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By Konstantinos GIAKOUMIS* University of New York / Tirana C.B.O.M.G.S., The University of Birmingham
“What Jeremiah will lament our woes, or what is the time that will draw away through oblivion’s current all what we were destined to live and suffer? Captures of cities, desertions of churches, sacrilege of most-holy utensils, men’s wails, 1 women’s ululations, lootings, migrations…”
When Niketas Choniates, an eye-witness to the tragic events that followed the fall of Constantinople into the hands of the Crusaders of the Fourth Crusade in April 1204, wrote this statement of lamentation, very little had he witnessed of the sufferings that the former subjects of the Byzantine Empire would experience thereafter, as a consequence of the effected political, administrative and religious changes.2 Yet, the disintegration of agrarian and urban economic structures from the eleventh c. thereafter,3 which resulted in an increasingly revolutionary attitude of the Byzantine subjects, especially during the two decades of the rule of the Angeli (1185-1204),4 eventually paved the way to the
This paper was presented in the Tenth International Congress of Greek-Oriental and African Studies held in Kryoneri, Attica in 25-28 August 2005. I thank Dr. Angeliki Lymberopoulou, Lecturer of Byzantine Studies at the Open University, UK, for reviewing my article and her valuable comments and suggestions, as well as Mr. Peter Panchy for his thoughtful observations. K. Sathas, Μεσαιωνική Βιβλιοθήκη (New York, 1972, rep.), I, p. 104. Cf. A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ‘Περὶ συνοικισμοῦ τῶν Ἰωαννίνων μετὰ τὴν Φραγκικὴν κατάκτησιν τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως’, Δελτίον Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας, III, p. 454, cited in N.G. Ziangos, Φεουδαρχική Ήπειρος και Δεσποτάτο της Ελλάδας. Συμβολή στο Νέο Ελληνισμό (Athens, 1974), p. 49 and note 5 on pp. 49-50. For these issues, see E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα για τη Μεγάλη Εκκλησία (1483-1567) (Athens, 1996), pp. 28-61, where references to further relevant literature. For the decline of economic and agrarian forces from the eleventh century thereafter, see roughly K.M. Setton “On the Importance of Land Tenure and Agrarian Taxation in the Byzantine Empire, from the Eleventh Century to the Fourth Crusade”, The American Journal of Philology 74:3 (1953), pp. 225-259 (253-259); and P Charanis, “Economic Factors in the Decline of the Byzantine Empire”, The Journal of Economic History 13:4 (1953), pp. 412-424 (418-424). In Niketas Choniates’ words “ἄλλοι ἄλλοτε καὶ πάλιν, καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ὁσάκις εἰπεῖν, ἐπανέστησαν” (there were those who revolted in one place or another, again and again, and it is not
Fourth Crusaders, who found the Byzantine subjects “almost as well prepared for the implantation of their feudal institutions as its mountainous terrain proved to be suited to the construction of their feudal castles”.5 However, both, the events of April 12-15, 1204,6 as well as those after 1204, including heavier taxation for the peasantry, augmented forced labour (angary), distribution of lands as feuds to Crusaders, strict limitations of trade favouring Latin states and, last but foremost, the onerous and detestable slave trade of Orthodox war captives by western traders,7 were so crucial as to form, in the words of Bishop Kallistos of Diokleia, the “deep disgust” and “lasting horror with which Orthodox regard the sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders”, so difficult to be realized by “Christians in the west”.8 Psychologically, the issue of slave trade poisoned irremediably the relations between the eastern and western worlds. After 1204, Byzantium’s enemies, including Christians like Catalans, Venetians and Genoese, seized increasingly Orthodox Christians for the slave market to the extent that Emperor Andronikos II (1282-1328) formally protested the Genoese practice of capturing Byzantine subjects for sale in Italy and Spain.9 Furthermore, in 1339, when the Byzantine emperor sent monk Varlaam as an ambassador to the papacy in order to negotiate possibilities of common action against the Turkish threat and of a possible union of the two Churches, he set forth a number of conditions, one of which was the liberation of all of the Orthodox slaves kept by Latins
possible to say how many times this happened) [Nicetas Choniates, De Isaacio Angelo, v. III/2, Bonn, p. 553; cited and translated in K.M. Setton “On the Importance…”, The American Journal of Philology 74:3 (1953), p. 254 and note 51]. K.M. Setton “On the Importance…”, The American Journal of Philology 74:3 (1953), p. 259. On the history of the Fourth Crusade I am hereby citing a selection of comprehensive secondary sources which use extensively both Byzantine as well as western primary sources on the issue: E. Bradford, The Story of the Fourth Crusade (New Jersey: Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1967), reviewed by E. Velde in The History Teacher 2:2 (1969), pp. 61-62; D.E. Queller, The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 1201-1204 (Philadelphia, 1977), reviewed by J. Folda in Speculum 54:3 (1979), pp. 620622 and by J. Riley-Smith in The English Historical Review 94/372 (1979), pp. 624-625; and W.B. Bartlett, An Ungodly War: The Sack of Constantinople and the Fourth Crusade (New York, 2000), reviewed by R.A: Sauers in The Journal of Military History 65:1 (2001), pp. 169-170. For a selection of primary sources, see E. Hallam (ed.), Chronicles of the Crusades: Eye-Witness Accounts of the Wars Between Christianity and Islam (London, 1989), pp. 198-245. E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα, pp. 28-61. T. Ware, The Orthodox Church (Baltimore, 1964), p. 69. For Byzantine negative literary reactions to the second crusade, see E: Jeffreys – M. Jeffreys, “The “Wild Beast from the West”: Immediate Literary Reactions in Byzantium to the Second Crusade”, in A.E. Laiou – R.P. Mottahedeh (eds.), The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World (Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2001), pp. 101-116; cf. p. 117. The issue of slaves and slave trade after 1204 was treated in D.J. Constantelos, Poverty, Society and Philanthropy in the Late Medieval Greek World, (New Rochelle, NY, 1992), pp. 103-114, reviewed by T.S. Miller in Speculum 69:4 (1994) pp. 1143-1145 (1144).
Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical…
and the virtual abolition of slave trade.10 In the eyes of the Orthodox, the issue of trading slaves captured by Catholic Christians and sold to Catholic Christians must have been felt at least as onerous as the trade of slaves captured by Turks and sold to Cretan Orthodox Greeks.11 The Orthodox Church, who retained her authority and influence over the Byzantine people, was another principal factor determining the relations between the Orthodox and the Roman-Catholic worlds. Beyond dogmatic and liturgical disagreements,12 there further were deep contradictions related to the daily role of the clergy. While clerical participation in military campaigns was forbidden by the Orthodox Church, the existence of Latin priest-soldiers in the ranks of the Crusader armies,13 who could hold lances and shields and also prepare the Holy Communion, shocked the Orthodox Christians.14 In addition, since 1204 the Latins, after abolishing the Patriarchate of Constantinople, continued to displace the Orthodox ecclesiastical administration from the lands they conquered. Metropolitans and bishops were not accepted in those regions and only lower members of the clergy could remain. Yet, their ordination was impossible within the occupied territories and candidates for priesthood had to travel to the zones of an Orthodox prelate where they were ordained and sent back to their parishes, such as priests from Venetian-occupied Crete, who were obliged to travel as far as Methoni to get ordained. Last, but not least, a considerable part of the church properties was confiscated,15 while the economic decline of the Byzantine Empire from the 11th to the 13th c.16 and, after 1204, “the decrease in population, economic indigence, and lack of new endowments contributed to the decline of monasticism’s social functions”17 to the extent that organized charitable activities became almost impossible.
14 15 16 17
E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα, pp. 28-61. For the treatment of slaves in 14th and 15th century Europe, see the useful case-study of I. Origo, “The Domestic Enemy: The Eastern Slaves in Tuscany in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries”, Speculum 30:3 (1995), pp. 321-366. For this issue, see A.M. Stahl (ed.), The Documents of Angelo de Cartura and Donato Fontanella. Venetian Notaries in Fourteenth Century Crete, (Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2000), passim; this phenomenon was kindly brought to my attention by Dr. A. Lymberopoulou. For these differences set in their historical context, I cite two basic sources: A. Papadakis, The Christian East and the Rise of the Papacy. The Church (1071-1453 A.D.) (Crestwood-New York: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1994); T. Ware, Eustratios Argenti: A study of the Greek Church under Turkish Rule (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964); and T.M. Kolbaba, “Byzantine Perceptions of Latin Religious “Errors”: Themes and Changes from 850 to 1350”, in A.E. Laiou – R.P. Mottahedeh (eds.), The Crusades, pp. 117143. See, for example, the scene from the Bayeux Tapestry interpretation of the Battle of Hastings (1066). On the extreme left is Bishop Odo, wearing what may be a hauberk of scale armour and carrying a mace of cudgel form, while on the extreme right, William of Normandy raises his helmet by its nasal (D. Edge D. – J.M. Paddock, Arms and Armour of the Medieval Knight, [London, 1988], p. 31). E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα, pp. 31-32. E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα, pp. 28-61. See note 3. D. Constantelos, Poverty, pp. 88-89.
