Dr. Kamel A.

Elsaadany
- Assistant Professor of
linguistics, department of
foreign languages.
- Faculty of Education,
Tanta University, Egypt.

UMM AL-QURA
UNIVERSITY JOURNAL
Of Educational, Social
Sciences & Humanities


CODE ALTERNATION
AMONG ARAB SPEAKERS
IN AMERICA


Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany


Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

67 Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities



CODE ALTERNATION AMONG ARAB SPEAKERS
IN AMERICA


Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany



ABSTRACT

This paper discusses the phenomena of code-mixing and code-switching
among different Arab speakers. Among the questions addressed are: which
codes do Arab speakers use when they engage in intragroup informal
discussions? which codes do Arab speakers choose when they engage in
informal discussions with Egyptian speakers? and do code-mixing and code-
switching in Arabic abide by the so-called universal constraints on code-mixing
and code-switching?...etc. The results show that code-mixing and code-
switching in Arabic and English do not abide by the so-called universal
constraints. Only the System Morpheme Constraint proves to explain better the
code-mixed data in Arabic/English. The results show that different Arab
speakers change their code according to the topic and the context of situation,
and not necessarily resort to MSA in cross-dialectical conversations. The study
proves that code-mixing and code-switching are not always used to enhance
communication; rather, they may be used to making fun at other dialects that
may not be very popular or refined. Finally, code-mixing and code-switching in
Arabic and English occur as a continuum.


Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

68 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003



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Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 69

1. Introduction
Many recent studies conducted on
Code-Mixing (hereafter CM) and Code-
Switching (hereafter CS) such as those of
Timm (1975), Sridhar (1978), Pfaff (1979),
Poplack (1980; 1982), and others have
concluded that CM and CS are used in
most speech situations among bilinguals
as well as among monolinguals in terms of
style shifting. Some other studies such as
Sridhar & Sridhar (1980) and Woolford
(1983) have discussed the fact that if the
bilingual speaker is able to use different
codes in a given speech situation, then,
there must exist what is called "the
bilingual's grammar". This means that the
grammars of at least two language
systems of a bilingual are working
simultaneously. The idea of the bilingual's
grammar is a controversial issue among
linguists. These studies have also
illustrated that CM and CS are mani-
pulated by bilinguals in order to achieve
different goals and functions such as
emphasis, effective communicative goals,
solidarity, sociocultural authenticity,
friendliness, warmth, and so on.
There are also some other studies that
are conducted on CM and CS in Arabic/
English. Atawneh (1992) reports on a
study on CM manipulated by three Arabic
children who were learning ESL. He
concluded that the use of only a single
noun in English is the most common one,
while mixing of just a functional word
such as a preposition or a morpheme is
rare. He also concluded that the so-called
constraints on CM are not entirely
satisfactory. Abu-Melhim (1991) conc-
luded that in cross-dialectal situations,
Arabic speakers resort to a number of
communication strategies such as CS to
another dialect, to Modern Standard
Arabic (MSA) and to English (if the
speakers are bilinguals). Eid's (1988) paper
examines the syntactic aspects of CS of
radio and television interviews and panel
discussions in Egypt where the speakers
alternate in their use of the two varieties
(Egyptian Arabic (EA) and MSA)
switching from one to the other across
sentence boundaries and within the same
sentence as well.
The present study will address this
topic in a different way. It investigates the
phenomena of CM and CS among a
number of different Arab speakers,
Egyptian, Sudanese, Saudi Arabian,
Jordanian and Moroccan, who speak
different varieties of Arabic, speak English
and live in the USA. The study also
investigates the process of CS and CM
used by speakers of the same Arabic
variety when they talk to each other. The
context of all the data is in the USA.

2. PURPOSE AND SCOPE OF STUDY
This study addresses the following
questions:
1. Which code(s) do Arab speakers of
different varieties use when they
engage in intragroup informal disc-
ussions?
2. Which code(s) do Arab speakers of
different dialects choose when they
engage in informal discussions and

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

70 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
conversations with Egyptian speakers?
3. Which code(s) do Egyptian speakers use
when they converse with each other?
4. What are the sociocultural factors
behind CM and CS used among Arab
speakers of different/same varieties?
5. Why do Arab speakers switch or mix
codes? And
6. To what extent do CM and CS in Arabic
abide by the so-called universal cons-
traints on CM and CS?
A point that is worthy of mentioning
here is that the linguistic repertoire and
competence of the Sudanese, Saudi,
Jordanian and Moroccan speakers include
their own specific dialect, Modern
Standard Arabic (MSA), Egyptian Arabic
(EA) and English. MSA is the main variety
used in formal situations such as in the
media, education and formal talks. It is the
written language all over the Arab
countries. Dialects such as EA are not
written and are used by their speakers in
informal situations, at home and in the
street. The relationship between MSA and
EA is the same between MSA and other
Arabic dialects. The difference is that EA is
more popular and refined than other
dialects due to some socio-cultural factors
that will be explained later on. For the
Egyptian speakers, their linguistic
repertoire and competence include their
own specific dialect, Modern Standard
Arabic, English and possibly other Arabic
dialects used in this study. The general
point is that all the subjects of this study
understand Modern Standard Arabic, but
do not necessarily speak it. There are also
some lexical, phonological and structural
differences among the different varieties
spoken by the subjects of this study.
Finally, it should be noted that there is a
diglossic situation in the Arabic countries.
Modern Standard Arabic is used in books,
press, media, education and formal
lectures. Other than that, the different
dialects are spoken, but not written, at
home, in the street, among friends, and in
informal social gatherings.

3. DATA AND METHODOLOGY
The data of this study have been
gathered from telephone conversations
between Arab speakers of different
dialects and varieties including Jordanian,
Saudi, Sudanese and Moroccan on the one
hand and Egyptian speakers on the other.
The context of the data is in the USA. The
number of subjects examined is seventeen,
nine males and eight females. In most
cases, the speakers do not know that their
conversations and discussions are being
tape-recorded. Even if some of them knew
that his/her conversation was tape-
recorded s/he did not know the purpose
of these recordings. This is to make sure
that the conversations are natural and
spontaneous and are not affected by the
speakers' perception that their speech is
being tape-recorded, the thing which may
make these speakers alert and conscious to
what they are saying. By doing this, the
investigator's activity to collect the data
will not be, as Labov (1978: 340) puts it, an
artifact of the investigator. All the data in
this study have been gathered from
natural and real life settings (e.g. social
activities and gatherings, discussions ...

Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 71

etc.). This in its turn reflects the language
as it is used in every day life. Also
included in this study are data (not tape-
recorded) gathered from informal
discussions, e.g. in the shopping Mall,
picnics and ethnic gatherings.
After gathering the data, the researcher
listened to all the recorded materials and
made a phonetic transcription and
transliteration. For ease of recognition, the
CM and CS utterances are highlighted in
both the English translation and in the
transliteration.

4. DEFINITION OF BASIC TERMS
In the current sociolinguistic studies,
there is a problem of defining the basic
terminology since scholars use diverse
terms to refer to the same phenomenon.
The definition of CM and CS is not
exceptional. In this study, I am going to
adopt Kachru's (1983) definition of CM as
the "intrasentential" use of linguistic units
from two or more languages by a bilingual
speaker in the same speech situation. In
code-mixed speech, the code-mixer may
make use of morphemes, words, phrases,
clauses, or even sentences of the matrix
language. CS, on the other hand, as
Kachru (1983) puts it, is "intersentential",
i.e. in a code-switched speech, the
sentence-units are drawn from one or the
other languages used by the code-
switcher. Mayers-Scotton (1997; 1993;
1990) uses "codeswitching" as a cover term
for both CS and CM. She (1990: 85) defines
codeswitching as "the use of two or more
linguistic varieties in the same
conversation. It can be intra- or extra-
sentential and also intra-word". She also
refers to the dominating variety used in
the conversation as the "matrix language"
and the other variety as the "embedded
language". I will adopt Kachru's definition
because I want to refer to CM and CS as
two separate, yet related, processes. In
Kachru's definition, there is no mentioning
of the notion "matrix language" as in
Mayers-Scotton's. The notion of the
"matrix language" can be seen in Kachru's
definition of CM but not in CS.

5. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The theoretical framework of the
present study is based on the assumption
that language is best interpreted in its
sociocultural context. In sociolinguistic
literature, Firth (1957), Hymes (1977),
Halliday (1978) and others use the idea of
social context, or to put it differently,
context of situation. Kachru (1981)
discussed in detail the Firthian model
under what he called "socially-realistic
linguistics". With respect to the notion of
the "Context of Situation", Kachru (1981:
93) observes that
The Firthian use of Context of
Situation is an abstraction from
situation, it is as abstract as the
grammatical, lexical, phono-
logical, and other categories that
are relevant to interpretation of
transactional linguistic behavior;
it is not in a par with say,
phoneme realizations of phono-
logical categories.

