An Interpretation of the Meanings of Displacement Narratives and their Effects on the Construction of a Communitarian Organization for Peace Sacipa,

R Stella1
Bogot, Colombia, 2004

Abstract
From a cultural psychological perspective, this investigation was set out to understand not only the meaning assigned to the experience of forced displacement by eight people, men and women, but the present conditions associated with the construction of psycho-social relations of managers of Cultures of Peace in the Corporation for the Education, Desarrollo and La Paz (Cedepaz). It is a qualitative investigation based on oral history as the method in order to recover a collective memory. The results were organized analytically into two matrices: the first makes reference to the meanings related to the history of Cedepaz and the second alludes to the meanings elaborated from the experiences of forced displacement. It is concluded that the phenomenon of forced displacement is a violent act that is not only reprehensible at the political, economic and social level, but also at psycho-social level, producing individual and collective consequences in civil society. Among these consequences are the rupture of the social fabric and family structure, the loss of identity, the change of roles, and somatization. The interviewed displaced persons are social actors able to create communitarian organizations directed to the construction of better life conditions; a seedling of this construction is the Peace Culture in the middle of the war. Key words: Meanings (30170), Cultural Psychology (20005), Forced Displacement (23500), Peace Culture(37038), Communitarian Organizations (10600).

Introduction In Colombia, the armed internal confrontation generated the forced displacement and transformed it into a phenomenon of great magnitude and enormous complexity. The actors who are part of the conflict have turned the civil population into a military aim and on having submitted it to diverse forms of sociopolitical violence, have displaced a great number of peasants, forcing them to look for refuge in the urban areas, under conditions of misery, just to protect their life. The Corporation for Education, Development and Peace, Cedepaz, is a communitarian organization, which members are families displaced by violence coming from different places of the country; they are established in Altos de Cazuc, a group of neighborhoods placed in the municipality of Soacha, bordering with the city of Bogot2. On the first hand, the suffering caused by the forced displacement and the complexity of the damage produced by it on the social fabric, and, on the other hand, the fact of finding a community that has chosen for the construction of a pacific exit (a non violent solution to the situation to which they were submitted), leaded us to investigate and to direct our interventions to propitiate a psycho-social space where people could have the opportunity to give sense, to change meaning of the process of displacement to which they have been submitted in the war. In this way, in its first phase, the project was aimed to research on the meanings
1 "Peace Cultures" Project Manager, with the collaboration of the Professors Liliana Muoz, Adira Amaya y Claudia Tovar and the students Luis Felipe Barrientos, Ximena Cano, Mauricio Garzn, Anglica Gonzlez, Paula Gonzlez, Sandra Mart and Sylvia Rojas. 2 Capital of the Republic of Colombia.

associated to the experiences of displacement in people affected by this situation, and who, at the present, constitute the Cedepaz communitarian organization. Supported on the peace culture perspective understood by UNESCO (1999) as cultures of life, founded on the everyday solidarity, the active non violence, on pluralism, and on the active posture against exclusion and the structural violence, and also sharing the claim for the creation of a social movement orientated to initiate the transition of a culture of war to a peace culture. In the second phase, the project dealt with the problem-questions: how have members of Cedepaz constructed their organization? And how do members of Cedepaz Corporation understand their organization? The aims of the study, in both phases, were to contribute to restore the memory, by gathering peoples experiences in displacement situations, in a significant and contextual way, so it could help them to construct a meaningful narrative that could allow them to understand the past and to project the future. As Castao (2000) states, psychosocial and cultural aspects are the axes around any attempt of remedying hurting, rebuilding identities and social fabric, and dignifying people become possible. Most of this people are errant and anonymous and have suffered the spoliation of their lands, of their properties and of their essence as social beings. Method The study was oriented as a qualitative, systematical and in complexity research, which took the statements of Jerome Bruner (1991) about the ways to investigate with the perspective of Cultural Psychology, using the peoples oral narrative and its interpretation. The first phase consisted of interviews intended to promote life histories narrations, related to the process of the forced displacement. As Bruner (1991) did it in his study, the design of the interviews was conceived to favor the creation of meanings through narrations. That way, conditions were generated to allow persons in displacement situation to grant meaning to their experience, in a reflexive way. For this reason, interviews were put in an ethical context, where respect as a fundamental value orientated the whole. The interpretation sought to understand the meanings assigned to the experience of the displacement in the personal histories. In words of Serrano (1996) "The cultural psychologist, tries to analyze phenomena that are molded across the interpretation and self-interpretation processes constructed by means of the speech" (Serrano, 1996, p. 103). The second phase of the project consisted of a qualitative methodology of oral story, a field study which during the interviewing process, allowed the recovering of collective memory, starting from the persons memories, by means of "asking for the subjective way they lived, thought and transformed their world" (Uribe, 1992, p. 34). The work propitiated the citizen to construct a story of the text built by the organization. This is a psycho-cultural approach which convoked the narrative thought, where listening, in complicity with the other, allowed the narration about the way the organization was formed, the ways it took its vicissitudes and its feelings and meanings. The aim was to convoke the symbolic shared system, the meanings constructed from their way of living together a new common history: Cedepaz's history.

