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We have a bussing program. We call it the bus for relatives and parents of prisoners. Because we realize that the NEWTON'S MESSAGE AT BOSTON fascist regime who operate the prisons COLLEGE -NOVEMBER 18, 1970 throughout America would like to do their treachery in the dark. If we get the relatives and the parents and friends c;;4: to the prisons, they can expose the Power to the peoPle, brothers and treachery of the fascists. So this too I sisters. I would like to thank you for is a survival program. my presence here tonight because you We must not take our survival proare responsible. I would be in a maxigrams as an answer to the problem. mum security penitentiary if it weren't We don't even claim it to be a refor the power of the peoPle. So you're volutionary program. Because revoluresponsible, and only you. tions are made of sterner st1.iff. We I would like to petition you to do the do say that if the peoPle are not here, same for Bobby Seale, our Chairman, then, of be I for Ericka H1iggins for Angela Davis, achieved course, revolution cannot rebecause the people make for the New York 21 and the Soledad volution. The peoPle make revolution Brothers. For all political prisoners and only the people. The theme of our and prisoners of war. Free the peoPle. People's Revolutionary Constitutional The 28th and 29th of November we will Convention is "Survival Through Ser, have a People's Revolutionary Consti, tutional Convention in Washington, D. C. vice to the People." At our convenWe cannot have that convention if the tion, we will present our total survival program. The survival program works People do not come. Because, after very much like a first-aid kit, or perall, the peoPle are the makers ofworld haps the kit that is used when a Plane I history. The peoPle are responsible for everything. So how can we have a falls and you find yourselfin the middle convention if we have no peoPle ? Some of the sea on a rubber raft. And you' II need a few things such as a first-aid People think that we can have a peoble's convention without the peoPle kit and a few protein tablets in order being there. I think that, that was the to last until you can get to the shore, until you can get to that oasis where case in 1777. you can be haPPy and healthy. If you Tonight, I would like to outline for do not have those things necessary to you the Black Panther Party's program get you to that shore, then possibly and also explain how we arrived at our you will not exist. At this time, the ideological position and why we feel it ruling circle threatens us to the exnecessary to institute a Ten-pointProtent that we're afraid that we might gram. ~ p~ P.r~2ram that is not exist to see the next day or see n2!-!:evo~ona~ in it~elf, ~~ the revolution. The Black Panther Party .!~t. It's a s~ry~~Qgr~-~. We will not accept the total destruction of feel that we, the people are threatened the people. Matter of fact, we have with genocide because racism and fasdrawn a line of demarcation and we will cism is rampant. Not only in this no longer toleratefascism, aggression, country, but thro1lghout the world. And brutality and murder of any kind. Matter the ruling circle in North America are of fact, we will not sit around and allow the responsible parties. We intend to ourselves to be murdered. Each person change all of that. In order to change has an obligation to preserve himself. it, there must be a total transformaIf he does not preserve himself, then tion. But until such time that we can I accuse him of suicide. I accuse him achieve that total transformation, we of reactionary suicide because a remust exist. In order to exist, we must actionary set of conditions will cause survive, so, therefore, we need a surhis death. I repeat, if we do nothing I vival kit. The Ten-Point Program is a we might die the death of a reactionary I survival kit, brothers and sisters. In suicide. That is, by doing nothing we other words, it is necessary for our are accepting the situation. The children to grow up healthy, with minds situation is a condition of reaction, so, that can bejlJ.nctional and creative. They therefore, a reaction will cause our cannot do this if they do not get the death. We will not accept that. Matter I correct nutrition. That is why we have a of fact, we say that if the alternatives breakfast p'rugTam jar children. We are very narrow, we still will not sit also have com"/",ii,, h,'lff, Yograms. around. We will not die the death of