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

72 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
The data in this study will be meaningful
if interpreted in terms of context of
situation. For Firth, Kachru (1981) argues,
language is considered to have a function,
effect or a "meaning" in the context of
situation: an utterance or a part of an
utterance is meaningful only if used in
some actual context. Related to this
theoretical approach that will be also used
as a framework of interpreting the data in
this study is the "systemic" model
developed by Halliday (1978). The focus of
this model is on the functions of language
in society and culture. Language is
considered as a tool or instrument which
can be used to perform many tasks or
functions, in Halliday's words, “meta-
functions”; and the analysis of language is
best done in terms of the tasks or uses in
which language is put. Halliday's
approach to linguistics expresses his view
that language is explicable only as the
realizations of meanings which are
inherent in the social system, and at the
same time, constitute the culture or social
value of the society. Halliday's approach
represents the British school of thought
whose cardinal principle, at least in Great
Britain, is that language must always be
studied as a part of social process and
social activity; and every utterance must
be considered as understood within its
context of situation. It is the contextual
function alone that constitutes and
guarantees linguistic meaning.
Related to the above linguistic
approaches is Hymes (1974) who
approaches language in terms of the
theory of ethnography of speaking/
communication where he focuses on the
context, community, communication, or
patterns of use in general. Hymes' theory
of ethnography of speaking is not so
different from the above theories. He, like
Firth and Halliday, maintains that
language is part and parcel of the
community where this language is spoken
for it is that community that set the
patterns and rules according to which
language is used.
The use of the above approaches to
language as the theoretical framework for
this study stems from the fact that CM and
CS are used by bilingual speakers in
context-bound situations and are best
interpreted in terms of the sociocultural
context in which they are used. These
theoretical models will help in
understanding the sociocultural and
situational context of the data.

6. THE STUDY
6.1 Data
The conversations in Arabic of the
following different groups have been
discussed. The subjects of this study have
at least the degree of B.A. or B.S. Some of
them have M.A./M.S, others are working
toward their Ph.D. degrees.
- Group # 1: includes a conversation
between an Egyptian woman and a Saudi
woman (Example # 1).
- Group # 2: includes a conversation
between an Egyptian man and a Saudi
man (Example # 2).
- Group # 3: includes a conversation
between an Egyptian woman and a
Sudanese woman (Example # 3).

Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 73

- Group # 4: includes a conversation
between an Egyptian woman and a
Jordanian woman (Example # 4).
- Group # 5: includes a conversation
between two Egyptian women and an
Egyptian man (Example # 5).
- Group # 6: includes a conversation
between an Egyptian man and an
Egyptian woman (Example # 6).
- Group # 7: includes a conversation
between an Egyptian man and a Moroccan
man (Example # 7).
- Group # 8: includes a conversation
between two Egyptian men (Example # 8).
- Group # 9: includes a conversation
between an Egyptian woman and a Saudi
woman (Example # 9).
- Group # 10: includes a conversation
between an Egyptian man and a Jordanian
man (Example # 10).
- Group # 11: includes a conversation
between an Egyptian woman and a
Jordanian woman (Example # 11).
In these groups, one can notice that,
most of the time, women are talking to
women and men to men. This is because
of the traditions and culture of some Arab
speakers, such as the Sudanese, Saudi
Arabian and Jordanian, who, when they
get together in some occasions, males and
females do not converse with each other
and sit in different places. This
phenomenon might also be interpreted
according to some Islamic beliefs that
enhances the separation between the
different sexes. However, in Group
number 5 (Example 5), the speakers are all
Egyptians whose culture and traditions do
not prohibit mixing with the different
sexes. This does not mean that if the
speakers are of the same ethnic group,
then, mixing between the sexes is allowed.
For example, if two Saudi families get
together for any occasion, then males and
females do not converse with each other in
most cases.

6.2 DISCUSSION ON CODE-SWIT-
CHING AND CODE-MIXING IN
ARABIC
6.2.1 Switching from Saudi Arabic to
Egyptian Arabic
The following is a transliteration
1
of an
excerpt from a conversation between an
Egyptian woman (hereafter EW) and a
Saudi woman (hereafter SW). The
Egyptian words used by the SW will be
highlighted.
EXAMPLE (1):
1 EW: Hadaxal-i
will-you-enter-2nd-P-sg-F
wilaadik fi madaaris xaaSa
sons-your in schools private
2 SW: ? aywa 9ašaan humma
yes because they
bi-y9alim-u delwa?ti
M-teach-3rd.P.PL now
luGaat ? agnabiyya
languages foreign
?ingliizi wi-faransaawi
English and- French.
3 EW: bi-zzaat ?in huwwa mi9aah
especially that he has
LuGa wi-xsaara ?inik
language and-loss you-2nd-P-sg-F
ti-Daya9iha minu-h

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

74 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
make it lose from him
4 SW: wi-bizzaat ? ana ?akuun
and espeically I am
muTma?ina 9alei-hum ?aktar
confident-F on-them-3rd-M more
lamma ?adaxal-hum
when I-enter-them-3rd-PL-M
madrasa xaaSa li?an
school private-sg-F because
fi-ha 9inaya ?aktar
in-it care much
w-il-baaS biyaxud-hum
and-the-bus take them-3rd-PL-M
wi-yraga9-hum,
wa-?akuun
and-return-them-3rd-PL-M and-I
am
mirtaH-a li?an muHammad
comfortable-sg-F because
Muhammad
biyitkalim kitiir
speaks-3rd-sg-M more
TANSLATION
EW: Are you going to enter your sons in
private schools?
SW: Yes, because they teach now
foreign languages English and
French.
EW: Especially he has a language and it
is a loss if you make him lose it.
SW: And especially, I will be more
confident about them where there
is much care and the bus take and
return them and I will be
comfortable because Muhammad
talks a lot.
In this excerpt, the most noticeable feature
of the Saudi woman's speech is the use of
Egyptian Arabic. In exchange (2) the SW
says: ?aywa, 9ašaan, delwa?ti, ?agnabiyya
and ?ingliizi. Had she used her own
dialect, she would say na9am, li?anna,
δelwaqti, ?ajnabiyya and ?injliizi
respectively. The researcher has been
informed that the pronunciation of
?ingliizi and ?injliizi may be pronounced
as such by Saudi women who are from
Makkah or Jeddah. In terms of the lexicon,
she is using a completely different word
from her dialect for the word "yes", ?aywa.
Also in terms of phonology, she replaces
[q] and [j] of her dialect with [?] and [g] of
Egyptian Arabic. Likewise in Exchange
(4), the SW adopts the Egyptian
phonology when she says: ?aktar, kittir,
biyaxud-hum, yiraga9-hum replacing [θ],
[δ] and [j] of her own dialect with the
Egyptian [t], [d] and [g] respectively.
Another example of code-switching
from Saudi Arabic to Egyptian Arabic is
found in the following excerpt. We notice
that the Saudi man (SM) is code-switching
to Egyptian Arabic. This excerpt is an
invitation to dinner and is a part of a
telephone conversation. The SM's
switched utterances are highlighted.
EXAMPLE (2):
1. EM: baHib ?a?ulak ?innina
I like tell-you-2nd-sg-M that we
9aamliin ?ifTaar fi l-masgid
making breakfast in the mosque
yom il-?arba9 wi9awzinkum
day the-Wednesday and want
you tišarafuna honor us.
2. SM: yom il-?arba9 il-gaay dah!
day the-Wednesday next this
bas mumkin tidini *ra?am
but possible give me number

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Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 75

tilifonak 9ašan law
telephone-your because if
Hadas Haaga ?a?ulak
happen something tell-1st-sg
you.
3. EM: talaata ?arba9a ?arba9a
three four four
4. SM: talaata ?arba9a ?arba9a
three four four
5. EM: kamaan ?arba9a
and also four
6. SM: tamania ?arba9a
Eight four
7. EM: ba?ulak kaman ?arba9a
I tell you-2nd-sg-M also four
ya9ni humma talat ?arba9aat
I mean they are three fours
8. SM: ?aywa! talat ?arba9aat
yes three fours
9. EM: tamania talaata sab9a
Eight three seven
10.SM: tamania talaata sab9a Taab
eight three seven then
leih 9indi-kum
why for-have-you-2nd-PL-ACC
talaaat ?arba9aat
three fours

Translation
EM: I would like to tell you that we will
make a breakfast in the mosque on
Wednesday and want you to honor
us?
SM: This coming Wednesday! But is it
possible to give me your telephone
number so if something happens , I
tell you.
EM: Three, four, four
SM: (repeats) three, four, four
EM: Also another four
SM: (repeats) *eight, four
EM: I am telling you another four; I
mean they are three fours.
SM: Yes, three fours
EM: Eight three seven
SM: (repeats) Eight three seven, why do
you have three fours.
Again, this excerpt teams with
examples of code-switching from Saudi
Arabic to Egyptian Arabic. The switching
is again not only at the phonological level
but also at the lexical level. At the lexical
level, in Exchange (2) the SM says:
il-?arba9, il-gaay, dah, bas and tidini
which are exclusively used by Egyptians.
Had the SM used the same words in his
dialect, he would say: ?arrubuu9,
il-qaadim, haδa, lakin and ti9Tiini
respectively. In the same exchange, the SM
adopts the Egyptian phonology when he
says: Hadas, Haaga, and ?a?ulak. In his
dialect, these will be Hadaθ, Haaje, and
?aqulak respectively; thus changing [θ], [j]
and [q] of his dialect to their Egyptian
counterparts [s], [g] and [?]. Furthermore,
the adoption of the Egyptian phonology is
fully adopted when the SM repeats the
telephone number of the EM when the
latter dictates the number to the SM. The
obvious example is the replacement of [θ]
of the Saudi dialect with [t] in the
Egyptian dialect. For instance, the SM
repeats: talaata, and tamania, as exactly
said by the EM. Had he said them in his
dialect, he would have said θalaaθe and
θamaanie, again replacing [θ] with its

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

76 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
Egyptian counterpart [t].
What is more interesting here is that in
Exchange (6), the SM overgeneralizes the
switching form of [q] of his dialect to its
Egyptian counterpart [?] in *ra?am, which
cannot be pronounced this way by the EM.
The reason for this is that when the [q] is
word medially, it is pronounced [q] and
not [?]. Instances of these are: ?alqahira,
‘Cairo’ and ?alqari?, ‘the reader’. In raqam
‘number’, though it is not pronounced by
Egyptians as *ra?am, some dialects in
Lebanon and Syria may produce such
pronunciation; i.e. /q/ is pronounced /?/,
the thing that is not produced by most
Egyptians. In this study, this kind of
switching is done on the part of the SM as
an accommodation strategy to adopt the
EM’s dialect to show friendliness.