Results The results were organized in two matrices: in the first one, the narrative visible meanings were grouped where the interviewed persons reported the process of the forced displacement. In the second matrix, there was the interpretation of the meanings constructed by the persons when they told the construction process of Cedepaz, their organization. In addition, from the different statements, the reconstruction of the history of the community was written and it was published in a primer called "Cedepaz: our history". Participants The unit of analysis was intentionally conformed by eight persons in situation of displacement, members of the Cedepaz Corporation, men and women who lived in Altos de Cazuc, a neighborhood in the municipality of Soacha. Instruments In phase 1 the in-depth interview was applied with open guide-questions, in order to interpret in it the meanings associated with the experience of displacement. In phase 2 the semi-constructed interview was used to gather for the organizational history of Cedepaz. Discussion In Colombia, forced displacement constitutes a historical and recurrent phenomenon, which has been present in changes of territorial and social type, and is part of the families and populations memory (Naranjo, 2000). Social, political and economic facts were meant in the participants life histories as events that lead to multiple displacements; among these facts the lack of presence of the State in the rural zones of Colombia was identified as a situation that was meant to favor the incursion of armed groups in these zones, unprotecting and making civil population vulnerable to damage. Secondly, "the splendor of the coca" in the agro, a socioeconomic phenomenon mentioned by the interviewees, was experienced by them as the opportunity to supply their basic needs, through the work they know: the land managing. Another sociopolitical fact meant by the interviewed persons was the genocide of the political group Unin Patritica, which resulted in their loved persons death, causing many other disappearances and forced displacements. The interviewees affirmed that the conflict and the social-political facts related to it affect their development as human and civil beings; in one of them words: "this situation of violence leads one to...sufferings ... like that of the taking away ofchildren. The phenomenon of forced displacement is based on a war logic, from which violent strategies are created in order to destabilize the civil population, obliged to live in the middle of the armed conflict. As Castao, Jaramillo and Summerfield (1998) state, the current worldwide models of violent conflicts reveal that more than 90 % of all the affected ones are civilians and that the intimidation by means of frightening entire populations is used as a way of social control" (p. 73). Drug traffic, the culture of coca and genocide constitute the armed groups ways of performance, which are strategies of war meant by the interviewees as
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mechanisms used to terrify the civilians involved population. War strategies used by the armed groups generate deep tracks in civil population, affecting their integrity and dignity, forcing them to leave their land of origin and demanding them to forget and to keep silent as life mechanisms created by a logic of death. These strategies have as purpose that civil population leave their power as subjects of rights, obtaining this way the control of the territory and the increment of their power in the zone. In turn, many of these strategies are mantained after the forced displacement event, being used for the elimination of any type of social organization of resistance (Correa and Rueda, 2000). Forced displacement generates consequences of not only economic and political, but also psychosocial and cultural character in peoples life, their families and communities, due to the psychological maltreatment to which they were exposed. Camilo (2000) affirms that forced displacement phenomenon generates a series of emotional reactions such as fear, distress, sadness, uncertainty and hopelessness. Snchez and Jaramillo (1997), state that part of the emotional discomfort in displaced people comes from the loosing feelings related to the death of their loved ones and the abandon of their belongings and of their way of life they had constructed (roles, status, work). This way, some of the interviewees reported that immediately after the experience of the forced displacement, they presented somatizations that reveal affective charges expressed in their own bodies; among these manifestations strong headaches, difficulties to sleep and nourishing disorders were identified. A man affirmed: "when I was there, I was really very, very affected, as... how it is called ... as I could not sleep, could not eat and could not work". The presence of somatizations in persons affected by the phenomenon of war, and especially, forced displacement, is a fact identified not only in the interviewees but also in other populations with similar life characteristics. This is the case of the Community of Peace of the Urab chocoano members, who, affected by war, report a series of body discomforts: "I was not eating, I didnt have intentions of eating, one thinking in one thing and another, one cant feel desire to do anything", "All that was very difficult because I was going to die. I became very thin and I neither was sleeping nor was eating, it was finishing with me, I looked like a needle..." (Sacipa, 2003). Correa and Rueda (2000) affirm that a psychosocial effect of forced displacement at the individual level is the loss of identity. Every peoples name is replaced by that of "displaced, which generates a social stigmatization in which their identities are deleted; they become foreigners and intruders in a space where they did not want to come and that does not belong to them. This way, the interviewees affirmed having experienced transformations in their identity as a consequence of the abrupt and obligatory exit out from their territory and the entering to different contexts. In their text Cultural Meanings Constructed by Young Men/Women Detached from an Armed Group, Bonilla and Trivio (2002) affirm that rural young people value economic independence obtained by those who get involved with the armed groups, looking for social recognition in their culture for the fact of working at an early age. Young men and women elaborate meanings about the figure of the