Sensibly, the inhabitants of several non-Venetian-dominated cities and villages under the guidance of Orthodox prelates or monks gradually adopted an intense hostile attitude towards the Roman-Catholic world, which, later, paved the way to the Ottoman occupation of the Balkans.18 Yet, we are still unaware of the popular feelings of Orthodox Christians towards western Christianity in Venetian-dominated territories.19 Lying between East and West, Epiros20 were among the remotest provinces of the Balkans. Their limited natural resources, inaccessible shores, swampy plains and compact mountain-chains cut them off from most of the arterial roads of the Balkan Peninsula and made them a province of secondary importance. It was only the Ionian Islands, the Epirotic ports and the Otranto straits that were Epiros’ constant bridgehead towards the Apennine peninsula. For, when a Balkan state assumed power, it attempted unceasingly to control the Epirotic coasts in order to keep an eye on the opposite shore. Correspondingly, whenever a great power rose in the Italian peninsula, it felt the urge to take control of the passages and the opposite coasts. Access to the Balkan centres was chiefly made possible by the Via Egnatia,21 whose major ports in the Adriatic, Durrës and Vlorë, were among the most important cities of Epiros. Thus, the provinces of Epiros were before all a border district of great strategic importance, whose population’s favour must have been a distinct policy of both eastern and western powers. This paper aims at penetrating into the nebulous relations of Epiros with the Latin West after 1204. In so doing, I shall take into consideration representations of Latin soldiers, in general, and Crusaders, in particular, in ecclesiastical paintings of two late Byzantine churches and several early post-Byzantine churches and catholica. In late Byzantine paintings, Crusaders are identified in the soldiers from the scene of the Marys at the Tomb in the frescoes of the Church of St. George at Dhivër, Sarandë (S. Albania, last quarter of the 13th c.), in the scene of Christ’s Betrayal by Judas in the church of the
See note 12. Dr. A. Lymberopoulou informed me that in an upcoming article of hers at The Warburg Journal she takes a different line of arguing on this issue using cases from Crete. Sharon Gerstel has attributed certain distinctive elements of Frankish influence in the monumental decoration of medieval Morea to an ‘artistic symbiosis’ which ‘places Morea in the midst of a number of Mediterranean locations where indigenous populations were confronted by Crusader overlords and where hybrid art forms arose from the interaction of two, and perhaps more, cultures’ (S.E.J. Gerstel, “Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea”, in A.E. Laiou – R.P. Mottahedeh (eds.), The Crusades, pp. 263-285 [264, 280]). With respect to the geography and climate of Epiros, aside from personal observations, I have also referred to: M. Arapoglou, “Ο συµβολισµός του χώρου”, Ηπειρωτικό Ηµερολόγιο 15-16 (1993-94), pp. 44-52; P. Halstead, “Μεσογειακή ορεινή οικονοµία στην Πίνδο· µετακινήσεις ανάµεσα στο παρόν και το παρελθόν”, in Η επαρχία Κόνιτσας στο χώρο και το χρόνο (Κόνιτσα, 1996), pp. 63-64; M. Kiel, Ottoman Architecture in Albania 1385 - 1912 (Istanbul, 1990), p. 14 and V. Psimouli, Σούλι και Σουλιώτες (Athens, 1998), pp. 19-21, where additional literature. The term in its use in this article is irrelevant to the political connotations given to it at the end of the 19th century and most parts of the 20th century. In our times, the regions of Epiros are situated in both Greece and Albania. For the most recent study with respect to the via Egnatia in Ottoman times see: E. Zachariadou (ed.), The Via Egnatia under Ottoman Rule, 1380-1699 (Rethymnon, 1996).
George at Dhivër is situated on the foot of a limestone cliff. along with his wife and children’]. George at Dhivër and correlating seeming similarities of late-Byzantine and early post-Byzantine examples from Epiros and beyond.) . the most inaccessible among them. Pursuing iconological and perceptive methods of art historical inquiry in one particular case-study. Isidore priest. on the Isle of Ioannina. like Epiros. I will endeavour to trace the beginning and the gradual fading of “hostile” and anti-western visual statements in Epiros. 1369). where an altar base of rock decorated with overlaid 13th c. The middle part bears a carved altar in the eastern side. the naos of Eleousa Monastery (third quarter of 16th c. while the lower one: «…ΝΟΣ …Ν ΑΓΙΑΝ …» [‘……saint……’]. built parts: the narthex to the North. To the East no walls were built and the altar was carved in the rocky front of the cavern. approachable only by a narrow path carved on the stone. The cave-church of St. as well as in scenes related to Christ’s Passion and to several martyrdoms of saints in the narthex of the catholicon of Philanthropenon Monastery (1560). the naos of the Diliou Monastery (1542/3). the last quarter of 5 . a certain priest named Isidore. Considering that in some of these caves were found traces of fresco paintings. who appears to have had the means to sponsor such an undertaking. Two of them are displayed in the narthex and are written the one on the top of the other and divided by a red line on the lintel of the entrance to the naos. The upper one reads: «…[Ἀ]ΝΟΙΚΟΔΟ[ΜΗΣΕΝ] …» [‘…rebuilt…’]. Three inscriptions were located in the church. supportive wall ascends.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Nativity of the Virgin on the island of Maligrad (W. I shall attempt to unveil the dark and base memories left over by Crusaders and other Latin armies and to weave the historical stage that shaped collective memory in peripheral regions. The walls of the hermitage are based on a rocky platform. monuments in modern day Albania. twenty feet above the base of the cliff. Kosmas and Damian in the Parabema). in which some extensive caverns have been formed partly naturally. The walls cover mostly the western part of the chapel and to a lesser extent its narrow northern and southern sides. One of these caves. has been fitted up as a chapel built on a protrusion of the rock. the third inscription is placed below the scene of Christ the Saviour: «∆ΕΗΣΙΣ ΤΟΥ ∆ΟΥΛΟΥ ΣΟΥ ΙΣΙ∆ΟΡΟΥ ΙΕΡΕ Σ ΣΥµΒΙΟΥ Κ(ΑΙ) ΠΑΙ∆ Ν ΑΥΤΟΥ» [‘Prayer of your servant. Last but not least. Albania. were transmuted to hermitages of anchorite monks. as well as several other 16th and 17th c. During the Byzantine period. The internal space of the chapel is articulated in three distinct. it is sensible to suggest that these caves once constituted a wider monastic cell. marble entablature spolia. on which a slanting. All three parts of the monument are painted with frescoes made in three pictorial phases dated to the 11th (Sts. the naos in the middle and a cramped shrine to the South. the Marys at the Tomb in the church of St. The last inscription refers to the patron of the frescoes. placed to a higher plane. Finally. partly artificially.
St.). 6 . Chatzidakis. or St. however. 76] and Nikolaos [fig. is with the similar scene at the church of the Virgin Mavriotissa in Kastoria dated to the beginning of the 13th century [M.22 and the last quarter of the 14th c. 56-57]. Nikolaos Diarosite (M. fig. the Ascension and David to the 17th century.]. Popa “Piktura e shpellave eremite në Shqipëri [Resumé: La peinture des grottes d’ ermites en Albanie]”. 71 and p. etc. pp. Acheimastou-Potamianou. cit. 61 on p. Kastoria. cit. I do not revere any of the saints that are there because I do not 22 23 24 Apart from arguments to be developed in dealing with the scene of the Marys at the Tomb. Βυζαντινές Τοιχογραφίες [Athens. the scene’s arrangement and the bier’s cover decorated with rhombuses (M. 88-89. op. Theofan Popa mistakenly dated the chapel in four pictorial phases: I. Nikolaos of Kasnitze (1160-1180) in terms of the Virgin’s rightward time on the bier. Sts. Archaic rendering is also followed in the representation of the conch’s hierarchs. Νάξος (Athens. Even though images shape visual memory of how the past looked like. The Marys at the Tomb. For the dating of this third pictorial phase I am based on similarities between the portrait of the female of the donor in our church with that of Kalia in the church of the Nativity of the Virgin on the island of Maligrad. from the historical cycle.. Lagoudera. cit. The Archangels Michael. 226-227). Cypru dating 1192 (M. 102-103. III. op. Daniel the stylite. 16 on p. raised by the Byzantine emperor's confessor. Pelekanidis – M. Studime Historike 3 .24 Studying the iconographic programmes of ecclesiastical monuments provides several hints to understand a past. cit. 6. Vlasios [fig. 75-77 on pp. fig. 230 and S. fig. Acheimastou-Potamianou. George and Christ in the type of the “Eldest of Days” to later than the 17th century (Th. Anargyroi church. to using a Latin-rite church for Orthodox services during the Council of Ferrara (1438) as follows: “When I enter a Latin church. 13-14 on p. 88 and pp. George. pp. Similarly limited is the number of full-length saints. visions of saints. AcheimastouPotamianou. Nikolaos. 1994] fig. an interpretation of a religious event. op. II. 63 and pp. in the second half of the 10th century [op. with several saints of the church of St. the Baptism. and with saints placed in medallions in the church of the Virgin Arakos. Chatzidakis. George and Demetrius). the iconographic programme is limited to only a few Christological scenes very basic from a theological viewpoint. 1999). whose creators were mostly bearers of a rich oral culture who however left only few written records. the Dodekaorton cycle. 66-79) and in particular with Sts. Acheimastou-Potamianou. pp. Due to the spatial limitations of cave-churches. 220 and S. Sylvester Syropoulos records an objection. The Byzantines in their writings show themselves to be fully aware of the power of image to keep memories alive and interpret the past in a way that texts didn’t (i. the use of image as exegesis changed over time. Pelekanidis – M. such as the Annunciation. The naos’ Dormition of the Virgin and Sts. 63-83]. (remaining scenes from shrine/parabema. Acheimastou-Potamianou. 50-65). 20). 43 on p. op. Chatzedakis. on p. while the overall scene’s arrangement resembles with that of the Virgin at Assinou (1105-1106) [M. The narthex’s Dormition of the Virgin [mistaken identification] to the end of the 9th century. 71] dating in the middle of the 11th century. literally meaning ‘leading out’. and the Transfiguration.. fig. “Άγιος Γεώργιος ο ∆ιασορίτης”. Nikolaos and Demetrios to the 15th c. Every image in ecclesiastical paintings is an exegesis. The iconographic programme follows the established patterns of fresco decoration in cave-churches. The most remarkable resemblance. Gregory Melissenos.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS the 13th c. dating 1368/9.. the Crucifixion and the Descent to Limbo. whose linearity is reminiscent of the hierarchs of the apse of the Sts.. (narthex) respectively23. all dating to the first pictorial phase of the church. the Dormition of the Virgin in our chapel bears similarities with the same scene in the church of St. fig. 27 on pp. IV. in M. Καστοριά. cit.e.