6.2.2 Switching From Sudanese Arabic to
Egyptian Arabic
A third example that shows
code-switching to Egyptian Arabic is the
following part of conversation between a
Sudanese woman (Sud.W) and an
Egyptian woman (EW). The code-switched
utterences of Egyptian Arabic on the part
of the Sud.W are highlighted.

EXAMPLE (3):
1.EW: eih ma-gitiiš ?imbaariH
why not-come-3rd-sg-F
yesterday
2.Sud.W: maa-?idirt ?aruH ?imbaariH
not be I able I go yesterday
il-masgid bas ruHt
the mosque but went-I
yom il-Had wi-?inti
day the-Sunday and-you-2nd-sg-M
magitiiš
not-come-not-3rd-sg-F
3.EW: maa-fiiš Had ?ali bas
no there one tell-me but
miš9awzaki tiTaniši
not want you-2nd-sg-F to forget
4.Sud.W: laa wallahi maHaTaniš
no by God not forget-1st-sg-M
lakin gozi Ha-yruuH
but my husband will go-3rd-sg-M
?ila šikaaGo wi-law la?eit
to Chicago and-if find-1st-sg-F
Had yi9Tiini rayid someone
give-3rd-sg-M-me a ride
Haagi ?in šaa?allaah I
come if God wills

Translation
EW: Why didn't you come yesterday?
Sud.W: I was not able to go to the mosque
yesterday, but I went there on
Sunday and you didn't come.
EW: No one told me but I don't want
you to forget.
Sud.W: By God I won't forget but my
husband will go to Chicago and if
I find someone to give me a ride I
will come , God-willing.

Code-switching from Sudanese Arabic to
Egyptian Arabic is also obvious from the
above example. The Sud.W is trying to
accommodate to the Egyptian dialect. In
Exchanges (2) and (4), she says: ?idirt, "be
able", la?eit "found" replacing [q] of her
dialect with the Egyptian [?]. Likewise, she
replaces the [j] of her own dialect with the
Egyptian [g] when she says: masgid

Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 77

"mosque", magitiiš “didn't come", gozi
"my husband", and Haagii "will come". At
the lexical level, the Sud.W is completely
switching to Egyptian Arabic by repeating
the exact words used by the EW. For
instance, she says: ?imbaariH "yesterday",
bas "but" and ma-HaTaniš "I won't forget".
To say these items in her dialect, she will
say: ?ams, lakin, and ?ansa respectively.

6.2.3 SWITCHING FROM JORDANIAN
ARABIC TO EGYPTIAN ARABIC
A fourth example also shows
code-switching from Jordanian Arabic to
Egyptian Arabic. The switches are
highlighted.

EXAMPLE (4):
1. EW: wi-?eih ?axbaar yaasmiin?
and what news Jasmin
2. JW: ?aHyanan bit9ali Sot-haa
sometimes raise-3rd-sg-F voice-her
lakin ta?riban ka?in
but perhaps as if ?asnaanha
ibiti9rifi teeth-her you know-2nd-
sg-FbitHukhaa 9ambitGalibni
haal?ayaam itching she annoys me
these days
3. EW: mumkin tikuun bitsaanin.
it's possible be grow teeth
4. JW: ?aluli mumkin they told-
3rd-PL-M- me possiblebas hiyya
bitiDaayi? minhum but she
annoyed-2nd-sg-F of them
li?anahum biyaaxdu because they
take-3rd-PL-M wa?at lamma
yiTla9uu time when they grow-
3rd-PL-M 5. EW: dii xalaas kibirit
ba?ah so finally grown yes
6. JW: ma-hiyya bitaakul halla dilwa?at
she eats-3rd-sg-F now now
fil-ma9la?a šiwaya in-the-spoon
a little

TRANSLATION
EW: And what's the news about
Jasmine?
JW: Sometimes she raises her voice but
perhaps, as her teeth you know are
itching her and annoys her these
days.
EW: Perhaps she is teething.
JW: They told me that's possible but
she gets annoyed with them
because they take time when they
appear.
EW: So, she is growing up.
JW: She is eating now with the spoon, a
little.

In this example, the Jordanian woman is
code-switching to Egyptian Arabic when
she says: ta?riban "perhaps", ?aluli "they
told me", bitiDayi? "annoyed", wa?at
"time" and dilwa?at "now". In all these
words the JW replaces the Jordanian
pronunciation of [q] with the Egyptian [?].
Also, she uses the Egyptian lexicon for
"but" bas and "spoon" ma9la?a. She also
says biyaxdu "they take", replacing [δ]
with [d]. Had she used her own dialect,
she would have said 9ambiyaxuδhum.
Again the most distinguishing feature in
this excerpt is that the Jordanian woman is
adopting the Egyptian phonology and
lexicon.

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

78 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
In the previous four examples, we see
instances of code-switching from Saudi,
Sudanese and Jordanian Arabic to
Egyptian Arabic. One can say that the
purpose of this code-switching to
Egyptian Arabic is that the speakers use it
as an accommodation framework to the
Egyptians. Giles et al. (1987: 14) points out
that .

The central notion of the frame
work is that during interaction
individuals are motivated to adjust
(or accommodate) their speech
styles as a strategy for gaining one
or more of the following goals:
evoking listeners' social approval,
attaining communicational
efficiency between interactants,
and maintaining positive social
identities. In addition, it is the
individual's perception of the
other's speech that will determine
his or her evaluative and communi
-cative responses... Convergence to
another dialect can lead persons to
attribute to the converger the traits
of friendliness, warmth, and so on.

Likewise, the speakers code-switch to
Egyptian Arabic as an attempt to maintain
a positive relation with the Egyptians as
well as to show intimacy and friendliness.
In all the previous taped conversations,
the Egyptian speakers do not code-switch
to the other Arabic dialects because they
do not have the need to converge to the
Saudi, Sudanese, or Jordanian dialects.
The reason for this is that the Egyptian
dialect, particularly the urban dialect
spoken in Cairo and other big cities in
Lower Egypt, is considered to be a more
popular dialect among the different Arabic
dialects spoken throughout the whole
Arab world. Mitchell (1986:12) also
explains this in the following words:
Egyptian films are seen and the
Egyptian radio heard in every
Arab country and Egyptians teach
in schools from Kuwait to Libya; it
is hardly surprising, therefore, that
the Egyptian colloquial is much
better known than any other. In
addition, it has advanced further
than other colloquials along the
road to linguistic independence,
for there exists a clearly
recognizable norm to which
educated Egyptian usage
conforms.

For these reasons, it is not surprising to
find that the Saudi, Sudanese and
Jordanian speakers code-switch to the
Egyptian variety. By doing this, those
speakers are trying to bridge the gap
between their respective local dialects and
the Egyptian dialect, which puts them at
ease.

6.3 Code-Switching from one Variety to
another within the same Language
In this section, code-switching is
illustrated among Egyptian speakers. The
following conversations between those
Egyptians who live in different parts of
Egypt occurred at the Urbana-Champaign
campus.

Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 79


6.3.1 Code-Switching from Upper
Egyptian Dialects to Lower
Egyptian Dialects
The first example is between two
Egyptian families who met each other at
the Mall. The Upper Egyptian family (UE)
has been to the Urbana-Champaign
campus for two years; the Lower Egyptian
family (LE) for one year. The reader is to
be reminded that "Lower Egypt" and
"Upper Egypt" correspond to northern and
southern parts of Egypt respectively.

EXAMPLE (5) :
1 LEW: ?ismii jaakliin min TanTaa
name-my Jacklyn from Tanta
2 UEW: ?ahlan yaa madaam gakliin
welcome O' madame Gackliin
3 LEM: ma-šuftuš zogtii don't you
see-2nd-PL-M my wife jaaklin
?abl kida Jacklin before now
4 UEW: laa wa-llahi ?iHna lissa
no by God we just
rag9iin min tarjet coming back-
1st-PL-M from Target
wi-HanruuH el-ai gi eih and-we'll
go the IGA
5 LEM: wi-?eih ?axbaar target
and-what news Target wil-ai-ji-eih
and the IGA

TRANSLATION
LEW: My name is Jacklyn from Tanta.
UEW: Welcome Madame Gackliin
LEM: Haven't you met my wife Jacklyn
before now.
UEM: No, by God. We are just coming
back from Target and we will go to
the IGA.
LEM: And what's the news in Target and
the IGA.