soldier; they construct idealized images of them as strong, courageous and authoritarian men and/or women; such images appear, in some occasions, "as a possibility of identity construction in front of their community" (p.85). Arias and Ruiz rise that young men and women develop strong guilty feelings related to forced displacement of their families, since this displacement is experienced as a movement done by their family in order to protect them from being involved with armed groups. This psychosocial effect generates consequences upon present and future relations constructed by them not only with their pairs, but also with their family and environment. Some families in situation of displacement were forced to fragmentation: "we sent the youngest kid to a friends and brought the other one to the village", told a woman. This, combined with guilty feelings that young men and women experience because of displacement, with the entailment of some of its members in certain armed group, with the pain experienced by parents for being separated from their children, as well as the manifestations of anger by the members of the family, who diminished their tolerance in the middle of these difficult situations, are visible phenomena in the stories and demonstrate that the forced displacement causes the break down of the family fabric. By the other hand, the break down of the social nets, a psychosocial effect of war, often emerged in the stories of life as a tool of the war. Through this violent mechanism, armed groups reduce communal movements and other local organizations power, gaining control of the region by this way. An interviewed man affirmed: " there is nothing nowadays because they have killed many people of the organization; it is finished its president, that boy was killed". The feeling of multiple losses experienced by the interviewees is one of the psycho-social effects common to all the three dimensions previously mentioned: individual, familiar and communitarian. The loss of dear ones originated in the phenomenon of displacement is meant in the stories of life as a highly painful fact, and a process of grief has not been elaborated in the majority of the cases. The above mentioned personal loss experience is felt as a result of relatives assassination and/or disappearance before, during or after the displacement, as well as a result of internal separations of the families and groups of friends, as they are obliged to move out to different places. In one of the life histories, it was said: I had to abandon my children and this is very hard for anyone. And then you see them again after three months and find these boys have psychological traumas it is very hard; along their life it has been very difficult for them to recover from this. As it is not only a physical concrete space, but also a symbolic place that is constructed and reconstructed by subjects, territory implies a series of referents from which a particular way of life is constituted. The meaning of territory loss is related to the meaning given by persons in situation of displacement to motherland settling. One of the interviewees affirmed: " I like countryside, and I think better thing that can happen to anyone is to have lived in the country". In repeated occasions in their life histories, men and women, no matter how old they were, alluded to motherlands settling, through the use of expressions about nature and its elements that nowadays they yearn: " because, you know, having there all the food: yucca, banana, beans, corn, sugar, meat, coffee to
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harvest " " there was a good lake (); this lagoon was very nice; one could see very clearly and there were colored fishes..." " Even trees say goodbye ". Memories of life in the countryside oppose to reality in the interviewees current life in which has a scenery that is an unknown space and to which they do not take root: the city. Snchez and Jaramillo (1997) affirm that persons in situation of displacement must face a new culture without having any kind of preparation, which generates a cultural shock". Besides, the arrival to the receiver place implies to be situated in conditions of misery, being perceived by others as someone who is not desired and, in most cases, being stigmatized. The interviewees affirmed that, in the city, they start feeling the multiple losses involved in forced displacement, confronting what they possess at the present and what they had in the past. Besides showing nostalgic feelings about their home, the animals, the daily activities and their own knowledge and skills, in the narratives emerged a feeling of sadness because of the break of the characteristic rural cultures social fabric which differs from the social relations lived in the city since most of them are based on distrust and propitiate individualism against the community construction. The meanings about the city emerged in the histories of life constructed