the Jews in Germany. We would rQ;ther die the death of the Jews in Warsaw. Yes, because we feel that where there is courage, where there is selfrespect and dignity, there is a possibility that we can change all of the conditions and that we can possibly win. And this is called revolutionary enthusiasm and it is the kind of stuff that is needed in order to guarantee a victory. We say that if we must die, then we will die the death of the revolutionary suicide. The revolutionary suicide that says that if I am put down. if I am driven out, I refuse to be swept out with a broom. I would much rather be driven out with a stick, because with the broom, when I am driven out, it will humiliate me and I will lose my self-respect. But if I am driven out with the stick, then at least I can remain with the dignity of a man and die the death of a man, rather than die the death of a dog. Of course, our real desire is to live, but we will not be cowed, we will not be intimidated. I would like to explain to you the method that the Black Panther Party used to arrive at our ideological position. and, also more than that, I would like to give to you a framework or a proces's of thinking that might helP us solve the problems and the contradictions that exist today. Today the world is very complicated. There are many things in operation at the same time. It reminds me of a little saying, "When I was a boy, what was so was so, what was not was not. Now I am a man, things have changed a lot. Some things nearly so, others, not. It is a puzzlement". How do we solve this? We must approach the problem attempting to get a clear picture and a clear image of really what's going on, really what is going on divorced from our attitudes and emotions that we usually project into a situation. In other words, we will attempt to be as objective as possible. We will be as objective as possible without accepting dogma; we will let the facts speak for themselves. But we will not remain totally objective because knowledge and facts are no good if we do not put them to good use to serve our interests. So we will become subjective when we aPPly the knowledge that we received from the exterool world using the scientific method. But at that time, we will admit that we will be subjective, continued on next page

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to the atomi' it was transformed. In the social world the same thing happens, or a similar thing. We can aPPly the same principle. In sociology, when two cultures collide a process occurs or a condition occurs which I believe the sociologists call acculturation, where two cultures are modified because OJ contact. Well Marx called the sociall forces, when the socialforces collided, I or classes, he called that a contradiction. In the physical world, when physical forces collide sometimes we call it just that, a collision. For example, when two cars meet head on, trying to occupy the same space at the same time, both are transformed. Sometimes other things happen. Matter of fact, had those two cars been turnea back to back and sped off in opposite directions, they would not be having a contradiction, they would be contrary, covering different spaces at different times. Sometimes when peoPle meet, we argue and we miss each other. We miss each other because, in the firsf I place, we think we're having a contradiction when we're only being contrary. For example, I would say the wall is ten feet tall and you would say the wall is red, and we would argue all day thinking we're having a contradiction when actually we're being contrary. When people argue, whenone offers a thesis and the other offers an antithesis, we say there's a contradiction, and we hope that if we argue long enough, provided that we agree on one first premise, that probably we hope that we can have some kind of synthesis. And tonight I hope Icanhavesomeform of agreement or synthesis with those I who have criticized the Black Panther . Party. I think that the mistake is either that some peoPle have taken the apparent as the actual fact, in spite of their claim to scholarly research and in spite of their claim that they follow the discipline of dialectical materialism. They fail to search deeper , like the scientist is required to do. To get beyond the apparent and come up with the more significant. I know you wonder how this connects with the Black I Panther Party. I'll explain that. The Black Panther Party is a MarxistL eninist Party because we follow the dialectical method and we also integrate theory with practice. What we are not -We aye not mechanical Marxists and we're not historical materialists. Some continued on neKt page