From the above conversation, one can see
that the Upper Egyptian family (living in
south Egypt) is trying to accommodate to
the dialect spoken by the Lower Egypt
family (living in Tanta, north of Egypt).
But in the process of accommodation the
UE family overgeneralizes the pronun-
ciation of [j] as [g] in LE dialects, the thing
which makes them to mispronounce
words like: gakliin, tarjet, and ai gi eih
instead of jakliin, target, and 'ai je eih’
respectively. What is significant to be
noticed here is the attempt from the LEM
(Lower Egyptian man) to repronounce in
an indirect way these words in their
correct pronunciation in order to give the
UEM/W (Upper Egyptian man and
woman) some hints to the correct
pronunciation of those words. The UEM
code-switches to the LEM's dialect when
the former says rag9iin. Had the UEM said
this word in his dialect, he would have
said: raj9iin. This example shows that
code-switching may occur even within one
language. The UE family are
code-switching to accommodate to the LE
dialect which is considered as more
prestigious and civilized than theirs in
Egypt. At the same time, adopting the LE
dialect may enhance the communication
between the two families as well as show
intimacy and positive attitudes towards
the LE family. As Giles et al. (1987:15)

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

80 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
points out that this may "attribute to the
converger the traits of friendliness,
warmth, and so on".

6.3.2 Switching from Lower Egyptian to
Upper Egyptian Dialects
In the following example, there is a
conversation between the same UEM and
another Egyptian woman (LEW) who is a
visiting professor at the Collage of
Commerce at UIUC.

EXAMPLE (6):
1 UEM: ?eih illi-xalakii ti-taqii fi
what make you-2nd-sg-F hit in
naafuxik wit-jibii your brain
and bring-2nd-sg-F
?ibnik hina
your son here
2 LEW: ?illi-xalani ?ataq fi
what make me hit in
naafuxii wi-xalaanii ?ajibuh my
brain and make me bring him
hiyya diraastuh
is his studying.

Translation
UEM : What has hit your brain and
makes you bring your son here?
LEW: What has hit my brain and makes
me bring him is his studying.
In this example, the UEM does not
code-switch to the LEW's dialect, but the
reverse is true. The LEW code-switches to
the UEM's dialect. This does not mean that
the LEW code-switches to that dialect
because of its popular status but because
she is not satisfied with the way the UEM
addresses her. The switch here is used to
make fun with the UEM's dialect and to
show her dissatisfaction of the way the
UEM speaks to her. This is particularly
important because the LEW is a professor
and the UEM is a graduate student who,
due to the LEW's high social status, should
not speak to her in that way. If the LEW
has to use her own dialect, she would say:
?ata? "hit" and ?agibuh "bring him" instead
of ?ataq and ?ajibuh respectively. Here,
the sociocultural factors as age, status,
level of education, position, class, etc., are
very essential in the interpretation of this
sort of CS.
One can conclude from this example
that code-switching or the convergence to
another variety does not mean to enhance
communication all the time but it may be
used as a strategy either to make fun of the
guest dialect or to give the interlocutee a
hint that the interlocutor is not happy with
the way or with the choice of lexicon when
the interlocutee addresses the interlocutor.

7. CODE-SWITCHING AND CODE-
MIXING TO ENGLISH
In this section, I will illustrate another
kind of code-switching as well as CM from
Arabic to English. This code-mixing and
code-switching will be illustrated from the
conversations between the same speakers
in Section 2.2 as well as from other
speakers of Arabic who live in the
Urbana-Champaign community.

7.1 CM and CS in Arabic and English
The following example is an excerpt

Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 81

from a conversation between a Moroccan
professor (MM) and an Egyptian (EM)
graduate student at the UIUC. The CS to
English is highlighted.

EXAMPLE (7):
1. MM: 9awziin nixtaar mini
we want select-1st-PL-M from
l-text books diy lildraasa fi
the text books this for-studying in
li-spring bigaanib kitaab 9abuu
the spring beside book Aboud
2. EM: bas dah Ha-ykun kitiir
but this will-be more
9alei-hum mumkin
for-them-3rd-PL-M can
nuHutu-hum fil-modern
we put-them in the modern
languages library wi-humma
language library and they-PL-M
y-ruHu wi-ySawar-u ya9ni they
go-they and copy-they mean they
have the option to do that.
have the option to do that.
3. MM: Taab which one bi-t-faDaluh
so whcih one you prefer-it
4. EM: huwwa da kiways bas
it is this good but
muškiltuh ?inu voweled
problem-its that it is voweled
wiHnna bin-darris unvoweled
and we we-teach unvoweled
texts
texts
5. MM: ?iδan mumkin nuHut a copy in
so can we put a copy in
the Asian library
the Asian library
wi-waHda fil-modern library
And-one in-the modern library

TRANSLATION
MM: We want to select from these
textbooks for studying in the
Spring besides Aboud's book.
EM: But this will be too much for them.
We can put them in the Modern
Languages Library, and they can
go and copy. I mean they have the
option to do that.
MM: So which one do you prefer?
This one is good but its problem is
that it is voweled and we teach
unvoweled texts.
MM: So, we can put a copy in the Asian
library and one in the modern
library.

In the above transcript, both the Moroccan
man (MM) and the Egyptian man (EM)
code-mix Arabic and English. The mixing
here is done at both single-word categories
and phrasal categories. For instance, the
most common switch or mix here is the
NP category. The MM says in exchanges
(3) and (5): which one, a copy in the Asian
library and fil-Modern Languages Library.
The EM also code-mixes English and
Arabic when he says: Modern Languages
Library, voweled and unvoweled texts. He
completely code-switches to English when
he says: they have the option to do that. At
the single-word level, both of them
code-mix to English when the MM says fil-
Spring.
This sort of code-switching and mixing
between languages is common among

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

82 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
bilinguals. Bokamba (1988: 24) defines this
sort of switching or mixing as the
embedding of a linguistic unit or units
from one language into another within the
same sentence. The MM and the EM
code-switch and code-mix from Arabic to
English frequently and as Sridhar (1978)
points out, this switching is done
"unconsciously" on the part of the code-
mixers. Because the two speakers discuss
the plans of choosing different textbooks
to be taught to non-Arabs, the switch is
natural and justified because both of them
teach Arabic to non-Arabic students as
well as they have been in the United States
for more than eight years. These speakers
are aware of their educational back-
ground, particularly their knowledge of
English. They also know that they will
understand each other when they mix
Arabic and English.

7.2 Code-Switching to English among
Egyptian Speakers
Another example that illustrates
code-switching to English is the following
excerpt from the conversation between
two Egyptian men.

EXAMPLE (8):
1.EM1: il-mawrid very expensive
Al-Mawrid very expensive
wi-9aadatan da biykun
and usually this is
fi taani ?aw taalit sana
in second or third year
2.EM2: fi minu pocket mawrid saGiir
from it pocket mawrid small
wi-mumkin ni9mil
and can we make-1st-PL-M
minu order bas from Lebanon
from it order but from Lebanon
3.EM1: ?ana 9aadatan fi taani sana
I usually in second year
kul Haga badihal-hum
all thing I give-them-3rd-PL-M
are articles from magazines and
are articles from magazines and
newspapers
newspapers
TRANSLATION
EM1: Al-Mawrid (name of a big
English-Arabic dictionary) is very
expensive and this can be used in
second or third year.
EM2: There is a small pocket Mawrid
and we can make an order but this
will be from Lebanon.
EM1: Usually, in the second year all the
things I gave them are articles from
magazines and newspapers.

What is interesting in this example is that
although the two Egyptian men speak the
same language and the same variety, both
of them code-switch to and mix with
English. It is normal for a graduate
student from Egypt in the United States to
code-switch back and forth from Egyptian
Arabic to English. For instance in (1) and
(3) EM1 code-switches from Arabic to
English when he says very expensive and
are articles from magazines and
newspapers. While he could have used the
Arabic expressions Gaali giddan and
maqaalaat mini l-magalaat wil-gara?id
respectively, he uses English phrases.
Also, the EM2 code-switches to English in
(2) when he says pocket Mawrid, an order
and from Lebanon. One can say that the

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Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 83

two speakers use total code-switching to
English when they replace the Arabic
expressions with English ones. This type
of code-switching may be said to facilitate
understanding between the two speakers
since the use of Arabic words may (or may
not) cause some confusion. This total code-
switching to English can also emphasize
the importance of these expressions
particularly when the two speakers talk
about dictionaries, books and ordering
books. Thus, the choice of English
expressions shows accuracy, emphasis and
clarity. What is also interesting in this
example is the EM2's use of "pocket
Mawrid SaGiir", which violates and,
simultaneously, keeps the relation
between adjectives and their head nouns
both in Arabic and English. In Arabic, the
head noun is to be stated first followed by
any number of adjectives that qualify this
noun and agree with it in person, number
and gender. In English, however,
adjectives precede their head nouns. Thus,
pocket Mawrid goes with the English
structure where an adjective-'pocket',
precedes a noun-'Mawrid'. But at the same
time this NP is followed by an adjective
SaGiir "small" and thus corresponds to
Arabic structure and violates English
where adjectives should precede nouns.
Despite this violation in code-mixing, the
two speakers completely understand each
other. This violation in code-mixing leads
some linguists including Kachru (1978),
Poplack (1980), Sridhar & Sridhar (1980)
and Bokamba (1988) to consider what
grammar of code-mixing might be and
what constraints are to be imposed in
code-mixing in order to prevent certain
structures from being mixed. Bokamba
(1988) and Pandharipande (1990; 1998)
among others review these constraints and
find many counterexamples from the
Bantu languages and Marathi respectively,
thus challenging the universality of these
constraints. Atawneh (1992) has also
confirmed this conclusion.
Related to this kind of discussion is the
following example of a conversation
between an Egyptian woman (EW) and a
Saudi woman (SW) where we find a
similar violation in code-mixing in Arabic
and English.
EXAMPLE (9):
1.EW: wallahi ?inti bi-ti-study-ii ?
O God you are studying-2nd-sg-F
2.SW: ?aywa badris art

yes I study-1st-sg art
3.EW: rasm ba?a wala ?eih
drawing yes or what
4.SW: rasm wu-taqriban taSmiim
drawing and possibly design
art and design
art and design
5.EW: Taab wi-?ibnik bi-ti9mili
so and son-your you-do-2nd-sg-F
fiih ?eih
with-him what
6.SW: kunt it-term ?ili faat
I was the term the past
batruk-u 9ind waHda
I leave-him with one
Amirican lakin fi
American but in