by the persons in situation of displacement demonstrate that it is experienced as a scenery of war. Deaths, threats and thefts, lack of work, of education, of playful spaces and of social safety are some of the characteristics to name and signify the city, a territory thought for life and in which it is still believing in and betting for in spite of its actual difficulties. In the middle of the stories crossed by the pain of the violence and tinted by the presence of physical and symbolic deaths, the persons in situation of displacement let emerge a strong love for life through their words and gestures. This love is stronger than any threat, than any weapon, than the displacement itself. In their personal histories, women and men demonstrated that they had constructed meanings of life from which they generate the necessary force to confront their new reality. The persons in situation of displacement meant family as one of the dimensions from which they construct such meanings of life affirming that family is the most important thing for them; from it and for it they find forces to continue forward. The well-being of children, the couple and the brothers or sisters, beyond being conceived as the possession of a series of material goods is meant from the fact of being alive, of being with them in the city and of maintaining joined together in order to fight as a group and to create new projects of life. The people interviewed considered Religion as another dimension from which to construct a sense of life. Religion was identified as a human aspect that crosses all peoples life, granting a divine character to it. The confidence and the faith in a supreme being is a source of hope since, from a doctrine based on love, it is faithfully believed that in spite of the facts they will never be unprotected. The interviewees, who are currently displaced, affirmed that as a result of the violence, they had to abandon their land, their material goods and their former work but they never did nor would abandon their dignity. Besides family and religion, in the histories of life an attitude of dignity was identified as another meaning of life, which is closely related to the work capacity. This constitutes

mendacity as a non- viable option, as an undesirable way of subsistence, which is radically replaced by the possibility of doing any job. In the histories of life, work is meant as beyond a mechanism through which basic needs can be covered; in turn, it is personally experienced as an opportunity for internal strengthening. Work is connoted as a commitment with their own identity nearly related to the social role that the person starts to play in the city, demonstrating besides a series of responsibilities, the ability to take charge of themselves (Snchez and Jaramillo, 1997). From the sense of life constructed by the interviewed women and men, it is possible to think that the persons in situation of displacement developed the "human capacity to face life adversities, to overcome them, and to go out as someone strengthened or even transformed" (Grotberg, 1996, p.3). The abovementioned capacity is known with the name of resilience. This was meant by people from the recognition of the violent fact, its causes and its consequences,in the first place. Secondly, it was meant by re-signifying events, the feelings and thoughts that accompanied the displacement. And thirdly, it was meant when every subject demonstrated his/her power to be involved in new activities. From the capacity of resilience reported by the interviewees, it is concluded that every day they bet on the present, remembering and learning from the past thus building a better future by this way. As a young man mentioned: "my dream is to study or to work ... but, right now I am worried about the present". Based on the interest of creating tools to conform a cultural condition of living together, the interviewees choose nonviolence as a way of life, involving all the areas of the social action and focusing on conflicts resolution, on the force of justice and on the key for transformation, all these in favor of the defense of life and human dignity. The interviewed persons, who are currently displaced, are sure that men and women are not irremediably faced as enemies, but rather that they experiment the challenge to overcome the evident unfair situation characterized by the authority of power that some have on others, from the interior of a conflict situation. They think in that kind of situations it corresponds to the oppressed ones to tackle a nonviolent action, which makes the oppressor to see his injustice and leads him to correct it (Latin-American Bishops, 1997). The subjects in situation of displacement visualize themselves just as subjects; in other words, as persons who besides being immersed in processes of socialization execute diverse actions making part of the creation of the above mentioned processes (Arendt, 1997). Such as Martnez (2001) affirms, nonviolence implies recovering the relations between force and life, exercising power by pacific means, establishing of pacts, agreements and mediations based on respect, caress and tenderness to each other as to themselves. Solidarity is a value that emerged in the personal histories just when at a rational level there would no be possibilities to continue fighting anymore, breaking down the imaginary of individuality that had became prominent from the boom of modernity. This gave a favored place to affections and to the importance of a closer knowledge between community members. The creation of communitarian organizations is a fact of solidarity aroused from the need of constructing better life conditions, bearing in mind the importance of collective work.