because once we aPPly this knowledge and will a certain outcome, our objectivity ends and our subjectivity begins. We call this integrating theory with practice. And this is what the Black Panther Party is all about. Some peoPle criticize the BlackPanther Party. They call us many names. They call us revisionists, they call us hoodlums. They call us everything but the child of man. But tonight we will answer those peoPle. And I would hope that all of them have a .front seat because I would like to have a dialectical argument with them. You know, in order to understand a group of forces operating at the same time, science developed what is called a discipline. One of the characteristics or properties of this discipline is, first, to be disinterested. Not to be disinterested in the sense that you Uk]nt to walk off .from the problem, but disinterested in the particular outcome. In other words, you will not promote an outcome, you just want to know the facts. The other thing is that science starts off with a basic premise that is very important. And .from time to time I will ask you to stiPulate a few things with me. You see that even science starts off with a basic belief. Most basic premises start out with a belief because it is very important. And because it is very difficult to test your first premise. But after we agree or stipulate a first premise we then can have an intelligent argument because then we would just require each other to be consistent down to a valid conclusion. So tonight I would ask you to stipulate that an external world exists. An external world exists independently of us, in spite of whether we are around or n:>t. In other words, the external W{)rld is a reality. The second thing that I would like for you to stipulate is that things are in a constant state of change, or transformation, rather. In otherwords,flux, flux, all is ftux. After we agree to that, we can go on with our discussion. You know, the scientific mathod relies heavily on a concept they call ~~Piricism. But the problem with ~mPiricism is that it tells you very lzttle about the future, it only tells you about the past. In other words, it can only tell you about what ~e~J.b.rQUgh observation and experience and tha is al s as e. 0, therefore, a man by the name of Karl Marx integrated a theory developed by Immanuel Kant

caned T.!!~e. lfant called his br~cess oJreasoni~'.ro'r"onQan..-b-.ecau.Se ~J! s ~easU!1~~di~ ~t deb~~~e ~1I'n(l1 uzarld,It only depended on cons~. It only iIepended upon diiifing w!~h symbO,s tn SUCha UN1~ wherey-ou ,!!anibulated them to cDm42~ a E-onclusion based ubon reaso1CFor example, "If the sky is above my head, when I turn my head UpUN1rds, I will see the sky". There is nothing wrong with that. MJ.tter of fact, that is the truth. But I haven't said anything about the existence of the sky. I said "if." And that is why with rationale we do not have to depend upon the external world. With empiricism we can tell very little about the future. So what win we do? In order to understand what is happening in the world, Marx found it necessary to integrate rationale with empiricism and he came up with a concept caned dialectical materialism, because aft42r we integrate these two concepts or these two UN1ysof thinking, not only are we in touch with that world outside us, but we can also explain that constant state of transformation and, therefore, make some predictions about the outcome of the phenomena that is not only in constant change but also in conflict, attempting to reach some harmony. You know also, that Marx, as a social scientist, criticized other social scientists because he felt that some of them attempted to explain phenomena, or part of phenomena, by taking it out of its environment, isolating it and putting it into a category, and not ,letting anyone know about the fact that once he took it out of its environment, once he took this particular set of conditions out of its environment the phenomena UN1S transformed. It UN1S not the same. In other words with a disciPline such as sociology where we would study the activity of groups and how groups hold together and how groups fan apart without understanding everything else that is happening and everything that is connected to the group, we would get a false conclusion about the nature of the group. So what Marx attempted to do was to develop a way of thinking that would explain phenomena. In the physical world, when forces collide, they are transformed. In physics, I think that they say that when atoms collide, that they divide into electrons, protons and nutrons, if I remember correctly. What happened


continued from lasr page people think they are Marxists when actually they are following the thoughts of Hegel. Some peoPle think they are MarDsts-LeniTists and they rej; to be creative. So, therefore, they're tied to the past. They're tied to a rhetoric that does not aPPly to the present set of conditions. They are tied to a set of thoughts that edges upon dogma, and what we sometimes call, jlunkeyism. Marx attempted to set up a framework. Just as in mathematics you develop certain equations to understand a certain phenomena, and after you leam some things about a particular set of conditions, then )rOUtry to move on and al-.'ply that framework to other things, or those principles. And you're not afraid of the outcome because you know that things change and you're willing to acknowledge the \ change because you're objective. Because you realize the method that you're using, if you're using the method of dialectical materialism, you don't even I expect to find the same thing even one minute after you found it the last time, because
I things formation, are