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

84 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
l-weekend bi-y-kunn ma9-i
the -weekend he-is with-me

TRANSLATION
EW: O'God! You are studying?
SW: Yes, I study art.
EW: Drawing or what?
SW: Drawing and nearly design, art and
design.
EW: And what do you do with your son
when you are studying?
SW: I used in the last term to leave him
with an American lady but in the
weekend, he stays with me.

The EW in (1) mixes Arabic and English in
the same verb. She says bi-ti-study-ii "you
are studying". She affixes certain Arabic
prefixes and suffixes to the English verb
study. The prefixes {bi-} and {-ti-} indicate
the present progressive tense and second
person singular feminine respectively.
Likewise, she adds the suffix {-ii} that
indicates feminine gender to the English
verb study. What is amazing here is that
the SW completely understands the EW's
question by replying: ?aywa "yes". The SW
also code-mixes Arabic and English. She
completely code-switches to English when
she says in (2), (4) and (5) art, art and
design and American. Also she
code-mixes Arabic and English when she
adds, for example, the Arabic definite
article to ?il-term "the term" and
?il-weekend "the weekend". When the EW
mixes English and Arabic she is aware of
the fact the SW will understand her. Also
when the SW says art and design in
English instead of Arabic is because of the
fact that these expressions in English have
definite and specialized meanings. Again,
there is some violation of the constraints
on code-mixing and still the conversation
is completely intelligible to both speakers.
The following example between a
Jordanian man (JM) and an Egyptian man
(EM) also shows that both of them switch
to English. The JM also switches to
Egyptian Arabic but this will not be
discussed here for similar analysis for
switching from JA to EA is studied in the
previous section. What concerns us here is
the complete and partial code-mixing of
Arabic and English in the conversation
between them.

EXAMPLE (10):
1.JM : 9at-tilifuun il-application fi
on the-telephone the-application in
9ašar da?aayi? we-btiHki
ten minutes and speak-2nd-sg-M
ma9a-hum wu-bitguul
with-them and-you say-2nd-M
I want to fill this application
I want to fill this application
wi-bti9Ti-hum ?ismak
and-you give-them name-your
wi-9inwanak wi- fi two weeks
and-your address and in two
weeks yib9aθ-ha ?ilik
he send it to you2nd.FEM:
humma kaanu ba9atuu-haali
they were send-it-to me
marra min three weeks
once from three weeks
3.JM: quluhum 9indi Citibank Card
tell them have-I Citibank card
bas ?ariid J.M. Card

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Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 85

but I want J.M. card
4.EM: maa fi annual fee walaa Hagah
no there annual fee or something
5.JM: no annual fee ?ana ?ijaat-li
no annual fee I it-comes-to me
l-faTuura ?awal iš-šahr
the-bill beginning the-month
bimi?at dularaat wi-l-minimum
hundred dollars and-the-minimum
payment 9ašra dular
payment ten dollar
ya9ni tištiri bi-?arba9mi?at
I mean you-buy with-four-hundred
dular tikun 9ašar dulaaraat
dollar becomes ten dollars
li?an two percent mini-
because two percent from
l-whole purchase ka-minimum
the whole purchase as as minimum
payment
payment

TRANSLATION
JM: On the telephone you can fill the
application in ten minutes and you
speak to them and say I want to fill
this application and give them
your name and address and in two
weeks they will send it to you.
EM: They sent me once from three
weeks JM: Tell them I have
Citibank Card but I want J.M.
Card.
EM: There is no annual fee or
something?
JM: No annual fee. The bill came to me
at the beginning of the month of
one hundred dollars and the
minimum payment is ten dollars, I
mean, you buy with four hundred
dollars becomes ten dollars
because the two percent from the
whole purchase as a minimum
payment.

The JM and the EM are discussing the
possibility as well as the advantage of
having a credit card. Because this is an
important issue for both of them, there are
many instances of CM and CS from Arabic
to English. Most of the examples are
complete code-switching instances to
English. Also, the word tilifuun in
Exchange (1) is a borrowed word from the
English word "telephone" and undergoes
the Arabic system of voweling and
morphology. If the JM wants to say the
same word in Arabic he will say haatif
"telephone". In (1) also the JM code-mixes
Arabic and English when he says
il-application and we notice here that he
prefixes the definite article [il-] to the
English word application. In the same
exchange, he completely switches to
English when he says I want to fill this
application and two weeks. Here the JM
wants to be accurate in telling the EM
what the latter should do when he fills an
application by telephone. Because the two
speakers live in the United States and
because in their home countries they do
not have this kind of credit cards, the
switch from Arabic to English is natural
and unconscious on the part of the
speakers. The complete switch to English
is also found in (2) and (4) when the EM

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86 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
says three weeks and annual fee. Because
the phrase annual fee is very important to
the speaker he says it in English in order
to be fully understood by the other
speaker who also repeats the same phrase
in English, in (5), to assure the EM that he
understands what this phrase means. To
explain the advantage of having a credit
card, the JM in (5) code-mixes to English
and prefixes to the English phrases some
Arabic conjunctions and connectors. For
instance, he says wi-l-minimum payment
and ka-minimum payment prefixing the
conjunction {wi-}'and', the definite article
{l-}'the' and the connector {ka-}'as' to
English phrase "minimum payment ".
Likewise, the JM code-switches to English
when he says two percent and code-mixes
in il-whole purchase, and prefixes the
Arabic definite article {il-} to the last
phrase.
Now, consider the following example
between an Egyptian woman (EW) and a
Jordanian woman (JW).

EXAMPLE (11):
1.EW: Taab ?eih il-[b]roblem-aat
so what is the-problem-F.pl.
illi bit?ablik
that it-encounter-you F.sg.
2.JW: wallahi ?inti 9arfa
By God you F.sg. know2nd.F.sg.
?in il-[b]rofessors
that the-professors-M.pl.
w-il-[b]rofessor-aat fi-
and-the-professor-F.pl. in-
l-university diy
the-university this-F.sg.
9ambiydarrisuu-na ?iktiir
are teaching-us much
3.EW: bein-i wi-bein-ik
between-me and-between-you-F.sg
illisstudying hina difficult jiddan
the-studying here difficult very
wi-bizaat ?iHna talaba
and-especially we are students-
M.pl.
foreigners
foreigners-M.pl.
4.JW: manti 9arfah inni
you-F.sg. know-2nd.F.sg. that
diy university mašhura
this-F.sg. university famous
wi-lazim il-foreigners
and-must the-foreigners
yi-dfa9uu iθ-θaman law
PRES.pay-3rd.M.pl. the-price if
yi-bGuun
PRES-wish-they-M.pl.
yi-t-learn-uu
PRES-CAUS-learn-They-
M.pl.SUBJUN.

TRANSLATION
EW: So, what are the problems you
encountering?
JW: By God! You know the professors
(M & F) in this university teach us
much.
EW: Between you and I, the studying
here is very difficult especially we
are foreign students.
JW: You know that this university is
famous and the foreigners must
pay the price if they wish to learn.