John 19:40-20:18]. part of the decoration on the Gross-Comburg chandelier. 45. p. 15:44-16. as often images condition the way we hear names (i. below which a sarcophagus with an open top contains Jesus’ cerement. in the ‘Marys at the Tomb’. one of which is of great interest for our ends..e. D. cf. 1988). bottom right figure on p. The panoply of the soldiers presents realistically explicit features of Latin knights’ panoplies that also provide a terminus for the dating of our frescoes. Mk. George at Dhivër. Op. On the northern wall of the naos of St. clothing. ca. cit. The subject renders visually Mathew’s description of the meeting of the two Marys with the angel at the Sepulchre. At the left of the sarcophagus. Since at the time when our frescoes were made (last quarter of the 13th c. two standing female figures.. Arms and Armour of the Medieval Knight (London. At their left. As will be shown. the Virgin Hodeghetria) and feel. whose sides taper slightly towards the base. such as in a stone relief dated ca.27 A cylindrical helm is worn by five soldiers over the coif. and not anything that I see there. The Art of the Byzantine Empire. similar examples can be traced in the first half of the 12th c. Mango. in the second zone of frescoes. 27:5928:15. but also envisages links between this past and the period’s present. as in the helmets of the knights of Macchabees’ Battle in the Bible of Rhodes. can be identified from the lower parts of their mantles. The body armour consists firstly and foremost of a scale hauberk with an integral coif. 1986). At the top right corner appears an empty cave. I may recognize Christ. 23:53-24:7. while no written account of the ‘Marys at the Tomb’ records minutiae details. At the most.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… recognize any of them. At the bottom right corner seven custody soldiers in full panoply appear to be petrified out of terror for the angel’s appearance and the removal of the Sepulchre’s stone.M. 7 . there are two scenes. 312-1453: Sources and Documents (Toronto: University of Toronto Press. turning away from the sarcophagus out of fear.) there was no living eye-witness memory of the biblical event. Lk. fig on p. since I do not know in what terms he is inscribed. 1128. the representation of the soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody manipulates visual memory of the distant past to condemn a newly-created visual memory of the very recent present. and the appearance of the custody. the rendering of such details relies on the initiative of the artist or its patron. Paddock. 25 26 27 C. from Angoulême Cathedral (with an integral coif)26 and in a metal relief of a knight. 254. It concerns the representation of the Marys at the Tomb in the western part of the wall.”25 Hence. a standing angel points at the sarcophagus with his right index finger. alternatively known as ‘Rejoice’ [Mt. 48. but I do not revere Him either. Gregory Melissenos could have no devotional experience without the identification of the depicted figure or its inscription. The picture’s left part is entirely damaged and only its right is preserved in relatively decent condition. Any given image not only constructs or reconstructs visually the biblical past. such as the angel’s physiognomy. So I make the sign of the cross and I revere this sign that I have made myself. 1140 (without a coif). Edge – J.
However. 46. fig. ca. cit. probably best exemplified in a relief from the tomb of Gulielmo Beradi. in my view. in op. These are similar to late 12th c.32 while their upper edge is almost straight. The legs of our soldiers are covered by chausses made of full mail stocking gartered at the knee. In conjunction with this the profile of the shield became less convex and took on a triangular shape. The soldiers of the custody are also equipped with shields and lances. cit. cit. Their form resembles 13th c. See for example an initial from the Winchester Bible. do not point to a singular prototype. 46. rather short and decorated with straight or undulating. it was shortened and the top of the shield lost its very prominent curve. Op. rather than 12th c.. figure on p. 1207. modifications of the shield’s size and form from large with a rounded profile to the upper edge. Having shown the realistic similarities of the soldiers of the custody with Latin knights. I did not manage to take into consideration the English ‘Psalter of St. ca. to straighter and shorter.34 The lance appears to be the sole weapon of these knights. For this. but rather to various parts of a knight’s panoply dating from the second half of the 12th c. 1170 in op. 8 .29 while in our case a nasal bar is also fitted. p. p. cit. ca. Op. Op.. “throughout the 12th c.. figure on p. 44. 1200. the skull of the helm became rounded rather than pointed. as this would have impeded one’s grip of a weapon. until the 1250s the shield was still moderately large” and it was only “within the next 20 years that the shield became smaller and its sides convex”. in the church of Santa Annunziata. 45. the knight had used the kite-shaped shield to the virtual exclusion of all other types. However. cit.. lances. Louis’. cit. since their heads are comparatively smaller as their profile more sharply pointed and consequently more penetrative. rather than conical.. it becomes evident that the image as exegesis is not necessarily an objective. at the beginning of the 13th c. a phenomenon observed in armours from the last decades of the 12th c..KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS dating late 10th or 11th c. 29..33 According to David Edge and John Miles Paddock.. similar to some church effigies and sculptural monuments dating from the early part of the 13th c. cit. 46 with those in a panel from the Silver Shrine of Charlemagne in Aachen Cathedral. as the most likely dating of the frescoes of the second phase. vertical or horizontal strips coloured alternatively in red and white.35 All of the aforementioned elements. Op.31 yet not covering the palms and wrists. to 1270s. This is among the reasons why I have suggested the last quarter of the 13th c. 55. p. compare the lances represented in the initial from the Winchester Bible.28 while its top is delicately domed. on p.. 1289. examples. modifications that took place in the second half of the 12th c. cit. Florence and dated ca. 1170 in op. ca. or 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 Op. This form pertains to late 12th c. figure on p. The shields are triangular.30 They also bear long sleeves of the scaled hauberk. p. resembling examples from the late 12th and 13th c... cit. 62. cit. Op. Op. as after the middle of the 12th c.
