to education or training . Inclusionary
and functional boundary passages are, therefore, associated more with various
sorts of random socialization processes.
C. 2 . Sequential socialization is more likely to produce custodial
orientations among recruits than innovative orientations because the recruits
remain "locked in, " as it were, to the conforming demands of others in the
organization for a long period of time before the target role is achieved .
Even the ability of the organization to specify a sequence implies a set
of fairly clear nors about what is required to perform the target role .
And , the clearer the role, the more likely it is that the training for that
role will produce a custodial response .
On the other hand , recruits who encounter various socialization
experiences in a · random fashion may find themselves exposed to a
wide and diverse variety of views and perceptions of the target role which would
make it more likely than is true of sequential socialization to lead to
55
WovatLve otLeatatLms . It would seem thezefoZe that & conpany vho v1shes
to Iroom MoVatLve genezaI mamm wuld do well to aV0I søqwntLaI processes
ad encouzage noze ad � decLsLon næUg pzoceduzes M Lhe organ1zat1on
concerig næazetiaI ]�b øoves and tzaLnLag expezLenccs .
0. Fixd vs . VazLabIe Socializatio Processes
· . 9 9
Det1nÌt1On
this dimnsion zetezs to thø mgreØ to wich the steps UvoIved M a
aoial1'zation pzOess have a timtale assmIated vLth tÞeÞ thm Ls both
adered to by the ozgæLzatLon æd coæmLcated to the zeczuLt . F1xed soc1aI1~
zatIm pzocesses pzovLde a zectLt v1tb the pzecLse kmI�dge of the t1oe 1t v1II
te· to conpIete a gLven passage l8cO, Iº0J) . Thus , wLIe o

rgan1zat1ons oay
specify vazLous cazeez paths havLng dLttezent tLnetabIes , aII ot these paths
my be øoze oz Iess tLxed Ln teæs of the degzee to vhLcb the zecru1t oust
follow tbe detewned tLwtabIe . Som næagewnt tzaLnees , toz 1ns tance , are
put on so~caIIed "tast tzacks" and zequLzed to accept nev rotat1onaI ass1¿noents
evem yeaz oz so despLte theLz ow vLshes . 5LnLIazIy, othezs saLd to be on
"sIov" oz "zeguIaz" t zacks nay be tozevated not to expect an ass1gnænt sh1tt
for at Ieast touz oz tLve yeazs . Consider also that pronot1onaI poI1c1es 1n
mst mLvezsLtLes expILcLtIy specLty the �æbez of years B person can be appo1nted
to a gLven zæk• They aIso speII out pzecLseIy vhen a tenure dec1s1on ous t be
reached on a gLven LndLvLduaI . The pzocess cæ sonet1nes be speeded up but
zazeIy cæ Lt be sIoved dow.
YazLabIe soc1aI1zat1on processes gLve a zeczuLt fev cIues as to when to
exect a given boundazy passage . Thus, both the pr1soner of var who 1s toId by
his captozs that he vLII be zeIeased onIy vhen he has "Ieared the truth" æd
the patient Ln a psych1atr1c hosp1taI wo cænot retur hooe mt1I he 1s a¿a1n
]vdged "norl" aze Ln puze vezsLons ot the vazLabIe process . U a nore oundane

I
eveI, nos t upvardIy nob1Ie careers U bus1ae�s orgæIzat1ons ate Oatked by
Wr1abIe sociaIization processes rather thæ f1xed ones because nany uncontroIIed
tactors such as the state of the econoy and the turover rates 1n the upper
ecbeIæs of næa¿eænt my part1aIIy deteme wether and vhen any ¿1ven person
vII be pronoted to the next h1¿her IeveI.
FuthetOote , what wy be ttue tot one petson is not ttue tot anothet in
vatiable sociaiization ptocesses . 5uch a situation tequites a tectuit to
seatch out ciues as to the tutute . To wit , apptenticeship ptoztaOs otten
specity oniy the OiniOuO nuObet ot yeats a person Oust teOain in the appten~
tice toie and ieave open the tiOe a petson can be expected to be advanced into
the ] outneyOan ciassitication. Eowevet , since the tates ot passaze actoss
any otzanizationai boundaty ate a Oat tet ot soOe concetn to peopie , ttansi-
tionai tiOetabies Oay be deveioped by tectuits anyway on the Oost tìiOsy and
ttazOentaty intotOation. RuOots and innuendos about who is zoinz whete and
when they ate zoinz chatactetize situations Oatked by the ptesence ot the
vatiabie sttatezy ot sociaiization. Indeed , the wouid~be zenetai Oanazet otten
pushes quite hatd to discovet the sizns ot a coOinz ptoOotion |ot deOotion) .
The individuai iistens cioseiy to stoties concetn1nz the tiOe it takes one to
advance in the otzanization, obsetves as catetuiiy as possibie the expetiences
ot othets , and, in zenetai , deveiops an aze conciousness deiineatinz the tanze
ot apptoptiate azes tot ziven positions . Ad , whethet ot not this aze con-
sciousness is accutate , the individuai wiii Oeasute his ot het ptoztess azainst
such beiiets .
&IatedIy, 8oth ( 196 3) su¿ges ts that a smc1aI category of chron1c
8IdOt¥aCk" Oay be created for certa1n types of roIe fa1Iutes e Thus , 1n the
t1xed scc1aIization ptocesses of pubI1c schooIs , the retarded are shwted off
to dLstLnct cIasses vhere the not1on of pro¿ress does not exist . 51Oiiatiy ,
in SOce poIice azcnC 1e s , te c tu I t S unab ie to me t CC:! aln azent de�and s ,
partIcuIarIy dutinz that pottion ot the sociaIizaLion ptOCO$S Wb1C
h
1S
¡
1xOd

æd takes recru1ts typ1caIIy throu¿h the acadeny to the pat�oI d1v1s1on, are
pzovLded Ion¿~teæ ass1¿noents as c1ty ] a1Iam· oz traftLc OontroIIozs , not
as patroIwn. $uch ass1gnwnts sere as a s1maI to the recru1t and others 1n
Ue orgæ1zat1on that the 1nd1v1duaI has Iett the nomI career path. To the
extent that swh or¿an1zat1onaI "$1ber1as" ex1st and cæ be 1dent1f1ed w1th
cezta1nty by those 1n the sett1ng, chzon1c s±detrackUg tron vh1ch there 1s rareIy
a zetuz 1s a d1st1nct poss1b1I1ty¯ 1n f1xd soc1aI1zat1on pzocesses . U the
OUer mnd, s1detzack1n¿ 1s usuaIIy nore subtIe æd probIenat1c to a recru1t
meratUg 1n a var1abIe soc1aI1zat1on t rack. Indeed, wy peop1e vho are
vork1ng 1n the n1ddIe IeveIs of oæageænt are often mabIe to ] ud¿e ]ust where
tbey are� vhere they are go1n¿, or hov they are do1ng. 0onsequentIy, var1abIe
pzOcesses are I1keIy to create nuch anx1ety æd perhaps fzus trat1on for

1nd1-
vIdwIs vho

are mabIe to construct reasonabIy vaI1d t1wtabIes to 1nfom theo of
tbe appropr1ateness of the1r novenent (or Iack of novenent) U the or¿an1zat1on .
It aIso shouId be noted that var1abIe processes are a vezy poverfuI
atidote to the fomat1on of ¿roup soI1dar1ty anong potent1aI recru±ts to
ceztaI or¿æ1zat1onaIIy def1ned roIes . The noveænt of peopIe at d1fferent
zates æd accord1n¿ to d1fferent patters oes 1t v1rtuaIIy 1oposs1b Ie for a
cohort group to reoa1n cohesive and IoyaI to one æother. Indeed, 1n h1¿hIy
conpet1t1ve s1tuat1ons , recru1ts be1ng processed 1n a var1abIe node tend to
dItterent1ate thenseIves , both soc1aIIy and psychoIo¿1caIIy , froo each other.
Fuztheæore , they otten are obsequ1ous t o author1ty, susp1c1ous of coIIea¿ues ,
ad� nore generaIIy, adopt s trate¿1es of passage that n1n1n1ze r1sk. Th�refore ,
It, tron the or¿æ1zat1on ' s po1nt of v1ev, peer ¿roup soI1dar1ty 1n a recr1t
pooI 1s des1reabIe , care shouId be taken to use onIy f1xed t1ætabIes 1 the
soc1aI1zat1on processes .
Jd
We iook now to cettain ptopositions which atise on the basis ot this
discussion ot tixed and vatiabie sociaiization tact1c .
Ftopositions
D. 1 . Fixed tiOetabies tot sociaiization ptocesses ate Oost iikeiy to be
associated with hietatchicai boundaty passazes and ieast iikeiy to be used
with inciusionaty boundaty passazes ; tunctionai boundaties ptesent a Oixed
case.
Thus , 1n scw crgan1zat1cns , cne cæ aWcst guarætee that after a certa1n
næber cf years tc the day, cne v1II be prcncted tc a h1gher rank. Cons1der hete
the n11Ltary and certa1n c1v1I ser1ce bureaucrac1es• ¸ Tc the ccntrary, cne
cæct guarantee that after a certa1n Iength cf t1w a perscn vLII have Ieared
vhat Ls necessary tc nake a fmct1cnaI ncve cr v1II haVe acqu1red the trust and
suppcrt requ1red tc ncve cIcser tc the ccre cf the crgæ1zat1cn. Thcse Iatter
wWs are ncre I1keIy tc be wde cn the basLs cf s1tætLmaI cr 1n s1tu
¤ssesswnts æd cæ 1nvcIve very Icng cr very shcrt perLcds cf t1w.
D. ¿ . Fixed sociaiization ptocesses ate Oost iikeiy to ptoduce innovative
tesponses ; vatiabLe sociaLization ptocesses ate Oost iikeiy to ptoduce
custodiai tesponses .
The iozic behind this ptoposition is siOpiy that a vatiabie situation
ieads to OaxiOuO anxiety and this anxiety opetates as a st tonz Ootivatot
towatd contotOity. Intuitiveiy , Oost Oanazets utiiize this ptincipie when
they atteOpt , tot exaOpie , to conttoi theit Oost tebeiiious ot ditticuit
subotdinates by teiiinz theO that theit next cateet Oove "Oay ot Oay
not happen" within a ziven t iOe ttaOe . Doctots too use this tactic to
Iduce pat1ents tc "¿et veII
9
by refus1n¿ tc prcv1de then v1th æy k1nd ot
tLnetabIe fcr the1r reIease frcn the hcsp1taI . Ad, cf COutse , intettozatots
i pcI1ce cr¿B1zat1ons æd pt1son c

mps use the vazueneSS that suttouds ona ' s
expected Ien¿th ot sentenCe to ptessute pr1scners tc wke Contess1ons and chæge
att1tudes C $che1n , ìºb ì; 0ot tO
¿
, ìºbì
)
.
âº
VazIabIe socLaILzatLon processes keep a recruLt m�naIIy cff baIæce
ad at the nercy of sccLaILzatLcn a¿ents . In
effect
1
the agent says tc a
zeczuLt, "I vLII pass you aIcng to the next stage vhen you are ready, but I wiJì
dec1ç� vhen ycu are ready. In fLxed processes
é
such as a four-year ædical
scbooI pro¿ræ, a three~ncnth boct~cæp , a one year appzentLceshLp , a set tvc~
Waz tour of duty in ancther ¿eo¿raphLcaI dLstrLct o f a busLness fLm, persons
ca usuaIIy ¿ear thenseIves Lnto the sLtuatIon better thæ U the variabIe case
ad tbezefore can pIæ LnnovatLve actLvLties to fLt the tLwtabIe . It shcuId alSo
be aoted,

bovever, that a fLxed prccess nay undewLne the pcver cf the inncvator
VIs~a~vLs the ¿rcup cf vhLch be Ls a part. ThLs Ls partLcuIarIy the CaSe neat
the end ot a gLven sta¿e sLnce others Ln tbe ozgæIzatLon typLcaIIy aIsc kov that
the Mnovator Ls ncv Ln a "Iaw duck" perLod. 0onsequentIy, frcn the point ot
VIev ot the Lnnovatcr Ln certaLn rcIes , it Ls desLreabLe tc be Ln a pcsition to
Wm me ' s ow tIwtabIe but to conceaI thIs kovIed
8
e tzon others on the
E. 5etial Vs . DisjunctiVe 5ociaìization Ftocesses
Detinition
A setial sociaìization ptocess is one in Which expetienCed OeObets ot the or­
zanization ztooO nevConer8 wo are abcut tc assUe SiO1Iat kindS ot poSitions Ln
the orgæLzatLcn. In effect , these experLenced wwers sete as rcIe ncdeIs for
zeczuLts . In the pcILce vcrId, for exæpIe , the serLaI ocde -~ vhereby tookieS
aze assL¿ned cnIy cIder veteran off1cers as theLr firs t working partners on
patroI ~~ 1s vLrtuaIIy taken fcr ¿ræted, and some cbserers haVe Suzzested that
It Is thLs aspect of poìicinz that aCCounts tot the remarkable 1ntetzeDetational
stabLILty of patrolmen behaVior patters (Weô tIey, 1970; Rubens tein, 197 3 ;
hænLng æd Væ �Iaanen, 1978) . $erLaI ncdes create something anaIcgous tc
mad' s ( 1956) notLcn cf a pcst~fi¿uratLve cuIture . Just as chLIdren in S table
SoCie�ies a=e able to za:n a sure sense of the future that a�aits tne� o¹ sec i:_
ôÛ
U L0II parents æd grandparents an 1oage of theoseIves grcm cIder, eopIoyees
U ozgæ1zat1cns cæ ga1n a surer sense of the future by see1ng 1n the1r oore
eæez1enced eIders æ 1ea¿e cf theoseIves fuztber aIcn¿ 1n t�e cr¿an1zat1on. A
dgez ex1sts
J
cf ccuzs

that th1s 1oage v1II be ne1thcr fIatter1n¿ nor
desIzeabIe frco the perspect1ve of the zecz1ts æd næy nevccoers æy Ieave the
ozgæ1zat1cn rathez than face vhat appears to be æ a¿cn1z1ng future• LD
Udustz1aI sett1n¿s vhere vczker ocraIe 1s Iov æd turovez 1s h1¿h, a ser1aI
pattew of 1n1t1at1n¿ nevccoers 1ntc the czgan1zat1on vouId oa1nta1n æd perhaps
mp1IÏY æ aIready pocz s
{
tuat1cn .
Wen nevccærs are nct foIIcv1ng the footsteps of 1æd1ate cr recent
pzedecessors , æd vhen nc zcIe oodeIs aze ava1IabIe tc recruLts tc 1nforo theo
B to hov they are to prcceed 1n the nev roIe, the scc1aI1zat1cn prccess 1s a
dIs]unct1ve cne. Kny exanpIes cæ b

c1ted. Tæe , fcz 1nstæce , the case of a
bIack f1ref1ghter enter1n¿ a previousIy aII vh1te cn¿1ne ccopany cr a vcoan
entezUg ma¿er1aI ræks 1n a f1m that had prev1cusIy been cccup1ed onIy by
wIes . In these cases , there are fev, 1f æy, persons cn the scene vho have
smzed the un1que prcbIeos faced by the recru1t . 0erta1nIy such s1tuations oake
thUgs extreoeIy d1ff1cuIt and anx1ety prcvok1ng for the nevcooer. A
Uterest1n¿ 1IIustrat1on 1s aIsc prov1ded by the "hero1c oyth" t c be found 1n
wy cuItures æd presented by 0aopbeII (
ì
956) . In ocst vers1ons of th1s sa¿a,
a ycvng wn 1s deI1berateIy sent avay frco h1s hcæIand æd "suf fers" throu¿h a
sez1es cf tr1aIs æd tribuIat1ons 1n crder tc d1sccver nev vays of think1n¿
about æd dcin¿ thin¿s . Typ1caIIy, after sooe oost dis] unctive adventures and
æsadventures , the herc 1s g1ven scoe scrt OL oa¿1c ¿íft æd br1n¿s it ba:k t o
hIs hoæ soc1ety as a vay cf rev1taI1z1ng 1t . $uch d1s1unct1ve theoes are aIso
centraI ones 1 vester fairy taIes (5etteIhe1o,
ì
976). '
9
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Oy bOCOGe a disj unct ive one .
ô¿
In smry, Lt Ls generaIIy true that recz1ts representing the fLrst
cJs WII set the tone for the cIasses to foIIov. It 1s not sugges ted that
M00e vbo foIIov are pa¿1nated ser1at1o, but s1npIy that for those to cone ,
1L Is eas1er tO Ieaz fron others aIready on hand thæ 1t 1s to Ieaz on their om
& orLg1nators . A Iong as there are others ava1IabIc U the soCiaIization
setting vhon the nevcooers cons1der to be " ILke then" , these othets w1II act as
mIdes , passLng on consensuaI soIut1ons to the typ1caI problens faced by a
¥ectLt . NentaI pat1ents , for exanpIe , often repo tt

that they vere onIy abIe
to su¥Lve and gaLn the1r reIease because other, nore exeT±mce pat�ents "set
LÞe& vLse" as to vhat the psychLatr1c staff deened appropr1ate behavLor and
MdLcat1ve of inproveoent ( 5 tanton æd 5chvartz , I9J9; 0offoæ, 1961) .
Ve cæ nov s tate sooe propos1t1ons vb1ch reIate these above consLderations
Î th theoret1caI var1abIes of 1nterast.
Frooositions
E. I . SeriaI sociaIization is nost Iike1y to be associated with incIusionary
boundary passages .
This association resuIts because to becone a centraI nenber ot any organ-
izationaI segnent nozaIIy requires that others consider one to be attabIe ,
trustwotthy, and , ot course ,

centraI as WeII . This is unIikeIy to occur
unIess these others perceive the newconer to be , in nost respects , siniIar
to thenseIves . 8ecru1ts nust at Ieast seen to be taking those with whon they
work seriousIy or risk being IabeIIed deviant in the situation and hence not
aIIowed across incIusionary boundaries .
E. Z . 5er1aI soc1aI1zat1on processes are I1keIy to be found OnIy at those
æ
twctLonaI or h1eratchiCaI boundary passa¿es Wh1Ch are seen by those in
coatroI of the process 8s requiring a contUuity of skLIIs , vaIues , and att¡tudes .
0Is1unctLg processes are oost I1keIy to be fomd at Lhose ÎwCt1OUðJ and hter-
W
azch1caI bo�ndary passa¿es vh1ch are seen as not requir1ng such continuity .
bJ
0CB0Z WZ0S, LB0I0 IS 00 80II0I I08S00 VBV sezLaI oz d1s] unct1ve processes
V0010 00 Ïound 8L eLthez oÏ these tvo LYp0S oL boundar1es . 0rgan1zations
e
800&R1Y cæ 8II80R0 Î0I 8 S0II81 oI dLs]mctLve pzocess at these Iocat1ons
&cc0Z0I0R to czLtezLa ot theLz om NmMR-
Ë. å. 5ezLaI socLaI1zatLon pIoceSSeS 8I0 nost I1keIy t o produce a
CU8L00I81 oILenLat1o0 ¿ dLs] unctLve pzocesses aze nost ILkeIy to produce
W ¼ 08LIV0 oII6ntatIon.
Mereas the ser1aI process r1sks stagnat1on and ContB1nat1on, the d1s-
] unct1ve process r1sks conpI1catLon and confus1on. ßut , the d1s] unct1ve pat~
tern aIso creates the opportun1ty for a recru1t to be Invent1ve and or1g1naI .
0erta1nIy nevconers Ieft to the1r om dev1ces nay reIy on 1nappropr1ate
others for defLnLt1ons of the1r tasks . V1thout an oId guard around to hanper
the deveIopnent of a fresh perspectLve, the conforn1ty and Iockstep pressures
created by the ser1aI node are absent . Entrepreneurs , tor exanpIe, aInost
autonat1caIIy faII Lnto a d1s]unctLve process of soc1aI±zat1on as do those
vho f1II nevIy created organ1zat1omI roIes . In both cases q there are tew
roIe nodeIs ava1IabIe to the 1nd1v1duaI vho have had sU1Iar exper�ences
and couId therefore coach the nevconer 1n I1ght of the Jessons they have
Iearned. 0onsequentIy , 1f 1nnovat1on 1s to be st1nuIated , tor whatever reason,
the soc1aI1zat1on process shouId n1n1n1ze the poss1b1I1ty ot aIIow1ng 1ncun-
bents to fom reIat1onsh1ps v1th the1r I1keIy successors , tor these roIe 1ncu~
bents v1II typ1caIIy teach the recru1t the "oId" ways ot do1ng th1ngs . Instead ,
the process shouId nax1n1ze e1ther a very broad range ot roIe nodeIs such
as n1ghC be cteated through the use ot 1nd1v1duaI , 1ntornaI , and randon
tact1cs of soc1aI1zat1on or deI1berateIy create s1tuat1ons where gaps occur
betveen roIe nodeI and recru¡t , or construct brand nOW roIes to keep the te~
cru1ts "Ioose" 1n the1r or1entat1on.