in fact how can they do it when history shows that only the proletarians have carried out a successful social revolution ? I would agree that it is necessary for the peoPle who carry out a social revolution to represent the popular majority's interests. It is necessary for this group to represent the broad masses of the peoPle, I would agree to that. In the Soviet Union, 1917, we analyzed what happened there. I would agree that the lump en proletarian$ are actually the minority in this country. No disagreement. It seems that rve contradicted myself. It only goes to show that what's apparent might not actually be a fact. Sometimes we think a thing is reallya contradiction and it's only paradoxicul. It might seem what it's not, you see. So what we will do is tear this thing apart; we will analyze it. In the Soviet Union, in 1917, the Soviet Union was basically an agricultural society, that of a very large peasantry. There was a set of social con-

the logic that he's always followed. That is to make as much money as possible and pay the peoPle as little as possible, unless the people demand more and finally demand his head. At this time, if revolution does not occur almost immediately, and I say almost immediately because the trend is that technology is making leaps, (It made a leap all the way to the moon.) and if the ruling circle

decline, because they ployables and, therefore, swell ranks of the Lumpens, who are employables. UnemPloyables the ruling any more. So every pardy because of the





state expect for

And if
of transthem

in a constant we will

to be the same. So, therefore, words that we used to describe the old I phenomena perhaps will be useless to describe the new. And if we use the old words to describe events past then we might conj; peoPle. They might think that things are static and thereI fore contradicting the theory of dialectical materialism. In 1917, an event occurred in the I Soviet Union that was called a revolution. Two classes had a contradiction I and the whole country was transformed. In this country, 1970, the Black Panther Party issued a document. Our Minister of Information, Eldridge I Cleaver, who now is in Algeria, wrote the pamPhlet and it was called "On the Ideology of the Black Panther Party". In that work, Eldridge Cleaver stated that the proletarians in this country at this time, or the industrial worker, does not carry the potentialities for revolution. He claimed that the left wing of the proletarians, the lumpen-proletarians, carry that revolutionary potential and infact would carry the peoPle of the world to the final climax of the transformationofsociety, and, therefore, will act as the vanguard. It has been stated by some peoPle, by some parties, by some organizations, by Progressive Labor I Party that it is impossible. How can the lumpen-proJetarians carry out a successful socialist transformation when they are only a minority? And

a small industrial who they called them using Marx's theory, saw the because he was not a historical materialist, he was a dialectical materialist, and, therefore, he was very interested in the ever changing status of things. He saw that while the proletarianswere a minority at that time, in 1917, they had the potentiality to carry out a revolution because their class was on the upsurge and the peasantry was on the decline. That was one of the conditions. The proletarians were destined to be a popular force. They also carried the necessary properties to carry out a revolution that resembled a socialist revolution. in this country, the Black Panther Party taking careful note of the dialectical method, taking careful note of the social trends and the ever changing nature of things, see that while the lumpen: proletarians are the minority and the proletarians, the majority, we also see that technology is at such a 'l:apid rate that we'll




for in

or class can




over the ~y. If the mains in power, it seems to they would go on developing their technological machinery. They w.')uld go on developing their technological machinery because at the capitalist's hands and the ruling circle's hands, they're not interested in the peoPle. So, therefore, 1 would expect from him

would not disappear, they take on other attributes. The attribute that I'm interested in is the fact that the ruling circle would not need him, and if the ruling circle is in control of the means ofProduction, then he will be called an unemPloyable or a lumpen. So, I think that's logical, I think that's dialectical. I think it would be very strange to say only the slave class could disaPPear.