Second sticheron of the Lauds. pp. Sunday Matins. Matins of the Myrrh-Bearers. ἀορασίᾳ πατάξας. Fourth sticheron anatolikon of the Lauds. This assumption is reinforced by both hymnographical and hagiographical evidence. First sticheron of the Lauds. XV-XIV and V (1949). A History of the Holy Eastern Church. it is comprehensible that in the evangelical excerpt [Mt. pp. soldiers guarded 36 37 38 I followed the standard Greek version of the Parakletike. but it could be tailored to suit beliefs of the present.. Second sticheron anatolikon of the Lauds. therefore.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… neutral interpretation (otherwise the soldiers would present Roman or the very common Byzantine features). Neale. if they upheld the fiction that Jesus’ disciples seemingly stole His body overnight. Fourth troparion of the Myrrh-Bearers in Sound 2. Fourth troparion of the Myrrh-Bearers in Sound 2. they later accepted a bribe by Jewish prelates and elders. Sound 6. and E. Sound 6. J. Third sticheron anatolikon.W. in collective beliefs must have been condemned to Hell alike other disclaimers of faith. while the combination of the scene with the one to its right (the Descent to Limbo) is very common.B. Sound 1. καὶ σφραγὶς ἐν τῷ λίθῳ ἐπέκειτο· ὡς βασιλέα ὑπνοῦντα. 887 ff. which was standardized in its current version as early as the 8th century. Matins of the Myrrh-Bearers. C. pp. Sound 1. LVII-LXX.37 In one occasion the soldiers are portrayed as if they had not eye-witnessed the Resurrection. Sound 2. the soldiers of the custody were certainly considered as deniers of the divine nature of Christ and. A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography (Oxford. contrary to the Jews. Sunday Matins. 1871). Sunday Matins. L’Église Byzantine de 527 à 847 (Paris. Second sticheron of the Lauds.M. and the stone was sealed. in the Matins of Sunday. ἀνέστη ὁ Κύριος” [(While) Life laid in the Tomb. Matins of the Myrrh-Bearers. Sunday Matins. Moreover. Sunday Matins. For the compilation of the Parakletike. XI-XX. Ode VII. Sound 8. 1905). Sound 5. Sound 5. “The Hymns of the Ochtoechos”. The liturgical hymnographers36 treat the soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody in dissimilar ways. First kathisma following the first stichologia. Transcripta III (1940). part I. Wellesz. Sunday Matins.38 Yet. Sunday Matins. the placement of two of the soldiers outside the scene’s red frame and closer to the personified Limbo can promote multiple layers of interpretation. 28:11-15] the soldiers of the custody are portrayed negatively: having eye-witnessed Christ’s Resurrection notwithstanding. the soldiers of the custody are literally called “enemies of Christ”: “Ἡ ζωὴ ἐν τῷ τάφῳ ἀνέκειτο.J. Second kathisma following the first stichologia. στρατιῶται ἐφύλαττον Χριστόν· καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτοῦ. Sunday Matins. General Introduction. Sound 2. Fourth sticheron of the Lauds. Sunday Matins.M. yet in a non-negative way. 1971). Having denied to profess Christ’s Resurrection. The Apolytikion of Sound 6. the Synaxarion of Easter Sunday. Using perceptive and iconographic methods of art historical enquiry. Ode VIII. Sound 3.2 (London. in the first kathisma following the second stichologia. 9 . M. In most cases the soldiers are presented as eye-witnesses of Christ’s Resurrection. pp. Tillyard. Matthew even states that this fiction was thenceforth upheld by the Jews to deny Christ’s Resurrection. Sound 5. Sound 5. Paranikas. Fifth troparion of the Myrrh-Bearers in Sound 2. H. Pargoire. Ode VII. 1850). see J. Fourth sticheron anatolikon of the Lauds. who also promised to support them before the local ruler. Saturday Vespers. Anthologia Graeca Carminorum Christianorum (Leipzig.
Σήμερον προῆλθε τοῦ μνήματος. verses 11-15]. μείζονος ἡμᾶς θαύματος ἤξιώσατε. Amphilochios of Ikonion. Ὄντως παράνομοι. There is no literary context allowing for a different interpretation as to who are Christ’s enemies. v. verses 11-17. Καὶ ἐλθόντων τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀπαγγειλάντων πάντα τὰ γενόμενα εἶπον αὐτοῖς· «εἴπατε. in wider context. καταλιπὼν καὶ ἐν τῷ τάφῳ τὰ ἐντάφια αὐτοῦ. καὶ διὰ δόσιν ἀργυρίου πείθουσι τοὺς στατιώτας. Thessaloniki. καὶ τῷ γένει τῶν ἀνθρώπων. clearly indicated a common belief that they were deniers of the Resurrection. Thessaloniki. and. while not naming the custody soldiers as Christ’s enemies. St. Έλληνες Πατέρες της Εκκλησίας.39 In his XC homily.41 To various degrees the custody soldiers were also negatively treated by other 4th c. Cyril of Jerusalem. ὁ τὸν θάνατον πατήσας. ιδ. p. τῶν δὲ γυναικῶν τὸ στεῤῥὸν τῆς πίστεως. v. πολλῷ μᾶλλον παρὰ τούτοις. τὸν δῆμον τὸν Ἰουδαϊκόν. like St. but also more money-thirsty than Judas: “Do you realize that all of them were corrupted? (Pontius) Pilate? For he was convinced. Οἱ τότε μὲν στρατιῶται ἀργυρίῳ 10 . “Ὁρᾷς πάντας διεφθαρμένους. in Έργα.” [John Chrysostome (1979). πῶς οὐ διέῤῥηξε τὰς σφραγίδας. 12. after blinding his enemies. Ἔχουσι τὴν γνώσιν οἱ φύλακες. John Chrysostome. in Έργα. compare also with the Fourth Sticheron Anatolikon of the Sound 5 Sunday Matins’ Lauds in Sound 2: “Ὄρθρος Κυριακῆς. This interpretation is in line with patristic evidence which. Ἐσφράγισαν μὲν οὖν ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι διὰ Πιλάτου τὸν τάφον. καὶ γυναῖκες αὐτοπτοῦσι. Έλληνες Πατέρες της Εκκλησίας.42 St.40 portrays them not only to be more corrupt than the Jewish people and Pontius Pilate. 392. ὅτι ἡμῶν κοιμωμένων.” Chrysostome maintains that the earthquake during the Crucifixion took place only for the sake of soldiers: John Chrysostome (1979). λέγει· «γυναῖκες ἐρχόμεναι ἀπὸ θέας. ἡμῶν κοιμωμένων»· καλῶς ἄρα καὶ τοῦτο ὡς ἐξ αὐτῶν προεῖπεν Ἠσαΐας· «ἀλλὰ λέγετε ἡμῖν καὶ ἀναγγέλλετε ἡμῖν ἑτέραν πλάνησιν». τὸν Πιλᾶτον. ‘Homily XC’. αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐπείσθη· τοὺς στρατιώτας. cf. ἀλλ’ οὐ πείθουσι τοὺς νῦν βασιλεῖς. Δεῦτε ἴδετε Ἰουδαῖοι. Αὐτὸς ἀνέστη αὐτεξουσίως ὡς Θεός. μάλιστα δὲ καὶ γυμνόν. the Lord rose]. Εἰ γὰρ παρὰ τῷ μαθητῇ τοσαύτην ἐπεδείξαντο τὴν ἰσχύν. 12. If money was so tempting for the disciple (= Judas). The soldiers? The Jewish people? Do not wonder how money corrupted the soldiers. Δ΄ Στιχηρὸν Ἀνατολικόν. Ἐγήγερται ὁ ἀναστὰς. σφραγίσαντες τὸν λίθον. ἤλθον οἱ μαθηταί. after emphasizing in how many ways the soldiers experienced the divine nature of Christ. Καὶ τίς κλέπτει νεκρόν. καὶ τὸ μέγα ἔλεος. 398. Ἀλλὰ μὴ θαυμάσῃς εἰ χρήματα στρατιωτῶν περιεγένετο. Ἦχος β΄. “ἔχουσι γνώσιν οἱ φύλακες” (the guards know).KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS Christ as a sleeping king. Church Fathers. καὶ ἔκλεψαν αὐτόν. any silenced knowledge. καὶ ἔλεγον· Εἴπατε. δεῦτε· οὐ γὰρ λαός ἐστιν ἔχων σύνεσιν»· ἀρχιερεῖς ἀσυνετοῦσι. ‘Homily XC’. ὅτι οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ νυκτὸς ἐλθόντες ἔκλεψαν αὐτόν. how much more would it be for them (the soldiers)?”. Κατήχησις Φωτιζομένων ΙΔ΄. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ἐθεάσαντο τὸν ἀναστάντα· καὶ γινώσκων Ἠσαΐας ἀρχιερέων μὲν τὸ εὐτελὲς. τὴν ἀτελεύτητον ζωὴν δωρούμενος. p.43 Eusebios of Emesa44 and 39 40 41 42 It is interesting to relate that in modern Greek there is still in use an expression relating the custody soldiers with the silenced knowledge of the Resurrection and.