+
F. Invest1tute vs . 01vett1tute 5oc1aI1zat1on ºtocesses
0et1n1t1on
b4
The tLnaI strate¿y to be dIscusee heW cmcms Ue mge to vh1ch
& eocIaILzatLon process 1s coastrcted to e1ther conf1m or d1scont1tn the
eatez1ng LdentIty of the recz1t. InvestLture processes rat1fy and docæent
toz rectLts �he v1ab1I1 ty and usefuIness ot those petsonaI chatactet1st1cs they
bzIag Wth theo to the or¿æ1zat1on. A Lnvest1ture process says to the
mvcowz, "ve I1ke you ]ust as yov ae. " Iec the oræzæLn thtouzh the
use ot tbLs tactLc does not vLsh to chæge the recru1t. 8athez, Lt w1shes t o
ta advæta¿e of æd bu�Id upon the skIIIs, vaIues � æd attLtudes the tectu1t
Is Uought to possess aIteady. Fron thIs perspect1ve, 1nvest1ture ptocesses
mbstætIate æd perhaps enhæce the nevcowr' s vLev of h1nseIf . To w1t ,
nost yowg bus1ness schooI gzaduates are on a 1nvest1ture path, though at
mztaD boundarLes they wy rm 1nto certaLn d1scont1Wng expet1ences . At
tIws , posLt1ons on the botton rn¿s of or¿æLzatLonaI laddets ate t1IIed by
the use of th1s tact1c vhere1n nevcowts to these pos1t1ons ate handled with a
gzeat deaI of concez. InvestLture processes attenpt t o wke enttance 1nto a
gIven otganLzatLonaIIy deí1ned roIe as snooth and ÎroubìO !tee as possibìe .
0tIentatLon pro¿rans, career couseI1n¿, reIocat1on ass1stance, soc1al tunct1ons ,
even a vLsLt to the pres1deDt s offIce vLth the pettunctot handshake æd good
msbes systenat1caIIy su¿¿est to nevcomzs that they ate vaIuabIe to the
01vest1tute soc1aI1zat1on ptocesses , 1n conttast , seek to deny and str1p
away cetta1n petsonaI chatactet1stics ot a tectu1t . Nany occupat1onaI and
otzan1zat1onaI cowun1t1es aInost tequ1re a rOctu1t to sever oId tt1endsh1ps ,
undetgo

extens1ve hattassnent tton expet1enced nenbets , and enzaze !ot Ionz
pet1ods ot t1ne 1n do1ng the "d1tty wotk" ot the trade typ1t1ed by 1ts low
pay, Iow status , Iow 1ntetest vaIue , and Iow sk1II requ1tenents . Nny
aspects ot ptotess1onaI tta1n1nz such as the t1rst year ot ned1caI schooI
bJ
and the novLt1ate pet1od assoc1ated w1th teI1g1ous orders are organized
expI1c1tIy to d1scont1tn nany aspects ot the tec�it ' � enter1ng seIt-inage ,
thus beg1nn1ng the ptocess ot tebu1Id1ng the 1nd1v1duaI ' s seIt-1nage based
upon new assunpt1ons . 0tten these nev assunpt1ons azise tron the recrui t ' s
own d1scovery, gtaduaI ot dtæat1c , that they have an ab1ìity to do things
they had not thought thenseIves abIe to do ptev1ous|y.
0td1nat1Iy, the degtee to wh1ch the tectu1t exper1ences the sociaI1zation
ptocess as an otdeaI 1nd1cates the degtee to which divestiture processes
ate opetat1ng. 0otton's ( JºôI) " to taI 1nst1tut1ons" ate cowonIy thought
typ 1caI 1n th1s tegatd 1n the deI1betate "nott1t1cations to seIt" which entry
1nto then enta1Is . ßut , even Ln totaI 1nstut1t1ons , sociaI1 zat1on processes
w1JI have d1ttetent nean1ng to d1ttetent recru1ts . Thus , the degtee to which
the ptOcess 1s a d1vest1tute Ot 1nvest1tute one to a tecruit 1S , in part , a
tunct1on ot the tectu1t ' s entet1ng chatactet1st1cs and or1entation toward the roIe .
P.r�ap8 0ttm æd othezs have been ovezWzessed vIth the degtee ot hun1I1at1on
ad pzotanatIon ot seIt that Occuts Ln cettaLn Otgan1zatLOas . Even Ln the
bazshest ot Mst1tut1OnaI settLngs, sO�e tectu1ts W1II mdetgo a btutaI diVes titure
pzocess v1th a caIcuIated 1ndLttetence æd stOLc nOnch8Læce . 5one tectu1ts
L0 V11 have been thtOugh d1vestLtute ptOcesses so ttequentIy that new
0ocLaILzatLOn atteOpts cæ be mdetgone tathet wttet~ot~tactIy . îutthetOote ,
''totaI LnstLtutLons" sOnetLws Ottet a teczLt a sott ot hone~away~ttoO~hone
that uOte ot Iess conpIOwnts the tectuLt ' s cDtet1ng seIt~1oge . Thus , tot
conVLcted tObbets , becOOng a nenbet ot , say, a th1et subcuItute 1n a JJ16ÞD
acts uOte as aa 1nvest1tute thæ a d1vest1tute ptocess . In such s1tuations , one ' s
pteLnstLtutLOnaI 1dent1ty cæ be sustaLned, 1t not enhanced, w1th ease .
Tet, the tact tena1ns that næy OtganIzatLOns consc1ousIy ptoOote otdeaIs
desLmed to nake the tectu1t whatevet the OtganLzat1On deeOs apptopt1ate ,
bb
What 5che1n has desctibed as "up~ ending" exper1ences 1Schein, ìºb4) . In extrene
citcunstances , tectuits ate torced to absta1n tron certain types ot behavior ,
nust pubI1cIy degtade thenseIves and othets , and nust foIIow a rigid set
ot ruIes and teguIations . Futtheznote , neasutes are otten taken to isoIate
rectu1ts ttoe totnet assoc1ates Who ptesunabIy Wouid continue to contirn

the tecu1t 's oId identity. Th1s ptocess , When voIuntatiIy undergone , serves
to cow1t and bind the petson to the otgan1zation and is typicaIIy prenised upon
a ettong des1te on the patt ot the tectuit to becone an accepted nenber ot the
otganization ( ot an otganizat1onaI segnent) . In btiet , the recruit ' s entrance
into the toIe ot systen is a1ded by his ot her "aWe" ot the institution and
th1s "aWe" then sustains the 1nd1v1duaI ' s notivation 1htough subsequent ordeaIs
ot divest1tute. 0onsidet hete , titst yeat IaW students at eIite universities
(TuzoW, Iº77 ) ot young Wonen entetLng teI1g1ous otdets (huIne , ìºâb) .
Tere aze WY fanLILar 1IIustzat1ons ot oz¿an1zat1ons U th1s soc1ety that
require a zeczu1t to pass zobust tests 1n ozdez to gaLn pt1vIedged access into
tbeLz zeaInst zeIL¿Lous cuIts , eILte Iav schooIs , seIt�teaI1zatLon gtoups ,
protess1onaI athIetLc teæs, wy Iav enfozcenent a¿enc1es , n1I1taty otganizations ,
ad so on. Even sow busLness occupatLons such as cett1t1ed publ1c accomt1ng
baVe stLff ILcensLn¿ tequ1tewats vh1ch, to
m
y Tectu1ts g appeaT nuch ì1ke a
d1VestLtute ptocess . I t shouId be kepC 1n n1nd
¡
oWevet that these stet tactics
pzovLde an 1dent1ty~bestowLng as WeII as an Ldent1ty~desttoy1ng ptocess . 0oercion
Is aot necessat1Iy a danag1ng assault On tbe pezson. Lndeed, 1t can be a device
for stUuIat1n¿ næy petsonaI changes that ate evaIuated pos1t1veIy by the petson
æd o thets . kat 1s ot coutse ptoblenat1c w1th Ooetcion 1s its non~voImtary
aspects æd the poss1b1I1ty of n1s~use 1n the hæds ot 1ttespons1bIe agent s .
GiVen thesO concets , sone ptOposLtLons can now be ptesented which seek
to fMzthet expI1cate the votk1ngs ot thLs soc1aI1zatLon tactic 1n otga�1zationaI
se ttI

¿s .
b7
Ftopositions
F . i . Divestitute ptocesses ate Oost iikeiy to be tound (i) at the point
ot initiai entty into an otzanization ot occupation, and | ¿) ptiot to the
ctossinz ot Oa] ot inciusionaty boundaties whete a tectuit Oust pass soOe basic
test ot wotthiness tot OeObetship in an otzanizationai sezOent .
0nce the petson has passed these initiai boundaties , subsequent boundaty
passazes ate Ouch Oote iikeiy to be ot an investitute natute uniess OoveOent
ttoO one sezOent ot the otzanization to anothet invoives a Oa] ot chanze ot
skiiis , vaiues , ot seit~iOaze . Fot exaOpie , one can iwzine a coiieze ztaduate
enzineet zoinz into an enzineetinz depattOent ot a coOpany and expetiencinz
this ptocess as basicaiiy an investitute one . I t , at a iatet tiOe , this petson
decides to Oove into iine OanazeOent and zoes thtouzh an extensive totOai ot
intocai OanazeOent ttaininz ptocess , such ttaininz Oay weii be expetienced
as a divestitute ptocess because it Oay chaiienze Oany ot the individuai ' s
chetished vaiues which wete associated with and tooted in the oid enzineet-
inz toie.
F . Z . Divestitute ptocesses ate OoSt iikeiy to iead to a custodiai
otientation ; investitute ptocesses ate Oost iikeiy to iead to an innovative
otientation | uniess the tectuit entets and is tewatded tot hoidinz a custo-
diai otientation at the outset) .
Divestitute ptocesses , in ettec t , teOoid the petson and , thetetote , ate
powettui ways tot otzanizations and occupations to conttoi the vaiues ot
incoOinz OeObets . It is such ptocesses which iie at the heatt ot Oost pto-
tessionai ttaininz thus heipinz to expiain why ptotessionais appeat to be
so deepiy and petOanentiy sociaiized . Fot , once a petson has successtuiiy
coOpieted a dit t icuit d ivestitute ptocess and has consttucted soOethinz ot a
new identity based on the toie to which the divestitute ptocess was ditected ,
thete ate sttonz totces towatd the Oaintenance ot the new identity. The
s ttonzeSt ot these totces is pethaps the tact that the sactitice invoJved in
bb
buiIding the new identity nust be ] us ti!ied , consequ
¿
ntIy naking any discIainers
pIaced on the new identity extreneIy difficuIt for the person to acconpIish.
Furthernore , since the person
t
s seI!-esteen !oIIowing the success!uI conpIetion
o! a divestiture process cones to rest on the new se
(
!-inage , the individuaI
wiII organize his present and !uture experiences to insure such that his seI!-
esteen can be enhanced or at Ieast naintained (
0o!!nan , Iº>º ; Schein , IºbI ;
Schein and ßennis , Iºb> ) . Tn short , the inage becones seI!-fuI!iIIing .
0 . Tnteraction o! t
}
e Socialization Tactics
Tn the preceding portions o! this
u
peopIe processing
u
discussion , we ideot i-
!ied sone o! the na] or tacticaI dinensions o! sociaIization processes . These
tactics were presented as IogicaIIy independent o! each other . Furthernore , we
exanined , through a series o! propositionaI sets , the
j
ikeIihood that each tac~
tic wouI
¿
be associated with certain kinds o! organizationaI

buondary passages
and the IikeIihood that each tactic wouId Iead to either a custodiaI or inno-
vative response . 0n exanining reaI organizations , it is enpiricaIIy obvious
that these tacticaI dinensions are associated with one another and that the
actuaI inpact o! organizationaI sociaIization upon a recruit is a cunuIative
one, the resuIt o! a conbination o! sociaIization tact ics which perhaps enhance
and rein!orce or contIict and neutraìize each other . 1L is aìso oovious that awareness
o! these tacticaI
-
dinensions nakes it possibIe Ior nanagers to design socia1ization processes
which naxinize the probabiIities o! certain outcones . Tn the !oIIowing section ,
we suggest sone propositions about strategic conbinations o! sociaIization
tactics in reIation to the criticaI search !or the conditions under which an
organization can expect to pronote !ron its recruits custodiaI , �ontent in-
¿Û
novative , or roIe innovative responses .
ºropositions
0 . I . A 00ST00TAI response wiII be nost IikeIy to resuIt !ron a sociaI-
ization process which is ( I) sequentiaI , | ¿) variabIe , ( J) seriaI , and (4)
invoIves divestiture processes .
¯ .
b º
In othet wotds , the cond1t1ons wh1ch st1nuIate a custod1aI oz1entat1on
det1ve tton ptocesses wh1ch 1nvoIve the tectu1t 1n a det1n1te set1es ot cun-
uIat1ve stages ( sequent1
¿
I) ; w1thout set t1netabIes tot natt1cuIat1on tton
one stage to the next thus InpIy1ng that boundaty passages w1II be den1ed
the tectu1t unIess cetta1n ct1tet1a have been net (vazíabIe) ; 1nvoIv1ng toIe
nodeIs who set the "cottect" exanpIe tot the tectu1t ( ser1aI) ; and ptocesses
wh1ch, thtough vat1ous neans , 1nvoIve the tectu1t ' s tedet1n1t1on ot seIt
atound cetta1n tecogn1zed otgan1zat1onaI vaIues ( d1vest1tute) .
0. Z . 00NTENT INN0VATI0N 1s nost I1keIy to occut thtough a soc1aI1zat1on
ptocess wh1ch 1s ( i) coIIect1ve, ( Z ) totnaI , ( J
) tandon, (4 ) t1xed , and (
â)
d1s] unct1ve.
In othet wotds , tot content 1nnovat1on to occut 1n a toIe , 1t 1s des1teab|e
to tta1n the toIe tectu1ts as a totnaI gtoup whete1n new 1deas ot technoIog1es
ate spec1t1caIIy taught such that the vaIue ot 1nnovat1on 1s sttessed .
Futthetnote, 1t 1s des1teabIe to avo1d tta1n1ng sequences wh1ch n1ght te1n-
totce ttad1t1onaI ways ot do1ng th1ngs but aIso to avo1d vat1abIe t1netabIes
wh1ch n1ght 1nduce anx1ety and ptonote d1v1s1ve conpet1t1ve anong tectu1ts
1n wh1ch the best way to succeed 1s to "pIay 1t sate. " F1naIIy, the note
the toIe nodeIs ate thenseIves 1nnovat1ve ( ot absent aItogethet) , the note
the tectu1t w1II be encoutaged (ot totced) to 1nnovate .
�. &L IM0VATI0� the redefLnLng of the msaLæ oz goaIa of the roIe
IteIf, 1s the oos t exttene fom of LnnovatLon æd Ls oos t ILkeIy to occut
Mzough B socLa�LzatLon pzocess whLch Ls ( 1) 1�dív1dual, (2) 1ntotnaì, ( J)
zædæ , l4) dLs] unctLve , æd ( 5) UvoIves Lnvest1ture processes .
In othet wotds , tot an 1nd1v1duaI to have the not1vat1on and sttength to
be a toIe 1nnovatot , 1t 1s necessaty tot that petson to be te1ntotced 1ndIv1-
duaIIy by vat1ous othet nenbets ot the otgan1zat1on (wh1ch nust be an 1ntornaI
ptocess s1nce 1t 1npI1es d1sIoyaIty to the toIe , gtou

otgan1zat1onaI segnent ,
ot totaI otgan1zat1on 1tseIt) , to be tree ot sequent1aI stages wh1ch n1ght
ÍÛ
1nh1b1t 1nnovat1ve ettorts , to be exposed to 1nnova

t1ve role nodels or none
at all , and to exper1ence an att1rnat1on ot selt throughout the process .
T t 1s very d1tt1cult 1ndeed to change norns surround1ng the n1ss1on or goals
ot an organ1zat1onally det1ned role . Theretore , 1t w1ll probably only occur
when an 1nd1v1dual who 1s 1nnovat1ve 1n or1entat1on at the outset encounters
an essent1ally ben1gn soc1aI1zat1on process wh1ch not only does not d1scourage
role 1nnovat1on, but genu1nely encourages 1t .
VI . 5W T A CONCLUSIOS
Wat We have ptesented La thLs papet LacIudes t a uOdeI Ot the OtganLza~
tion æd Lts na] Ot LntetnaI bOundat1es ; a cOacept Ot tOIe aad tOIe Ieatn1ng;
the nOtLOas Ot CustOdLaI Ot LaaOvatLve tespOases tO sOcLaILzatLOn expetiences ;
an, a detaLIed anaIysLs Ot sLx dLtteteat dLueasLOas Ot the sOc1aILzat1oa
ptOcess WhLch caa be thought Ot as d1st1nct "tactLcs" WhLch oaagers
(a,ents) caa eupIOy when sOcLaI1z1ng aeW tectLts LatO the OtganLzat1Oa
or at var1ous boundry passages .
We have attenpted to speB out , through a ser1es o t propos1t1ons , the l1ke-
lihoo that aay gLvea tactLc WOuId Ot WOuId aOt be a88OcLated WLth aay
patt1cuIat kLnd Ot Otgan1zatLonaI boundac passage. AIsO , We have developed
8eVetaI ptOpOsLt1ons about the l1kel1hood Ot any g1ven tact1c Iead1ng to
custOLaI , cOntent 1nnovat1ve , or roIe 1naOvatLve tespoases . í1nalIy ,
We have ptoposed a conb1nat1on ot tact1cs whLch one n1ght hypothes1ze as
beLag uOst I1KeIy to ptoduce each Ot the specLtLc otzanLzat1onal responses .
Ke dO aOt cons1det th1s a conpIeted theOty 1n that we do not as yet
baVe eaOugh enp1t1caI ev1dence to detec1ne La a note t1ghtIy atranged and
IOgLcaI schene how the var1Ous sOc1aI1zatLOa tactLcs can be note Ot les$
Ordered 1n tetCS of the1t eÍteCtS uDon recru1ts beinz 1D1 t 1ðted 1nto Orzan~
LzatiOnal tOlC$ . �ð dO :CO! hOw�Ver Lhu c Lne s \x anJ!y L1CJ!!V~d1 > t .nC t
dLuens1ons ot the socializaciOn process represent a t1rst and 1cportant step
Ì l
M th1s d1rect1on. ke beI1eve
·
then� that ve have dIspIayed
*
one theoc
mch can nov be tested enp1ricaIIy.
In any event� ve feeI that the spec1f1catLon of the d1nens1ons theo~
seIves at Ieas t opens up ~~ both foz reseazchezs and nanagers 1n organiza~
tLons ~~ an anaIytic fraoevork for cons1dez1ng the actuaI processes by
wch peopIe are brought 1nto nev roIes 1n the vorkpIace . Indeed , 1t 1s
tLne to becone oore conscious of the cho1cesand consequences of the

vays
M wLch ve "ptocess peopIe" . 0n1nspLzed custod1ansh1p , recaIc1tzance , and
even ozgan1zatLonaI s ta¿nat1on
ate otten the dizect tesuJt ot hoW eOpioyees
aze pzocessed Lnto the

or¿an1zat1on. 8oIe Unovat1on and uIt1nateIy
ozgæLzat1onaI zevitaI1zat1on, at the other extrene, can aIso be a direct
¥esuIt of hov peopIe vere pzocessed . Iron th1s perspectLve , organ1zat1onaI
¥esuIts aze not sLnpIy the consequences of the vork acconpI1shed by peopIe
bzought Lnto the organ1zat1on, zather , they aze the consequences of the vork
e `
tbese peopIe acconpI1sh aftez the organ1zat1on 1tseIf has conpIeted 1ts
Wozk on then.
7 Z
Z
R0T5
1. Te vLev of soc1.aI act1on taken 1n th1s paper Ls baaed essent1aIIy
upon mad1æ sociaI psychoIo¿y and is expressed oost succinctIy by the
mboI1c 1nteractionists ( see , for exæpIe , the vork of Nead,
193; 0offwn, I9J9 ; 5Iur, I909 ; Bu¿hes , I97I; 5ecker, I970) . PersonaI
mæge vLth1n th1s trawvork aIvays requ1zes the æu1Yt1c occas1on
0Ï "suzpz1se. " 5uch surpr1se proopts , even 1f onIy oooentar1Iy, a k1nd
0Ï dLsengagewnt froo the concezs of the oownt and perhaps the
appzebens1on of those affa1rs that the pezson has not h1therto not1ced
at a11. Ph1Iosoph1caIIy, the perspect1ve 1s reIated cIoseIy to that
0Ï phenonenoIo¿y . For sooe ¿round1n¿s here , see 5chutz , IT; Lyn
ad ôcott , I9J0; Psathas , I97Z ; æd, espec1aIIy , Zaner , I97Û.
7J
Z. Ve vse the ph�ase "ozgæIzatLonaI segænt" quLte btoadIy Ln thLs
papez. Ve wan by the phzase sImIy the ] oIntLng ot actions undertaken
�y dIttezent otzæLzatLonaI wnbezs Ln the puzsuLt ot ceztaU ends .
Wpaztwnts aze thezetoze ozganLzatIonaI seænts a8 are vorkzroups
0Z pzo]ect teans . VeztLcaI æd hozLzmtaI cILques , cabaIs , and
cæspIzacLes aIso taII mdez thI8 zubzIc toz theIz exLstence LnpILes
W wottLcIaI, thouzh nonetheIess zeaI , wzgLng ot LndLvLdwI
ettozts . 5ee mnnLng lIº73 and öuws l IºJã I¥Jö; Iº0I) toz a wze
eIabozate use ot thLs concept.
å. M geaezaI, æy toæ ot aduIt socIaIIzatIon, LncIudUz the organLzationaI
Va¥Lety, Is æaIogous to tmt ot chIIdhod socIaIIzatLon, but
an aduIt sociaIizatLon process nust contend vith the individuaI ' s
"cuIture of orientation" vhich nay stand in the vay ot the
o¥gæIzatIæ s eItozts . foz æ DtzodvctIæ to the vazLous tows ot
advIt æd ozgæLzatIonaI socIaILzatIon, see, toz exæpIe , öecker and
8ttaws, IºJ0 ; 5cheIn, Iº0I, Iº04, Iº0ö; ßeckez, I¥04; C apIov, 1964;
8zW æd VeeIez, I¥00 ; koth, Iº0J; hooze, I¥0¥ ; InkeIes , 19�; mnLng,
1970; æd Van haæen, Iº70 . Foz æ eazIIez stateænt ot sow ot the
Ldeas M thLs papez, see

Van haanen æd 5cheLn, I¥77 • Aother Lntroduction
f0 the topIc cæ be Iocated Ln Poztez, LavIez , æd Backwn (l97sunder
tbe paztLaIIy nLsIeadLng chaptez tLtIe "Aaptat1on Processes e
4 . To sow extent , those ad]ustwnts that tuc out to be nonadaptative
taII mdez the cIass�tLcatLon ot vhat FIatt tI¥7Z) caIIs a "socLaI
ttap. " In bzIet, such traps nay LnvoIve , tLtst, a tLne deIay betore
tbe LII ettects ot a paztIcuIaz ad]ustnent aze teIt as Ls the case vLth
swkIng æd Imz cancez oz LndustzLaI poIIutLon æd envLronnentaI
decay . 5eCOnd . SOCiai t tapS aiS O deS CF1be S1 tuatiOnS Whezein S ttOnz
74
MdLv1duaI 1ncent1ves ( oz dLs1ncent1ves) seenLngIy prohzb1t peopIe
tzoo act1n¿ in their coIIectLve best 1nterest as eXeÞI1f1ed by the
Lnfaoous Kitty 0enovese sIaying 1n Ne 1om 01ty oz U gaoe situations
oaz
y
ed by the "Pr1
¸
onez' s 01IeÆ.
J . To vLt , psychoIogists of a deveIopoentaI stz1pe emhas1ze cog1t±ve
IeazLng ( e . g . , £rikson, Iº5º ; Iº05 ; PLaget, Iº0Z ;

Iºbº ; KroII e t a1 . ,
I¥ÎÛt Keen, Iº77) vhereaa psychoIog1sta ooze concezed vLth 1nd1v1duaI
dIttezences eophas1ze the oatch1ng of pezsOna and settLng Ln the1r
socLaILzat1on studLes (e . g . , üoIIand, Iº00 ; 8oe , IºJ 7 ; $uper � aì .
IºW) . 0n the other hand, poILtLcaI scLent1sts seeo oos t concered v1th how
aevcowzs ga1n "contzoI of th1ngs" le . g. , i"J IºÜH
]
5eII æd Pr1ce ,
I¥ÎJ t b0¤| ma�¸ I9e7) • $tudents of coopIex orgæ1zations nearIy aIways focus
m the effect1veness of the nevcowr le . g . , ßezIev æd BaII, Iºbb ; FeId±n,
Iº70 ; 5che1n, Iº75) . A
m hzopoIog1s ts , vhen they cons1der aduIt
socIaILzat1on at aII, tend to be ta¥ w¥e Lntezested U tzæaLtLons
acrosS particu1ar societies than those occuring within a society ( e . g . , Taft , Iº7 > ;
Kinba11 and Uatson, ìº7 Z ; Stonequis t , ìºJ7 ) or with those passages within a society
that nark a youth
t
s transition into aduIthood (Van 0ennep , ìºb0 ; LeVine , Iº7 J) . All
tbLa Ls to aay that the8e dLvezs
¿
BtudLe8 prov1de 8uw Ve¥y ¥ich
descrLpt1ve nateriaIs but TareIy do the theoreticaI accounts of the
socIaIIzation process go beyond dLscLpILnary boundari�s . Ke have tr1ed
at Ieast in snaII oeasuTe to transcend these boundaries in this paper .
Þ. To be suze , even Lt ve accoopI1shed tuIIy thes

e ends . our theory wouId
stLII be ot onIy the oiddle

æ¿e |Nrton, Iº57) . A conprehensive
theoz oust aIso consider the origins æd aIterations in the h1s toI1ca1
p
_
tte
¬
s O! organizat ional sccialization JS ~C 1I J6 thC differential
7 b
ettects of the process upon peopIe of vLdeIy dLver�e back¿rouds ,
cuItuzes, æd s1tuat1ons . Te 1nportæce of a conpazat1ve and h1stor1caI

appzoach to the des1g of socLaI1zatLon stud1es cannot be mderest1wted.
WLIe ve have a nmer of Iong1tudLnaI accounts of the process as
it occurs Ln a part1cuIar or¿æ1zat1on oz occupat1on ( e . ¿ . , 0orbush , 1955 ;
Liebera, Iº50 ; Evæ, Iº0J; L1ght, Iº7Z ; Yæ K�nen, I¥7J ; 8osenbau, 1976) ,
tbese zenaLn soILtaz case studLes conpIete vLth theLr ow 1d1osycrat1c
cmceptuaI franevorks . 5ow good exæIes of the tye of comarat1ve
ad bLstorLcaI enp1r1caI vork needed 1n th1s re¿ard are prov1ded by
Lortie, Iº75 ; FauIker , Iº74; æd Kæter� Iº05.
Î= Te nost generaI process nodeI of socLaILzat1on Ls �the LevLn1an
model vLth 1ts three phases of "wfreezLn¿, chæ¿1n¿, æd refreez1n¿ . ''
8otb 5cheLn ( Iº0Ia, b ; Iº05) and Yæ mæen ( Iº70) have reI1ed extens1veIy
m tbLs generaI fomuIatLon vhen descrLbLn¿ the organ1zat1onaI
socialization process fron the 1nd1v1duI' s perspectLve .
0. ThLs Ls , of course , takU¿ a æthropoIog1caI or cuItutaI perspect1ve
m conpIex or¿æ1zat1ons vh1ch requ1res the suspens1on of beI1ef 1n
toWI pronouncenents or inductive !1ats as to what organizations
4I0 about wt1I deta1Ied enp1r1caI study has been conducted 1nto
tbe vorkLn¿s of æy ¿1ven or¿an1zat1on. 5uch æ ap

proach has nuch
to zecoæend 1t . Indeed, the var1ous stud1es vh1ch refer to the
dLfferences beceen the 1ntent1onaI and m1ntent1onaI consequences ,
tbe næLfest and Iatent ¿oaI� , the theozy~Ln~use æd theory~U~pract1ce ,
ad the expILc1t æd 1npI1c1t ob]ectLves of an or¿an1zat1on
Ìb
aII vouId seen to po1nt Ln thLs dLrect1on l e . g. , 0ouIdner, Iº54;
8Iau, IºJJ ; 0 roz1er, Iº04; ßuzs , Iºô1; 5che1n, 1970 , Ar¿yr1s

and

••

5Oon, Iº74; 5Iækensh1p , Iº77) .
Y. LookLng t o the fmctLonaI æd hLerarchLcaI boundar1es , thLs vouId
appea¥ to be the case because Læd1ateIy atter entræce to a nev
posItIon, the 1nd1v1duaI Ls too mped m 1n Iæw1ng tbe requ1reoents
ot

tbe ] ob to have nuch, Lf æy, 1nfIuence upon those
xequIzewnts thenseIves . md, ] us t befoze passa¿e, the person 1s
pzobabIy too caught up 1n the trans1t1on LtseIf to have ( or des1re
to bave) nuch 1nfIuence on the posLtLm beLng Ieft beh1nd. Across the
McIusIonaz boundar1es , the s1tut1on Ls sLn1Iar thou¿h perhaps Iess
cIeaz. IWdLateIy attez entz, the pezson knovs tevpeopIe and
WII bave deveIoped ILttIe of the sozt of 1nterpersonaI trst v1th
otbezs on the scene vh1ch Ls necessaz to exert wan1ngfuI
WtIuence . ßut, after hav1ng ach1eved a centraI æd v1s1bIe pos1t1on
mtbIn the patt1cuIar settLng, 1t 1s I1keIy that such a pos1t1on
1B pzewsed upon the 1nd1v1duaI ' s aInost totaI acceptance of the
noW æd vaIues of the group . A æthropoIog1sts ate prone to say,
tbe person nay have "gone nat1ve" and has consequentIy Ios t the sort of
wzgLnaI1ty and detachænt necessary to su¿gest cr1t1ca1 aIterations
D tbe soc1aI scheoe of thin¿s .
IÛ. A nore spec1fLc exaopIe 1s usefuI here . ºoI1ce or¿anLzat1ons
cæ to nLnd foz there are sone 1nterestLng case exæpIes.
CÆ _ nevIy app