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Reconstructing the history of their organization with Cedepaz members made possible to interpret the meanings about how they have constructed their corporation. The first meaning found in the analysis of this history is related to the role played by the Non Governmental Organizations and voluntary persons who give support to conform themselves as an organization and who act as facilitators. In the course of the meetings summoned by these organizations, some persons in situation of displacement felt motivated to create their own organizational space with its own leaders. This way, the process of summons about the solution of basic needs, as gathering water, was initiated; rooted out man and women peasants started to join together and in successive meetings they shaped the communitarian organization called Cedepaz. The construction of the organization was taking force in a few days, thanks to the joining of its members interests who where anxious for coordination in order to increase their management possibilities, and to their leaders capacity, who gained the confidence of the corporation members. Once organized they elaborated the bylaws and legally formalized Cedepaz, making the decision to create a corporation dedicated to work and based on dignity and solidarity. In the literature there are reports showing how external organizations act like facilitators of the communitarian organizational processes. Thus, Arenas, Faur, Ramrez and Turbay (1998), affirm that external advising done by capable, sensitive, awkward persons and with a positive attitude towards human groups are a decisive element in the development and strengthening of organizations. External supports have also resulted decisive at the initial moment of the organizations, be them called upon or coming from within the group. In this respect, Smith (1996) thinks that the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is to promote the civil society in order to be capable of negotiating by itself. The persons in situation of displacement were very active in this process: they conformed the Cedepaz Board of Directors, they did the pertinent negotiations to be constituted as an organization and they started to meet systematically; all this, from this illusion: "we began to feed the idea of creating our own organizational spaces, with our own leaders..." The convoking role of the leadership, the comprehension of the need of being organized in order to receive the governmental institutions support, the fact of relying on the possibility of dialogue with them, and the perspective of giving a service to other persons who have suffered the displacement, were essential elements in the process of Cedepaz conformation. This leadership won the respect of the nascent community thanks to the patient and persevering work around their ideals and which has been meant as an engine for the work and activity of cohesion of the social bounds. Several members of Cedepaz have been characterized by having an active attitude in the organization. They are persons who mean Cedepaz as belonging to themselves, they attend to the meetings punctually, they participate in the assembly's decisions, they motivate others to wok in each one of the projects, they cooperate and collaborate with its members and they faithfully believe in the advantages of unity, constructing the communitarian organization day after day.