Βιβλιοθήκη Ελλήνων Πατέρων και Εκκλησιαστικών Συγγραφέων. first part. 1994). οἱ δὲ νῦν βασιλεῖς δι’ εὐσέβειαν ἀργυρένδυτον καὶ χρυσοκόλλητον τὴν ἁγίαν Ἐκκλησίαν ταύτην…… «Κἄν ἀκουσθῇ τοῦτο ἐπὶ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος. See K. [ed. p. 92]. οὐ ἐμποδίζεται ταῖς σφραγῖσιν. 1968). [Papachristopoulos K. 209. Τὶς ἤκουσεν τελευτὴν ἀμφιβαλλομένην καὶ δέος ἐμποιοῦσαν τοῖς ἐργασαμένοις. καὶ ταύτην κρύπτοντες διὰ τὸ ἀργύριον. Kounavi (ed.G. 306 (section 149). they silenced in a profound way and spread rumours of what had not happened]. Κυρίλλου τοῦ Ἱεροσολύμων ἅπαντα τὰ ἔργα: Κατηχήσεις Φωτιζομένων (ΙΓ΄-ΙΗ΄) Μυσταγωγικαί. 2. Νεµέσιος Εµέσης (Athens. οὗτοι δὲ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἰδόντες. Ἀλλ’ ἐκείνοις μὲν ἐπῆλθεν ἡ καταδίκη παρὰ Ἠρώδου· ἀπολογήσασθαι γὰρ οὐχ εὔρισκον ἐξ ἀγνοίας. Thessaloniki. 72 (Athens. ἡμεῖς πείσομεν αὐτόν»· καὶ εἰ ἐκείνους πείθετε. 91 (134-136)]. enjoins the faithful to “hate Christ’s 43 44 45 προδεδώκασιν τὴν ἀλήθειαν. while the soldiers ‘after accepting a considerable bribe’. Μὴ κάμῃς ἀνόνητα.Ἀστέριος Ἀμασείας. St. Οὐδὲν τῆς ἀγαθότητος ἀπωνάμενοι ἐγκλείουσι τάφῳ ὅν οὐδὲν τῶν ὄντων χωρεῖ καὶ σήμαντρα ἐπιτιθέασι ἡμῖν τὴν σωτηρίαν φυλάττοντες καὶ δεδιότες τὴν ἀνάστασιν στρατιώτας φύλακας ἐφιστῶσι τῷ μνήματι. Ακάκιος Καισαρείας. τὴν οἰκουμένην οὐ πείθετε· διατὶ γάρ. v. Bonis.] (1994). Αέτιος Άντιοχείας. ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχιερέων διεσώζοντο· ἀλλ’ ὀλίγοι μὲν ἐπείσθησαν Ἰουδαίων τότε. having ‘announced the archpriests’ what they saw. The link between Judas and the soldiers is also evident in the commentaries of Apolinarios of Laodikeia: “Καὶ Ἰούδας μὲν άργυρίων προδίδωσι τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐπιλαθόμενος ὧν εἶδεν σημείων. 11 . 71. Ευνόµιος Κυζίκου. οὐ κλέπτεται χρήμασιν. Λούκιος Αλεξανδρείας. ……… παῦσαι τὴν πηγὴν τῆς ζωῆς προσχῶσαι φιλονεικῶν· παῦσαι τοῖς ἄρχουσι ἐνοχλῶν καὶ περὶ φρουρᾶς διαλεγόμενος· παῦσαι τὸ ψεῦδος ὠνούμενος καὶ τοὺς πολίτας κινῶν. Μᾶλλον δὲ τὶς εἶδε νεκρὸν πολεμούμενον. Ευνόµιος Βεροίης.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Apollinarios of Laodikeia. ὥσπερ τοῦ Πέτρου ἐξελθόντος ἐκ τῆς φυλακῆς οἱ φύλακες κατεδικάζοντο. Papachristopoulos – G. ὁ κόσμος δὲ ὑπήκουσεν· οἱ κρύψαντες τὴν ἀλήθειαν κατεκρύφθησαν. p. K. Ευδόξιος Κ/πόλεως. μὴ κατὰ Θεοῦ φαντάζου τὴν νίκην. καὶ οἱ καταδεξάμενοι ταύτην ἀνεφάνησαν δυνάμει τοῦ Σωτήρος… [Meretakis E. 90. Ἀμφιλόχιος Ἰκονίου . οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται «ἀργύρια ἰκανὰ λαβόντες». μὴ παρακοιμίσῃς τὸν ὄχλον τῷ μνήματι. Τὶς εἶδε νεκρὸν φυλαττόμενον. to whom we should probably attribute the authorship of the first kathisma in Sound 5 following the second stichologia of Sunday’s Matins in Sound 5. οὕτω καὶ οἱ τὸν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τηροῦντες οὐ κατεδικάσθησαν. Περί την Αρειανικήν Έριν:Αστέριος σοφιστής. v. μὴ θαῤῥήσῃς τοῖς ὅπλοις. John of Damascus. Λόγος Ε΄ τῷ Ἁγίῳ Σαββάτῳ ὑπὸ Ἀμφιλοχίου Ἰκονίου.).P. Ὅπλοις ἀνάστασις οὐ κωλύεται. μὴ εἰς ἀσέβειαν ἀναλώσῃς τὰ σά. p. (1992). but not least.45 Last. Βιβλιοθήκη Ελλήνων Πατέρων και Εκκλησιαστικών Συγγραφέων. οὐκ εἴργεται στρατιώταις. Ευσέβιος Εµέσης. μὴ δῷς μισθὸν στρατιώταις ἕτερα ἀνθ’ ἑτέρων εἰπεῖν. p. εἰρήκασι δὲ τὰ μὴ γενόμενα” [Judas betrayed Jesus for money putting aside all of the miracles that he witnessed. Απολινάριος Λαοδικείας. ἅ μὲν ἰδόντες «προαπήγγειλαν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι» τεράστια ἐσιώπησαν. v. ……… Περίμεινον [ὦ Ἰουδαῖε] τὴν τρίτην ἡμέραν καὶ ὄψῃ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μανίας τὸν ἔλεγχον.
47 Indeed. in Ιωάννου του Δαμασκηνού Άπαντα τα Έργα. death put to death. Πᾶς ὅστις οὐχ ὁμολογεῖ τὸν Χριστὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ Κύριον. is personified in the form of an unkempt. Limbo or Hades (Devil). Virgin Mother of God.htm> accessed in 11 March. Ziangos. (1991). Φεουδαρχική. in the adjacent subject of the Descent to Limbo. In no other place has the artist repeated this transgression. This been shown. 1989). see N. For a brief account of the Byzantine-Norman wars. E. both Latin knights and the soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody. Since the coupling of Marys at the Tomb with the Descent to Limbo is quite common in Byzantine paitnings. 9. First. 33-36. 12 . Glory to you’ [Ephrem Archimandrite. Death. ἀντίχριστός ἐστιν [Sakalis I. Check. Pursuing iconological methods of inquiry. Hallam (ed. this argument is raised precisely because the soldiers transcend the pictorial frame of their scene approaching the adjacent scene.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS enemies”. Christ tramples down Death. in <http://web.ukonline.49 In provincial. Chronicles of the Crusades: Eye-Witness Accounts of the Wars Between Christianity and Islam (London. p. I can roughly cite a Theotokion following Sunday’s Lauds ‘You are most blessed. this suggestion is reinforced by the approaching of the soldiers with the Limbo/Hades represented in the next scene by their depiction outside the pictorial frame of their scene. ‘Matins for Sundays and Feasts’.48 or captivates Limbo. ‘Ιωάννου τοῦΔαμασκηνοῦ Ὁμιλία εἰς τὸ Ἅγιον Σάββατον’. and we given life. as during the Byzantine-Norman wars (1081-1185).co. shared a common condemnation to Hell.).50 the 46 47 48 49 50 Μισήσωμεν οὖν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτοῦ. Thessaloniki. dark and chained man. for through Him who took flesh from you Hell has been taken captive. two more questions remain unanswered. the Apolytikion of Easter: ‘Christ is risen from the dead. his drawing abilities leave to me no doubt that the proximity of the soldiers with Hades and the transcending of the dividing line by the former to further approach the latter are utterly intentional to intensify the link between the Latin knights and Hell. Therefore in praise we cry: Blessed are you. 150 (section 37. verses 1-2)]. where did the local artist or the patron draw his models? I suggest that the panoply parts of the scene’s knights (dating in different periods) could be seen locally.46 I suggest that in the visual memory and religious beliefs of the artist. Epiros had repeatedly been used as springboards of Latin expeditions against the East. as “whoever does not confess Christ as Lord and Son of God is an antiChrist”.uk/ephrem/mat-sun. by death trampling down Death and to those in the tombs giving life’. since the different panoply pieces of our soldiers belong to different periods of time. old. The Latin knights/custody soldiers of the bordering subject not only are represented at the same height with Death/Hell. popular fashion. while in spite of his provincial training. patron and/or the viewers of the Custody at the Sepulchre / Rejoice scene in question. 52-55 (where extracts from William of Apulia’s Gesta Roberti Wiscardi). the curse slain. v. Being a place of great strategic importance. but also transcend the red line dividing the two scenes further approaching Death/Hell. Christ our God. Eve set free. Adam recalled. for example. pp. 2006]. who have been thus well-pleased. pp.