Lnted

so~caIIed "pro¿ressLve" or "refot" Ch1efs of
PoI1ce have , af te r purging the t op administ rative ranks
'
and inse rting
7 7
pezsonneI vho vere syopathet1c to the1r pzeconcept1ons of vhat the
ozganLzat1on shouId be about , tr1ed to Ueure that onIy the "r1ght
tyes" l those vho vere aIso ILkeIy to shaze the QLef ' s vLsLon)
vouId be proooted 1n the systeo. Thus , "oId tLwrs" vho had vez
centraI æd 1nfIuent1aI pos1t1ons v1thU the1r respect1ve ranks æd
twctLons vere no Ion¿er 1n favorabIe pos1t1ons to r1se U the
ozgæLzat1on. PoI1cy chæ¿es a
+
ound the structure of the prooot1on
boazd oraI exao1nat1ons , æd the educatLonaI zequ1rewnts foz part1cuIar
IæB seeoLn¿Iy vorked 1n th1s re¿ard. 1et, ¿1ven the short I1ved
tenuze of the 1nst1¿ators of these refo� æd the short ILved pez1od
ot the refoæs theoseIves , oov1n¿ these departwnts froo the top
dow pzoved to be qu1te d1ff1cuIt, 1f not 1æoss1bIe . Indeed, Iover
pIaced oeobers 1n these departoents vere abIe ( throu¿h a var1ety of
Invent1ve oeans) to bIock refoæ Ln the Ion¿ rm by eLther forc1n¿ the
nev O1ef out entLreIy or by "snapp1n¿" the 0h1ef back 1nto a pos1t1on
vbeze the vaIues of or¿an1zat1onaI wobers once a¿aLn feII oore or Iess
aIong a pIuob ILne dropped froo the top of the or¿anLzatLonaI cone .
5ee 0a Í0y
I97 J , F1sh¿rmd, I97 7 and be1geI aod 5eige1 , Iº7 7 !or case
wterLaIs bear1n¿ on the rather reoarkabIe res1stence to chan¿e ex1b1ted
M poILce or¿æLzat1ons .
1. Foz sooe further treatoents of thLs roIe, pos1t1on , æd cIa1os oade
by occupat1ons coæonIy thou¿ht to be "profess1onaI" , see , V1Iensky, I9b4 ;
Gode, I9b9 ; VoIIoer æd H1ìIs , I900 ; üughes , I9J5; and, espec1aIIy ,
ßIankensh1p , I977.
7b
J- AIdo fron the strategLc natters consLde

zed dLzeOIy Ln the tcxt ,
tbe poIes of each tactLcaI dLwnsLon represent d1ffezences Ln the aoount
ot pzIor pIænLng engaged Ln by nenber8 of the ozgæLzatLon, dLfferences
1 tbe IeveI of cowtnent of ozgæLzatLonaI zesouzces to a ¿Lven
socIaILzatLon patter, and dLfferences Ln the nunbez of a¿ents act1veIy
WvoIved Ln the process . Eovever, sLtuatLonaI æd hitoz1caI cons1der~
atIons unLque to æy gLven occupatLon or orgæLzatLon ILnLt the kLnd
ot generaIIzatLons ve cæ wke O these wtters� In othez vords , in sooe
IIaes of vozk, the cho1ce of say æ LndLv1duaI node of soc1aILzat1on oay
¥equIze nore pIannLng, be wre costIy , æd requLre wrc a¿ents than the
Oo1ce of a coIIect1ve node . In other endeavors , hovevez, the case wy
be zeversed. "0uaILty contzoI" nay be a crucLaI aspect of the oz¿an1zat1on ' s
cboIce of tactLcs vhereLn due t o the exactLn¿, dan¿ezovs , oz consequent1aI

mtuze of the task to be perfomed by a nevconez to the f1eId , standard1zed
outcones {pzoooted by coIIectLve pzocesses ~~ see foIIovLn¿ sect1on) are ,
It not requ1zedg at Ieast socLaIIy des1reabIe as 1s the case 1n oed1c1ne
oz tIrefLghtLng. ReedIess to say, conpazat1ve s tud1es aze czucLaI Ln
fbI8 regard.
1Å= Tbe strength of ¿zoup mders tand1n¿s depends , of couzse , upon the
degree to vbLch aII oeobers actuaIIy shaze the sæe fate. In h1¿hIy
cometLtLve coIIect1ve sett1n¿s , ¿roup oeobers knm that the1r om
success 1s increased throu¿h the faLIure of others , hence , the soc1a!
support netvorks necessar to naLntaLn cohesion 1n the ¿roup wy
bzeak dow. 0onsensuaI understandLn¿s vLII deveIop but they v1II
but t ress individuai Coces ot :d¸ us tcent . Jun!or fa�uIty CeTbO:s Jn
ÌJ
pubIIcat1cn~mnded un1vers1tLes, foz 1nswce, foIIm grcup standards ,
aIthcugh such standards nearIy aWay8 stzess 1nd1v1duaI schoIarship ,
Lbo coIIect1ve standard be1n¿, B 1t Is , æ 1nd1v1duaI cne.
49- A ccrcIIary tc th1s prcpcs1t1cn can aIso be suggested. RaneIy, the
Iongez recr1ts rena1n to¿ether as a ccIIect1ve entIty, the Iess
IIkeIy rcIe 1nncvat1ve respcnsea UecoW. Væ. Næn l Iº75) refers tc
8ucb Iengthy ccIIect1ve processes v1th1n vh1ch træsfer rates 1n and
out ot the recr1t grcup are Jm as "cIcsed" sccIaI1zat1cn. U the cther
bæd, "cpen" scc1aI1zat1cn, acccrd1ng to Van Naanen, aIsc 1nvcIves
coIIectIve sccLaI1zat1cn but the ncde 1s wrked by chang1ng perscnneI
aczoss t1ne v1th1n the recru1t ¿rcup . m Lnterest1ng study 1n th1s
zegazd 1s repcrted by Tcrzæce l I�55) vhc exan1ned the dec1s1on~nak1n¿
abII1tIes cf A1r Fcrce fI1¿ht crevs vhc had tra1ned tcgether for sooe
ten veeks . After tra1n1n¿ the crevs vere scræbIed lcpen~coIIect1ve
8oc�aI1zat1cn) vhereas the rena1n1n¿ crevs stayed 1ntact (cIcsed~coIIect1ve
socIaI1zat1cn) . Tc Torræce ' s surpr1se , the scræbIed crevs vere far
supez1cr cn the perfomce cf var1cus task~reIated prcbIens than vere
the Intact crevs . Interpret1n¿ these resuIts , he ccncIuded that the
zeIat1ve Iack of pcver different1aIs and scc1aI status æon¿ the
sczæbIed ¿rcups aIIowed fcr a oore open and hcnes ccns1derat1on cf
aItezat1ve scIut1ons tc the probIens fac1n¿ the ¿rcup than vouId be
pcss1bIe vhen pcwer and status vere es tabI1shed and reIat1veIy f1xed as
vas the case for the 1ntact crevs . Jan1s ( Iº7Z) has recentIy repcrted
sæe vez s1n1Iar f1nd1n¿s .
b0
Ib- Fazt of the dLffLcuIty for recruLts Ln thLs mtter 1s that they
nomaIIy have very ILttIe tc offez expezLenced cz¿anLzatLcnaI oeobers
In exchan¿e fcr beLn¿ tau¿ht the D m a pazLcuIaz rcIe . It Ls
not the case that veteran oeobers dLsI1ke cr dLstrst ncvLces ( thcu¿h
M sone Lnstances they oay) , but 1t 1s nezeIy the case that recruLts
bave nothLn¿ substantLaI tc contrIbute to the wtters at hand . Thus ,
næconers Ln the LnfcmaI ocde nust often

fLrst behaVLcraIIy deocnstrate
tbeIz vaIue tc theLr vcuId~beÌeachers by, say, perfoWLnz "¿c~fer" ILke
dutIes such as fetchLn¿ vcrk oatezLaIs , snacks , and ccffee , runnLn¿ ILttIe
necessaz
·
but LnccnsequentLaI
t
errands , dcLn¿ the "dLrty vcrk" cthers on
tbe scene vLsh tc avcLd, and dLspIay1nz an "ea¿er" cr "¿ccd" attLtude
When en¿a¿ed Ln such tasks . In exchæze for thLs v11ILn¿ness , a
teachIn¿ reIatLcnshLp oay then enezze . $�e Lort1e , J975 , Baas , I9Æt and
KubensteLn, 1973 fcr scoe zcod exanpIes Ln thLs re¿azd.
Iô.
T1s su¿¿ests that oany sccLaILzatLcn pro¿raos be¿Ln vLth unLversaIistLc
concezs Ln vhLch standards are tau¿ht as veII as the unLfcm appIicaticn
of these standards . Bcvever, perhaps aIwst as oany prc¿raos end with
vez partLcuIarLstLc ccn
-
ets vhere recrLts are tauzht that there are
shIftLn¿ standards vhLch are appI1ed unLqueIy tc LndLvLduaI cases . This
ceztaLnIy refIects the typLcaI ccntent cf the tvc sccLaILzatLcn phases
f tomaI and LnfcroaI) oentLcned Ln the text . ConsLder tcc that in oany
ozzanLzatLcns the strict adherence tc the rIes (such

as vhat is usuaTIy
.
|

tauzht Ln a fcmaI sccLaILzaticn prccess) nay veII refIect a scrt cf
cuIturaI Lnccopetence vhen the recruLt actuaIIy "¿ces tc vcrk' rather

than ccopetence since , as aII "¿ood" neobers cf the cr¿anLzatLcn know, it
is necessary to Rnow the operat inz ru les aoout tha tules tO Detto:C
8I
adequateIy on the ] ob . A turther consideration o t this popuIar and
tzequent totaI~to~intotaI sociaIization 8eqmce ia presented on the
toIIminz pazes ot the text .
ÎÏ . 5oue iIIustrations are perhaps usetuI he¥e . Conside¥ the tact that
In wny orzanizations enpIoyees nisrepresent the1¥ ovezciw s tatenents
oz exense aIIovances ; budzet nakers pad their budzets vith either
tIctitious expenses oz exazzerated anounts tor a ziven iteu; and super~
YIsors invariabIy overrate the pertotance ot their subordinates . hone
ÞÎ these practices are IikeIy to be conveyed durinz the tirst vave of
foWI sociaIizat1on. Noteover , a uenbez vho strictIy adheres to the
ÎoWI or correct practices (the proper) rather than the sociaI practices
cuzzentIy in use vithin the vork settinz t the suart) is IikeIy to be
consIdered by others to be an "orzanizationaI dope" untiI the second
WaVe ot sociaIization provides the recru1t vith the necessary Iearinz.
In other vords , the 'orzanizationaI dope' is one vho has not been
tu1Iy aociaJized.
id . As ºro!essor ßarry Staw (personaI cow unication) rightIy suggests , the
degree to which the substantive base o! a sociaIization process can be
presented in a sequentiaI !ashion depends , in part , upon tne avaiI-
abiIity to those directing the process to caII upon a !uIIy deveIoped
and shared inteIIectuaI or discipIinary paradign. Thus , when cIas-
si!ying sociaIization processes in educationaI institutions , nathenatics
or physics are !ar nore IikeIy to be presented sequentiaIIy to student~
recruits in those !ieIds than are , !or exanpIe , histo�or socioIogy . Tn
work organizations , the use o! sequential processes Ieading to a given
organizationaIIy de!ined roIe wiII aIso vary according to the degree
that agents have recourse to shared kowIedge about and/or experienæ with
bZ
the tarvet ro1e . FroO this staodpoiot , fioaocia1 aoa1ysts or productioo
supervisors are perhaps Oore 1ike1y to be socia1ized Jo a sequeotia1
Oaooez thao are orzaoizatiooa1 deve1opneot specia1ists or oew product
1ioe Oaoazers . Eowever , we cao press this aoa1ozy too far because io
work orzaoizatioos , as io educatiooa1 ooes , pedazozica1 disputes over
the proper sequeoce ot 1earoioz are iodeed quite cowon eveo wheo there
exists a wide1y accepted paradizO aOooz socia1izatioo azeots .
J9 .
IaLzy taIes my sonetLnes cone ttue but cettaLnIy not aII dis]unctive
socialization processes have happy endings . A informative and perhaps
liLtLng case is provided by Klineberg and Cottle CJ9Z3) . They note
tmt first generation rural-to�city migrants suffer' a serious break
between their past and present experiences . So serious is this break
Ln fact that the nizrant s iOaze of a better future usually lies un-
connected to any concrete activities toward which the migrant can direct
his present ettot ts. It WOuìd seem therefore that eX1tweLV d ts] unc ttve
expetLences risk deolishing that nost deILcate btIdge between neanS
ad ends. If this occurs , anomie and alienation are sure to result
(Yan Maanen, 19Z7a) .
¿0 . We should note that in these sumary propositions we . do not take a
posItLon O all socialization tactics . Wen a particular tactic is
not explicitly mentioned in the proposition, it is because we feel
tbat the tactic could go either way depending on more specific cir-
cumtances . In the first proposi tion, · for examle , forml-fnformal
ad collective-individual socialization tactics are not mentioned
because we feel that their use , in any combination, neither adds to
nor dettacts from the prediction as stated . To UcIude these tactics
8J
WouId requLre wre LnfomtLon ~~ LnfomtLon of the sort partLaIIy
speIIed out Ln the proposLtLon LtseIf . To �Lt , fornaI~LndLvLduaI
processes are potentíaIIy the nost poverfuI, but a1so the nost expensive
and capabIe of producLng cus todLaI as veII as LnnovatLve responses .
Û the average, fomaI~coIIectLve processes are prcbabIy
IIkeIy to produce custodLaI orLentatLons but they cæ aIso facLILtate
the deveIopnent of group prespectLves vhLch are hLghIy LnnovatLve .
InfomI~coIIectLve processes are not at aII coæon and therefore
are quLte hard to predLct . And , vhLIe LnfornaI�LndLvLduaI processes
are reIatLveIy comon, the resuIts of such processes are at best ao~
bLguous vLthout fLrst specLfyLng both the indLvLduaI' s LnLtLa1 orienta~
tLm tovard the partLcuIar roIe he or she Ls beLng prepared to assue
and the other tactLcs to be assocLated vLth the ptocess .
¯¯¯´¯¯¯""¨¨¯¯¬º·¬~-¬·-=~-~==..
84
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2

p lain " horse s ense " regarding what is appropriate and '' sm art" behav ior wi thin . the org aniz ation and what is not . A l l of these cu ltural m odes of thinking ,

feel ing , and doing are , ·of course , f ragmented to some degre e g iving ri se within large org ani za ti ons to various " subcultures " or "org an i zational seg.;.. ments . "

2

Such cultural form s are so rooted in the recurrent problem s and common experiences of the m em bership in an org ani zational s egm ent that once l earned they become viewed by ins iders as perf ectly " natura l " response s to the wo r ld of work they inhabi t . Thi s i s mere ly to say that org ani zational culture s

ar ise and are m aintained as a way of coping with and m aking s ense of a given problematic environm ent . That org anizations survive the lifetim es

of thei r founders is then to sugg est th at the culture e s tabli shed by the orig inal membership disp lays at le ast some s tabi lity through time . M e taphorically ,

j us t as biolog i s ts sometim e s argue that

"gene pools " exp loit individua ls in the intere st of thei r own .

8urvival, organizations, as sociocultural forms , do the same •

. Thus , the

devout believer is the Church's way of ensuring the survival of the Church;
the the

loyal c itizen is the State' s �ay of ensurina the survival of the State:
' �rvival of 8c ien tific apprentice is Physics way of ensuring the s

ration' s way of ensurfng Physics; and the productive employee is the Corpo
the

8urvi va l of the Corporation .
Thi s is not to say , however , that the transfer of a particular work .

culture from generatio� to gene ra tion of organiza tiona l p.rticipants · occurs smoothly, quickly , md without evolutionary difficulty . New mem­ They may,

bers always bring with them at least the potential for change.

for example, question old assumptions about how the work is to be performed , ,
be ignorant of some rather sacred interpersonal conventions that define

authority relationships within the workplac e, or fail to properly appre-

3

ci ate the work ideo logy or organi za ti onal mandate shared by the more experi enced members pre s ent on the s cene. N ovices bring with them differ-

ent backgrounds , faulty preconceptions of the j obs to be performed within the setting including thei r own , and perhaps values and ends,that are at odds with those of the working membership . The mo re exp e ri enced members mus t therefore find ways to insure that the newcomer d oe s not, disrupt the on- going activity on the s cene , emb arrass or cas t a disparaging l ight on others , or que s ti on too many of the e stabli shed cultural solution s worked out previous ly . Put b luntly , new members

must be taught to see the organ i zational wor l d as do thei r mor e experienced col leagues if the traditions of the organization are to surviv e . The manner

' in which thi s teaching/ learning occurs i s re ferred to here as the org ani zat i onal social i zation p roces s.

W hat I s Organizational Socia l i zation? A t heart , organi zationa l socialization is a j ejune phrase used by social s cientists to ref e r to the process by which one is taught and learns lithe rope s " of a parti cular organi zational role . In it s most gen-

era l s ense , organi zational sociali zation is then the process by which an indivi dua l acq ui res t he social knowledge and ski ll s nece s sary to assum e an organizational role. Across the ro les , the process may appear

in many forms ranging fro m a re latively qui ck, s e lf-guide d , tr ial- and-

error process to a far more elaborate one requiriDi a lenathy'preparation

period of education and training followed by an equally drawn out period'
of official apprenticeship . 3 In fact , if one't-akas seriOusly the"notion

that learning itself is a continuous and life-long process, the entire orlanizational career of an individual can'be charac terized .s a social1za.

tion process

( S chein,

197 1a; V an Maanen ,

1977 a) .

A t any rate , g iv en a par-

4

ti cular role , organi zational sociali zation ref ers minima l ly , though , as we sha l l see , not maximal ly , to th e f ashion in which an individual is taught and learns what behaviors and perspective s are cus tomary and desir­ ab le wi thin the work setting as we l l as what ones are not .

Insofar as the individual is conc erned , the results of an organizational socialization process inc lude , for instance , a· readiness to select certain events for attention over others , a stylized stance toward one' s routine, activities , some ideas as to how one' s various.behavioral responses to recurrent situations are viewed by others , and so forth . In short ,

socialization entails the learning of a cultural perspective that can be
brought to bear on both commonp lace and unusual matters going on in the work p lace . To come to know an organi zational si tuation and act within

it i�plies that a p erson has developed some commonsensical be lief s , p rin­ cip les , and unders tanding s , or in shorthand notati on , a p erspective for interp reting one' s exp erience s in a given sphere of the work wor ld. A s Shibutani ( 1962) sugg es ts , it p rovide s

the

individual with an ordered view of the work life that runs ahead and

guides experience , orders and shapes personal relationships in the work setting , and provides the ground rules under which everyday conduct is to be managed. . Once developed, a perspective provides a person with the

conventional wisdom that governs a particular context as to the typical features of everyday life . To illustrate this high ly contingent and c ontextual process , con­ sider the following hypothetical , but completely plausible exchange between an experienced patrolman and a colleague in a police department . When

asked about what happened to him on a given shift , the veteran officer 1Iight well respond by saying , "we didn't do any. police work , just wrote

5 a eouple of movers aDd brought in a body . cultural DOt the always be . well provide the means by which individual and collective neecls are fulfilled . a ataDel-up. that there will be very few positions Perhaps the discontent of the so-called "plateaued manager " can then be seen as a res ult of a socia11za t1on prac- · tice that has outlived its u seful ness . The rookie mu s t learn of these understandings and eventually come to make use of them in an enti rely matter-of-fact way if he is to co ntin ue as a member of t he organ1zation . you know . for example.. 4 Situations. this is the cultural material with which organizational socialization is concerned. in wh1 ch the careless .- presumes a special kind o f knowledge shared by exp erien ced organizational members as to the typical features of their work and how such knowledge is used when going about and talking about their job. be t. Consider also that wha t may be adjustive for the individual may not be adapti ve for the organizat ion .adaptive s ince certain . Consider ..y alvay. " Tbe raw recruit could bardly know of such things for the des crip t io � given clearly . &t this poin t .ecliate1y adj ustive for an . such lear n ing . Whereas learning D the orl a izational cul ture . it is important to note that not all organiza­ tional so cial iza t io n can be assumed to be functional for either the individual or the organization. individual in tbat such eo terinl learn ing will reduce the t ension as s o cia ted with in the long run . may forms may persist long an unfamiliar situa t ion . · At root·. pervasive prac ti ce in ma ny relatively stahle organizations of en couraging most lower and middle managerial employees to aspire to high position wit h ­ in the organization des�i te the fac t open at these levels. howe�er. often for Orga nizations are created and susta ined �y people within a larger and con­ as other people and are also embedded deeply They invent as tinually c!�anging environ�ent. after they have ceased to be o f individual value .

or abrasively cantankerous supervisor may represent such a -case wherein . 1977b.incoming members Me necessarily useful at either the individual or co11ee tive levels. they may entail upward. cateer within an organization represents a potential aeries of transitions from one po si tion to another (Van Maanen.on the basis that all cultural learning is fundamentally functional� _ The sieve that is history operates in often capricious and accidental ways and there is littl e reason to believe that all aspects of a culture that are manufac­ turedand passed on by members of an organization to other. organizational socializa- . and visibility of a given passage will vary across a person ' s career. Of course. Soeiallzation prac­ tices must not therefore be taken-far-granted or.leave the organiza­ tion as soon as emp10yment elsewhere has been secu:red. the intensity. Nevertheless. or lateral movement. We must note also that the problems oforganiza- tional socialization refer to any and all passages undergone-by members of an organization. From beginning to end . Hall. 1968. downward.6 assignment of an eager and talented newcomer to an indifferent . importance. or job location. 1971a) . worse. and demand relatively mild to severe adjustments on the part of the individual. _4 per son '. disgruntled . a period of socialization accompanies each passage. Schein. ignored. From this standpoint. It is perhaps least obvious when'an experienced member of an organization undergoes a simple change of assign­ ment. These transitions may be few in number or many. It is probably most obvious (both to the individual and to others on the scene) when a person first enters the organization the outsider to insider passage._ 1976. shift. G� . the adjustive solution seized upon by the new member is to.

societ ies . We are interested conse- quently in generating a set. then . aubcultur. Our efforts are directed toward building a sound theoretical base for the study of organizational socialization and not toward proffering any normative theory as the the "effectiveness" or . II.s. In this and the sections to follow. and targets of or gan i zatio nal socializa tion are grossly im. failed t o . . p ublished studies devoted to cialization practices of arou�s. persistent. arid so forth tend to be more often than not anecdo t al . observers of organizations have. oraani.ations.cross The emp irical materials that do exis·t are sca . . Even �it:hin sociolog)� concerned a common focus or a set of and the 41thropology. of interrelated theoretical propositions about . and based upon re t ros p ec t ive informant aecounts of the process rather than the observation of the process in s itu . Indeed. tribes. . In other words . agents. non� Comparative.t tered widely all d isc iplines found · in the social similar con- sciences and henc e do . and forever problematic • Background and· Underlying Assumptions With few eXCeptions .7 tion is ubiquitous. general st a temen t s about the process. 5 cepts. IDt share .give syst emat ic attetition t o the problem o f how speCific bit s-of culture are tr ans mit ted wit hin an organization. the disciptines most � o- with cultural mat ters. "ineffectiveness" of any give organizational form. a total conceptual scheme for a c tacki ng the problem may be said to be presently non-exietent.pressionis tic. we offer the beginnings of a descriptive conceptual scheme which we feel will be useful in guiding some much needed research in this crucial area. content.