about a limitation and every limitati"on brings about a determination. In other words, while one force may give rise to one thing , it might crush other things or even itself. In other words, we might have a concept we call the negation of the negation. Meaning, we might say that while in 1917 the ruling circlEr created an industrial base and used the system of capitalism they were also creating the necessary conditions for socialism. They were doing this because it is necessary in order to have a socialist society to have some centralization of the wealth, we would have to have some equal distribution of the wealth, we would have to 'lave som~ harmony between the peop(e. First I will roughly give you some characteristics that any peoPle who call themselves a nation should have. These are economic independence, cultural determination, control of the political institutions, territorial integrity and safety. In 1966, we called ourselves, that is, the Party, a Black nationalist Party. We called ourselves Black nationalists because we thaught that nationhood was the answer. Shortly after that we decided that what was really needed was revolutionary nationalism, that is, nationalism plus socialism. After analyzillg the phenomena a little more, we found that it was impractical and even a contradiction. So, therefore, we went to a higher level of consciousness. We saw that in order to be free-and this is what we really want, to be free--we thought the nation would make us free--we saw that in order to be free we had to crush the ruling circle and, therefore, we had to unite with the peoPles of the world, so we called ourselves Internationalists. We sought solidarity with the peoPles of the world. We sought solidarity with what we thought were the nations of the world. But then what happened? We found that because everything's in a constant state of transformation and that because of the development of technology, because of the development of the m1ss media, because of the fire power of the imperialist, because of the fact that the United States is no longer a nation but an empire, that nationhood did not exist, because they did not have the criteria for nationhood. Because their self-determination was destroyed, because their economic determination was destroyed, because their cultural determination was transformed--and I would like for you to strike "destroyed", I would like for you to put in "transformed". Excuse me--all of the nations were transcontinued on next page

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formed at the hands of the imperialist and the ruling circle in the interests I of the imperialists. So we found that in order to be an internationalist, we had to be also a nationalist, or at j 'east acknowledge nationhood. So all internationalists are also nationalists, because, if I understand that word, "inter" means some inter-relationship
I between "nationhood" things and means "nationalism" the interrelationor



administration happens to be the peqpie's commissar. It's not so at thzs time, so there's still something to be done. I spoke earlier about the negation of the negation. I spoke earlier about the fact of redistribution of wealth. We think that it's very important to know that in the world today have been transformed into comthat socialism in the United States munities of the world. will never exist. Why? It will not exist So tonight, the Black Panther Party because it cannot exist. Also I would would like to disclaimlnternationalism say, socialism cannot at this time exist and support Intercommunalism. We any place in the world. Because socialI have a problem. You know Marx and ism would require a socialist state, Lenin felt with the information that and if state does not exist how could they had, that when non-state finally socialism exist? So how do we define came to be a reality, it would be caused, certain progressive countries such as or ushered in by the peoPle and by the People's Republic of China? How Communism. A strange thing happened. do we describe certain progressive I The ruling reactionary circle through countries, or communities as we call the process of being an imperialist, them, as the Democratic People's ReI transformed the w:>rld into what we public of Korea? How do we define call reactionary intercommunalism. certain communities as North Vietnam They laid seige upon all the comand the Provisional Government in the munities of the world, dominating the South? How do we explain these cominstitutions to such an extent that the munities, if in fact they too cannot peoPle are not served by the instituclaim nationhood. We say this: we say tions in their land. The Black Panthey represent the people's liberated ther Party would like to reverse that territory. They represent a community and lead the peoPle of the world into liberated. But that community is not the age of Revolutionary Intercommunsufficient, it is not satisfied, just as alism. This would be the time when the National Liberation Front is not the peoPle seize the means of prosatisfied with the liberated territory in I duction, distribute the w.3alth and the the South. is only ground for preI technology in an egalitarian way to the paration for It the liberation of the world, many communities of the world. seizing of the wealth from the ruling We see very little difference in what circle and equal distribution and proj happens to a community here in North portional representation in an interAmerica and what happens to a comcommunal framework. This is what the munity in Vietnam. We see very little Blac.~ Panther Party would like to difference in what happens, even culachieve with the helP of the power of turally to a Chinese community in the peoPle because without the peoPle San Francisco and a Chinese comnothing can be achieved. munity in Hong Kong. We see very little difference in what happens to a I stated that in the United States Black community in Harlem and a socialism would never exist. I say that Black community in South Africa, a in order for a revolution to occur in Black community in Angola and Mozamthe United States, you would have to

ship between a group of nations. Now if no nation is in existence and in fact the United States is an emPire, that would make it impossible for us to be internationalists. We are no longer internationalists,we're not afraid about that. Matter of fact 'we will try to shed light upon it, and we will define the new transformation and the phenomena, and we will call ourselves , ,Intercommunalists". Because nations