Hallam (ed. 1984). 10:7. 1978). Historia Hierosolymitana. Hallam (ed.. p. by J. two major bridgeheads of the East were used by the First Crusade armies as a transit station to proceed to the Byzantine capital with a special permission granted by Emperor Alexius I Comnenus. Mottahedeh (eds.edu/halsall/source/comnena-cde.E. For Villehardouin’s account (Geoffrey of Villehardouin. I. As Villehardouin relates. Anna Comnena. in A. accessible in English in E. 39 ff.C. see Fulcher of Chartres. 1202-1204).56 Moreover. pp. pp. 213.58 While the First Crusaders advanced to the Middle East. From Byzantine sources. extract Nr. while “in 1122 a Venetian Crusader fleet on its way to Palestine attacked Corfu in retaliation for the 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 Durrës and Vlora. Vlorë and Jericho in 108155 and Corfu in 1084.59 Having said that the Crusader expeditions were far more often than we customarily take into account. A. 2006]. as accounted by St. ed. 324. The Journal of Hellenic Studies 37 (1917).Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… First (Raymond of Toulouse and Hugh of Vermandois.). Krey. On the Crusades. Rothschild (London. Miller. A. We are accustomed to taking into account of the major crusades. 155-156. S. VII-XV (Tiranë. pp. “Byzantine Trade with Christians and Muslims and the Crusades”. W. it is worth mentioning that the 1120s were punctuated by crusading expeditions undertaken by Pisans and Genoese by sea. but crusading expeditions … took place often. 1987).). Chronicles of the Crusades.. p.fordham. K. 1921).). while endeavouring to refrain from pillage and disorder. see E. they were hideously defamed. 72. p. …. Runciman.html>. 185. Theophylaktos of Ochrid. “The “Crusades” were a frequent phenomenon of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. a few miles opposite the region of Sarandë. M. in A. Laiou. Second. The Crusades Through Arab Eyes.54 their reputation was further blackened in Epiros after they seized and burnt Kanina. XV.57 caused no little disturbance. Alexiad. trans. Laiou – R. <http://www. pp. Shek. Chronicles of the Crusades. accessed in 07 March. Dokumente të Periudhës Bizantine për Historinë e Shqipërisë. The Cross and the Crescent (New York. A History of the Crusades. 69. Bozhori. Chronicles of the Crusades. 1096-1099)51 and the Fourth Crusades (Boniface of Montferrat. The First Crusade: The Accounts of Eyewitnesses and Participants (Princeton. Op. Maalouf. p. 74. 1. La Conquête de Constantinople. Anna Comnena. Billings. 78-79 [digitally reproduced in Medieval Sourcebook. “Valona”. why must western knights have locally a negative reputation? While the Normans were considered by the Byzantine elites as little more than barbarians. Perhaps the painter might even have kept sketches of them or some knights had lost their lives in the battles of the region and their panoplies were taken as booty and used as models for the artist. Book 10:347 cited in E. 1999).P. even though their alleged acts of cannibalism was more often rumoured than practised. 13 . 64-66. as Angeliki Laiou relates. p. The Crusades.52 Yet. pp. by E. P. 55. the First Crusaders under Bohemund (1096) en route from the Epirotic coasts to the east. From western primary sources. 126. by April 1203 most of the Fourth Crusade army had embarked at Corfou. this was only accessible to me in an Albanian translation. see Anna Comnena. Alexiad. and certainly the Christians and Muslims of the area were aware of the fact”.53 It can be maintained that the artist or the patron had seen knights with their own eyes. 160. Hallam (ed. 1938). cit.). p. Faral (Paris.G. The First Crusade and the Foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge. The Alexiad. v. cf.
154-198. 158-160. Runciman. It may also be alleged that. 51. pp.62 the immigrants must have also shaped or influenced popular dark and base memories about the Crusaders. S. p. 155). Piktorët mesjetarë shqiptarë (Tiranë. 24-28 May 1984. Laiou – R. Dh. Dh. 1960). 301 (p. as in the case of the marriage of King Manfred of Hohenstaufen with Helen Angelina (1259). since Epiros was among the principal target territories of immigrants from Constantinople. “Piktura murale e kishës së Shën-Merisë në Maligrad”. 141-158. Jerusalem. Akta të Konferencës së Parë të Studimeve Albanologjike (Tiranë. their presence in the region must have been distasteful to the locals. Dh. 289 (p. 287-288 (pp. pp. For the church of Maligrad. 5-6 and fig. V-XV (Valeurs et caractéristiques de la peinture en Albanie aux V-XVe siècles)”. Ziangos. either in the form of a dowry given by the Despot of Epiros. the region in question was for most parts of the second half of the 13th c. p. La peinture murale du Moyen Age en Albanie (Tiranë. Mbishkrime të kishave në Shqipëri.. W. Ziangos. 28-33. Inscriptions Nr. 1986). 1961). pp. by Nestor Nepravishta Kostandin Gjakumis (Tirana. p. ed.60 As for the Fourth Crusade. p. it is highly likely that the local inhabitants of Sarandë region felt no different than other Orthodox people. Dhamo.E.65 In the scene of Judas’s 60 61 62 63 64 65 A. “Byzantine Trade with Christians and Muslims and the Crusades”. 151). N. 160. Dhamo. Th. in G. The Crusades. 19. 74 and note 8. 1984). Studime Historike. in A. 14 . Airaldi – B. Dhamo. 27 and fig. Similar conclusions can be drawn in the case of the subject of Judas’ Betrayal in the church of the Nativity of the Virgin on Maligrad. “Kisha e Shën Merisë në Maligrad”. 70.64 As implied by the representation of the soldiers of the Custody in the church of St.. Op. Miller. 1998). “The Venetian Crusade of 1122-1124”. Φεουδαρχική. on pp. 1965). William Miller states that Boniface of Montferrat manned his army with the rag-tag and bobtail of Western Europe.63 or in the form of occupation by force of arms. The church was re-built and redecorated under the patronage of Caesar Novak in 1368/9. Mottahedeh (eds. p. Popa. Laiou. 17 in p. pp. George at Dhivër. whose impressions were described in the beginning of the paper. cit. French synopsis in pp. 156). p. who fought for him to receive feuds and titles.). Dh. 562-566. see Th. Φεουδαρχική. 1204-1566 (Athens. 2833. cited in N. it pillaged Byzantine lands on the way to and from Palestine and extracted the confirmation and expansion of Venetian commercial privileges in the Byzantine Empire”. Popa. I Comuni Italiani nel Regno Crociato di Gerusalemme. pp. especially those of the Fourth Crusade. 49-50. Dhamo. in pp. pp. 299 (p. J. cf. Kedar (eds. 69-71. as in the case of the expedition of Charles I Anjou who took hold of Corfu and the mainland fortresses in 1266 and kept them until his death in January 1285. 13a-b and fig. The Sicilian Vespers: A History of the Mediterranean World In the Later Thirteenth Century (Cambridge. Buletin i Universitetit Shtetëror të Tiranës: seria e shkencave shoqerore 2 (1963). “Vepra dhe tipare të pikturës në Shqipëri në shek. 337-350. pp. Last but not least. Ιστορία της Φραγκοκρατίας στην Ελλάδα.P. 4.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS attempt of John II Komnenos to reduce Venice’s commercial privileges. 136. «Collana Storica di Fonti e Studi» 48 (Genoa. a western dominion.). 1 (1984). 1974): «8 Nëntori» Ed. Riley-Smith. 146 (1271). 149-151).61 Even though there are no written accounts that I know of recording the impressions left by the Crusaders to the local populations. 253-254 (1285).
1984).). 1323. pp. The Crusades.71 66 67 68 69 70 71 D.M. both of whom wear kettle helmets with basinets. 301-311. Edge – J. Gerstel. alternatively called chapel de fer. VassilakisMavrakakis. Gerstel mentions vaguely that “some evidence has been found in the details of narrative scenes. passim. Carrying of the Cross and Marys at the Tomb. 84.. scene of the Marys at the Tomb. University of Birmingham (Birmingham. “∆υτικότροπες τοιχογραφίες του 14ου αιώνα στην Κρήτη. in A. Gerstel. While in late Byzantine paintings at Mistra there is a deliberate absence of Latin influences. I believe. pp. 264-265 and note 6 on p. Hutter (ed. in A. “Palaeologan Mistra and the West”. Grabar.-9.P. 2. D. 3) and Hagios Georgios at Anydroi Selinou. 264 and note 7. Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 32:5 (1982) [XVI. The Church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana: Art and Society on FourteenthCentury Venetian-Dominated Crete. Byzanz und der Westen: Studien zur Kunst des europäischen Mittelaltres (Vienna. or the martyrdom of saints was considered by her as a ‘hostile’ and anti-western comments. 1987). see A. similar in form to the one shown in the brass of Sir Robert de Bures. Mottahedeh (eds. “Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea”.M. in the Church of All Saints. the Betrayal.67 It is needless. I did not manage to consider M. “L’ asymétrie des relations de Byzance et l’Occident dans le domaine des arts au moyen âge”. Papadaki-Oekland. “Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea”. Op. Delphi.P. 1300. in I. Arms and Armour. in Byzantium and Europe: First International Byzantine Conference. 4. thereby associating Roman soldiers with Latins. scenes of the Betrayal. Geraki. p.69 Even though Gerstel identifies a Frankish coat of arms that marks the shield of one of the custody soldiers in the scene of the Marys at the Tomb of the church of St. Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress (Wien. ca. to argue why these soldiers would be very negatively perceived by the public. Mouriki. rather usual as from the beginning of the 14th c.E. p. pp. Mottahedeh (eds. S. cf. 9-24. Arms and Armour. doctoral thesis submitted at the Centre for Byzantine. p. 20-24 July. 239. Paddock. In the context of medieval Morea. 73 and figure on the same page depicting a knight wearing a kettle hat.J. Laiou – R. I am indebted to the author for bringing these monuments into my attention. For these scenes.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Betrayal. This shield-type became common after 1270s.J. 1327/28. Suffolk. 15. detail from a 14th century illuminated address from the town of Prato to Robert of Anjou. 83 and fig on p. Acton. 1325/26. 1331. 2002). Crete. S. ca. 1985 (Athens.).66 While both soldiers extend threateningly their swords towards Jesus. Lymberopoulou. Such ‘Latinized’ soldiers appear in at least the following churches: 1) Archangel Michael at Kavalariana Selinou. and S.70 yet. which follows the curve of the body. John Chrysostome. Oktober 1981). 5]. from the occasional embossing of haloes to unusual representations of soldiers at the Arrest and Crucifixion of Christ”. Laiou – R. 2) Hagios Nikolaos at Maza Apokoronou. two soldiers flank Jesus. she didn’t it with the thesis I have hereby attempted to uphold. Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies.). Η άλλη όψη 15 . Paddock. p. I did not manage to consult A.68 the ‘Latinization’ of military costumes in narrative scenes is also observed in other former ‘Latin’-dominated regions. the representation of soldiers in western armour in scenes like the Marys at the Tomb. cit. The Crusades.E. the Carrying of the Cross. 264. D. “Western Influences on the Fourteenth Century Art of Crete”. the one at the right covers his back with a triangular shield curved to the body of the type called the ‘heater’. 278-279 and fig. pp. Lymberopoulou has identified a number of similar cases in 14th c.E. scene of Saint George before of the Governor.E. Edge – J.