_--_. must accompl ish at leas t three things.anizational so·· eial1za tion can take. many assumptions that undergird 6ur theory build­ First.---_ •. transition are in an anxiety producing situation. Second . Only in this fashion rill it be pO. 6 _.lible to build a t e s table theory to d irect r ••••rch in the ar. they are more or less motivated to reduce this anxiety by lea rning the' 'i'unctionaI-" and social requireme nts of their newly assumed role as The sources of this anxie ty are many. and perhaps of most importance. psychological tensions are promot ed no doub t by the feelings of loneliness and isolation tha t are asso­ ciated initially wi th a new location in an organization as well as the performance anxie ties a person ma y have when assuming new duties . Such a theory . such a I theory must describe in a fashion generally applicable t9 a large number of ofsanizAtional contexts the varioul ·cultural forms or'. stress is likely because newcomers to a • particular organiza tional role will initially feel lack of ident1f1ca- . to be analy tically sound . is the ing efforts in this regard. To wit._----- Some Assumptions There are.8 the stru c tur e and outcome of organiz4tional socialization processes. Firs t . well grounded assumption that individual s undergoing any organizational . quickly as possib le. Thus.. In the main. i t must tell us where to look within an organization to observe socialization in its mos t salient and cri t ical forms. the theory must of fer some explana­ a given tion as to why a particu l ar form of a socialization occuring at location within an organ ization tends to resul t in cer tain kinds of in­ d iv idual or collective outcomes rather than o thers. And .. Gone also is the learned social s i tuation with i ts established and comf or tab le routines for handling interacti on and predicting the responses of o thers to oneself. of course. third.

'Any per son cross ing into a new �rganizational region is vulnerable to . clien ts� and other as s ociates support and guide the indiv idual in learn- ing the new role • .an organ­ ization represent the glue which holds together the various interlocking parts of an on�going social concern. of anxiety. the way in which individuals adjust to novel circumstances is remarkably similar though there is no doubt great. but any passage from the -� create some dif f i cu l t i es for the person mov i n g Ser. And. they provide the i ndiv idua l wi th a sense of competence (or failure and incompetence ). clues on how to proceed that originate wit hin the in terac ti ona l z one that immedia tel y surrounds him . they help to interpret the event s· one experi­ ences such that one can even tua lly take ac t i on in one ' s a l tered si tua ti o n .at least in the short run. When the passing of positions from generation to generation of incumbents is accomplished smoothly with a minimum of disruption. the continuity of the organization's mission is maintained. Ultimately. the predictability of the organization's performance is left intact. Indeed.· Colleagues� superiors . It could be said that the various socialization processes carried out within . and the survival of the organization is assured -. assum­ ing the organizational environment remains reasonably stable. or ganizatio nal socialization and the learni ng that is asso­ ciated with it does not occur in a social vacuum s t r i c tl y oncthe basis of the official and available versions of the new role requireme nts .ond. Fourth.variation in the par- . Need­ less to say� different kinds of transi tions will invoke different levels familiar to the less familiar will on . Third. the stability and productivity of any organization depends in acco mp lis hmen t and large measure u pon the ways newcomers to various positions come to eventually carry out their tasks. subordinates.9 tiOD with thevar10us activities observed to be aoing on about them.

Yet.10 ticular content and type of ad j us t ments achieved (or not achieved) . regardless of the inf ormation they al read y possess about the new role. these reasons are to be located at the human level of analysis. we not at the structural or functional levels. While. no ted As Barnard (19 3 8) with characteris t i c clarity. the foreman o r a staff analyst becomes a line manager. Indeed. In some cases. are to participate and contribute to the organization's continued survival.an changes of from a : n ew department or a fireman · working the hook-and-ladder to rescue squad. n i ficant sh i f t may res u l t in only minor and insig­ chang e s in a pe rso n ' s organizational a n d personal identity as per­ i s rotated to a haps is t h e case when a cra f t s=. When persons undergo a transition. no of instant replacement. if ev e r. 1 In sho r t . can such learning be complete until h as a newcomer endured a period of i nit ia t ion within the new role. And. From this perspective. (Strauss. th e i r a. t he re is always a period adjustment. or motiva- notions that certain organizationally relevant rules. one that suggests that individuals. rare ly . in any these shi f ts there is still likely t o be at least some surprise' or what Hu ghe s (1958) c a l l s "reality shock" in s tore for the individual involved when he first e n c ounte rs the new wo rking context. as in ." the analysis that follows makes no so�called functional assump- tions about the necessity of organizations to socialize individuals to particular kinds of roles. are very much committed to a symbolic interactionist view of social life. Fifth. create and sustain beliefs about what is and is not functional 1959). we reject any implicit or explicit values. a shift into a new work situation may r e sult in a sharply altered organi za ti onal and perso na l identity for an individual as often oc cu r s a w hen a factory worker b e c omes In other cases . not organizations. "there is.priori unde rstandings of tha t role will undoubtedly ' change. tions must be internalized by people as "blueprints for behavior" if they. Such a view leaves little room for individual uniqueness and ignores the always problematic contextual nature of the various ways organizational roles can be filled. there are no doubt reasons why certain social- ization tactics are used more frequently by one organization rather than another.

ticular occupational roles (doctor. coercive. as we will show. some rather 'recognizable and pervasive socialization processes used across virtually all organizational se ttings and all kinds of individuals.the outcome' of a given process_. etc. Our concern is therefore-with the effects The frequellcy and t of what can be called "people processing" device�. voluntary. the theory must transcend the particular and peculiar. banker� etc. To be of value to researchers and laymen alike. crook. or par- specific organizations. we assume here that a theory of organizational social- ization must not allC?w itself to become too preocqupied with individual characteristics (age. At least at this stage in the :con�truct1on of • theory • .11 all matters individual. the theory we sketch out What we . and a1m for the lenera1 and typical. ). (public. and occupations are then peripheral to our analytic \ concern and properly lie beyond the scope of this paper for these are �u"t1ons best. substantive ou tco�e of the use of these devices across particular types of people.t here are. ).bandled by de tailed empirical study. that can be understood far more quickly and directly if we do not bog ourselves down in the examination of every dimension that conceivably co�id influen�e In o ther words. etc. and finally. Six�h. attempt to accomplish here is the identification of the likely effects upon individuals who have been processed into a general organizational loca ion through certain identified means. private. what is functional for one actor may be dysfunctional for another. personality characteristics. below does no t seek to specify its own applications or uniqueness.)._ organizations. lawyer. b�ckground. .

several types of individual are responses or outcomes to the soeialization process d escribed in terms Tha t we b eliev e to be b o th organiza t ionally and theoretically relevan t .12 Plan of this Paper Given this rather lengthy presentation of introductory matters. materials of this paper and specify a set of strategic or tactical means by which organizational socialization is typically accomplished. It is therefore the perfor�nce o r not may n o t aetion o f a person that concerns uain this sec t ion and t he at titudes . Part VI concludes the paper with a brief overview and guide to future research in this area. or va l ues tha t mayor may not be asso c ia ted wi th an individual's handling of a given organizational role. III. not in terms o f how an individual may or feel toward the new role . In Part IV. it is a theor­ which organizational. socialization takes place. b elie f s . t hese outcome s are poten t ial effec ts o f a given socialiaation process and are considered l a rg el y in terms o f how an individual actually behaves in the new organizational ro le . motives . provides a model of the general setting in As such. following section. The Organizational Setting: Segments and Boundaries Perhaps the best way to view an organization follows the anthropological line suggesting that any group of people who interact regularly over an . we present the basic propositions which comprise the core analytic. the Part III. 1s . etical depiction of an organization within which certain boundaries exist and therefore demark particular transition points where social­ ization can be expected to occur. Each strategy or tactic is discussed generally and then related system­ atically to its probable absence or presence at a given boundary as well as its probable effect upon individuals who are crossing a particular boundary. In Part V.

and in what fashion. since these people interact with one4nother and share information. These roles set of organizationally defined roles for people to fill may or may not be formalized and fully sanctioned throughout the organization yet they nonetheless appear to have some rather stable properties associated with them which tend to be passed on from role taker to role taker. But. members of on-going business organizations. From this standpoint. organizations can be viewed as arenas in which an almost infinite series of negotiated situations arise over who will do what. these negotiations result in an emerging (Manning 1970).13 extended period of time will develop a sort of unexplicatedor tacit mandate concerning what is correct and proper for a member of the group to undertake as well as what is the correct and proper way to go about such an undertaking. example. Of course. Such events. where. these organizationaly defined roles hardly coerce each role taker to perform in identical ways. More concretely. At for 'a high level of abstraction. orient their efforts toward "making money" in socially prescribed ways just as members of governmental agencies orient their efforts toward "doing public service" in socially prescribed ways. Certainly. people come together acting within their roles to confront and make sense of the shared event. if serious enough. whenever a novel problem arises. Over time. organizations are made up of people each following ends that are to some degree unique. give rise to altered definitions of both'the organizational role and the organizational situation in which the role is carried out. however. an organiztion is little more than a situated activity space in which various individuals . purposes. and approaches to the various everyday problems they face. when. then.

Visua lly . p roduc tion . Furthermore. a somewhat shared . we can map the func tional domains of an organization along departmental and subdepar tmental or program lines as if each func tion and sub-function occupied a part of a circle or pie-shaped figure. and so forth . planning . finance . we need a �odel that is flexible enou�h to allow for as much descrip tive valid i ty as pos s ible across a wide variety of organizational contex tso Schein (1971a ) has develop� a model of the' orlanizatfon that provides a quite useful descrip tion o f an organi za tionally defined role in terms o f three dimensions that are dis cernable empirically .14 come toge ther and base the ir efforts upon. In the public sec tor .organiza tionally defined roles -. To do so . inves tiga t ions . cus tody . and the like . an organization like a polic e department might have func tional divis ions corresponding to pa trol . both collec tively and individually . however . p ersonne� re search and development . but continual ly problematic . record s . The firs t dimension is a func tional one and refers to the various tasks performed by members of an organization . mos t organizat ion� have departmen tal s truc tures which for enterprises located in the business. sector of the economy might include the func tions of marketing . 8 The problem we face here concerns the manner in which the s e versions of what people are to do -.are passed on and interpre ted from one role occupant to the next . version of what it is they are to do . adminis trative staff . Thus . Each func tion then covers a particular por t ion of the c ir cumfer ence . communications . requires a model of the organizat ion such tha t members can be distinguis hed f rom one ano ther and from outsiders on the basis of as few organi zational variables as possible.

the numbers of people eontained w ith in each slice would' 110 doubt differ. but does Dot presume that such authority automatically carries with it the power to· direct the behavior of underlings. of the circle depending upon its proportionate size w1thin the organization. very decentralized organizations will have. for ex�ple. is responsible for the actions of whom. for example. According to the model. the XYZ Widget Company as depicted in Figure 1. on paper.15 . lbis is essentially a matter It reflects the of who. (INSERT FIGURE 1 ABOUT HERE) Each slice in the figurative representation is a functional division with relatively distinct boundaries such that most p�rsons in the organiza­ tion could easily locate themselves and others within a slice of the circle. The aecoad dimension identifi ed by Sche1D coaeeena the hierarchical distribution of rank within an organization. it would typically take a triangular shape (the traditional organizational pyramid) wherein the highest ranks are held by relatively few people located at the . Cl�arlYt no two·organizations would be precisely the same because even if the department and subdepartment structures were identical. relatively few hierarchical distinctions Whereas very centralized organizations will have many. Consider. official lines of supervisory authority within an organization. Mapping this dimension on paper.

.. ............./ ON / / / / .......I':: -......../....../ ...../ �:.... PERSONNEL I/ _____ .... " " ' '\ \ ' \ \ Fig"ure I: Functional Domains of Organizatio ns ......16 XYZ WIDGET CO. --� --.. \ " ' \ " \ SALES . �-........../ ./ / / / // / / / 1 1 I I I 1 I I \ " \'.... -. PR ODUCTI .. -/1 �' --..�..-.. MARKETING \ \ \ \ \ '\ ......... .....

(2-C) illustrates an organization with a very steep authority structur� within which each ran� supervises relatively few p�opl� but t�ere are many ranks. a vast number of hie rarchical possibilities exist. there .17 apex. The Zero Research Institute (2-D) dis� lavs what a Here relatively flat hierarchical structure looks like in this sch� there are few ranks for members to seek to ascend . To wi t . Figure 2 illustrates a graphic representation of the hierarchical dimension in five hypothetical . Finally . most of their membe rsh ip occupies positions that carry low . Inc . 1974.These agencies have been ta· gged "street level" organizations because .rank . the Stuffed Mattress Company has a bulging number of middle managers . Zipper Sales. organizations. are more managers than workers in this hypothetical fira. the Stuffed Mattress Corporati on (2-E)is included here to demonstra te something of the range of possiblities available to describe the hierarchical spread which potentially can characterize an organization. in part . Pyramid sales organizations and peacetime armies are good examples in this regard.). Lipsky. lor example . the lOwest ranked pos itions in these organizations (Van Maanen . In fact. 197.management s t ructure wherein increasing rank is assumed by decreasing numbers of people in a relatively smooth way. As can be seen. (INSERT FIGURE 2 ABOUT HERE) As Figure 2 $ugg�sts .over 75 percent of the employees in most ' ' police organizations work as patrolmen or investigato rs . The XYZ Widget Company ( 2-A)is perhaps the most typical in that ' it f its textbook models of a. but po ssible. . Metropolitan Police Department (2-B) is representa tive of a large number of service bureaucracies. .

high low 0: Z e ro Research Inst itu fe E: Stuffed Mat tre s s Co. co Hi erarchi cal Domains of Organization s . Figure 2.A: XYZ RANK Widget Co. B : Metro Pol ice Dept. C : Z ip per Sale s Inc... .

then . movement alo ng this dimension implie s tha t a member's relat ionship wi th o thers in some segment of the organiza tion changes .transition demons trates that h e or she too . or organiza tion? Thus . norms . on the acene. -1 .19 The thi rd dimension in S chein 's model is the most d:f. in the settinl •• to wha t is or ganizationally important and what is no t . As Figure 3 indicates . accep ted by o thers as a central and working member of the par ticular organi zational.segment and this can normally . depar tment .group . (INSERT FIGURE 3 ABOUT HERE) Newcomers to mos t hierarchica l l evels and functional areas in virtually all organi za t ions inevi tably remain "on the edge" of organiza� The y tional affairs for some time af ter entrance for a bost of r .ona . depicted as i f it were a rad ial dimension extending from the membership ed ge of a slice of organizational members in toward t he middle of the functional cir cle. a.. this radial dimension must involve the social rules . and values through whi ch a per son's worthines s to a group is judged by members of tha t group . d imension is to be�ome. other. This is fundamentally an interactiona� dimension I t can be an d re fer s to a person's inclusion within the organization . They may .uot yet be deeme d trustworthy by other ""er. 'One moves toward the "center o f things " or away When examining this dimens ion . I t concerns in part . " be asked how important to o thers on the immedia te scene is a given member's r ole in the workings of a par ticular . the question must toward the "periphery .. no t b e accomp lished unless the member-in.ffic:ult to con­ ceptualize and concerns the social fabric or interpersonal domain of organizational life . the shared no t ions of wha t the "realwork" To'move alo ng this of any organizat ional segment is at any given time.bares tbe same assump tion.

'20 C e ntrol F i g ure Conf i da nt / / / / 11\ \ \ !\ Leoder Te nu re Granted C onfederate \Permanent M embers hi p \\ Accepted Bu t Not Pro vis o M ember j Permanent 1 \ Out sider Figure 3 I I nc lus ionary Dom ain s o f Orga n i z a t i o ns .

cynical. I f things go well . easy going ..21 not yet have had time to devel op and present the sort of affable . In cer tain educational institutions . to a confidant or intimate o f o thers who fully s hares in all the social. or hard-driving front maintained and expected by critical others in t he s e t t ing which marks membership in the particular segment o f the organization to which the newcomer has b een as si gned . and values be fore being granted inclusionary rights which t hen permi t them : 1) to share organizational secre ts . as well as the more obvious hierarchical passage. . In to cross inclusionary boundaries �eans that one becomes an insider with all the righ ts and privi leges that go with such a pos i t ion . Or . In other words.oer . and task related affairs of the group . to a marginally accepted novice group ._ . 2) to s epara t e the presentational rhetoric us ed o n outsiders t o speak o f wha t goes o n in the s etting from the operational rhetoric used by ins iders to communica t e wi t h one another as t o the rnat ters-at-hand� and/or 3) to unders tand the uno ffic ial yet recognized norms associated with the actual work going on and t he moral conduct expe cted of people in the part icular organizational aegment . to a confederat e of sorts who assis ts o ther members o n cer tain sele c ted mat ters .. process more central and perhaps valuable to the group as a whole. cultural . the s tranger is granted more say in the group ' s ac t ivi ties and is given more oppor tuni ty to dis play his or her particular skills thus becominq �n the ' . quite typ ically . s hort. t he granting o f university teDUn repreMilta the fortl&l recognition of crossing a major inclusionary boundary. To i llustrate . given a particular function and hierarchical level . movement along the inclusionary dimension is . pas s ing along the inclusionary dimension can be characterized as going from an outsider . ' newcomers mus t firs t be tes ted either inforul ly or formally as to their abilities .analogous to t he entrance of a stranger to any group . mo tives .

On the other hand. and inclusionof the organization becomes analytically ary -.are most use ful c ombin e d. Pres t i gious universi ties represent another good illustration wherein functional bo und a ries are ex c ee dingly difficult to ro tate through and inclusionary boundaries are tenuring policies . pageantry that Military organizations and the elaborate surrounds the hiera r c hical realms within them are unusually good examp les of this type . hierarchical boundaries but many func tional and inclusionary ones. the ease or f i c ul ty associated with a boundary passage) . guarded by the most rigorous o f (INSERT FIGURE 4 ABOUT HERE) Organizations also dif fer in the sorts of fi l t e r i ng pro c e ss es they use . Rela tively tall organi zations boundaries ye t rela tively (4-B) may have. and interesting. ideal. hierarchical . e . for example. these boundaries will may pass (see Fi gure 4-A). many hierarchical f e w functional and inclusionary ones . . flat organizations (4-C) such as some consul ting firms have few Indeed. in such firms.type. From a Weberian . Schein differ within and be tween organ­ dif­ i zations as to both their number and permeabili ty (i . con tain within them three ge neri c organizations types of as are conical in shape and boundaries across which a member suggests. members moving up themselves more to r an k and leve l the distinct ions which result or down in such organizations must orient among the membership than to distinctions f rom either functional specialization or social status within a given rank .22 When the three dimensions the mod el func tional . perspective . turnover is high and few members are allowed ( or necessarily desire ) to pass across the re latively s t r in ge n t radial dimensions to bec ome c entral and permanen t fix tures within the oraan1zation. By implica tion . And.

.. ... > � OJ CD 0 :::J 0' La. .: 0 .23 u . en c: 0 :.......

24

to screen, select, boundaries.

and process those members who pass across particular

Hierarchical boundaries crossed by persons moving upward a r e

associated usually with filtering processes carrying notions of mer it, potential, and judged past performance, although age and length of service " readiness " to move upward in

are often utilized as surrogate measures of
an organization.

Functional boundaries usually filter people on the basis

of their demonstrated s kill or assumed aptitude to handle a particular tas k. However, when functional boundaries a re relatively permeable, as they often are, the filtering proces s may operate on the premise that there are people " " in the organization who "need or wish" to broaden their work experiences . Finally. inclusio�ary filters, i n the main, represent evaluations made by Of course,

" ' " others on the scene as to another s fitness for membership. such evaluations may be formal, informal, or both.

Consider the new patrol­

man in a large urban police department who must not only serve out a period

of official probation successfully but also must pass a number of unofficial colleague-initiated tests on the street before others in the department will

view

him as a desirable member of the patrol division

(and

assigned squad

within that division) within the organization (Van Maanen, 1973; Rubenstein,
1973) .

Given this model, some key postulates about the socialization process in organizations can be stated. First, socialization, although continuous throughout one's career within an organization, is no doubt more intense and problematic for a member (and others) passage. just before and just after a particular boundary

That is, an individual's anxiety and hence vulnerability to

organizational influence are likely to be highest during the antici­ patory and initiation phases of an organizational boundary passage.

25

Similarly, the more boundaries that are crossed by a person at anyone time ,
.

�."

the more profound the experience is l ikely to be for the· person .

This is

one reason whythe outsid er-to-insider passage in which anindividua i c ro sses over all t hree organizational boundaries at once is so often·marked by dramatic changes in a person , change s o f a sort that are rarely matched again dur ing other internal passages of the ind ividual ' s career (Van Maanen ,
1976; Glaser, 1968 ; Becker

!!. al . , 1 9 61 ; Hughes , 1958) .

Second , a person is l ikely to have the mo s t impac t upon others in the organization , what Porter , Lawler , and Hackman (1 97$) call the "ind ividualizat ion" process and what Schein ( 1 9 68) refers to as the "innovation" process, at points furthes t from any boundary c rossing. In other word s , the influenc e

of the organization upon the individ ual peaks during passage whereas the , individual 's influence upon the organi zation peaks well after and well before
any further movement�

Third , because of the conical shape typically displayed by organizations, socializa t ion. along the inclusionary dimension is likely to be more c rit ica l
.

to lower placed member s than higher placed members sinc e , according t o the

model, to move up in the organization ind ic ates that some , perhaps considerable movemel�t. has already occurred ir:-;.:ard.
Ihis presumes t how-ever,
an

ic1c;;dl

-

type,

symme tr ically shaped or ganiza t ions wherein central members from the t op to
the bottom o f the organization all share rou�hly the same norms and values .
In fact, as Figure 5-A shows, organizations may be

26

non-symme trically skewed , thu s , hierarachica1ly favo rins the movement up
of only those persons c oming from a par t icular func tional or inc lu s io �ary locat io n.

Cons ider , for example those bus iness conc�rns whos e top execut ives

invar iably c ome from only c er tain func t ional areas of the organizat ion . Similarly , organizat ions may also be t ipped rad ic al ly to the s id e (5-B) .

In such cases , c ertain inc1us ionary prerequisites for career moveme n t s and
their as soc iated boundary passages have b een more or less altered because

"ins id ers" at one level are "out s iders" a t another .

Nor are "ins id ers" in

a favorable posi t ion to move upward in the organi z a t ion a s might be the c ase
in more symme tric ally shaped firms where c er tain key values are

shared by all " ins id er s " r e gard less of level

.

To take an example , c ertain

organizations headed by refo rm minded t op o f f ic ials may make "mounta in climbers" ou t o f some members who lit erally scale the ver t ical d imens ion o f
t he o rganizat ion from a n outs ider ' s o r non-inc1us ionary position . Yet , i t

is probably al so true that during such a c limb the c l imber has l i ttle effec t upon any o f the var ious group s in which he or she may have c la imed member ship s inc e the climber will never have developed a persuasive or influential p o s i t ion within these organiza t ional segments . 10

( INSERT FIGURE 5 ABOUT HERE)

We have now reached the stage where it makes sense to return to the individual level of analysis for a time and c onsid er the ways in which people
can respond to an organiza tional soc ializat ion process .