bique. We see very little difference. So what has actually happened, that non-state has already been accomPlished, but it's reactionary. A community by way of definition is a comprehensive collection of institutions which serve the peoPle who live there. It differs from a nation, because a community evolves around a greater structure that we usually call the state and the state has certain control over the community. It also serves the community if the administration represents the peoPle or if the

have a redistribution of wealth not on a national level, but an international level, not on an international level, but on an intercommunal level, and this is because how can we say that we have accomplished revolution and redistribute the wealth just to the peoPle here in North America when the ruling circle itself is guilty of trespass de bonas as per tadas. That is, they've taken away the goods of the peoPle of the world, transported them to America, and used them as their very own. That is a tort. Now remember in 1917, when the revolution occurred, you had a redistribution of wealth on a national level because nations existed. Now, if you have to think in terms of planning an economy on a world wide level, on an Intercommunal level, that says something. That says that the peoPle have : been ripped off and it's very much like the peoPle in one country being ripped ~ off. And when the peoPle seize the means of production then they redistribute. So we say this: we say reparation will not even serve because the people have not only been robbed of their raw mater~als, their raw materials have also been invested, their raw materials have been made into a technological machine--the peoPle are responsible for that--so the peoPle of the world will have to have control of that, not for X amount of time, not for a limited amount, but it's theirs. So all I can see in order to plan a real Intercommunal economy is that we will have to acknowledge how the world is hooked up together. We'd also have toacknow- I ledge that some time ago, nations could exist because technology had not advanced to the level it is now. Some people will argue that nations still exist because of the cultural dif- I ferences. By way of definition, just for practical argument, culture is a collection, or learned patterns of be- I havior. We see that here in the United States, Black peoPle, Africans, were I raped from the mother country, were brought here, and we've literally lost most of our African values. Perhaps I we still hold onto some surviving Africanisms, but by and large you can see the transformation. This was achieved through a long stay, but also through the high technological society that has a tremendous mass media and indoctrination center. We see that

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continued from last page the ruling circle has also launched satelites in order to put the beam across the world to indoctrinate the world. We see that while there might be what we call cultural differences, the difference is not a qualitative difference but a quantitative difference. In other words, that if technology and the ruling circle go on as they are going on now, that the peoPle of the world will be conditioned to adapt Western values. I think Japan is agood example. And the difference between peoPle in fact are getting very small. I But again it's in the interest of the I ruling circle. I don't believe that history can be backtracked, you see. So if the world is really that interconnected, then we would have to acknowledge that and say that in order for the people to be free, then they would control the institutions of their comm1mity and also have some form of representation in the technological center that they produce. So, the United States will have to, in order to correct the robbery of the world, first return what they have stolen. So I don't see where we could talk about socialism when we're talking about world distribution. I think this is what Marx talked about when he talked about non-state. I was at Alex Haley's house some time ago. And he talked to me about his search for his past. He found it in Africa. But he returned there shortly afterwards and he UXlS in a state of panic. His village hadn't changed very much. But when he went back he saw I an old man walking down the road and ! he had something to his ear that he cherished. That was a small transistor radio that was zeroed in on the British Broadcasting network. So, what Pm trying to say is that the mass media, plus the development of transportation makes it impossible for us to think of ourselves in terms otseparate entities, I as nations. Do you realize that it only took me approximately five hours to get from San Francisco to here ? It only takes ten hours to get from here to Vietnam. We see that the ruling circle no longer acknowledges wars, they call them "police actions". They say we have a domestic disturbance because the Vietnamese peoPle are rioting. What I'm saying is that the ruling circle accept and realize what they have done. They know that it's one world, but they're determined to follow their logic of exploitation. They know because a short time ago, in Detroit, a community was under seige, and now sixteen mvmbers of the Party are in f)rison. The local police laid seige on that col'1:tnunity and that house and they used ti, w,'.JfJons, the same weapons they u."c; in Vietna~, matter of fact, two ta,'s rililed up. We see that the same rhng t'lppens. We see that the same tiltng i"'>pens in Vietnam because the pol.ce L , there also. The police are everywl",'.e and they all wear the same unil!!!!!! and use the s~me tool~