Μοναστήρια. op. 175]. [eds. Μοναστήρια Νήσου Ιωαννίνων.. pp. from the Ordinance of Chivalry.. M. Garidis – A. examples. 121. 161. 144]. Op. 103. English illuminated manuscript by St. 159]. Edge – J. pp. 105. in Kypraiou (ed. 2) The martyrdom of St.73 Exceptionally interesting is the martyrdom of St. 15th c.. 112. cit. p.. 143 (up).). been utilized to represent the executioners of St. a figure.75 Very similar to an equestrian harness of Otto Heinrich. 96-97. represented on the southern wall of the Lite. p. fig. stands before the ruler. pp. Garidis. figure above. Edge – J. Αφιέρωµα στον Μανόλη Χατζηδάκη (Athens. Paliouras (eds. Paddock. 3) The beheading of St. fig. Vincent. 143 (up). John the Baptist [M. Babylas and his disciples.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS Several post-Byzantine churches and catholica in Epiros provide substantial evidence that such ‘hostile’. pp. 1992). p.. 291]. The most impressive cases. cit. Μαρτυρίες από το ∆ιάκοσµο του Εσωτερικού Νάρθηκα (Λιτής) της Μονής Φιλανθρωπηνών. however.’. and 175. 113. who migrated from Constantinople due to its growing pro-Latin support. whose torturer’s overcoat and helmet is comparable to 16th c. or the Knights Tilting. Amphilochios. 67. op. the equestrian harness of O. whose executioner’s helmet and overcoat is comparable to 14th c. 162 in comparison with D. 72 73 74 75 76 77 µιας αµφίδρµης σχέσης. Count Palatine of the Rhine. pp. Arms and Armour. pp. 1560”. 114-115. fig. p. cit. 107.74 In the martyrdom of St. Among the several examples that can be mentioned here I choose only: 1) The martyrdom of St. p.0s. – Paliouras A. Paliouras (eds. anti-western visual statements consciously persists up to the first half of the 17th c. ca.M. the Confessor. 116. subject already discussed by the late Miltos Garidis. a great number of torturers. ca.g. Paliouras (eds. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων (Ioannina. 142 (up). Ευφρόσυνον.76 Similar models have. Edge – J. undoubtedly. Paddock. Μοναστήρια. dating 1530s and other German armours dating from the first quarter of the 16th c. “Στενές Επαφές – Εικονογραφικές και Τεχνοτροπικές – µε Ευρύτερα Σύγχρονα Ρεύµατα της Ευρωπαϊκής Γενικότερα Ζωγραφικής.). p. represented in different scenes of martyrdoms. Edge – J. 145-146. cf. are the mounted knight who tortures St. 1340. Bishop of Ikonion.). pp. fig. For similar figures.77 Patronized by the renowned family of Philantropenoi.).). D.g. identified by Garidis as a Spanish merchant. the open at the front and lowering at the sides Italian sallet ca. after which the phenomenon gradually fades out in mechanical repetition of earlier post-Byzantine models. Arms and Armour. western harnesses [e.72 There.. see the executioner of St. the Monastery of St. 1993). Paddock. 153. Heinrich. Arms and Armour. 176 in comparison with D. 95. p. Arms and Armour. M. cit. 491-516. in M.).M. fig. fig. Marcianus. II. p. 78-79. Stephen the Younger. Tarachos [Garidis M. fig. Count Palatine of the Rhine. Πρακτικά Συµποσίου «700 χρόνια 1292-1992» (Ioannina. by dragging him behind his galloping horse. D. whose torturer’s helmet is comparable to 14th century examples [e. 174. 174. fig. the representation of Sir Geoffrey Luttrell from the Luttrell Psalter. and 175. 1999). Garidis – A. the saint’s executioner is engaged into chivalric dancing figure before he effects the final attack the fatal attack against the saint. John Astley.M. 172]. 65-75. Garidis – A. 1480. Garidis – A. Garidis – A. M.M. 142 (up). pp. 160. Μοναστήρια. Paliouras (eds. 170. op. bear the form of western knights. Op. Epicharis [M. can be viewed in the early post-Byzantine mural paintings of the Lite of Philanthropenon Monastery’s catholicon on the Isle of Ioannina (painted in 1560). Paliouras (eds. cit. Paddock.] (1993). 16 .
]. Paddock. D. 84 ff. D. The Judgement by Annas and Caiaphas (A. 137-153. the Betrayal.81 From other 16th c. 157-167. monuments in the regions of Epiros we can cite the church of the Transfiguration at Veltsista (1568). cit.M. Cases indicating ‘Latinization’ of soldiers can also be found in the third 16th c. the Ascent to the Cross and the Crucifixion.M. 1994]. Les Peintures Murales. fig. D.)86 and the church of St. the Derision and the Carrying of the Cross.80 However. 21a-b. Edge – J.). 22-24.M. 387 and 293 on pp. Pilate and His Suite. 31a and 33b. see D. The frescoes of the this monument date in the last quarter of the 16th century. 56a. 84 ff. 235 and 244. Edge – J. 385. Arms and Armour. the scenes of Christ’s Derision. T. Caiaphas and Pontius Pilate. in M. monastery on the Isle of Ioannina.85 the narthex of Dryano Monastery’s catholicon (last quarter of the 16th c. figs. For the comparison. Giakoumis. D. Arms and Armour. Paliouras (eds. B. cf. Dropull (Gjirokastër region) dates in 1524 and imitates panoplies of the 12th and 13th centuries. Stavropoulou-Makri. Paddock. pp. pp. figs.82 St. pp. Stavropoulou-Makri. Similar. Martyrdoms of Sts. 57. 84 ff. Les Peintures Murales. Edge – J.M. on the Isle of Ioannina (1542/3). pp.79 yet. cf. “Η Μονή Ελεούσας”.). in the representations of Christ’s Derision. the Route to Golgotha.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Nikolaos of Philanthropenon virtually provides the most palpable examples of antiwestern pictorial statements. Paddock. pp. Paddock. Paddock. Christ’s Judgement by Annas. the Ascent to the Cross and the Marys at the Tomb contain soldiers depicted in a western 14th and 15th c.).). See the scenes of the Massacre of the Innocent. pp. Nikolaos at Dhuvjan. Arms and Armour. (A. 277-279. 26 and 28-29 (details). pp. Arms and Armour. western influences in the armoury of several military saints indicates trends that may shadow the strength of the hereby presented thesis. the Carrying of the Cross. Martyrdom of St. 84 ff. the persistence of such examples point to the contrary. cf.84 the church of St. 28-33 and figs. the Eleousa Monastery (third quarter of the 165th c. 160-162. Demetrios and George. 60 and 61a. the Carrying of and Ascent to the Cross. 20. fashion. pp.M. Paddock. Giakoumis. Giakoumis – K.). Joseph of Arimatheia before Pilate and the Marys at the Tomb [see A. figs. 79-81 and figs. 17 .83 the narthex of Barlaam Monastery. Edge – J. 84 ff.M. Liva-Xanthaki.M. Demetrios (A. in M. 14b. pp. cf. Edge – J. Les Peintures Murales de l’ Église de la Transfiguration à Veltsista (1568) en Epire et l’ atelier des peintres Kondaris (Ioannina. cf. Μοναστήρια. 84 ff. cf. Edge – J. 19b. Edge – J. Arms and Armour. Arms and Armour. 1994]. Μοναστήρια. Martyrdoms of saints. 455-459 on pp. D.). D. Stavropoulou-Makri. G. Paddock. 1989). Meteora (1566). yet far less impressive examples can also be found in other 16th c. pp. Les Peintures Murales. 29-43).. Μνηµεία Ορθοδοξίας στην Αλβανία [Athens.). Dropull (end of the 16th c. 84 ff. Arms and Armour. figs. Garidis – A. 391 and 408 on pp. 54a.87 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 The church in question in unpublished. figs. Nikolaos at Krapsi (1563). Ορθόδοξα Μνηµεία στη Βόρειο Ήπειρο [Ioannina. Paliouras (eds. 231. Arms and Armour. pp. Garidis – A.78 In the catholicon of Ntiliou Monastery. cf. Op. D. “Το Καθολικό της Μονής Ντιλίου και οι Τοιχογραφίες του”. pp. Paddock. monuments of the region.M. 232 and 238 respectively. Papadopoulou. 153-157. figs. pp. 84 ff. Athanasios at Goranxhi. The scene of the Betrayal of Jesus in the church of St. with substantial overpainting from the 17th and the 19th century (G.]. Stavropoulou-Makri. Edge – J. Demetrios at Veltsista (1558-1568).