And , after · c ons id er­

ing thi s prob lem br iefly , we can then proceed to the central mat ter s of our
conc ern , t h e exam ina t i o n o f va r i o u s p r oc e s s e s through wh ich or g �n i za t iona l l y

27

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�lmo s t ideological mandate tha t goes with it and i n terms o f the prac tical set of mandate-fulf illing ac tions that are supposed to be performed by the role occupant .' 1 9 6�) . 195 2 . All roles which are c reated . doc tors are thought to "heal the s ick" by prescrib ing of "�ed i c a l " available "cures " to be f o und s o mewh e r e wi t hin t he va s t catalogue . Iv . Moreover . or c omput er programmer .Knowledge. an organiza tion (Parsons . how it is they should do i t ) . it usually follows tha t if these expec ta tions are met or exc eed ed . however . from filling in for an absent c oworker to ut il iz ing one ' s own somewhat spec ial and unique skills in the performanc e o f a given task. it usually follows that certain re�ed ial ac tions are taken or punishments meted ou t .ec ific ac tions and tasks to b e performed ranging from perhaps sweeping the floor to med ia ting d isputes between c olleagues .28 defined roles (consisting of hierarchical. In general .a lathe operator . Thus . sus tained . Individual Responses to organizational Socialization Role Components -. then . Whe ther one is-. S�611e and �o�A$ . Newcomb . each role includes many sp. functional . beauty operator . dentis t . a role is or merely the set of often d iverse behaviors that are more le s s expec ted o f per sons who occupy a cer tain d ef ined pos i t ion within a part icular soc ial system . and inclusionary properties) are passed on from generation to generation of organizational members. or . in this cas e . c ertain organizat ional rights and reward s are pas sed on to the person performing the rol e . and transmi tted by people include both content charac teris tic s ( ie . 1951 . what it is people should do ) and proc ess charac teris tics ( ie . I f no t". The c ontent o f a part icular role c an be dep ic t ed bo th in terms of a general . and Mis sion Any organizat ionally d ef ined ro le includes what Hughes (1 958 ) called • "bund le of tasks " . Strategy.

and take a charac teris t ically " all knowing" s tanc e t oward most of the ·nursing personnel with whom they come into contac t .:nmfl1edge and strateg y bases of the role . organiza t ionally d ef ined roles can be seen to posses s . the appropr iate mannerisms .r ganizat ionally the d ef ined role includes a s tra tegic base which sugges ts the groundrules for chosing of part icular solut ions . if accepted by the role occupant . also is grounded in the tota l organi zat i onal mi ss ion and in the relation ships that a particul ar role has wi th other roles wi thin and outside the organizat ion . and sales r o l e s in b o th organ- iz a t iona l and c l i�nt con t ex t s . and henc e are influenced by the ir r e l a t ive pos i t i on . a c ontent or knowled ge base which .29 knowled ge . It. Engineers know . in part . l inked t o all these concerns are soc ial norms and rules which sugges t .etals can be exposed before the molecules of the metals rearrange themselves . and soc ial rituals to be d isplayed when per forming various par t s of the "bundle of tasks" called our illustrat ion . a t titud es . Sec ond . suppo r t ed by o ther manager ial . " • S imilarly . and so · forth . the lives o f their patient s . engineer$ may b e ou t to "cut c o s t s " the competit ion" in some organizat ions when d e s igning a part icular Third . t o continue often assume a pose o f d is tance or remo teness toward c ertain emot ionally trying events in . produc t or p iece of machinery . have "bed s id e manners . fir s t . The doc to r "does d iagnosis " by taking a patient ' 8 blood pressure . the proc ess associa t ed with the performanc e of role also has as soc iated with it general strategies and spec i f ic prac tices . elici ting a history . purpos e . organizationally defined roles are inves ted his tori ca l ly with something of an e3Plicit and impl icit mis s i on . Enginee ring role s . are de fined and t e chnical s uppo r t . o r "beat Henc e . reading a n X-ray . the heat limi ts to which c ertain . but . or mandate which i s . Finally . an o. Putting these conceptual matter s together . Doctors . to wi t . traceabl e to the J. a rol e . for instanc e . for example . ind iea tes the range o f exi s t ing solu t ions to the given problems encountered regularly on the j ob .

the newcomer does no t ques tion but accept s the sta tus guo . such profes s ionalization in an organizational society such a s ours 1S . occupational role can be viewed as an attempt to reduce such dependencies through the claim made by role practitioners to have an autonomous and special knowledge base. Responses to Socialization A. S trategic failures are no t unknown e ither and may lead to the d isenchantment and change in the miss ion and knowled ge bases of a � articular role . Taking such a stance. Thes e three features of an orsagizatioually defined role . why "reek.30 in t he overall s cheme o f t h in g s While the pro fess iona l i z a t ion of a : p ar t icu la r . Fir s t and foremo s t among them is the plain fac t that the inherited past assumed by the newcomer may have much to recommend it in t erms of func t ional achievement . given the situation in which a newcomer is asked to take on an organizat ionally defined role . 197 1b) . the rec o gnized failure to achieve a given end may provoke the development of new knowled ge . Indeed . s trategy . A change in the knowledge base of a given role may alter the means and end followed by practitioners . Never theless . . support to some degree the various strateg ies and norms followed by those presently performing the role . Content Innovation. If the enterprise has been successful . thus. Custodianship. Cer tainly . very 1ncomp 1 ete . there · are powerful reasons for adop t ing such a cus todial or conforming or ientation ·. and miss ions associated with the role (Schein. and Role I nnovation Perhaps the easiest or most expedient response of a newcomer to a given role is to as sume a custodial or caretaker stance toward the knowledge. and miss ion -. that newcomer mus t respond in some fashion to these three elemen t s . j u stify. and define the ends pursued by role occupants and . the boat" ? . the mis sions associated with organizationally defined roles serve to legitimate. 11 At any rate. strategies.knowl ed ge base .and the' norms that surround them are o f course highly intertwined .

but the person is troubled by the exis ting s trategies or t e\! onologies. for instance . S chein ( l97lb) refers to thi s response as " content innovation . On the other hand . '1'he new manager may then aggresively s eek out o ther information on which to bas e his d ec is ions . rarely seeks to change the stated more t he agency mis s ion .in-use f o r the ac h i ev eoen t of t he s e end s a�d . A newly promoted marketing manager may . are acc ep t ed trad itional end s and norms of prac tice by the newcomer .shment of the is as sured . hence . but rather seeks to improve . for example . Similarly . " I t is marked by the development o f substantive improvements or changes in the knowledge base or s trategic prac tices of a par t icular role . as a newcomer the norms ms s ion one may f ee l for ' a var ie ty o f reasons somewhat impatient with or uneasy about the knowledge base of a particular organ i za tiona l role that is transmitted and . new s trategies and perhaps even new obj ec t ives may �ventually develop in this d epartment . As a result .31 One simply learns the sub st antive requirements o f the ' j ob and the cus tomary s trategies that have been d eveloped to meet these requirements ( and of use that surround them) and the succ es s ful accolllp li. take i s sue with the qua l­ ity of s ome of the regional reports used by his or her . iD public service obj ec t ives of effic ient The "reformer" agencies .predecessor to inform his decision making . tac tical alterna t ives as to the means to certain end s o u t by ind ividuals af t er a ssuming a new role . be unwi l ling to limi t onese l f to the use of such knowledge in the performance of the role . collectively sought . The new marketing may be sought manager may dec ide to involve more salesmen and engineers in group meet ings d evoted to developing new product lines instead of relying only on h i s or her own marketing peop le . make or les s c or rupt the exis ting pract ic es by which given end s ar e In such cases .

Pushing the analysis one more s tep . marked by an ac ceptance of the role as pr esented and trad it ionally prac t ic ed by role occupants . Some doc tors have in fac t argued virgorously in both word s and d eeds for profess ional roles that are proac t ive and preventat ive centered rather than t� e historically fixed r eactive and Schein (l9 7lb ) has called this response " role inno­ treatment centered roles . for example . we can group r�sponses forms it can take as "cus tod ial" . At one extreme is the c ar e taking response . tags we attach to and as sociat e ' with such r esponses ·. The "Rebel" or "Guerrilla" or "Insurgent" are popular Take . industrial safety proponent. vation" in that a genuine attempt is made by a role holder to redefine the ends to which the role func tions . We will label this response and the various At the other extreme . of an " innovat ive" nature . Less . an ind ividual may s eek t o red e f ine the entire role by attack ing and attemptin g to change the mission associated . or even whis tleblower . tradi tionally wi th that role .32 perhaps i s troubled too b y the d egre e t o which the traditional norms are circumvented in prac t ic e . Also not e the recent quest ioning raised by health c are offic ials as to the appropr �ate aims of med ical prac tice • . Thus . This response is character ized by a complete rej ection of mos t of the norms governing the conduct and performance of a pa� t icular role . Ralph Nader ' s attempt s within c er ta in communit ies of lawyers who work for the federal government to create and sus tain an organizationally defined role of c onsumer advocate . there are two poles toward which a newcomer ' s response to an or ganizat ionally defined role can gravi tate . Ierhaps mos t extreme are those responses which di splay a rejection and redefinition of the major premises concerning missions and s trategies and fo llowed by t h e maj ority of the role occupants to both prac tice -- j us t ify t he i r p r e s e n t r o l e wha t we label her e " r o" le innov a t ion" .

but perhaps equally a s innovative in some cases indicative of . to d iffering degrees . if d iscovered . of course . ind ividuals ... but . s trategic prac tices . Therefo r e . The central but s t ill nagging quest ion remains . nevertheless . those ind ividuals who aft er assuming a given role . Ioals . . true too tha t changes in the larger environment within which defined roles are ' played out may force certain despite perhaps values . t o the Cer tainly . or his tor ically established ends d is p l ay a response type we will label " innovative" and � ich can be fur ther broken down into role innovat ion and c ontent innovat ion . value sys tems . Vbat these forms are and how · they work is the top ic now to be ad dressed . vary in their background s . I t is organizationally changes upon role occupants vehement res is t ence or whatever particular ba ckground s . these fac tors go well beyond our interes ts here essential ly lie outsi de an organizationa l analys i s . represents something of an innovat ive response . such new knowledge . lead only to a further rationalizat ion of the present prac t ic es and . For our purposes then . as reasons that provoke one or the o ther response types . predispos it ions define those who presently perform a given for they But . seek actively to alter it s knowledge generic bas e .::: e n t is c f4a r ac t er i z ed fN'i th i n which the p roc e s s oc cur s . . or role .an effor t to locate new knowled ge on which tionally defined role o � improved means to perform it here "content innova tion . the arguement to follow sugges ts that there are par t icular forms of soc ial i za tio n innova t ive or cus tod ial DO that c an enhance or retard the likelihood of response to an organizationally d efined role an matter what the attribut es o f the p e o p le being �oces sed or how the par t icu l a r e nv i ro :u. the search itself . and prec1 ispos tions to calmly accept things as they are or to vigorously s tr ive to alter them . The causal mechanism we seek to examine here i s the organizational social ization proces s i tse l f .33 extreme . " are those responses to base the o r ganizawhat we label Of cour s e .

1978) . The analys i s pres ented in this section e:<p lores these tac t ic s from �andpoint . That is . these choices may Or. we are interested in d escrib ing primarily a s truc tural various forms and results of soc ialization as they occur when persons move ac ro s s hierarc. teaching methods may arise simply from certain latent and unexamined premises or assumptions underlying present practices. Yet.The Tactical Dimensions of Organizational Socialization and Their Effects· The phrase. regardless of the manner of choice.h i ca l . The ma in focu s . any given tactic represents a distinguishable set of events which influence the individual in trans it ion and whic h may make innovat ive respon$es from that individual more likely than custod ial (or vise-versa) . still bind contemporary members of the organization. f u nc t i o nal . I t is possible therefore to d eno te the v ar ious tac t ic s us ed by or ganizations and then to explore the d ifferential results of their us e upon the people to whom they are d irec ted . and inc lus ionary bound a r ie s . However.34 V. From the perspective of those learning the role. the selection of teaching methods is often made by persons not of their own situation but rather by those long gone. they may be selected " unconsciously " by management. These tactics may be selected consciously by the management of an organization such as the requirement that all newcomers attend a formal training session or orientation program of some kind before assuming the duties of a particular role. (Van Maanen. " tactics of organizational socialization" refers to the ways in which the experiences of an individual in transition from one role to another are structured for him by others in the organization. Or. representing merely precedents established in the dim past of an organization's history such as the proverbial " sink or swim " method of socialization used on certain jobs by which individuals must learn how to perform the new role on their own. People Processing -.

and premise tha t people differently no t so on . Exc ep t The effec t s ' of the t ac tics upon p eo p l e are consequently cumula t ive . but also And . as education . The tactic s are essent ially process variables to akin to . the proposition that soc ializat ion occurs period ically the organizational careers of ind ivid uals . blu e . whit e . because socialization processes d if f er . then .s t o tac t ic at the acros s the t hree organizat ional boundaries separately . the analys is g� beyond these transit ions by examining the effec ts o f each wherein a see. or p ink collar career s . apprenticeship . . the proc e s s var iables are not t ied to any part icular type of organiza tion . school career s � polit ical careers . Theoret ically .35 i s c onsequently upon the external or struc tural properties pecul iar a fPecif1ed tactic . Tie analysis follows . like a sculp tor ' s mold . • . tac t ics we will describe are not mutually exclus ive . but more spec ific than such general trans it ional proc e sses ing . they are usually combined in sundry and sometimes �nventive ways . Each tac t ic we discuss below opera tes in a way tha t somewha t uniquely to a part icular organizes the l earning exper iences of a newcomer Although much of stra te role . c ivil service careers . same t ime . throu ghou t The var ious Indeed . service career s . tra in­ Furthermore . reinforc ing . they c an be used in virtually any setting in which ind ividual careers are played out be they bus iness career s . or sponsor ship themselves at leas t . certain forms of matter what s oc ialization can produce remarkably s tmilar outcomes no individual ingredients a r e u s ed to f ill the mo ld or no ma t t er where the mold is typically set down . the mos t fundamental . respond to par t icular organizat ionally defined roles only because people and organizations d iffer . the evidenc e presented here on the effec t s of a given gy comes from stud ies conduc ted on the ou tsider-to-ins ider passage person f ir s t becomes a member o f the organization .

or perhaps purely arbitrary ground s . expedient . each Add it ionally . In � ac t . This is an impor tant point for it sugges t s that we can be far mor e sel f-consc ious about employ ing c er ta in "people processing t echniques " than we have been in the past . the read er should b e aware that any recruit to an organizat ional position o f t en encounters a 11 the l isted tac t ics s imul taneously. However . In other words . . The t erm tac t ic is . takes place And . we d iscuss each tac tic in relatlve isolat ion . " -used here to describe each of the l isted processes becaus e the degree to which any one tac tic is used by an organizat ion is not in any sense a "na tural" or pr erequis it e cond ition nec essary for soc ial- ization to occur . they are at least theoretically subject to rapid and complete change at the direction of the management of an organization. if we gain a greater under- and apprecia t ion for the somet imes unintend ed consequences of b e t ternent o f a par t icu lar t ac t i c . economic . used are selected by design or accident . s oc ialization it self alway. as o ther words . each can be thought of is a exist ing on a continuum where there c ons iderable range between the two poles . standing P�esumably . humanistic . In o ther words . a choice made by organizational decision makers on functional .. traditional .36 for a short summary sec tion . In tac tic is d iscus sed along with its counterpart or oppos ing tac t ic . the relative use of a parti cular tactic upon persons crossing given organizational boundaries can be . a maj or purpose of this paper is t o heighten and cult ivate a broader awarenes s of what it is w(� do to people under the guise of "breaking them in" to an organizationally d ef ined role . technical . by and large . whether the tactics at boundary transitions by some means or other. � e c a n 3 1 t e r t h e s t r a t e gy for t h e both the ind ividual and the organization .

variab l � s o c ializ a tion processes 5) � e r ial 6) vs .' uc t iv� s (j. At lea s t at this j unc ture in the development of theory . divestiture soc i al i z a t ion proc esses . rand om steps in the soc iali za tion process 4 ) Fixed vs . we should no t e that there is seemingly no logical or conclus ive end to a list of organizational soc ializat ion tac tics � The l is t may wel l be infinite for these are essentially cultural forms that are cont inual ly subj ect to invent ion and mod ification as well as s tabil izat ion and c ontinu ity .37 Van Maanen ( l 9 7 8 ) has identified at least six ma jor tactical dimensions which characterize the structural side of organizational socialization . Lastly . These dimensions or prpces ses were deduced logically from empirical observa t ions and from accounts found in the social science literature .:: i . que s t ions conc erning the use of and change in the various tac tics of soc ializa tion are j u s t beginning to be answered b y carefully designed research . We do not assert here that this list is exhaustive or th�t the processes are presented in any order of rel evance to a part icular organizat ion or occupation . These are fundamentally emp irical quest ions that c an be answe�ed only by further research .! l iz a t: io n processes Inves t iture vs . . Our reasons for choosing thes e par ticular tac tic s are s imply the visible presence (or omni-presenc e ) o f a tac tic acros s wha t appears t o b e a wide variety o f organizat ions as well as the seeming impor tance and p ower of that tac tic on persons who are subj ec t ed to i t . informal soc ializat ion proc esses 3) Sequential vs . ind ividual soc ializat ion proces ses 2) Formal vs . d is. We do assert however and attempt to demonstrate tha·t these tac t ic s are qui t e common t o a given boundary passage and of subs tantial consequence to people in the organization in that they part ially determine the d egree to which the respons e o f the newcomer will be custodial or innovat ive . The six d imens ions we will analyz e are : 1) Collec t iv� vs .

soc ialization in . I nd iv idual changes in p e r s p e c t ive a r e . As Becker (1964) and o thers have argued quite persuasively . education in graduate schools for the scholarly and profesaional trades . Apprenticeship programs . and plain "on-the-j ob training" wherein a recruit is expected to learn a given organizational ly defined role on his or her own accord are typical examples .the individual mod e refers to the tac t ic of process ing recruits s ingly and in isolation from one another through a more or less unique set of experiences . _- C ollec tive soc ialization refers to the t ac tic of t aking a group of recruits who are fac ing a given boundary passage and put t ing them through a common set of exper iences together . intensive group training for salesmen in bus iness f irms . and ac t ions of those in the recruit group almo s t always ref lec t an " in the same boa t " c o n s c i o u s n es s . management training courses to which groups of prospect ive or prac t ic ing managers are sent for an extended p eriod of common educa t ion . the thoughts . recruits are proces s ed ind ividually through a ra ther d ifferent series of events with the results being rela t ively var iable .38 A. At the o ther extreme . A number of good examples of this or boo t camp bas ic training pledging in fraternal ord ers . As Wheeler ( 1 9 7 7) notes . the difference between the two tactical forms is analogous to the batch versus unit s tyles of product ion . and so forth . proces s are readily available : in military or ganizat ions . when ind ividuals experience a socializat ion progr am collec t ively . recruits are bunched together at the out set and channeled through an id ent ical set of events with the results being r elativel y uniform . In the unit or mad e-to- order case . feelings . Individual Socialization Processes Def inition . In the ba tch or mas s produc tion case . Col lective vs . specific intern or trainee assignments .

In psychoanalyt ic . the recruits oft en have more resourceS available to them to d efine the solution . Indeed . Sharing s imilar d ifficul ties and working out collective solutions clearly dramatiz ed to the recruits the worth and usefulness of colleagual rela tionships . suggested . consensus . In the course the members arrive at a definit ion of their 81tuation and develop a . training . In many cases . But the views adopted by people processed ind ividually are likely to be far less homogeneous than the views of t�ose processed collec tively. experience .students are-. expert ise and patienc e (or lack thereof) .� . " Collective socialization processes often promote and intensify the demands of the socialization agents . areas of d iscourse . that a "union of sympa thy" d eveloped among recruits in a Coast Guard A cademy a s a result o f the enforced regimentation assoc iated with the training �rogram. various members experiment with possible solutions and report back to the group . army recrults soc ialize each other in ways · the army could never do . would no t officially be permi tted to do. of collective d iscussions . or . "as the group shares problems .. and unique understand ing s . the vocabulary of motives a rec ru i t-patient d evelops . motivation.o ften And . Py all group In Becker ' s word s . �omplete with its own argot . for example . gftduate. while the said to learn more from one another than from the faculty . Individual strategies also induce personal change . for example . 8ocialization agents may have the power to d efine the nature o f the collective problem.time . A cultural perspective is developed that can be I3 Dornbush ( 1 955) brought to bear upon common problems faced by the group . . collective tactic s �esul t in formation of an almOst separate subworld within the organization c omprised 80lely of recruits . for that matter .39 therefore built upon an understanding of the problems faced members . Similarly.

when there are few affec tive bond s . accept the skills. From this standpoint . an intense . to only one organizational member .40 to interpret his or her situation is quite personal and specific compared to the vocabulary that develop s in group therapy (Laing . Police d epartments . ind ividual soc ialization processes are most likely to be associated with complex roles. If the responsib il ity for transforming an individual to a given s tatus within the or ganizat ion is d elegated to only one person . 1960) . the new member is liable to qu ickly and fully apprec iate and beliefs. value-oriented process is most likely to follow. craft-like trad es .what Burke (1950) refers to as "secular c onversion" but they are lonely changes and are dependent solely upon the part icular relat ionship which exis ts between agent and recruit . . and values of his or her mentor and the process works �relatively wel l.titae8 quite s imilar to the therap is t-patient relationship . Further. such socialization can result in d eep ind ividual changes -. This pract i c e is c ommon whenever a role incumbent i s viewed by o thers in the organizat ion as being the only member capable of shaping the recruit . a role model whose thoughts and ac tions the r ecruit emulates . Of course . and archit ec tural f irms all make extens ive use of the ind ividual socialization strategy . the soc ialization process may break down and the hoped for transit ion will no t take plac e . Apprent iceship modes of work soc iali%. Caplow (1964 ) no tes the prevalence of this prac t ice in the upper S ince the respons ibility is g iven levels of bureaucratic organizations . In cases of high af fec t . Ou tc omes in these one-on-one efforts are d ependent pr imarily upon the affective rela tionships which may or may not d evelop between the apprentice and mas ter .a-(i1)ll a� SC)me. . However . such modes are most frequently fol lowed when there are relatively few incumbents compared to many aspirants . the p er son so d es ignated often becomes .

attitudes . Collective socialization is most likely to be associated with functional boundaries (where new skills of a technical or functional nature have to be learned ) or with the external -. Propositions A. eas e . have tend ed to replac e the more trad itional ind ividual modes of socializa tion such as apprenticeship and "on-the-job training" in the modern organizat ion (Sa1aman . 2 . On the other hand .non-member to member -. 197 2 ." and . efficiency . Perrow . and values . where the organizat ion desires to b�i1d a c ollec t ive sense of identity . and where specific judgments of " . solidarity . with growing bureaucrati� struc tures . the individual processes Failures canno t be easily recycled And . and loyalty within the cohort group being soc ialized . are expensive both in t ime and money . B1au and Schoenherr . Individual socialization is most likely to be associated with hierarchical boundaries where preparation for promotion requires the complex learning of skills . collective socialization programs are usually found in organizations where there are a large number of recruits to be processed into the same organizationally defined role . because o f their economy . collective socialization tac tics . l. 1973 . and predictabil ity .inclusionary boundary of a given organizational segment (where some period of orientation or training is required before it is felt recruits are capable of entering into even the simplest of role relations associated with the new role ) .41 for a given role and when a collective identity among recruits i s viewed as less important than the recruit ' s learning of the operational specifics of the given role . or rescued by reass ignment . A. where the content of this role can be fa irly clearly specified . we can now d er ive some proposit ions about the relationship of this soc ializat ion d imens ion to boundary passages and recruit responses . OVera11 . 1 9 7 1 ) Given these con6id erations .