And they're there for the same purpose, that is the protection of the ruling circle here in North America. We say that it is true that the world is one community. The world is one community but we're not satisfied where the power is. We want the power for the people. I said earlier, and I strayed away, that the theory of the negation of the negation is very valid. Some scholars have been wondering why inAsia, Africa and Latin America, the resistance always seek the goal of a collective society. They seem not to institute the economy of the capitalist. They seem to go all the way from feudalism and try to jump to a collective society. And some people can't understand why. Why won't they follow historical Marxism, or historical materialism? Why won't they gofrom feudaliSm, develop acaPitalistic base, and finally go into socialism? They don't do it because they can't do it. They don't do it for the same reason that the Black community in Harlem cannot develop capitalism, the Black community in Oakland or San Francisco cannot develop capitalism. because the imp~rialists have already pre-empted the field, he has already centralized the wealth. So therefore, in order to deal with him, all we can do is liberate our community, and then move on him as a collective force. You know, we've had long arguments with peoPle. We used to call ourselves before we became conscious, a dispersed collection of colonies here in North America. And peoPle argued with me all day and all night, and they told me how can you possibly be a colony? In order to be a colony, you have to have a nation, and you're not a nation, you're a community. You're a dispersed collection of communities. And because the Black Panther Party is not embarrassed to change or be transformed, tonight I would like to accept the criticism and say that you are absolutely right, that we are a collection of communities just as theAfricanpeopIe represent a collection of communities, just as the Korean peoPle, the Vietnamese peoPle, the Chinese peoPle are a collection of communities--a dispersed collection of communities. Because they have no superstructure. Or they do have a superstructure-the superstructure of the industrial base that they labor to produce was all put on Wall Street. And we would all agree that once a particularpeople, centralize the wealth and create a capitalist base, we won't find it in every single community, because every single community would not have the resources because it's already been centralized. This is a distorted form of collectivity. Everything's been collected but it's used for the interest of the ruling circle. So after the things have been collected, then how can you expect for someone to have a surplus that's already been ripped off? And this

is why the Black Panther Party denounces Black capitalism and say thaI all we can do is liberate our community, not only in-Vietnam bUt here, not only in Cambodia and the People's Republic of China and Korea, but thB peoPles of the world must ~itB as one community and then transform the world into a place where peoPle will be happy, UX1rs will end, state itself will no longer exist, and we will have comm~ism. But we cannot do this right aUX1y, because we know that in sociology we say that when transformation takes place, when a structural change takes place, the result is usU4lly cultural lag. In other words, after the peoPle possess the means ofProduction we will probably nat moV' directly into communism but we wilJ linger with Revolutionary Intercommunalism until such time that we cafi wash aUX1y bourgeois thuught, until sucl time that we can UX1shaUX1yracis17 and reactionary thinking, and until sucl time that peoPle are not attached tc their nation as a peasant is attache, to the soil, until such time that peoPI. can gain their sanity and develop a cuI ture t~t is 'essentially human', tlw will serve the people instead of serv some god. You see, itwillbenecessar to do that because we cannot avoi contact with each other. We caMc avoid contact with each other becaus of the changing set of conditions. .'j because we can't, we will have to the develop a value system that will moA us function together in harmony. Tm will be necessary. So tonight, I thinkl've covered som of what I had to say. I will allow yc to talk. We will have a question af answer period. But before I do tlw I would like to deliver a messagB you. Our Minister of Information, E dridge Cleaver, asked me to peUti. you, to ask you to prepare a place /0 him because he would like to reN home. And also I would like to tha the peoples of the world for allowi our Minister of Information to resi in their liberated communities, in thE liberated territory. So, they've ac~ set the example for us, we know we have to do in order to return E ldrit Cleaver home. We have to liberate c communities. C'~ (c) Copyright by Stronghold C0r&81 dated Productions, Inc . ~970 .~