Movements of exit and entrance of its members have characterized the dynamics of the construction of Cedepaz organization. Even though, some difficulties have appeared between some of them. Rejecting the options of mendicity and public charity, Cedepaz members aspire to their financial recovery from work and dignity valoration. From the need of managing economic resources, the majority of its members are motivated to participate in Cedepaz as a route to settle out their precarious living conditions. They put their hopes in the approval and development of some of the productive projects to which they have dedicated a big quantity of time. For these persons, productive projects mean hope, dignity and solidarity and in their formulation the significant force of gained knowledge in their rural life is evident since several projects are referred to the labor in the countryside. Management has been a long and not very successful way, so far. They have suffered incomprehension and several rejections from State institutions in a way that some persons who had meant Cedepaz as only a route to solve their economic problems in an immediate way have lost their interest in the organization and have stopped taking part in its activities. The absence of success in the achievement of funding for the productive projects is one of Cedepaz weaknesses. As it was mentioned previously, it is a source of desertion for persons who mean the communitarian organization exclusively at this level. We were thinking that (the project) was going to be achieved ... that things were going to be quickly soon since one have needs. And its already almost two years and ... nothing; they (the institutions) make promises but dont keep them... " Confidence bounds are weak between several of its members, a fact connected with misunderstandings in the communication which moves to desertion: "and now that some people have quit, there are many evil talks that make you think that ... one says: " hey! Im collaborating here and they are gossiping". This is a currently typical limitation of the social fabric in Colombia and it is directly related to the armed conflict, which is a generator of distrust. Men and women members of Cedepaz mean their organization from a series of fortresses; they conceive it as a space for Solidarity exercising where persons in situation of displacement give and receive support. In spite of living in total economic lack they bring their social being to others with a great human force. As a man affirms: "the more help I can offer... I am a person who has nothing at all today... Welcome to all those who come, to give Cedepaz strength and spirit. This motivation generates bounds within the organization, which become a receiver community open to collaboration and accompaniment. In addition to managing economic resources in favor of its members, the corporation is also worried for strengthening the relations of vicinity that they previously had in the country, namely, solidarity, respect, dignity, tolerance and equality. As Rincn, Zafa, Ariza, and Ovieso (2000) state, the finding of common spaces and transverse topics allows for the construction of consensus and community among uncertainty, but with the clarity that there are multiple ways out away from problems. Cedepaz is also meant as a space for meeting from solidarity construction, as expressed by one of its members: "I feel satisfied when I go to a meeting (...) I like very much to go there" This is a particularly important aspect opposite to the
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pain produced by the breaking of the social bounds that people had in the country. This new space can be set up as a place for psychosocial repairment. Cedepaz means place for recognition. A man affirms: "the organization is created so they believe us, so they see we are joint we are organized... and recognized by the institutions. I think Cedepaz, today is an achievement, because constructing community is not easy. Here, and in many places, they speak about community ... and, constructing community is not easy, "community" means integration and organization". Cedepazs members, who are currently displaced, construct an organizations vision of future. Some dream about it as a rural company that makes them possible to return to their roots in a productive way taking roots again in their motherland. Others see it in a future as a growing corporation, which guarantees the improvement of its member's life conditions: "I think ... that families are restored economically, that they can, by their own means, by their own forces, to go forward; through small or big productive projects.... housing for the families part of the Corporation for the Development and the Peace will be managed. And education for young and adults is another goal we have as an organization... Their dreams go beyond their immediate needs solution. Thus they wish "that it become a very well consolidated organization, with prestige not only to the local but to the national or, even, international level; an organization with many positive results that can benefit many more people...." Reconstructing the history of the organization became an opportunity for their members to see the advantages brought by conformming a group beyond the attainment of economic resources. Remembering the advantages generated by this accomplishment, probably allowed them to increase their sense of belonging and their credibility in the process of communitarian strengthening that takes into account the economic, cultural, political and psycho-social aspects. The experience of having shared the histories of displacement with this group of women and men of diverse ages and of different zones of origin, gave place to an integral interpretation of the phenomenon of the forced displacement and to the opportunity to generate reflexive movements from which different feelings emerged and were transformed in new senses of life in the middle of a panorama that seemed to make an attempt against them. The present study bet on the construction of reflection spaces where the persons in situation of forced displacement could re-signify their experience, providing it with meanings capable of creating life in the middle of adverse stages. Through the research of the constructed meanings concerning the phenomenon of the forced displacement, this phenomenon can be contextualized in a concrete political, economic and social stage by means of recognizing the civil population not only as victims of violence, but also as social actors capable of rejecting the war mechanisms and creating their own strategies in favor of life and non-violence. Keeping in mind the previous approach, an interpretation of the forced displacement from concepts as victim and poverty becomes an exercise that is unable to recognize the complexity of this phenomenon. Having shared the life histories with the protagonist's, men and woman, of this reality created the possibility of walking together the paths the displacement situation has created in their memory. Through words, tears and smiles it was

possible to remember, to name and to re-signify the experience that gathers the situation of displacement from each one of them, initiating this situation with a violent reality that from their experience was imposed up to reach the possibility of creating life options from their own dreams. The creation of Peace Cultures is a work and a challenge that involves the capacity to mix academic and practical knowledge. The present research is an indication for this achievement, as long as the fact that men and women in situation of displacement have shared their life histories means an invitation and a need to develop a work not only at a psycho-social level, but also at interdisciplinarity since the reality of the country besides being complex, belongs to everybody.

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