In many work settings . a content innovat ive) orientat ion among newcomers .can only be accomplished on a relatively personal and case-by-case bas is .by cer tain o thers in tha organization as to Similarly . Classic illustrations of the dilemma raised by the use of the collective strategy can be found in both educat ional and work environments . " To the degree that recruits are backed . It is l east l ikely to produce role innovative outcomes because the group perspective which develops as a result of collective socialization ac ts as a constraint upon the individual . 3 . mentioned however because the consensual charac ter of the solut ions to the boundary passage problems worked out by the group may allow the members to c ollec tively deviate more from the stand�rds set by the agents than is pos s ible under the individual mode of socialization . at bes t . . the faculty may beseech a student to study hard while the student ' s compatrio t s exhort him to relax and have a good time . supervisors attempt to insure that each employee works up to his level of compet ence while the worker ' s peers try to impress upon him that he must no t be . expect ind ividual socialization to prec ede passage through the innermo s t inclusionary boundaries within an organiza tional segment . Whatever the boundary being passed .42 a given individual must be made. one would the person ' s "fitnes s" for promo t ion (or demot ion) .In educational set t ings . Collec t ive proc esses provide therefore a potential base for recruit resistenc e .a "rate bus ter . A. To be granted tenure or a very central position in any organizat ional segment implies that the ind ividual has been evaluated by oth�rs on the sc ene as to his or her trustworthiness and read iness to defend the common interes t s of o ther "insiders . such delicate eYalu8tion&. collective soc ializat ion is most likely to produce a custod ial (or . . " Clearly . 14 The l ikelihood of r eb ellion must be.

les s segregated from regular organizati onal members whi le being . may be learning .r idioms . content innovative . . group norms are l ikely to be" both trad it ional and custodial in orientation (o ften ref lec ted by the popula. The impli cCition here is s imply that i f one is attem� ting to train for conten t or role innovation ( i .. . B. to ' minimize as much as possible any collect ive process�s thu s avoiding the format'ion of recruit group norms based on a common or shared . it is probably essential . . . maximize the likelihood o f innovative responses . ·e .ud s � t the same time .- obj ectives and the actual perspec t ives and practices adopted by the group is always probl�matic � "Beating the syst em" by sele.' of t he relat ively these gr�ater control an agent has over a recruit in the individual mod e. set up social ization situations whi ch wi l l . Forma l vs . More .' � Individual · soc ialization is ' most likely to produce the spec ific . the congruence between agent V mos t of thei r time . · they wil l typically fol low the d ic ta of those ' with whom they spend Thus . Becaus�. in collective mride s .ial corner and can not satisfy both ' dem.�mer. A. . so than individual norms . fate . outcomes can be custod ial . "the path of leas t res i s tance" or the " lowest common denominator " ) whi ch serve to severely limi t the newcomers ' potentia l response s to their nove l work situatioil. .43 into t�e proverb. . ' �tcomes desired by the soc ialization a gent ( s ) . occur in a collect ive socialization process than in an ind ividualized one wherein agent surveillance is closer at hand 'to correct whatever· "wronge" the ' neVe. Informal Sociali zation Processes De fini tion .4 . or role innovative .ctively ignoring or disobeying certain agent demands is -far more likely to.: Formal socializat ion re fers to those processes in which a newcomer is more or .

one can also imagine a very formal s o c ialization pro gram exist ing for an ind ividual which entails the labelling o f the person as a recruit and also . more generally . bu t . where meet ings are held period ically to a s s ess how the group is collec tiv�y get t ing along . informal tac t ics provide a sort o f laissez-faire soc ial iza tion new roles are learned . and . This d imension is related c losely to the collec tive-ind ividual dimension but it is . :examples her e inc lude t ho se proverbial "on-the-j ob-training" assignment s . While mos t collec t ive soc ial- tzation proc esses are also formal ones .- members . in princ iple . it is said . then. .1 effort made in such programs to rigidly differentiate the recruit from o ther more experienc ed organiza t ional . any s ituat ion where the newcomer is acc ep t ed from the out s e t as at least a' provis ional member o f a Work group and not officially placed into a recruit role by the use o f specific label s . and appren t iceships in which · the ac tivit ies that are to be engaged in by the apprentice are prescribed offic ially and clearly . apprenticeship programs in which the apprentice ' s role is no t tightly spec if ied . prof ess ional school s" illustrat ed by such soc ializa t ion programs as police academ ies various sor ts o f internships . d ifferent . These proces ses are . or other symbolic d evices d es igned to dis t inguish newcomers from o thers on the scene . do no t d is t ingu ish t he the newcomer ' s role specif ically nor is there a1.. ass ignments . where the work ass ignments of each member of the cohort are to d ifferent d epartmen t s within which each :lember of the c ohar t i s t r a in ed t h r o u gh in rorTI1.� � � . To wit . in contrast . for recruits whereby error . Formal processes.:l 1 mean s .44 put through a set of exper iences tailored explic itly for th� newc omer . As such . through tr ial and . Informal socialization processe� . On the o th e r hard . leave no doubt as to the recruit ' s " special" role in the scheme of things organiza tional (Wheeler . uniforms . there are some which are informal . there are those situat ions where a c ohort o f new employees is brought int o an organization together . 1966) .

the more formal the process . and the concern for per·sonal style evan Maanen . the research whic h sugges ts that police recruits . execut ive. t arget role -- that one begins to think and feel like a United S tates Marine .H. Shafer . 1974 . and sales trainees commonly denounce their formal training as irrelevant .autonomy . Formal proc e ss es concentrate Such resul ts may be implic it or Cons ider . attitude than ac t . Olsen and Whit tiker .45 specifies quite · �nutely a series of activit. for example . 197 5 . and protocol asaociated with the new role . To put the ma�ter bluntly . tzlae. student nurses . pragmatism. 1962 . 1967 ) . unintended however . fo rmal p e r iod s o f ' soc ial i z a t ion no t only serve to prepare· recruits to assume particular statuses in an or gan iz a t i o nal world 9 they also serve" to provide an intens ive period in which o t hers in . Schein and Bennis . therefo'r e more upon . these newcomers are also expr essing in their attitude precisely those components of the valued subcultural ethos that charac terizes their part icular occupation . the less the neWCQmer will be able to carry over and generalize any abilities or skills learned in the soc ialization set ting (Bldwell . the more concern there is likely to be shown for the recruit ' s absorpt ion of the ' appropriate demeanor and stance associated with the . part of the training regime . 1965). and dull .t. rormal sociaiization processes are typically fbund in organizations where specific ' preparation for new status ia involv�' and where it is deemed iIlportant that a newcomer learn the "correc t" att itudes . Paradoxically . an I . _� be. I .tes. It i� important to no t e coo cha t. performed as Would-be partners in law firms are o ften subj ec t to such socialization tactics whereby they must first ' handle the "d ir ty work" of the firm for some period . . Certainly this sort of "pledge class o f one" ia Dot that uncommon in many occupational spheres . abstraet . or a Catholic priest . The greater the separation of the recruit from the day-to-day real ity of the work setting . values .

The freedom of choice af forded recruits in the more informal processes has therefore a pr ice : setting to teach them. those who do not adhere to particular norms thought crucial to the trade ( e . an they must force o thers in the or 15 Second . mis takes errors mad e by recruit s in informal soc ialization process mus t be regarded as niore cos tly and serious Because real work is interf ered than mis takes occuring in formal processes . g . it is unlikely that one wil l later wish to j eopardi z e the practical value of such a course by quitting or appearing to forget occupat ional lessons once learned . given a lengthy and d emand in� formal • process . the "no rat rule" ) are ushered as unceremoniously out of police departments as they were ushered ceremoniously in (Manning and Van Maanen. 1978 ) . the agent ' s ability to transf er such knowledge . but to their fellow recruits as we l l . And. . Oft en . such tac t ic s place recruits in the The value position where they mus t s elec t their own sociali zation agents . s imply the sacrifice and hard work it takes a recruit to complet e a very long formal process s erves to effec t ively fuse the newcomer to the prep ar�d-for ro le . assessed quite thoroughly by s taff members as to their loyalty to no t only the organization . Firs t . Thus .46 the organiza t ion c an rather closely j udge the newcomer ' s commitment and deference to the cri t ical values of the occupat ion . of course . with. for example . of this mode to the newcomer is then determined largely by the relevant knowledge po sses sed by an agent and . Learning through exper ienc e in the informal soc ializat ion mode is an entirely d if ferent matter . a recruit who makes a mistake may create considerable troubl e for both himse lf and others . It is true o f course that merely pass ing through a r igorous formal process s erves also as a tes t of the recrui t ' s wil lingness to assume the new role . Recruits in police academies are . The rookie patrolman who " freezes" whi le he and his partner strive to settl e a tavern braw l on the street rather than in an academy ro le p laying .

or to at leas t ask before acting . examp le . l Formal socialization is most likely to be associated with hier- • . 16 this proposition al erts u s t o the apparent functional nece s sity for the us e of formal socialization tactics when there exis ts a cultural gap between the organizational segments to be travers ed by the individual . If . The by dyeins her hair forgetful novice beautic ian who provokes a cUKomer · zation in the wrong color �y be forced to look elsewhere for an organi trade . Propositions B. archical and inc lusionary boundary passages wherein a newcomer is expected to assume a new s tatus or rank in the organization attitudes . which to complet e the mandato ry licensi ng requirement of the Experienced but a recru it organiz at ional members know full well that "mistak es happen" l ini t iat ion is under .47 exercise may find hims e l f ostracized from the inner circl e of h i s squad . of s uch knowl edge is likely to occur in idealized or " theoretical " a formal proces s . abilities . ( complete with the value s . how ever . a special pressur e to perform well during an informa period . a formal training period deal ing specifically with such Since the teaching situations know ledge and its us e may precede the boundary pas s age . I n effect . the . sitions With the ae conside rat ions in aiM . new ski l l s to be l earned also require a new knowledge bas e . is most likely to be associated with functional boundary methods � or practical pass ages wherein the newcomer must learn new skil l s . and demeanor that go with such new s tatus ) . Informal socialization . in an informal process of socialization dealing with the appli- cations of the knowl edge wil l s til l be required upon the recruit ' s entrance into the new role . the following leneral propo � DOY �e atated . on the other hand . a company s ending an American manager to head an overseas For subsidiary should probably allow for a formal period of socialization .

professional pickpockets. 2. difficult. ��atever the boundary passage. Formal sociali zat ion tac tics are mos t l ikely to b e found where the nature o f the work and / or the values surrounding the work to be p erf o rmed in the target role are seen to involve high levels of risk . guided tours of the key areas . B. and so forth . a move from engineering to sales may involve as much cul ture shock for an individual as a promo t ion from proj ec t leader to group supervisor or a trans f er from s taff analys t to l ine manage� B . but rather reflec t the s ize o f the cultural d iffer ences' that exis t at any boundary . lawyers. colleagues of the newcomer . formal socialization is most likely to produce a custodial orientation.48 including perhaps language training . brief ings on the new culture . Where the cost of a mistake is relatively low. Formal training for elec­ tricians. formal tactics tend to emphasize the "proper " or "accepted" ways to accomplish things in an organization. soldiers. and usually entails a very high penalty for the making of a mistake. As implied above. Thus the training of doctors. Such movement s are no t limited theo ret i cally to hierarchical or inc lusionary boundaries . informal socialization processes are more likely to be found. 3 . Even the fact that the target role can . and airline pilots involves long periods of formal socialization largely because the work involved in all these cases is complex.human or otherwise. for the newcomer . All of this mus t occur under the formal tutelage of someone who knows what sorts of cul ture shocks are likely to be encount ered dur ing the trans i tion . and machinists is also predicated on the need to minimize the minimizable risks such as damaging expensive equipment -. In some organ i z at ions . and / or clients of the organizat ion . the organizat ion itself .

carries with it · the potential for producing more extreme responses in either the custod! al or innovative directions than formal socialization . When the. � Informal socialization. 1 1 966) .at least in the short run.a recruit is assigned in the informa l mode to 'a work group or a· 1:>Oss characterized by an "orga nizat ion man " orientation. 1 Whereas the first wave s tres ses a b road s tance toward the j ob . . for example. 4. everything Thus . . not orien tations may be all t oo s table unless the les s ons of the formal process are re asonab ly congruent with those of the informal process which may fol ow . and the odd nuances thought nece ssary by others on the s cene to perform the role in the work se tting . available various traditional means o f accompl ishing the t ask . j a caveat is appropria t e here �for it is often the case that once recruits have begun to per form the role in an offic ial capacity . disillus ionment with the first wave may s e t in. causin g the newcome r to disregard vir tually learned in the formal S OCializ ation process . un iq ue app1icatioris of the general rules . he or she is likely to become very custodial in orien tation -. if that same recruit is assigned to a work group or boss char­ acterized by an innovative orientatio n. On the other h and. they "unlearn" muc h of what they learned in the forma1 proeess and begin to subs t itute "prac t ic al" or ··smart" ways of doing things for -the "proper" or " s tandard" s t rat egies they were once taught . B. gap separating the two aorts of learning 1s rathe r large . while formal proces ses thes e tend to produce cus t odial orient at ions among recrui ts . represent frequently From this standpoint .49 be presented in isolation from its everyday performance implies that th er e a r e However . like individual socialization. the sec ond wave emphas izes specific a c tions . he or she might then become quite I f. formal soc ialization processes only the " firs t wave" o f s ocialization and are followed by a " second wave" of informal soc ialization once the newcomer is loca te d in a particular organizat i onal s lot and begins to discover the ac tual prac tices that go on there (Inke les . .

o f shap in. as s o ci a ted wi th maj o r b O Wl dary p as s age s . they must be long enough to almost force recruits to learn their l essons wel l and perhaps practice them too and. It would app ea r then tha t from an agent ' s p e rspe c t ive . contingen cie s as well as te aching by p eop le who are In contra s t . work. the � ocializ a tion p roce s s may cove r a broad s p e c t rum o f as s ignmen ts and e xperi- ences taking sometime s many years of prepara tion . The person wishing to become a me dic al spe ciali s t h a s . second. f o r s ome rol e s in an o rgan i z a t i�n . me dic al s cho o l . mo s t o f ten . have c on s i de rable le g i t imacy in the e ye s of the P ro ce s s c . What we are saying. with t he ini tial ' en t ry of a ne organ i z ation . to go th rough an un de r graduate and res iden cy b e fore b e coming S imi larly . that mus t be formal p ro ce s s e s a r tifici a lly di vide up conce rns unde r the con trol o f approach e d s imul taneou s ly on the j ob and are o f ten ins truc tors ( a gen t s ) whose cre dib ili ty i s l a ckin g . they must be run by persons who recrui ts . 197 7 ) . S e quen tial vs . " and through var ious supervi sory levels to bu ild up exper iences and a so-cal led " good track record " which wou ld then warrant the ultimate "goal j ob " (Gordon. el i gib le t o s imply t ake the spec iali s t b oard examinat ions . . Random S teps in the S oc iali zation Defin ition The degree of formal i ty and the de gree to wh i ch the p ro ce s s o f s ocia l� ization is col le c tive are . and . recrui t in t o t Howeve r .50 innovative too . with b as ic orien ta tion ac tivi tie s . in te rn shi p . f o r ins t an c e . s o cial i z at ion are p·oten tially more p owe r fu l techniq ues is that individual and in f o rma l t hey involve on. pers on b e in g groomed fo r a gene ral manag e r p o s i tion may have several s t af f p o s i tions as a j uni or anal ys t . a to rota te th rough pre-med program . th ro ugh various functional divis i ons in orde r t o lea rn the " area s o f t he b us ine s s .the-j ob behavi or than forma l and colle c t ive modes b ecause clearly doing the work . if fo rmal an d collec tive p rocess es a r e to " s uc ceed" f irst. in effect. as indicate d .

the flow of t opic S or course s i s harmonious and connected func tional ly or logica lly in some fashion . whi le there may be a number o f s teps or s tages lead ing to the taking of certain o rganiza tional roles . what may seem like minor a lteratio ns required of an individu al at each s equentia l s tage wi l l accumula te so that at the end . in training for a One see s thi s e ffect mos t c l early in the acqui s i tion of complex ski l l or in the formati on of a complete "profes s ional " per spec tive 18 or in the value sys tems bui l t up after many years of graduat e study . pro ce s s es seem t o f ollow no in te rnal logic . in random proces ses .51 Sequential socialization refers to the dear. Thus . for to be a s imple-to-comp lex p rogre s s ion . some sequential Management e ducation i s . When examining s equen tial s t rate gies . by a re cruit in the p rogram is dependent s imply upon what 'is liked be s t in the aequence . but the sequenc e of rotating through func tional pos i tions and divi sions is ' often unspec i fied and . i t is crucial to note the degree For e xamp le . In the case of mos t p rofess ional t rainin$ s uch as medic ine . specific skil l ) . l eft more or l e s s to " random " events . Random socialization occurs when the s e quence of s t e ps leading to the t arget role is unknown . ambiguous . with the curriculum j ump ing from top i c to In s uch cases . . In the case of the gene ral manager however . there i s no necessa ry order spec ified in terms of the s teps that are to be taken . qui te o ft en diSj ointed . the courses in mos t technical training programs are arragned in what is though t On the other hand . I f . however . to which eaCh s tage b uilds or expands upon the pre ceding s tage . persons wi l l "di scover " themselve s t o be conside rably di f ferent · than when they began ( e .. to which the organization or occupa tion speci fies a given sequence of discrete a�d i den tifiab le s te p s leading t o the t arget role . . what is le arned topic with litt le in tegrati on across s tages . we have a sequenti a l proce s s only with respec t to supervis ory or rank leve l s . ins tance . g . o r con tinually changing . we have a very sequen tial proce s s in that the s teps leading to the p ro fe s s ion al role mus t be nego tia te d in a specific orde r . In some organi zation s .

e yo ca t ive ly s u g ge s t s " S uch a proce s s . From th is s tandp oint . social workers . We should note that many of these concerns apply to random processes as well . some­ th a t the p e r s on rr. and may have tho roughly different images of their respe ctive tasks . probation off ice rs . B o th Merton ( 195 7 ) and Glaser ( 19 6 4) have remarked upon the difficulty many scient is ts apparen t ly have when moving from a university to an indus trial se t tin g t. intere s ts .o pract ice their trade (a random socialization proces s) . the individual has t o le arn the painful les son that to be ab le to se ll an idea is at leas t as imp ortan t as having one in the first place . 19 7 2 ) • . in some office r ' s training schools of peace time military organiz ations . and values thaN is required in the c orp ora te environment . i f several agents handle various portions o f a se quen tial proce s s . playing age� ts off again s t one anothe r . For example .52 Belatedly . j udges . agents may be unknown to · one anothe r . they may b e quite far apart spatially . psychiatrists . one in which they enj oy wa tch ing their ins tructors pay more attention to each o ther than they pay to the training pro gram . empathy must certainly be extended t o the so-calle d j uvenile delinquen t who receives"guidance" at various times from the p olice . Recrui t s quickly spot such conflicts when they exis t and somet imes exploit them. The pattern is seemingly quite d is concerting for many s cientists when they discove r that the ir academic training emphasized a f ar different s e t of skills .ay . the degree to which the aims of the agents are common is ve ry imp ortant . to beeome a " good " indus trial s cien t is t . the agents responsible for physical and weapons trainin g tend to have very diffe rent perspectives toward thei r j obs and toward the recruits than thos e agents who are in charge of classro om ins truction (Wamsley . and corre ctional of ficals . As Avery ( 19 6 8) ob served . Such incongruities of ten le ad to a more relaxed situation for the recruits . t ime s s e qu e n t i a l b u t t yp i c al l y ran d om . In b o th random and sequent ial arrangements .

Proposi tions C. In a sequential proce s s .53 well l earn to be only whatever the immediate s i tuation demands . unwi t t ingly S tage A . they will be mos t coop� rative at the s tage the y are in . 1 96 2 ) . " An ext reme case of this sequent ial " be trayal " occurs in s tate exe cutions where condemned persons are usually t old by their " coaches " on the s cene that the ir demt se will be quick . painless . if recruits fee l that the future is b righ t . for . presentation by each agent to make the next s tage appear benign . rewarding . Such an assumption is not bui l t into func tional or inclusion boundaries where a person can demonstrate a readines s for pa ssage at any given time . and assured . seome try will be a " c in ch . Sequential sociali zation is mos t l ikely to be as soc iated wi th some theoretical propos i tions can now be stated . and E will be easy . I f one . no te the tactics of high s chool mathematic s te ache rs who te ll the ir student s tha t if they will j us t work hard in algeb ra . Hierarchie s are typica l ly organi zed from the outset · on the assumption that higher level pos i tions cannot be ful fi l led adequately unti l lower leve l ones have first been ful fil led . the true nature of the s tage to follow. or wittingly . there is l ikely to be a strong bias in the Thus . to wit . hierarchi e s pre serve sequential soc ial i zation proce�ses in order to maintain the image that the hierarchy ·itself i s a va lid base for the d i s tribution o f authority . D. At lea st in part . Given the se sens itizing defini tions and the quali fica tions that apply to thi s soc ial ization tac tic . not wishing t o risk the future they think awa i ts them . and likely to speed them on their way to a "better place " ( Eshe lman . l . C . - a recruit i s told tha t if h e will j us t · "buckle down an d apply himself " �hUe in Agent s usually mask . S tages B . hierarchical boundaries .

Of course . skipping is accomplished for all practical purposes through the extremely rapid advancement of someone viewed as unusually talented .54 could skip levels . in some executive promotions . " as it were . C. recruits who encounter various socialization experiences in a · random fashion may find themselves exposed to a wide and diverse variety of views and perceptions of the target role which would make it more likely than is true of sequential socialization to lead to . On the other hand . but the process typically does not specify a sequence in which such a test can or must be passed . In the case of functional boundaries . " fast tracked . Even the ability of the organization to spec ify a sequence implies a set of fairly clear norms about what is required to perform the target role . to the conforming demands of others in the organization for a long period of time before the target role is achieved . there may be many specific steps associated · with the education or training activities involved in preparing to cross the boundary . the whole conc ept of authority . associated more with var ious sorts of random socialization processes . it is thought . 2 . To pass inclusion boundaries may take a long time while one is proving oneself to be trustworthy to many d ifferent people . but . And . or all of these attributions together . just plain lucky . sometimes at least . Inclusionary and functional boundary passages are . the more likely it is that the training for that role will produce a custodial response . therefore . Sequential socialization is more likely to produce custodial orientations among recruits than innovative orientations because the recruits remain "locked in . the clearer the role . " fortuitously connected . one may be g iven a job on the basis of education received at a much earlier time or on the basis of certain exper­ i ences which are seen as " equivalent" to education or training . would be undermined .

D . I t would seem there fo re .55 iIlnovative orientation s . experiences . Fixe d sociali­ zation . all of thes e paths may be more or les s fixed in terms of the degree to which the recruit mus t follow the de termined timetab le . Thus . Conside r also that p romo tional policies in $ most universi ties . explicitly specify the �umber of years to a given rank • . S imilarly . Variab le S ocializ ation Processes . others s aid to be on "slow" o r "regular" t racks may be forewarned not to expect' an as signment shift for a t least four or f ive years . wh ile o'rganizat ions may specify various career paths having different timetables . b o th the prisoner o f war who is t old by his c ap tor s that he will be released only when he has "learned the tru th" and the patient in a psychia t ric hospi ta l who cannot return home un t il he i s again judled "normal" are. rarely can .equentia l proce sses and encourage more ad � decision making procedures in the organiz ation concernin g managerial j �b lDoves and training . . that a company who wishe s to Iroom iDnova tive general manapn would do well to avoid . for ins tance .' . Thu s . Def inition this dimension re fers to the cle lre. with ' them that is b o th adhered to by the ·organizCition and communicated to the recruit . Some management trainees . it be s lowed down . On a more mundane . Variable s ociali zation proce s ses give a recruit few clues as t o when t o expect a given boundary passage .. pe rson can be appoin ted They als o ·spell out pre cisely w:hen a' tenure decision mus t be The proces s can s ome times be s peeded up but reached on a given individual . 1963) . are put on s o-called "fast tracks" and required to accept new ro tational ass ignmen ts every year or so despite their own wishes . . processes provide a recruit with the precise knowl�dge o f ' the time it will take· to comple te a given passage ( Ro th . Fixed vs . in pure ve rsions of the variab le proces s . to which the s'teps involved in a aocial1'zation p roc e s s have a time tab le associated .