while the phenomenon clearly fades out in unsophisticated imitations towards the 18th c. Paddock. Paddock. we reshape them.M. Giakoumis. 1995). Giakoumis – K. Ορθόδοξα. Further research in other contemporary monuments of former ‘Latin’-occupied territories could check the theory that such anti-western attitudes reflect general feelings. D. Giakoumis. when it is not invention. Last but not least. G.88 the Massacre of the Innocents in the catholicon of Ravenia Monastery. is memory written down. reordering our pasts to meet the changing needs of the present. Gjirokastër (1666). Giakoumis. Although the enormous attention paid to memory by philosophers. G. as Epiros. Arms and Armour. possibly. Ορθόδοξα. 84 ff.). cf. pp. 87 88 89 90 91 92 See the soldier next to Longinus in the scene of the Crucifixion (see G. In his authoritative ‘Memory and Proof of Age in England (1272-1327)’. 3-27 (p.90 From distant memories of the phenomenon in the 18th c. D. G.M. cf. Ορθόδοξα. We construct our memories. 144-154. Ορθόδοξα. 144. Yale French Studies 59 (1980) 7-16 (‘Rethinking History: Time. pp. Past and Present 162 (1999). cf. we do know that memory is a complex process. figs. and particularly fig. fig. D. especially in former western-dominated Orthodox provinces. psychologists and neurologists has led to little certainty. Duby. Edge – J. We each have our own histories. Edge – J. western wall of the church of St. “Memories with No Historian”. Myth and Writing’). the paper introduces an empirical methodology in which a historian can unveil collective memories of the past at the absence of textual sources by looking at and interpreting artworks. not a recording device. Η Ιερά Μονή Ραβενίων ∆ρόπολης (Athens. For the monastery. choosing consciously or unconsciously to emphasize some experiences and impressions and disregard others. Paddock. 4). 56. Paddock. which we have made as much by thought as by need. Edge – J. 84 ff. Giakoumis – K. and. Arms and Armour. 287.M. 53-55 and 56 and fig. Arms and Armour. taking into consideration representations of Crusaders in ecclesiastical paintings of late Byzantine and early post-Byzantine churches and catholica. 18 . Bedell. p. see G. pp. pp. over time. Edge – J. Giakoumis. Giakoumis – K. cf. J. One can cite the Martyrdom of St. fig. by J. I attempted to interpret expressions of collective base memories of the Crusades in peripheral regions. Giakoumis. Giakoumis – K. in this paper. 150.91 which seemingly reproduce 17th c. where citations to the relevant literature. especially by conversations we have had about shared experiences. Theodore Stratelates in the church of the Dormition of the Virgin at zervat. “Memory and Proof of Age in England 1272-1327”. we could cite the martyrdoms of saints in the third zones of frescoes. For the monastery. 84 ff. rather than isolated cases. Our memories are shaped by our interactions with others. pp. cf.)89 and the Carrying of the Cross in the naos of the catholicon of the Transfiguration Monastery at Mingul. Dropull (1603). 148 on p.” With this in mind. and that it involves many parts of the brain and aspects of the self. 73. p.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS The 17th c.M. Giakoumis – K. pp. John Bedell92 states that “history. Ορθόδοξα. Arms and Armour. 114-117. G. Crete and. 105 on p. Moschenberg. Dropull (second quarter of the 17th c. Giakoumis.]. George at Libofshë. pp. Wicke and D. 84 ff. Morea. also offers some good examples. trans. models. Fier (1782). 72-75. D. pp. see G. 300.
Sarandë. The apse of the church with the altar stone and co-celebrating hierarchs 19 . Cross-section (1-1) 2. Hermitage of St. last quarter of the 13th century. George at Dhivër.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 1. Sarandë . Hermitage of St. George at Dhivër.
The scene of Christ the Saviour and an inscription below it mentioning the patrons of the frescoes.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 3. Last quarter of the 13th century 20 . a certain priest named Isidore along with his wife and children. Hermitage of St. George at Dhivër. Sarandë.
In the far end the entrance to the parabema. Sarandë. Hermitage of St. George at Dhivër. A view of the naos from the West.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 4. At the right the church’s ground plan 21 .
KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 5. Hermitage of St. The apse of the church with the altar stone and co-celebrating hierarchs 22 . George at Dhivër. Sarandë.
36. Prophet Elijah. Saint Jacob. Saint George. Saint Basil. 32. 38. Unidentified saint. Hermitage of St. 8. Unidentified saint. 26. Archangel Michael. Saint Damian. 9. 27. 6. The Descent to Hades. Deisis and Annunciation (the Virgin Mary). Unidentified saint. 16. 30. 33. 6. Saint Athanasios. Saint Nikolaos. 20. 11. George at Dhivër. Christ (Emmanuel). 14. Christ in a mandorla . 41. 25. The Ascension. 28. Saint Kosmas. 13. Inscription «…ΦΗ…». 22. Lord Sabaoth and Annunciation (Archangel Gabriel). Christ. Saint Gregory. Lord Sabaoth. Unidentified saint. 12. Refer to the table below for a complete listing of the artwork 23 . The Saviour. Saint Martin. The Theotokos with the portrait of a donor.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Index of the Iconographic Programme of the Cavern of St. 34. 3. Saint John Chrysostome. Portraits of donors. Saint Basil or Cyril. 37. George at Stilo-Dhivër 1. The Dormition of the Theotokos. Unidentified saint. 15. Saint Vlasios. 40. 2. 29. Select a number and see the underlying fresco. Prophet David. 7. 5. 10. Easter Morning. 18. Transfiguration. 31. Saint Daniel the Stylite. Saint George. Sarandë. Saint Demetrius. Unidentified saint. 39. Saint Symeon the Stylite. A view from beneath the church which maps the frescoes. 24. 23. 17. 21. 19. 4. Unidentified saint. 35.
Second zone of frescoes. Northern wall. Naos. George at Dhivër. Last quarter of the 13th century 24 . Sarandë. The Descent to Hades. Hermitage of St.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 7.
Northern wall. Last quarter of the 13th century 25 . Naos. Hermitage of St. George at Dhivër. Sarandë. Easter Morning. Second zone of frescoes.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 8.
Hermitage of St. Detail of the sleeping soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 9. Northern wall. Naos. Last quarter of the 13th century 26 . Sarandë. Easter Morning. Second zone of frescoes. George at Dhivër.
from Angoulême Cathedral (with an integral coif) and a metal relief of a knight.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 10. part of the decoration on the GrossComburg chaldelier. A stone relief with two mounted knightsdated ca. 1128. 1140 (without a coif) compared with our soldiers 27 . ca.
dating late 10th or 11th century with helmets comparable to those of our soldiers 28 .KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 11. Knights of Macchabees’ Battle in the Bible of Rhodes.
ca. 1170.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 12. in conjunction to the similar patterns on the shields of our soldiers 29 . Notice the strips of red and white/pink on the shields. An initial from the Winchester Bible.
1289. A relief from the tomb of Gulielmo Beradi. ca. Notice the triangular form of the shield in comparison with the shields of our soldiers 30 . Florence. in the church of Santa Annunziata.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 13.
Notice how the lances in our scene are closer to the 1207 example 31 . An initial from the Winchester Bible. 1207 and our soldiers. ca.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 14. 1170. ca. a panel from the Silver Shrine of Charlemagne in Aachen Cathedral.
Detail of the personification of Death.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 15. Hermitage of St. Last quarter of the 13th century 32 . Second zone of frescoes. or Satan. The Descent to Hades. Naos. Sarandë. George at Dhivër. Northern wall. trembled down by Christ.
A map of the Crusade Routes. from the First to the Eighth Crusade 33 .Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 16.
KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 17. Philanthropenon Monastery. 1560 34 . Fresco. Narthex. Vincent. The martyrdom of St.
Amphilochius. 1560 35 .Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 18. Narthex. The martyrdom of St. Bishop of Ikonion. Fresco. Philanthropenon Monastery.
Fresco.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 19. Stephen the Confessor. The martyrdom of St. Narthex. 1560 36 . Philanthropenon Monastery.
Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 20. Fresco. St. Dropull (Gjirokastra region). The Betrayal of Jesus. Athanasios Church at Goranxi. 1524 37 .
Dryano Monastery.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 21. George and Demetrius. last quarter of the 16th century 38 . The Martyrdoms of Sts. Fresco. Narthex.
The Carrying of the Cross. 1666 39 .Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 22. Naos of Mingul Monastery. Fresco. Gjirokastra.
On the extreme left is Bishop Odo. wearing what may be a hauberk of scale armour and carrying a mace of cudgel form.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 23. William of Normandy raises his helmet by its nasal 40 . A scene from the Bayeux Tapestry interpretation of the Battle of Hastings (1066). On the extreme right.