" chr on ic Thus . However . mos t upwardly mobi le caree rs in bus ine� s organ!z atiofts ar e marked by variable socialization proce s ses rather than fixed ones because many uncontrolled fac tors such as the s tate of the economy and the turnover rates in the up p e r echelons of managemen t may partially de termine whet her and when any given p e r s on will be promot ed to the next higher leve l . in th e fixed socializa tion proce s ses of pub lic s chools . the ind ividual will measure his or her progres s again s t such beliefs . Futhermore . the would-be general manager o f t en pushes qui te hard to d i scover the s igns of a coming promo t ion ( o r d emo t i6n) . ob serves as carefully as pos s ible the exper iences o f o ther s . search out clues as to the future . Belatedly . in some p o l i ce agenc i e s .56 leve l . Ro th ( 196 3 ) sugges ts that a special cate gory of side track" may be created for ce rt ain typ es of ro le f a i lu re s . the re tarded are shunt e d o f f to dis t inct classes whe re the n o tion o f p ro gress does no t exis t . S imilarly . what ma y be true f o r one person i s no t true for ano ther in variabLe social izat ion pro ces s e s . trans i­ t i onal t imetables may be d eveloped by recrui t s anyway on the mo s t f l imsy and f ragmentary informa tion . Rumors and innuendos about who is go ing where and when they are go ing charac terize s i tuat ions marked by the presence of the var iab le s t ra tegy of social iz a t ion . re c ru i t s un ab le to me e t c e r t a in agen t d2 �an d s . and . particularly during t ha t p o r t ion of the s o ci aliz a t ion p roc e s s wh i c h i s f ixe d . Indeed . s ince the rates o f passage acro s s any organizat ional boundary a r e a mat t er of some concern to peop l e . And . in general . The individual l i s t ens closely to s tories concerning the t ime it take s one to advance in the organization . Such a s i tuat ion reqtiires a recrui t to To wit . develop s an age conc iousness delineating the range of appropr iate ages for g iven pos i t ions . apprent iceship programs of t en spec ify only the minimum number o f years a person mus t remain in the appren­ t ice role and leave open the t ime a p erson can be expec t ed to be advanced into the j ourneyman c las s i f icat ion . whe ther or not thi s age con­ s c iousne s s is accurate .

recruits b e ing p rocessed in a variable mode tend to diffe ren t ia te themselves . b o th socially and psycho logically . i f . care should be taken to use only fixed time tab les in the s ocialization proce s se s . Furthermore . . s ide tracking is u sually more s ub tl e and problematic to a re cruit operating in a variab le socialization t rack . are provided long-te rm as signments as city j ailers. Indeed . S uch assignment s serve as a s ignal to the recrui t and othe rs in To the the organization tha t the individual has lef t the normal caree r path . Indeed . The movement of peop le at dif fe rent rates and according to diffe rent pat te rns makes i t virtual ly impos s ib le for a cohor t group to remain cohe s ive and l oyal to one anothe r . cont rolle·rs . adop t s trategies of passage that minimi ze risk . many people who are working in the middle leve ls of management are often unab le to j udge j u s t where they are � whe re they are goin g . from the organization ' s p oin t o f view . from each othe r . Consequen tly . they often are obsequious t o authori ty .57 and takes recruits typi cally through the academy t o the pat �o l d iVis ion . Th� re fo re . On the other hand . s uspicious o f colle agues . extent that such o rganizational " S ib erias" exis t and can b e identi fied with cer tainty by those in the s e t tin g . or · t raffiC. not as patrolmen . peer group s o lidarity in a rec ruit pool is des ireab le . and� more generally . chroni c sida tracking from which there is rare ly a return is a d is tinct. pos s ib i lity-'in f ixed socialization proce s se s . or how t hey are doing . It also should b e noted that variable processes are a very powerful an tidote to the formation of group solidar i ty among p o tent ia l recruits t o cer tain organization ally def ined role s . variab le proce s se s are likely to create much anxiet y and pe rhaps frus tra tion for· indi­ viduals who · are unab le to const ruct reasonably valid time tables to inform them of the appropriatenes s of their movement ( o r lack of movemen t) in the organization . in highly competi tive s itua tions .

I. 1 9 6 1 ) . 196 1 . the military and cer tain civil s ervice bureaucracies • . one cann o t guaran tee that afte r a cer tain length of time a person will have le arned wha t is neces sary to make a func tional move or will have acquired the t ru s t and support required to move closer to the core of the organization . Intu i t ively . of course .c on trary . Propos i tions D. And . Those latter moves are more likely t o be made on the basis of si tua tional o r in s it u · . .58 We look now to certain propo s i t ions which ar ise on the bas is of this d is cu s s ion of f ixed and var iable soc ial izat ion tactic . Fixed social izat ion p rocesses are mo s t l ikely to p roduce innova t ive responses . D. Cons i de r here To the. to control their mo s t rebell ious . Doc tors too use this tac t ic to induce pa tients t o "ge t well " by re fus ing t o provide them wi th any kin d o f t ime tab le f o r their re le ase from the hospital . The logic behind this propo s it i on is s imp ly that a var iab le s i tuation leads to maximum anxie ty and this anxiety operates as a s t. variable socializat ion processes ar e mos t l ikely t o produce cus tod ial r esponses . Gof fm an' . mo s t managers u t i l iz e this p rinc ip le when they a t t emp t . in te rrogators in police org an iz a t i ons and p r is on c �mps use the yagueness that surro un d s one ' s expec te d l ength o f sentence t o pre s s ure prisone rs to make c on fe s s i ons and chan ge at titudes ( S che in . 2 .ssessments and can involve ve ry long or very short periods o f time .rong mo t ivator toward conformity . one will be promo te d to a highe r rank . Thus . Fixed · t imetables for social izat ion proces ses are mo s t l ikely to be as soc iated with hierarchical boundary pas sages and lea s t l ikely to be used with inclus ionary boundary passages . for example . one c an almos t guarantee that aft e r a ce rtain number of years to the day .or d if f i cult subord inates by telling them that their next career move "may or may not happen" within a given t ime f rame . func t i onal boundaries present a mixed cas e . in some organizations .

a one year .' year tour of duty in ano ther geographical dis trict o· f a busines s firm .figura tive culture . a three-month boot-camp . This i s p articularl y the case near the end the of a given s t age s ince o thers in the organizat ion typ ically also know tha t Consequently . i t i s des ireable t o be in a po s i t i on to know one ' s own timetable but to conceal this knowledJe from o thers on the E. Rubens te in . 1970 . and some observers have sugge s te d that . . that a fixed proces s may undermine t he power o f the innovator vis-a-vis the group o f which he is a par t . socie � i e s a=e ab le to g a in a s u re s en s e of the f u t ure t h a t a�a i t s t h e� by s e e in . View of · the innovator in certain role s . I t should a l s o b e Dote d . from the p o in t o f innovator is now in a "lame duck" period . it is this aspect o f p o l ic ing that accoun t s for the remarkab le in te rgenera tional s tability of patrolmen b e hav i o r pa tterns ( We s tl ey . · however .tage when you are ready . 1 9 7 3 . Manning and Van �laanen .whe reby rookie s are as signed only older ve teran off1 ce rs as their firs t working partne rs on pat rol -.59 Variable socia lization proce s se s keep a recruit max�mally off balan ce and at the mercy of s ocializa tion agents . Se rial modes create s omething analogous to Jus t a s children in s tab le Mead ' s ( 1956) notion o f a pos t. II In fixed p rocesses s uch as a four-year me d i c al J school p rogram. In e ffect . Serial vs . a s e t two. wi l l clEi. persons can usually gear themse lves into the s it ua tion b e t te r than in the variab le c ase and therefore can plan innovative activi ties to fit the time table .. the se rial Clode -. In the police world . 19 7 8) . Disj unc t ive Social izat ion Proces s e s Definit ion A s er ial socializat ion process is one in which experienced members of the o r ­ ganizat ion groom n ewc omer s who are about to as sume s imilar kinds o f pos i tions in the o rganiz at ion'.1s virtually taken for gran ted . In e f fect the agent s ays t o a J recruit . for examp le . "I will pas s you along to the next s. these expe rienced membe rs serve as role models for recruits . b ut r.c t4� when you are ready . appren t iceship .

in teres ting illus tration is also provided by the "he roic myth" t o be found in many culture s and p re sen ted by Campbe l l ( 1 956) . persons on the s cene who have Certain ly such s it uations make An shared the unique p rob lems face d by the recruit . if any . for instance . after some mos t disj un c t ive adven ture s an d misadventures . S uch disj un c t ive themes are als o cen tral one s in wes te rn fai ry tales (Bet te lheim . 1 9 76 ) . there are few. . Take . Typ ically . When newcomer s are not following the foots teps of immed ia te or recent predece s sors .new ways of thinking about and doing things . emp loyees in organ iz a tions can gain a surer sense of the future by seeing in their more experienced elders an image of themselves further along in t �e organiza t ion . things extremely diff icult and anxie ty provoking for the newcome r . and when no role mode ls are available to rec rui ts to inform them as to how they are to p roceed in the new role . the case o f a disj unc t ive one . In these c ases . 1 9 . danger exis tsJ o f cours� that this image will be nei ther flat tering nor desireable from the perspective of the recruits and many newcome rs may leave the organization rather than face wha t appears to be an agonizing future • . the hero is given some sort o f magic gif t and b rings i t b a :k t o his home socie ty a s a way o f revi taliz ing it . a young man is del iberate ly sent away from his homeland and " suf fers" through a series of trials and t rib ulat ions in orde r to dis cover . b lack fire fighter entering a previously all white engine company or a woman entering managerial ranks in a firm tha t had p reviously b een occupied on ly by male s .60 in their parents and grandparents an image of themselves grown olde r . a serial pattern of ini tiating newcomers into the organization would maintain and perhap s amplify an already poor s i tua tion . A In industrial se t tings where worker morale is low and t urnover is high . the socialization p rocess is a Many examp les can b � cite d . In most ve rsions o f this saga .

experience and knowledge' than the one doing the socializing . Some times .61 The analy tic dis t inc tion b e tween serial and dis j unc tive socializ at ion processes is s ome times brough t into sharp focus when an organizat ion under take s a ''house cleaning" whereby old members are swept out the back door and new ' members brought in the front door to replace them..Je of sociali. when the pas t experiences . and act ive men tor is f requen tly false . reference iroup s . and p a s s ive j unior member of the firm being coached wis e ly by a ma ture . The p roce s s maY . the s e ria l ? r o c e s s ma y b e come a d i s j unc t ive one . In .any work organi za� ions . social . what appears to be a serial proces s is ac tually disj un c tive . o r ideological d is tance b e tween re cruit s and agen t s . good in t en t ions a s ide . but . entering and exi ting . that same person mus t be 55 . ( 1963) labels this prob lem " gapp in g" and Gappin g re f e r s it appears to be a se rious one associated with s e rial s trategie s . in colleges where faculty members are con s tan t ly long term students exe r t much cont rol ove r the ins titution . In extreme cases . And. I t is also true tha t ' occas i onally the person who is presumably b e ing socialize d by another organiza tional member has mo�'. have been des igned as a se rial to the re cruit . or values of the agen ts a re qui te removed from those o f the recrui ts . one .zation wi th the result tha t the o rganiza tion will no. the p roce ss may be disj un c tive i f he or she i s unwill­ Roth ing to take the ment o r seriously . in o the r organiza tions such as prisons and mental h ospitals . the age-graded ste re otype of the you thful . t o the h is torical . Certainly. I t should n o t b e surp rising then that. an en t ire 'organizat ion can b e thrown into a disj uetive moc. longer reseDib Ie i ts forme r self . B e cause o f exceptionally mediocr� to be in that s ame position at age SO o r such circumstances . thes e organizations are o f ten literally r un b y the inmates . it is the case that 1f s omeone is excep t ionally lood and is promoted to proj e c t leader b y age 25 . naive . . To wit . re cru i t turnover i s o ften con s iderab ly smaller than s taff turnove r . in forme d .

- Di. cen t ral as lNell . Propo s i t ions E. ' t ru s two rthy . value s . proce sses are mo s t likely to be found at ' t ho se f un c t ional and h ie r- . 2 . Ser ial socialization processes are likely to be found on ly a t tho se functional or hier archi c al boundary passage s whi ch are seen by those in control of the process a s r e q u ir ing a con tinui ty of skillS . it is gene rally t rue that recruits representing t he first class will set the tone for the classe s to follow . on consen sual soluti ons to the typica l p ro b lems faced by a . Mental patien ts . for examp le . wise" as t o wha t the psychi atric s taf f deemed approp riate behavi or and indica tive of improvement ( S tanton and S chwart z . 'unstiy. and .ruits mus t at leas t s eem to be taking tho se with whom they work seriously or r isk being labelled deviant in the s i tuat ion and hence no t allowed across inclu s ionary boundar ies .rt. This is unl ikely to occur unless these o thers perceive the newcomer to be . 195 9 .62 I n summary . passin g . Gof fman. s imilar to themselves . thes e o th er s will ac t as guides . in mos t respec t s . Rec. 1961) . it is easier to learn from o thers already on hand than i t i s to learn on the ir own as originators . - E . We can now s tate s ome propositions which relate these above considerations to the theoretical variab les of intere s t . but s imply that for those to c ome . o f course . often repo. and a t t i tude s . As long as there are o the rs available in the s o c i a l i z a t i on setting whom. the newcome rs cons ider to be " like them" . recrui t . . l. " "I t is not sugges te d that those who follow are pagina te d seriat im. archical bo�ndary passage s which are seen as no t re q u i ring such cont inui ty . Serial socialization is mos t l ikely to be as so c iated with inclus ionary b oundary passage s . This association resul ts because to become a central member o f any or ganizational segment normally require s that o thers consider one to be affable . that they were only ab le to survive and gain their releas e becaus e o ther . more ' e"Pe-r1en'ced p a t � en ts " s e t them.

. the process should maximiz e either a very broad range o f role models such as m ig h t be created through the use of individual . if innovation is to be s t imulated . Without an old guard around to hamper the development of a f resh perspective . . . But . informal . Certainly newcomers lef t to their own devices may rely on inappropr iate o thers for definit ions of their tasks . or cons truc t brand new roles to keep the recruits "loose" in t hei r o r ie nt at io n . the c onformity and lockstep pressures c reated by the ser ial mode are absent . ·f or example . for wha tever reason . and random tactics of social ization or deliberately c r ea te s itua t i ons where gaps occur be tween role model and recrui t .63 other words . there are f ew · role models available to the individual who have had s imilar exper�ences and could therefore coach the newcomer in light o f the lessons they have learned . In both c as e s . Ins t ead . Organiza tions eeem:1nlly can arrange for a serial or disj unctive process at the se locat ions according t o criteria of their own making . almo s t automatica. Entrepreneurs . the soc ialization process should minimize the po s s ib il i ty o f all owing incumbents to form relat ionships with their likely successors . aD iDD ovative or ientation .3.lly fall into a disj unctiv e process o f socialization as d o tho se who f ill newly created organizational roles . for these role inc timbents will typically teach the recruit the "old" ways o f do ing thing s . Consequently . Whereas the serial process risks stagnation and c on t am ina t io n . Serial socialization pro ce s se s are mos t likely t o produce a d isj unc tive processe s are most likely to produce custodial or ien tat ion . there i s no apriori reason why serial or d isj unctive p rocesses would b e found a t either of these two types of boundar·ies . the d isj unc tive pat- tern also creates the opportunity for a recruit to be invent ive and original . E. the disj unc t ive proces s risks c omp lication and confusion .

An inve s ti ture proce s s says t o the Dewcomer . IIlOSt young business school graduates are on an investi ture p at h . the .Uec1. though at certain b oun da rie s they may run into certain dis con firming experiences . Inve s t i ture vs . relocat ion ass is tance .on the skills . From this perspective . At times . Investiture processe s ratify and do cument for recruits �he viab ili ty and usefulness of those p er son al characteristics they bring with them to the organiza tion . and engage for long ' periods o f t ime in doing the "dir ty work" of the trade typ i f ied by i t s low pay . orpnization through . Diver t iture Soc ializa tion Proces se s . and low skill requiremen ts . . subetantiate and perhaps enhance the newcome r ' s view of himself . " I.64 F. the use of this tactic does not wish to change the recruit . Investi ture pro cesses a t t emp t t o make en trance in to a t ro ub l e given organiza tionally defined role as smoo th and free as po s s i b l e .za. "we like yo u j u s t as you. f il led by the use of this tac tic wherein neWCOn1ers to these posi tions are handled with a great deal of concern . Definition The final $trategy to be discussed hen concems the dewree to which a socialization proces s is constructed · to e i ther confirm or dis confirm the entering i den ti ty of the recrui t .e . caree r couseling . Many occupat ional and or gani zat ional communities almo s t require a recrui t to sever old f riend sh ip s . ' undergo extens ive harrassment from exper ienced members . low s ta tus . ax. positions on the bo ttom rungs of organi z a t ional ladders are . Many aspects of professional train ing such as the f ir s t year of ' med ical school . seek to deny and s tr ip away certain per sonal charac teris t ics of a recruit . low interest value . Orientation programs . s o cial f unc tion s . Rather . even a visi t to the pre s i deot ' s office with the perfunc tory handshake and good ' wishes systematically suggest to newcomers that they are valuable to t he Dives titur e socialization p rocesses . values � and atti tudes the re cru i t ' 1s thought to possess already . in contras t . i t wishe s t o t ake advant a ge o f and bu�ld up. inve s t i t ure processe s To wi t .

· the process i s a d ive s t i ture of inve s t i ture one to a recru i t ia . Often these new assump tions arise from the recrui t ' s own d iscovery . But .65 and the novitia te period associa ted with religious o rders are organi z ed explicitly to d is conf irm many aspec t s of the rec � it ' � entering self. ' ''total ins ti tutions" some t ime s o ffer a recruit a sor t of home-away-from-home that more or les s comp lements the recruit ' s entering self.' Goffman ' s ( 1961 ) " to ta l ins t i tutions" a. a thief subcul ture in a pri son acts more as an inve s t i ture than a d ives titure process . i f no t enhanced . thus beginning the process of rebuild ing the ind ividual ' s self-image based upon new a ssump t ions . s o�e recrui ts will undergo a b ru tal d ive s titure proces s with ' a calc ulated indifference and s to ic nonchalance . gradual or dramatic' . with ease . P. In such s i tuations . sociali zation proces ses Thus . even in to tal ins tu t i tions . rec ru i t s . b ecoming a member o f . in par t . ' . the degree to which the recruit experiences the social i zat ion proces s as an ordeal indicates the degree to which d ives t i ture processes are operating . Thus . the fac t remains that many organizations consciously promote ordeals des igne d to make the rec ruit wha tever the organiza t ion deems appropriate . the degre.image . one ' s preins ti tutional iden t i ty can be sus tained .abi 1 i ty to do things they had no t thought themselves able to do previously . Some re cruits too will h ave been through d ive s titure processes so frequent ly that new socializa tion a t temp ts can be undergone rather matter-of-fa c t ly . say .e to which . will have different meaning to differen t. that they have an . Ye t .r�ap8 Goffman and o thers have been overimpressed with the degree o f humi lia tion and profanation of self that occurs in cer tain organizations .ica1 in this regard in the delibera te "mortif i cations to self" which entry into them entails .re commonly thought typ.image . a func t ion of the recru i t ' s entering characteristics and orientat ion toward the role . for convicted robbers . Even in the harshes t of ins t itutional se t tings . Ordinarily . Furthermore .

end ing" experiences . many law enforcement agen cie s . professional a thle tic teams . 1 9 5 6 ) . .. measures are o f ten taken to isola te recruit s from former associates who presumably wou1d. 'continue to conf irm ' the recuit ' s old iden tity . This proce s s . 1 9 6 4 ) . mili tary organiza t ion s . some propositions can now be presented which seek to f ur th e r exp licate the workings of this socializat ion tac tic in orga�i zational se t t i � g s . when voluntar ily undergone . must pub l ic ly degrade themselves and o thers . have stiff licensing requiremen t s which . to many ap pea r much like a divestiture proces s . Furthermore . and so on . i t can be a device for s t imul atin g many personal changes tha t are evalua ted pos i t ive ly by the pe rson and o thers . ( Schein .66 In extreme what Schein has described as "up . f i r s t year law s tuden t s at eli te unive rs i t ies ( Turow. elite law schools . In brief . serves to commit and b ind the person to the organizat i on and is typ ically premis ed upon a s trong des ire on the part of the recruit 'to become an accep ted memJ>er of the organizat ion ( or an organizational segmen t ) . the recrui t ' s entranc e and int o t he role or system is aided by his or her " awe" o f the ins t itut ion this " awe" then sus ta ins the individual ' s mot ivation through subsequent ordeal s of d ive s t iture . l97 7 ) or young women entering r el igious orders (Hulme . self �real i z a t ion group s . and mus t follow a r igid s e t of rules and regula t ions . GiVen th e se concerns . . Consider here . I t should be ke p t in mind however tha t these s tern t ac t ic s Coercion provide an ' ident it y-bes towing as wel l as an i den t i ty-de s troying process ... Even s ome busine s s occupations such a s cer tified pub lic accoun t ing r e cru i t s . Indeed . What is of course prob lematic with coe rcion i s i ts non-vo lunt ary aspects and the pos s ibili ty of mis-use in the hands of irrespon s ible agent s . There are many familiar illustrations of organiz ations in this socie ty that require a recruit to pass robust tes ts in order to gain privledged ac ce s s into their realm$ : rel igious cults . circumstances . is not nece s s a r i ly a damagin g assaul t on the person . recruits are forced to abs tain from cer tain types of behavior .

onc e a person has succe s s fully comp leted a d if f icul t d ives t i ture proce s s and has construc ted something of a new iden t i ty based on the role to which the d ives ti ture process was d irected . such training may wel l be exper ienced as a d ive s t i ture p rocess because i t may challenge many o f the ind ividual ' s cherished values which were assoc iated with and roo t ed in the old eng ineering rol e . and ( 2 ) prior t o the c ro s s ing of maj or inc lu s i onary boundarie s where a r ecruit mus t pass some basic test o f wor thines s for member ship in an organizational segment . or self-image . there are s t rong forces t oward the maintenance of the new iden t i ty . in e f fec t . Dives t iture p ro cesses are mos t l ikely to l ead t o a cus todial orien ta t ion . sub sequen t boundary pas sages are much more l ikely to be of an inves ti ture nature unle s s movement from one segmen t o f the organization t o another involves a maj or change o f skill s . For . theref ore . For examp le . inves ti ture p rocesses are mos t likely to lead to an innova t ive or ientat ion ( un le s s the recru i t enters and is rewarded for hold ing a cus to­ d ial orien t a t ion a t the out s e t ) . I f . are powerful ways for organizat ions and occupat ions to control the values of incoming members . 2. F. remold the per son and . Dive s t i ture processes . It is such proces se s whi ch lie at the heart o f mos t p ro­ f e s s ional training thu s help ing to exp lain why p ro f e s sional s appear to be so deep ly and permanent ly soc ial ized . value s . one c an imagine a col lege graduat e engineer going int o a n engineering department o f a company and exp er ienc ing this proces s as bas ically an inves ti ture one . Once the person has pas sed the s e ini t ial boundaries .67 Propositions F. Dive s t i ture pro ces ses are mos t l ikely t o be f ound (1) at the po in t of ini t ial entry in to an organizat ion o r occupa t ion . this person decides to move into l ine management and goes through an extens ive formal or informal management training p roces s .l. a t a later t ime . The s tronges t of the se forces is perhap s the fact that the sac r if ice involved in .

( 2 ) var iab le . S chein and Bennis . s ince the p er son ' s self-es teem following the succe s s ful comp le ti on o f a d ives t i ture p rocess comes to rest on the new sel f . we examined . dimens ions makes it pos s ible f or managers to design social i z a t ion proce s s e s which maximi ze the probab il i ties of c er tain outcomes . P ropo s i tions G. o f these tac tical j. �ontent innovative . Interac t ion of the S o c ialization Tac t ic s I n the preceding port ions o f this " people p ro cess ing " d i scuss ion . In the following s ec t ion . . A CUSTODIAL resp onse will b e mos t l ikely to result from a soc ia120 i z a t ion p rocess which is ( 1 ) sequential . we ident if i ed some of the maj or tact ical d imens ions of soc ial i z ation proces ses . tac tics wer e presented as logically ind ependent of each o ther . the ind ividual will organiz e his present and future exper iences to insure such that his selfe s teem can be enhanced or a t l ea s t ma intained ( Go f fman . the likel ihood that each tac­ tic would be assoc iated with certain kinds of organiz a t i ona1 buondary pas sages .68 building the new iden t i ty mus t be j us tif ied . the image . G. and ( 4 ) involves d ive s t i ture processe s . consequ ently making any dis claimers p laced on the new identi ty extremely d i ff icul t for the per son to accomp l i sh . Fur thermore . 1 9 5 9 . and the l ike l ihood that each tac t ic would l ead to ei ther a cus t od ial or innovat ive response . ( 3 ) ser ial . i t is emp ir ically obvious that these tac ti cal d imensions are asso c ia ted wi th one ano ther and tha t the ac tual impac t of organi zational social ization upon a recruit i s a cumu lat ive one . 1 9 65 ) . we sugges t some prop o s i t ions about s trategic comb inat ions of s o c ialization tac tics in r elat ion to the c r i t ical search for the cond i t ions und er which an organizat ion can expect to promo te from i t s recrui ts cus todial . or r o l e innovat ive responses . These Fur thermore . In shor t . Sche in . the resul t of a comb inat ion o f socialization tact ic s which p erhap s enhance I t is a l s o obvious that awarenes s and r e infor ce or conf l ic t and neutral i z e each o ther . through a ser ie s o f propo s i t i onal se t s .1. becomes self -ful f il l ing .image . 1 9 6 1 . On examining real organi zat ions .

one s tage to the next thus implying that boundary passages will be denied the recru i t unles s certain cri teria have been met (variable) . for an individual to have the mo tivat ion and s trength to be a role innovator . ( 4 ) f ixed . for conten t innovat i on to occur in a role . without s e t t imet ables for mat r iculat ion f rom . 2 . i t is desireable to avoid tra ining sequences which might rein­ force trad i t ional ways of doing things but also to avo id var iab le t ime tables which might induce anxie ty and promo t e d ivis ive comp e t i t ive among recruits in which the bes t way to succeed is to "play i t safe . In o ther words .69 In o ther words . it is necessary for tha t person t o be reinforced ind ivi­ dually by various o ther members of the organi zat ion (which mus t be an in formal process s ince it impl ies d is loyal ty to the ro le . of the aiasion or goals of the role itse l f . G. through ROLE INNOVATION � the redef inin. the more the recruit will be encouraged (or forced ) t o innovate . d er ive from processes which involve the r ec ru i t in a · def inite ser ies of cum­ ulat ive s tages ( sequen t ia l ) . " F inally . �. involving ro le models who set the " co rrec t " example for the recru i t ( se r ial) . ( 2 ) informal . Fur thermore . grou � organi zational segment . d i sj unctive . to be free o f seq uent ial s tages which migh t . i t is des ireabl e to train the role recru i t s as a formal group wherein new ideas or technologies are specif ically taught such tha t the value o f innova tion is s tres sed . and ( 5 ) involve s inve s t i ture processes . and processes which . the more the role models are themselves innovat ive ( or ab sen t al toge ther ) . ( 3 ) random . is the mos t ext reme form of innovation and is mos t likely t o o c cur a s ocia�ization proce ss whi ch is ( 1) i�dividua1 . CONTENT INNOVATION is mos t l ikely to occur through a socialization ( 2 ) f ormal . through various means .. the cond i t ions which s t imulate a cus t odial orientat ion . or total organizat ion i t self ) . In o ther words . involve the recruit ' s redef inition o f se l f around certain recognized organizat ional values ( dive s t i ture) . and ( 5 ) process whi ch is ( 1 ) colle c t ive . (4) disj unctive . ( 3) rand01ll .

a c oncep t of role and role learning . the like­ lihood that any given tactic would or would not be associated wi th any particular kind o f organi zational boundary passage . through a series o f prop o s i tions . I t is very d i f ficul t indeed to change norms surround ing the miss ion or goa ls o f an organi zationa lly defined role . We have a t temp ted to spe n out .tha t we do no t as ye t have enough emp irical evid ence to determine in a mo re t igh t ly arranged and logical s cheme how the var ious soc ialization tac tics can be more or less ordered in t e rms of the ir e f f e c t s upon rec ru i ts being i n i t i a t ed i nt o o r ganizat idnal r o le s . we have d eveloped several p ropositions about the likelihood of any given tac t i c leading to cus todial . a de tailed analys is of s ix d if fer-ent d imens ions of the socialization process which can be thought of as d i s tinct " tac tics " which managers (a.ents) can employ when s oc ializing new recrui ts into the organi zation or at various boundry passages . �e d o feel how�ver tha t the s i x a n a l y t i c a l ly-d i s t i n c t dimens ions o f the s oc iali za tion process represent a f ir s t and important s t ep . SUMMARY AND CONCLUS IONS a model of the organiza­ What we have presented in this paper includes : tion and i t s maj or interna l bound aries . content innova t ive . but genuinel y encourag es i t . Als o . There fore . We do not con s ider this a comp le ted theory in . or role innovat ive responses . Finally . VI . the notions o f cus todial or innovat ive respons es to sociali zation exper iences . t o b e exposed to innova't ive r o l e models or none at all . and . and to experien ce an af f irma t ion of sel f througho ut the process . we have proposed a c ombination of tactics which one migh t .70 inhib i t innovat ive efforts . i t will probably only occur when an ind ividual who is innovative in or ientat ion at the outset encounte rs an essent ially benign soc ializatio n process which no t only does not discoura ge role innova t ion . hypo thesi z e as being mos t likely to produce each of the s p ecific organizational response s .

recalci trance . and even organi zational s tagnati on are o f ten the d irec t resul t o f how employees are processed in to the . Role innovation and ul timately organizational revitalization . and consequences. can also be a d irec t result of how people were process ed .' these people accomp lish af ter the organiz ation i tself has completed its work on them. We believe \ then� that w e have d isplayed ! ome theory which can now be tes ted empirically . . In any even t � we feel that the specification of the d imensions them- selves at leas t opens up -. of the ' ways in which we "process people" . they are the consequences o f the work . Uninspired cus todianship . Ind e ed . From this perspective . o rganization . it is time to b ecome more conscious o f the choices.an analytic f ramework for c onsidering the actual processes by which people are brought into new roles in the workplace . at the o ther extreme . rather . . organizational results are not s imply the consequences of the work accomp lished by peop le brought into the organization .both for researchers and ' managers in organizations -.71 in this d irec tion .

The view of soci. and Scot t . Philos ophically . " Such surpr ise p romp ts . especially . 1970 . of phenomenology . . Pe rsonal change within this· framework always requires the analytic occasion of "surprise . 1930 . see Schutz . a kind of disengagement from the conce rns of the moment and pe rhaps the apprehens ion of those affai rs that the person has not hithe r to not ice d at all . 19 71 . B lume r . Hughes .72 / NOTES 1. 19 70) .a1 act ion t aken i n this paper i s based e ssent ially upon Meadian social psychology and is e xpressed most s uccinc tly by the symbolic interac tionists ( see . for examp le . Becke r . Gof fman l 195 9 . even i f only momentarily . Lyman 1972 . 1970 . the perspective i s relate d closely t o t ha t For some groundings here . the work of Mead . and . 1969 . Psathas . 1970 . Zaner .

1970 . an d Van Maanen . 1964 . includ1rlg the organizat i onal variety . 1977 Another int roduction to the topic can be located in Porte r . 196 4 . for · examp 1e . For an introcluction to the various forms of adult and oraanizational socialization . 1964 . but an adult socialization process mus t contend with the individual ' s " culture of orientat ion" which may s tand in the way ·of the. a t ime de lay before the ill e ffects of a particular adj ustment are fel t as is the case with smoking and lUng cancer or industrial pollution and environmental decay . cab als . 19� . Department s are therefore organizational segments as are workgroups or project teams . see . " In brie f . Moore . 1956 . Brim and Wheeler . In aeneral . 1969 . merging of individual See Manning ( 19 7i? and Burns ( 195S 1958 . any form o f adult socialization . though none thele s s real . 1968 . 1963 .i rs t . those adj us tment s that turn out to be nonadap tative fall under the clas s � f ication of what P la t t ( 1972 ) calls a " social trap . 3. S e cond . We mean by the phrase simp ly the j ointing o f act ions unde rtaken �y different organizational members in the pursuit of c ert a in ends .73 2. 1976 . 4. see Van Maanen and Schein . Becker . Vertical and horizontal clique s . Inkeles . f. is analoaous to that of childhood socializat ion . For an earlier s tatement of some of the • . To some extent . oraani&ation t s efforts . 1961 . and Ha c\tman (l9 7s) unde r the partially mis leading chap ter ti tle "Adap tation P r o ce s s es " . s o c i a l t r ap s a l s o de s c rib e s i t u a t ions wherein s t ro n g . elaborate use of this concep t . Becke r and Straus s . 1966 . such t rap s may involve . Lawler . ' ideas in this paper . Roth . Mannin g . Ve use the ph�ase "organizational segment" quite broadly in this paper. Schein . C aplow . and cODspiracies also fall under this rubric for their exis tence imp l i e s aD unoffic ial . 196 1) for a more efforts .

Eriks on . W'e l l as the dif f e r e n t i a l . Berlew and Hal l . at leas t in small me asure to tran scend these b oundaries in th i s pap e r . on th e e f fect ivenes s of the newcome r ( e . 195 9 . 195 7 ) . Al l this is to s ay that these divers e descr ip t ive materials b u t r a re ly s t ud ie s p rov i de some very r ich do the theore tical accounts of the We have tried socializat ion proce s s go beyond · discip linary boundari� s . Keen . . To wit .74 individual incentive s ( or disincentives) seemingly prohib it people from act ing in the ir col lec tive bes t inte res t as e xe mp lifi e d by the infamous Kit ty Genovese slay ing in New York City or in game s i tuations marke d by the "P ri s one r ' s D i l emma . 1963) .} j Bell and Pr ice . g . 1969 . Fe ldman . g . S tonequis t . Ta f t . 1975 . 1 9 7 2 . 6. . 1 9 7 3 ) . poli tical s cien t is t s seem mos t conce rned with how newcomers gain "con trol of things" ( e . p sychologi s t s of a deve l o pmenta l s t ripe emphasize cogni tive learning ( e . On the o the r hand . 19 7 7 ) whereas psychologi s t s more concerned with individual differences emphas ize the ma tch ing of p e rs on s and se t tin g in the ir socializat ion s tudies ( e . . when they conside r adult socialization at all . " 5. LeVine . . 1970 . Kimball and Watson . 1'96 8 . . 195 7 ..I MA�J 1'1 '7) • S tudents of comp lex organizations near ly alway s f oc us ij. . S uper � a1 .. Piage t . 1966 . 1976 . g .1937 ) or with tho s e · passages within a soc ie ty t hat mark a · youth ' s trans i t ion into adul thood ( Van Gennep . Holland. Roe . EdQ. . A . tend to be far more intere s ted · 1n t ransi tions acrosS part icular societ ies than thos e o ccuring wi thin a society · ( e . A comprehen s ive theory mus t als o c ons ide r the origins and alteration s in the h i s t o r ic a l p a t t e rn s o f o r g an i z a t i on a l s c c i a l iz a t i on a s . ' To be sure .tth ropo logis ts . 1966 . 1 9 60 . S chein . our theory would still be of only th e middle � an ge ( Me r ton . Kroll e t al . 1 9 7 5 . 1962 . 1978) . even i f we accompli shed fully thes e ends ."'J 195f. . g . g .

differences b e tween the intent ional and uninten tional consequence s . 1975 . and the exp licit and imp licit obj e c tives of an organization . 196 8) and Van Maanen ( 1976) have re lied extens ively on this general formulation when describ ing the organizational socialization p roces s from the indiVidual ' s perspec tive . Lieberman . taking an anthropo logical or cultural perspe c tive on complex organizations which requires the s uspension o f b e lief in formal pronou ncements or induct ive fia t s as to what o rganiz at ions are about \mtil detaile d empiric al s tudy has b een conduc ted int o the workings o f an y given organization . and si tuations . 1t Both S chein ( 196 la . Ligh t . g . 1 955 . the various s tudie s which refer to the .7. to recommend it . this is . 8. Evan . . . 1 9 72 . 196 3 . Dornbush . these remain solitary case s tudies comp lete with their own idiosyncrat ic conceptual frameworks . S ome good examples o f the type of comparat ive and historical emp irical work nee de d in this regard · are provided by Lortie . b . and Kan ter � 196 8 . The importance o f a comparative and hist orical be undere s t ima te d . Such an ap. of course . .approach to the design o f socialization s tudies cannot While we have a numbe r o f longitudinal accounts o f the p roce s s as it occurs in a part icular organization or occupation ( e .in-p rac t ice . the manifest and latent goal� . 197 3 . Van Ma�nen .75 effects o f the process upon peop le o f widely diver�e b ackgrounds . 1976 ) . chan ging. R osenb aum. 1974 . 195 6 .p roach has much Indeed . Faulkner . . and refreez ing . The mos t general p rocess model of s ocialization is �the Lewinian model with its thre e phases of "unfreezin g . the theory-in-use and the ory. cultures .

Looking t o the func tional and hierarchical boundaries . And . B urns . Blankenship . g . · A more speci fic e xamp le is useful he re . 1970 .76 all would seem to point in this direction ( e . ' a f te r p ur g in g the t op a dmin i s t r a t ive ranks and in s e r t i n g . Acros s the iDelusionary b oundaries . the s i tuation is s imilar . c. the person is probably too caugh t up in the transi tion i tself to have ( or des ire to have) much influence on the posi tion being le f t behind . As anthropologists are p rone to say . consequen tly los t the sort o f marginality and de tachment ne ce s sary to sugge s t cri tical al te rations in the social scheme o f things . 1961 . though · perhaps les s clear . Immediately after ent ry . the person may have "gone native" and has . 19 77) . Gouldner . Argyris · and •• . 196 4 . Schon . influence upon those l'equiremen ts themselve s . B ut . newly app � 1nted · so-called "progre s sive" or "re form" Chie fs of Police h ave . j us t b efore passage . 10 . this would appear to be the case because immediately · after ent rance to a new position . 195 4 . . 1974 . Blau.cUU. it is likely that s uch a pos i tion is premised upon the individual ' s almo s t total acce p tance of the norms and value s of the group . Schein . 1955 . if any . is necessary to exert meaning ful influence . C rozie r . Police organizations eome to mind for there are s ome in teresting case examp le s. the individual is t oo wrapped up in learning the requiremen ts of · the j ob to have much . . afte r having achieved a central and vis ib le posit ion within the particular set tin g . the person know-s few · peop le and vill have deve loped lit tle of the sort of inte rpersonal trust with others on the s cene which. • 9.

For s ome further treatmen ts of thi s role . 19 5 8 . Goode . l e)" 19 7 3 .e tha t only the " ri ght types" ( those who were also likely to share the Chie f ' s vision) would be promo ted in the system. Thus . Vollmer and Mills . espec ially . See Da. 196 4 . 11 . tried to insur. and claims made by occupations commonly though t to be "profess ional" . 1966 . Blankenship . Fishgrund . 1 97 7 for case ma terials bearin g on the rather remarkable re s is t ence t o change exhib ited in police organization s . see . 196 9 . and .s tructure o f the promotion board o ral examinat ions . Indeed . position . 19 7 7. P olicy changes around the . " old timers" who had very cent ral and influential pOS i t ions with in their respec t ive ranks and function s were no lon ge r in favorable pOSit ions to rise in the organizat ion . Ye t .77 personnel who were sympathe tic to their pre concep tions of what the organization should be ab out . given the short lived tenure of the ins ti gato rs of thes e re fo� and the short lived pe riod of the reforms themselves . moving these depar tments from the top down proved to be q uite diff i cul t . . if not impossib le . lower placed members in the se departmen t s were able ( through a varie ty of inventive means) to b lock re form in the long run by e ithe r forcing the new Chief out entire ly or by "snapping" the Chie f back in to a position where the values of organizational members once again fell more or les s along a p lumb line dropped from the top o f the organizational cone . Wilensky . 19 7 7 and Beige l and Beigel . Hughes . and the educational requirement s for particular ranks seemingly worked in this regard .

in some lines of work. the choice of say an individual mode o f socializat ion may require more p lanning . In other endeavors . dangerous . 1f Dot required . upon the degree to wbich all members actual ly share the same fat e .see following section) are . In highly competitive col le c tive se t tings . The s trength o f group unders tandings depends . diffe rence s 1D the level of commi tment of organizat ional res ources to a given socialization patte rn . and require more agents than the choice of a collective mode . o r consequential . the so cial support netwo rks necessary to maintain cohes ion break down .78 12. Aside from the s trategic matters conside· red directly in the". and difference s in the number of agen ts active ly involved in the p roces s . J un ior fa� u l t y oe mb e r s in . at leas t socially des ireab le as is the case in medicine or firefighting . this regard . Dature of the task to be p erformed by a newcome r t o the field . Howeve r . hence . situational and his tori cal conside r- . the case may "Quality control" may be a crucial aspect o f . be reversed . comparat ive s tudies are crucial in 13 . the poles of each tac tical dimension represent differences in the amoun t of pr1or planning engaged in by members of the organization . the organizat i on ' s choice o f tactics whe rein due t o the exacting . s tandardized outcomes (promoted by collective processes -. Needless to s ay .tions unique to any given occupation or organization limit the kind of generalizations we can make on these mat·ters � In other words . group members know that their own succes s is increased through the failure of o thers . in the group may Consensual unde rs tandings wil l deve lop but they will but t re s s indivi dual co d e s of 3dj us tmen t . text . of course . however . be more cos tly .

the collective s tandard b e ing . the less likely role innovative responses" become. T o To rrance ' s surprise . he concluded that the relative lack of p ower differentials and social s tatus among the s crambled groups allowed for a more open and hone st cons iderat ion of alternative s o lutions to the p roblems facing the group than would b e possib le when p ower and status were es tab lished and re lat ively fixed as was the case for the intact crews . 14 . as it is . Van. An interesting s tudy in this regard is reported by Torrance ( l �5 5 ) who examined the decis ion-making abilities of A ir Force flight crews who had t rained "together for some ten weeks . an individual one . Interp re ting these results . Janis ( 19 7 2 ) has recently reported . On the o ther hand . After training the crews were scramb led (open-collective soc� alization) whereas the remaining crews stayed intac t { closed-collec tive socializat ion} .tance . follpw group s tandards . Maanen ( 19 7 8) refers to such leng thy colle ctive p rocesses within which t rans fer rates in and out of the recruit group are low as " closed" socializat ion . the longer recruits remain toge ther as a colle ctive entity . some very s imilar findings . the scramb led crews were far superior on the performance of various task-related p rob lems than were " the intac t crews . Namely . for ina. although such s tandards nearly always s tres s individual s cho larship . also involves collective sociali zation but the mode is marked by chan"g ing p ersonne l across t ime within the recruit group . according t o Van Maanen .79 pub lication-minded unive rsit ies'. "open" socialization . A coro llary to this p roposition can also be sugges ted .

Part of the difficul ty for re cruits i n this mat ter .is merely the case that re cruits have nothing subs tantial to contribute t'o the matters at hand . In exchange for this willingness . and Rubenstein . However . but it . This certainly refle cts the typ ical content o f the two socializat ion phas es ( formal and informal) ment ioned in the text .. Cons ider too that in many organizations the s t ri ct adherence to the rules ( s. S�e Lortie . I t is not the case that ve teran members dis like or distrust novi ces ( though in some ins tances they may) . . . firs t behaviorally demons trate eachers by . it i s ne ce ss ary to know t he o ? e ra t ing ru le s ao o u t the ru l e s to p e r f o rm .80 IS . Haas . I . taugh t in a forma l socializat ion p ro ce s s ) may well .t o work" rather . . . newcomers in the informal mode mus t of telL. Thus . as what is usually . as all " good" members of the organi zat ion know . 19lit . 16 . doing the "dirty work" o thers on . running lit tle necessary but inconsequential errands . 197 3 for some good examples in this regard . ' 1 975 . the s cene wish t o avoid. say .uch . snacks . p erforming " go-fer" like their value to their would-be t duties such as fet ching work materials . and cof fe e . and displaying an "eager" or " good" attitude when engaged in s uch tasks . perhaps almost as many programs end with very p articularis t i c con c erns where recruits are taught that there are shifting s tandards which are app lied uniquely to individual cas es . is that they normally have very li tt le to offer experienced organizat ional members in exchange for being taugh t the norB9 of a particular role . reflect a sort o f cultural incompetence when the re cruit actual ly " goes . a teaching relationship may then emerge . than competence s ince . This suggests that many socialization p rograms begin with universalis t ic concerns in which s tandards are taught as well as the uniform app lication of thes e s tandards .

. work organiz at ions . As Pro f e ssor Barry S taw ( persona l connnunication ) righ t ly sugge st s . in p ar t . for examp l e . ma thema t ic s or phy s ics are f ar more l ike ly t o b e present ed sequen t ially t o s tudent­ recru i t s in tho se f ields than are . In other words . 18 . a member who s trictly adheres · to t h e formal or correct p ractices ( the p roper) rather than . the use of sequen t ial process es l eading to a given organiz ational ly def ined role wil l also vary ac cord ing to the degree that agents have recour s e to shar ed knowled ge about and / or experie nae with In . Moreover .81 adequate ly on the j ob . and s up ervisors invariab ly overrate the performance of thei r subordinates . of these pract i ces are likely to b e conveyed during the firs t wave of formal s ociali zation . the s ocial pract ices currently in use within the work setting ( the smart ) is likely to be considered by others to be an " organizational dope" unt i l the s econd wave of social i z ation p rovides the recruit with the necessary learning . 17 . s tatements or expense allowances . ConsideT the fact that in many organizations emp loyees misrepresent theiT overtime'. Some illus trations are perhap s useful here . budget makers p ad their budge t s with either ficti tious expenses or exaggerated amounts for a given item . A further cons ideration o f thi s popular and frequent formal-to-informal s ociali zat ion sequene& ia p re s ented on the following p ages of the text . None . the degree to which the substan t ive base o f a soc ializati on proces s can be presente d in a sequ en t ial fashion depends . Thus . histo � or soc iology . the " organizat ional dope" is one who has no t b een fully socialized . when c las- s ify ing so c ial ization proce s ses in educatio nal ins t i tu t i ons . upon the ava il ­ ab il ity to those d irec t ing t h e process to c a l l upon a fully develop ed and shared intellec tual or d i s c ip l inary parad igm .

They no t e that f irs t gener a t ion rural-t o�ci ty migrants suf f er' a serious break between their pas t and present experiences . An informative and perhaps limiting cas e is provided by Klineberg and Cot tle (1973) . in any combination . 20 . In the fir s t propos i tion . as in educa t i onal ones . do no t take a positi on on all s oc ialization tactics . If this occur s . it is b ecause we f ee l that the t ac tic could g o e i ther way depending on more speci f i c c ircums tances . To include the se tac tics . We should no te tha t in these summary proposi tions we . formal-fn formal and colle c tive-ind ividual socialization tac tics are not ment ioned because we feel that their use . Pairy tales may s ometimes come true but cer tainly not all dis j unct ive sociali zation proc esse s have happy endings . ·for example . From this s tandpo int . However . nei ther adds to nor detrac ts f rom the prediction as s ta ted . When a particular tac t ic is not explicitly mentioned in the propos i tion . So serious is this br eak in fac t that the mi gr an t ' s image o f a bet ter future usually lies unc onnec ted to any concrete ac tivi ties toward which the migrant c an direct his present e f f o r t s . I t wo u l d seem there fore that ext reme ly d isj unc t ive experiences r isk demolishing tha t mos t delicate b ridge between means and ends . we c an pre s s thi s analogy too f ar because in work organizat ions .82 the target role . anomie and alienation are sure t o resul t (Van Maanen . f inanc ial analy s t s or pro duc t ion supervisors ar e perhaps more l ike ly " to be social ized i n a s equen t ial manner than are or ganizat i onal development specialis t s or new produc t l ine managers . 1977a) . p edago g ical disputes over the p roper s equenc e o f l earning are indeed qui t e common even when there exis t s a wide ly accep ted paradigm among socialization agents . 19 .

_--_. Informal-collective processes are not at all common and therefore are quite hard to predi c t .83 would require more information -. ---------_. formal-collective pro ce sses are probably likely to produce cus todial orientations bu t they can also facilitate the development of group prespectives which are highly innova tive . To �it .information o f the sort par tially spelled out .. while informal�individual process e s are relatively commo.. t h e results of such processes are a t bes t am­ biguous wi thout firs t specifying both the individual ' s ini tial orien t a­ tion toward the par ticular role he or she is being prepared to as sume and the o ther tactics to be associa ted with the process ._------------.-- . bu t als o the mos t expensive and capable of producing cus tod ial as well as innovative r esponses . And .in the propos i tion i tself . On the average . formal-individual processe s are potentially the mos t powerful .n .

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