In this example, the EW and the JW are
talking in Arabic and both code-mix

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Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 87

Arabic and English. In Exchanges (1) and
(3), the EW uses the following English
words: il-[b]roblem-aat, il-lisstudying,
difficult, and foreigners. As concerns the
first word, the EW inflects the English
word problem as if it is an Arabic word.
The two Arab speakers substitute the
voiceless English phoneme /p/ by the
voiced /b/ because the former Arabic
does not include such phoneme in its
phonemic inventory. To that word, the
EW adds the definite article {il-} as well as
the feminine plural morpheme {-aat} to the
same word. In il-lisstudying, the EW adds
the definite article {il-} to the English
verbal noun studying. In the process of
doing that, she doubles the /s/ phoneme
as she does with any Arabic verbal noun
that starts with {s} morpheme, such as i(l)-
ssafar, "the traveling". At the same time in
Exchange (3), she qualifies the English
noun studying with an English adjective,
difficult and an Arabic adverb, jidan
"very". In this, she is violating the English
structure which should be:

Adverb + Adjective + Noun
‘very difficult study’

I will discuss that in the next section. As
for the JW, she code-mixes Arabic and
English also. In exchange (2), she says: il-
[b]rofessors "the Professors", wil-
brofessor-aat "and the professors(F), and
fil-university di. In exchange (4), the JW
also says: di university mašura and yit-
learn-uu. Again, the JW inflects the
English word "professors" in order to
satisfy the Arabic structure. In il-
[b]rofessors, the JW attaches the bound
morpheme {il-} ‘the’ to the English word.
She pronounces the English phoneme /p/
as /b/. So, the JW unconsciously
pronounces the word as if it is an Arabic
word with the phoneme /b/. By the same
token, the JW feminizes the English word
"professors" by adding to it the Arabic
feminine plural morpheme {-aat} in
addition to the definite article prefix {il-}.
What is interesting here and sheds some
lights on the nature of CS and CM is that
the JW did not add the masculine suffix
pronoun {-uuna NOM} and {-iina ACC} to
the English noun il-professor. Had she
done so, she would have said *il-
professor-uuna (NOM masculine Pl.
noun). The explanation may be that the
masculine suffix pronoun is more marked
in Arabic than the feminine plural suffix.
The masculine suffix pronoun is to be
added only to masculine human nouns
whereas the feminine plural suffix {-aat} is
to be added to either feminine human
nouns or to feminine and masculine non-
human nouns. Besides, the JW follows the
Arabic structure in which the demo-
nstrative word this can follow the noun.
When she says fil-university di "in-the-
university this" instead of the English
word order in this university. The
demonstrative this - whether masculine or
feminine - makes the head noun definite.
This is why the definite article {il-} is
added to the word university. In Exchange
(4), the JW uses the demonstrative {di}
"this (F)" in front of the same word.

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

88 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
Finally, the JW also inflects the English
verb learn to match the verb paradigm in
Arabic when she says: yit-learn-uu "they
are learning (M)". More interestingly, she
puts the English verb in the subjunctive
mood because the Arabic structure
necessitates this after certain verbs as
yibGuun "want to; wish".

8. A Formal Discussion of Postulated
Universal Constraints on CM
In the following discussion, I will
illustrate that the so-called universal
constraints on CM and CS are not
adequate to explain the Arabic data of CM
to English. These constraints that are
proposed by Poplack (1982) and Sridhar
and Sridhar (1982) will be examined.
Pandharipande (1990) and Bokamba
(1998) have already showed the
inadequacy of these constraints to explain
the data from Marathi, in India and Bantu
languages in Africa respectively. Let us
consider some of the postulated
constraints on CM. Let me start with what
is called "The Free-Morpheme Constraint".
Poplack (1980) defines this constraint as
follows:

No switch is allowed between a
bound morpheme and a lexical
form unless the latter has been
phonologically integrated into the
language of the former.

The examples in the above section (2.4)
show that this constraint is not satisfied in
the mixing of the Arabic and English
codes. Some of these examples are
repeated here for convenience.

1.a ?inti bi-ti-study-ii (Section 7 Ex. 9)
You are PROG-2nd sq.F-study-F.sg.
'Are you studying ?'
1.b bi + ti + study + ii
Arabic(prog.) + 2nd.f.sg + English +
feminine suffix:
‘are studying’
2.a ?eih il-problem-aat illi
What the-problem-F.pl. that
bit?ablik (Section 7 Ex. 11)
it-encounter-you F.sg.
'What are the problems that you are
encountering ?'
2.b il + problem + aat
Arabic (the) + English + Arabic plural
suffix (F)
‘The problems’

In examples (1) and (2) above, the switch
from Arabic to English takes place
between the bound morphemes {il-} and {-
aat} and the lexical item. As one can see in
(1a), the English verb study takes the
Arabic progressive prefix {bi}, the second
person feminine singular prefix {ti-} and
the feminine marker suffix {-ii}. In
example (2a), the English noun problem
takes the Arabic definite article prefix {il-}
"the" and the Arabic feminine plural
morpheme {-aat}. This is a violation of
Poplack's (1980) constraint of the Free
Morpheme Constraint because his
constraint does not allow such mixing in
(1) and (2).
A stronger form of the Free-Morpheme
Constraint is proposed by Wentz and
McClure (1976: 245) and Wentz (1977: 237)

Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 89

under the heading of "The Bicodal-Word
Constraint " which stipulates that

No word can exist in natural
language which contains mor-
phemes from two codes identified
as distinct by the speaker.

Like the Free-Morpheme Constraint, the
Bicodal-Word Constraint would erro-
neously not allow items such as those
highlighted in (1) and (2) above, because
they are each made with morphemes from
distinct languages, namely Arabic and
English.

The next constraint to be considered is
what Sridhar and Sridhar (1980:209) called
"The Dual-Structure Constraint" which
says:

The internal structure of the guest
constituent need not conform to
the constituent structure rules of
the host language, so long as its
placement in the host sentence
obeys the rules of the host
language.

The following examples from the data
under focus illustrate some violation of
this constraint.

3.a illi-sstudying hina difficult
jiddan.
the-studying here difficult very
'the studying here is very difficult'
(Section 7 Ex. 11)
3.b *illi-studying hina *jiddan
the-study here very
difficult
difficult
'The studying here is very difficult'.
4.a di university mašura
this (F.sg) university famous
(F.sg)
‘This is a famous university’
(Section 7 Ex. 11)
4.b di *mašhura university
this (f.sg.) famous university
‘*this famous university’
Given the Arabic word order (5a) and the
English word order (5b), one can say that
according to the data in examples (3) and
(4), the internal structure of the guest
English constituent has to conform to the
constituent of the host language, i.e.
Arabic.
5.a Arabic: NP Adj Adv
e.g. ‘jaami9a mašhura jiddan
5.b English: Adv Adj NP
e.g. ‘very famous university

In (3) and (4), the English constituent
structure very difficult and famous
university are not allowed (notice that (3b)
and (4b) are ungrammatical). Instead, the
constituent structure of the host language,
i.e. Arabic, as shown in (5a), is obligatory
where the Arabic Adverb jiddan and
Arabic adjective mašhura must follow
their head adjective and noun res-
pectively. If Sridhar and Sridhar's (1980)
Dual-Structure Constraint were correct,
one should expect (3b) and (4b) to be
grammatical, but they are not.

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

90 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
Mayers-Scotton (1993) proposes some
other universal constraints. She (1993:83)
suggests a constraint called "The System
Morpheme Principle" which says

In ML [Matrix Language] + EL
[Embedded Language] consti-
tuents, all system morphemes
which have grammatical relations
external to their head constituent
(i.e. which participate in the
sentence's thematic role grid) will
come from the ML.

In CM in Arabic and English, this
constraint is sometimes satisfied and
sometimes is violated. It is satisfied for
instance in examples (1) and (2) of this
section but it is violated in example (3.a) in
illi-study-ing where the morpheme {illi-} is
a system morpheme from ML (Arabic)
whereas the morpheme {-ing} is from EL
(English). In example (11), this constraint
is also satisfied in some instances but not
in others.

6.a il-professor-s
'the professors' (M.)
6.b il-professor-aat
'the professors' (F.)

In (6.b), the System Morpheme Principle is
satisfied. Both the {il-} and the {-aat} are
system morphemes from ML (Arabic). In
(6.a), however, the system morpheme {il-}
is from ML whereas the system morpheme
{-s} is from EL (English), thus, this
constraint is violated. Therefore, it is
difficult to formulate a purely structural
universal constraint that can be applied to
all cases without exceptions, although this
constraint accounts for most of the CM
utterances in Arabic and English.
To conclude this section, one can say
that the postulated universal constraints
on CM do not hold true all the time. There
seems to be no consensus at all regarding
the application, characterization, function
and quantification of such constraints. I do
not imply that there are no constraints at
all. What I am saying is that there are
some constraints that govern the code-
mixed utterances but more in depth
studies are actually needed before having
a consensus on the universality of such
constraints.

9. RESULTS
The results of this study answer the
proposed questions mentioned at the
beginning. For the first and second
questions that read respectively: which
codes do Arabic speakers of different
varieties use when they engage in
intragroup discussions? and which codes
do Arabic speakers of different dialects
choose when they engage in informal
conversations with Egyptian speakers? the
study shows that Arabic speakers of
different varieties rather than Egyptian
Arabic use Egyptian Arabic when they
engage in conversations with Egyptians.
They codeswitch to Egyptian Arabic
mostly often at the lexical and
phonological levels. This result does not
confirm Abu-Melhim's (1991) conclusion
that Arabic speakers in cross-dialectical
situation resort to Modern Standard

Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 91

Arabic which is the written language of all
the speakers and which is used in the
media, books and education. Being
bilinguals, these speakers also codeswitch
to English. The switch depends on the
situation and topic of the conversations.
For instance, the switch is very obvious
when the speakers choose topics such as
invitations, discussion of a study program,
or talking about specific subject in English.
The answer for the third question
which says: which codes do Egyptian
speakers use when they converse with
each other? is that they use their own
variety. If the speakers speak different
dialects, then the switch is from the less
popular, in this case the Upper Egyptian
variety, to the more popular and refined,
in this case Lower Egyptian variety of big
cities. Egyptians, being bilinguals, also
codeswitch to English. The switch
depends upon the subject matter, purpose,
and situation of the conversation.
In answering the fourth and fifth
questions which say: what are the socio-
cultural motivations behind CM and CS
used among Arabic speakers of
different/same varieties and why do
Arabic speakers switch or mix codes?
respectively, this paper illustrates that
speakers of different as well as same
Arabic dialects use CS and CM as a
framework to enhance communication
and to accommodate each other in
informal conversations and discussions.
The most common context in this study is
the switching from different Arabic
dialects such as Saudi, Sudanese,
Jordanian and Moroccan Arabic to
Egyptian Arabic. As shown in this study,
CS occurs essentially from different and
diverse Arabic dialects to Egyptian Arabic
which is a prevalent dialect among all
Arabic speakers and which is considered
the most popular dialect throughout the
Arabic speaking world. Also, CS did occur
among the speakers of the same
community, in our case Egypt. However,
in some cases within the same dialect, the
occurrence of CS, for example from LE to
UE (Lower and Upper Egyptian
respectively), was not used to enhance
communication between the two speakers
in Section 6.3.1, Example (5), or because
the UE dialect is prestigious, but the LE
speaker tries to ironically imitate the UE
dialect for she is not happy with the way
the UEM addresses her due to the
socio-cultural considerations on the mind
of the LEW. It is very important here to
know the underlying sociocultural factors
behind these switches.
Likewise, CS and CM did occur from
all different Arabic dialects to English. The
switch to English is like a continuum that
ranges from using partial to complete
lexical items, phrases or complete
utterances in English. This switch also
undergoes the Arabic inflection paradigm
either for nouns, adjectives or verbs. The
motivations behind the different speakers'
frequently use of CS and CM especially to
Egyptian Arabic or to English may ( as
Grosjean (1982:148-9-155) has noted) be
used from different reasons:


Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

92 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
Code-switching not only fulfills a
momentary linguistic need, it is
also a very useful communication
resource ...[Speakers'] main
concern is with communicating a
message or intent, and they know
that the other person will
understand them whether they use
one or two languages...
Code-switching can also be used
for many other reasons, such as
quoting what someone has said
(and thereby emphasizing one's
group identity), specifying the
addressee (switching to the usual
language of a particular person in a
group will show that one is
addressing that person), qualifying
what has been said, or talking
about past events.

This study also shows that sometimes
overgeneralization in CS to some dialect
may lead to some unacceptable
pronunciation as shown in sections 6.2.1.
example (1) and 6.3.1 example (5).
This study also shows that the
postulated universal constraints on CM
and CS do not satisfy the code-mixed
utterances in Arabic and English. I have
illustrated that The Free-Morpheme
Constraint (Poplack 1980), The Bicodal-
Word Constraint (Wentz (1977) and Wentz
and McClure (1976)), The Dual-Structure
Constraint (Sridhar and Sridhar (1980)),
and The System Morpheme Principle
(Mayers-Scotton (1993)) could not explain
the code-mixed data from Arabic and
English. This means that there must be
some other explanations for the code-
mixed material. I am not saying that the
codemixed and codeswitched material in
Arabic and English are random or not
rule-governed. What I am saying is that
the universality of the postulated
universal constraints do not account for
CM and CS in Arabic and English. There
must be some local constraints that are at
work since CM and CS in Arabic and
English follow certain structural
constraints. More studies are needed to
define the nature of such constraints.

10. CONCLUSION
This study shows that speakers of
different Arabic dialects code-switch to
Egyptian Arabic when they speak to
Egyptians, particularly at the lexical and
phonological levels. These speakers code-
switch to Egyptian Arabic in order to
facilitate comprehensibility and to show
friendliness and intimacy. They also
code-switch to Egyptian Arabic to show
accuracy when they quote or repeat the
utterances made by an Egyptian. What is
also noticeable is that the Egyptian
speakers never code-switch to the other
Arabic dialects either consciously or
unconsciously.
Besides, the different Arabic subjects of
this study code-switch to English either
partially or completely. In most cases, the
switch to English is used to emphasize
accuracy of the usage of the English words
or phrases as well as in reporting what the
other speaker said and thus, the switch
provides emphasis. Gumperz (1982: 75-6,
78) has noted that

In many instances the code
switched passages are clearly

Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 93

identifiable either as direct
quotations or as reported speech...
Frequently a message in one code
is repeated in the other code, either
literally or in somewhat modified
form. In some cases such
repetitions may serve to clarify
what is said, but often they simply
amplify or emphasize a message.

The claim that CS among the different
dialects in the same language and in the
same speech community is to enhance
communication and to show warmth and
friendliness as suggested by Giles et al
(1987) is not always true because some of
the subjects of this study use CS to make
fun of the other code as well as to give
hints to the other speaker that the
code-switcher is not happy with the way
s/he is addressed particularly when the
other code or variety is not a prestigious
one.
Finally, overgeneralization in CS and
CM sometimes leads to some
mispronunciation on the part of the
code-switcher/mixer. Also, although the
so-called universal constraints on CM and
CS explain some code-mixed data in some
languages, still, they cannot be considered
universally enough to account for the
code-mixed data cross-linguistically. As
this study shows, CM of Arabic and
English does not abide by those postulated
constraints. Only Mayers-Scotton's (1993)
System Morpheme Constraint explains
best the Arabic-English CM than others.
Still, the System Morpheme Constraint is
not universal enough to account for all the
data. Pandharipande (forthcoming) also
tested the universality of the same
constraint on mixing Marathi-Sanskrit and
Marathi-English and pointed out that the
Marathi-Sanskrit CS differed regarding the
System Morpheme Principle. She also
concluded that it has difficult to formulate
a universal yet purely structural constraint
that will be applicable to all cases. The
major claim is that CM is functionally
motivated. Therefore, the constraints
should also refer to the function of CM
and not be restricted to structures alone.
I conclude this study by evoking the
following questions not addressed in this
study:
- What code would speakers of different
Arabic dialects use when they speak to
each other if Egyptian speakers are there?
Would they use Egyptian Arabic?
- What code would the same speakers use
if there are no Egyptians involved in the
conversation?
- Can we really suggest universal
constraints on CM and CS? If yes, what
will the nature and form of these
constraints be? Are they structurally,
functionally or situationally dependent
Endnotes
1
The following phonemic symbols will be
adopted in the transliteration of Arabic
words:
a) Emphatic vs non-emphatic
consonants:
/ T / as in Taaba ‘he recovered’ vs
/ t / as in taaba ‘he repented.’
/ D / as in Dalla ‘he went astray’ vs
/ d / as in dalla ‘he guided’
/ S / as in Sayf ‘summer’ vs
/ s / as in sayf ‘sword’
/ δ / as in δalla ‘he remained’ vs/ δ
/ as in δalla ‘he became despised’

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

94 Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003
b) Glottal Stop (hamza) / ? /: as in
?abb ‘father’; sa?ala ‘he asked’; samaa?
‘sky’; su?aal ‘question’
c) Back consonants:
i) Velar Fricatives / x /, / G /
/ x / as in xadd ‘cheek’
/ G / as in Gadd ‘tomorrow’
ii) Pharyngeal Fricatives / H /, / 9 /
/ H / as in Haddada ‘he specified’ vs
/ h / as in haddada ‘he threatened’
/ 9 / as in 9addada ‘he enumerated’
iii) Glottal Fricative / h / as in
hunaa ‘here’; huwa ‘he’; haam ‘important’
d) Vowels: Arabic has three pairs of
short and long vowel phonemes that are
shown in Table (1).
Table (1): Arabic Vowels
Front Central Back
High ii
[Long]
i
[Short]
uu [Long]
u [Short]
Low aa [Long]
a [Short]


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Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America

CODE ALTERNATION AMONG ARAB SPEAKERS IN AMERICA

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

ABSTRACT
This paper discusses the phenomena of code-mixing and code-switching among different Arab speakers. Among the questions addressed are: which codes do Arab speakers use when they engage in intragroup informal discussions? which codes do Arab speakers choose when they engage in informal discussions with Egyptian speakers? and do code-mixing and codeswitching in Arabic abide by the so-called universal constraints on code-mixing and code-switching?...etc. The results show that code-mixing and codeswitching in Arabic and English do not abide by the so-called universal constraints. Only the System Morpheme Constraint proves to explain better the code-mixed data in Arabic/English. The results show that different Arab speakers change their code according to the topic and the context of situation, and not necessarily resort to MSA in cross-dialectical conversations. The study proves that code-mixing and code-switching are not always used to enhance communication; rather, they may be used to making fun at other dialects that may not be very popular or refined. Finally, code-mixing and code-switching in Arabic and English occur as a continuum.

Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities

67

Dr. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany

 

‫اﻟﻤﻠﺨﺺ‬
         System Morpheme Constraint        



      

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Vol. 15- No.2 – Jumad I 1424H. July 2003

PURPOSE AND SCOPE OF STUDY This study addresses the following questions: 1. These studies have also illustrated that CM and CS are manipulated by bilinguals in order to achieve different goals and functions such as emphasis. speak English and live in the USA. Jordanian and Moroccan. He concluded that the use of only a single noun in English is the most common one. The present study will address this topic in a different way. Arabic speakers resort to a number of communication strategies such as CS to another dialect. 1982). Which code(s) do Arab speakers of different dialects choose when they engage in informal discussions and varieties use when they engage in intragroup informal disc- Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 69 . Arabian. It investigates the phenomena of CM and CS among a number Egyptian. friendliness. Atawneh (1992) reports on a study on CM manipulated by three Arabic children who were learning ESL. Eid's (1988) paper examines the syntactic aspects of CS of radio and television interviews and panel discussions in Egypt where the speakers alternate in their use of the two varieties (Egyptian Arabic (EA) and MSA) switching from one to the other across sentence boundaries and within the same sentence as well. Pfaff (1979). effective communicative goals. sociocultural authenticity. Abu-Melhim (1991) concluded that in cross-dialectal situations. warmth. solidarity.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America 1. who speak different varieties of Arabic. There are also some other studies that are conducted on CM and CS in Arabic/ English. Some other studies such as Sridhar & Sridhar (1980) and Woolford (1983) have discussed the fact that if the bilingual speaker is able to use different codes in a given speech situation. to Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and to English (if the speakers are bilinguals). while mixing of just a functional word such as a preposition or a morpheme is rare. This means that the grammars of at least two language systems of a bilingual are working simultaneously. The context of all the data is in the USA. and so on. The idea of the bilingual's grammar is a controversial issue among linguists. then. Which code(s) do Arab speakers of different ussions? 2. The study also investigates the process of CS and CM used by speakers of the same Arabic variety when they talk to each other. Poplack (1980. 2. and others have concluded that CM and CS are used in most speech situations among bilinguals as well as among monolinguals in terms of style shifting. Introduction Many recent studies conducted on Code-Mixing (hereafter CM) and CodeSwitching (hereafter CS) such as those of Timm (1975). of different Sudanese. Arab Saudi speakers. He also concluded that the so-called constraints on CM are not entirely satisfactory. there must exist what is called "the bilingual's grammar". Sridhar (1978).

nine males and eight females.Dr. an artifact of the investigator. Finally. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany conversations with Egyptian speakers? 3. Even if some of them knew that his/her conversation was taperecorded s/he did not know the purpose of these recordings.2 – Jumad I 1424H. For the Egyptian speakers. the speakers do not know that their conversations and discussions are being tape-recorded.. English and possibly other Arabic dialects used in this study. Modern Jordanian and Moroccan speakers include specific Standard Arabic (MSA). Other than that. By doing this. but not written. in the street. the thing which may make these speakers alert and conscious to what they are saying. the investigator's activity to collect the data will not be. This is to make sure that the conversations are natural and spontaneous and are not affected by the speakers' perception that their speech is being tape-recorded. 70 Vol. July 2003 . 3. The relationship between MSA and EA is the same between MSA and other Arabic dialects. Egyptian Arabic (EA) and English. Modern Standard Arabic. among friends. All the data in this study have been gathered from natural and real life settings (e. 15. Saudi. the different dialects are spoken. education and formal talks. it should be noted that there is a diglossic situation in the Arabic countries. phonological and structural differences among the different varieties spoken by the subjects of this study.No. as Labov (1978: 340) puts it. Why do Arab speakers switch or mix codes? And 6. Dialects such as EA are not written and are used by their speakers in informal situations. social activities and gatherings. but do not necessarily speak it. The general point is that all the subjects of this study understand Modern Standard Arabic. There are also some lexical. Sudanese and Moroccan on the one hand and Egyptian speakers on the other. Saudi. their linguistic repertoire and competence include their own specific dialect. In most cases. press. It is the written language all over the Arab countries.g. DATA AND METHODOLOGY The data of this study have been gathered from telephone conversations between Arab speakers of different dialects and varieties including Jordanian. education and formal lectures. The context of the data is in the USA. Which code(s) do Egyptian speakers use when they converse with each other? 4. dialect. What are the sociocultural factors behind CM and CS used among Arab speakers of different/same varieties? 5. To what extent do CM and CS in Arabic abide by the so-called universal constraints on CM and CS? A point that is worthy of mentioning here is that the linguistic repertoire and competence their own of the Sudanese. and in informal social gatherings. Modern Standard Arabic is used in books. media. at home and in the street. discussions . The number of subjects examined is seventeen. The difference is that EA is more popular and refined than other dialects due to some socio-cultural factors that will be explained later on. MSA is the main variety used in formal situations such as in the media. at home..

Hymes (1977).g. With respect to the notion of the "Context of Situation". CS. as Kachru (1983) puts it. e. Also included in this study are data (not taperecorded) gathered from informal discussions. on the other hand. is "intersentential". Firth (1957). In this study. there is a problem of defining the basic terminology since scholars use diverse terms to refer to the same phenomenon. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The theoretical framework of the present study is based on the assumption that language is best interpreted in its sociocultural context. In sociolinguistic literature. sentence-units are drawn from one or the languages switcher. In code-mixed speech.e. She (1990: 85) defines codeswitching as "the use of two or more linguistic varieties in the same Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 71 . there is no mentioning of the notion "matrix language" as in Mayers-Scotton's. Kachru (1981: 93) observes that The Firthian use of Context of Situation is an abstraction from situation. It can be intra. the code-mixer may make use of morphemes. DEFINITION OF BASIC TERMS In the current sociolinguistic studies. it is as abstract as the grammatical. and other categories that are relevant to interpretation of transactional linguistic behavior.or extrasentential and also intra-word". the CM and CS utterances are highlighted in both the English translation and in the transliteration. or even sentences of the matrix language. i. She also refers to the dominating variety used in the conversation as the "matrix language" and the other variety as the "embedded language". 4. 1990) uses "codeswitching" as a cover term for both CS and CM. processes. phonological. picnics and ethnic gatherings. yet related. I will adopt Kachru's definition because I want to refer to CM and CS as two separate. phoneme realizations of phonological categories. words. or to put it differently. in the shopping Mall. In Kachru's definition. lexical.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America etc. context of situation. The notion of the "matrix language" can be seen in Kachru's definition of CM but not in CS. This in its turn reflects the language as it is used in every day life. I am going to adopt Kachru's (1983) definition of CM as the "intrasentential" use of linguistic units from two or more languages by a bilingual speaker in the same speech situation. conversation. phrases.). For ease of recognition. The definition of CM and CS is not exceptional. the researcher listened to all the recorded materials and made a phonetic transcription and transliteration. clauses. the the code1993. Halliday (1978) and others use the idea of social context. Mayers-Scotton (1997. other in a code-switched used by speech. it is not in a par with say. Kachru (1981) discussed in detail the Firthian model under what he called "socially-realistic linguistics". 5. After gathering the data.

Dr.A. maintains that language is part and parcel of the community where this language is spoken for it is that community that set the patterns and rules according to which language is used. 6. degrees. at least in Great Britain. 15. The use of the above approaches to language as the theoretical framework for this study stems from the fact that CM and CS are used by bilingual speakers in context-bound situations and are best interpreted in terms of the sociocultural context in which they are used.Group # 2: includes a conversation between an Egyptian man and a Saudi man (Example # 2).2 – Jumad I 1424H. language is considered to have a function.1 Data The conversations in Arabic of the following different groups have been discussed. Language is considered as a tool or instrument which can be used to perform many tasks or functions. or patterns of use in general. and every utterance must be considered as understood within its context of situation. He. Related approaches theory of linguistic who Hymes (1974) of approaches language in terms of the ethnography speaking/ 72 Vol. Some of them have M. community. . others are working toward their Ph. communication. is that language must always be studied as a part of social process and social activity. The focus of this model is on the functions of language in society and culture. Related to this theoretical approach that will be also used as a framework of interpreting the data in this study is the "systemic" model developed by Halliday (1978). July 2003 . . and the analysis of language is best done in terms of the tasks or uses in which language is put.S. constitute the culture or social value of the society.Group # 1: includes a conversation between an Egyptian woman and a Saudi woman (Example # 1). Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany The data in this study will be meaningful if interpreted in terms of context of situation. and at the same time. Hymes' theory of ethnography of speaking is not so different from the above theories.S. Halliday's approach represents the British school of thought whose cardinal principle. effect or a "meaning" in the context of situation: an utterance or a part of an utterance is meaningful only if used in some actual context.No.A. The subjects of this study have at least the degree of B. . in Halliday's words. Kachru (1981) argues. like Firth and Halliday. Halliday's approach to linguistics expresses his view that language is explicable only as the realizations of meanings which are communication where he focuses on the context. inherent in the social system. or B. It is the contextual function alone to is that the constitutes above and guarantees linguistic meaning. THE STUDY 6.Group # 3: includes a conversation between an Egyptian woman and a Sudanese woman (Example # 3). For Firth. These theoretical models the will help in and understanding sociocultural situational context of the data. “metafunctions”./M.D.

P.Group # 11: includes a conversation between an Egyptian woman and a Jordanian woman (Example # 11). This does not mean that if the speakers are of the same ethnic group.Group # 6: includes a conversation between an Egyptian man and an Egyptian woman (Example # 6). Saudi Arabian and Jordanian. EXAMPLE (1): 1 EW: Hadaxal-i will-you-enter-2nd-P-sg-F wilaadik fi madaaris xaaSa sons-your in schools private 2 SW: ? aywa 9ašaan humma yes because they bi-y9alim-u delwa?ti M-teach-3rd. For example. . the speakers are all Egyptians whose culture and traditions do not prohibit mixing with the different sexes. males and females do not converse with each other and sit in different places. then. .Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America . However. This phenomenon might also be interpreted according to some Islamic beliefs that enhances the separation between the different sexes. The Egyptian words used by the SW will be highlighted. such as the Sudanese. who.Group # 4: includes a conversation between an Egyptian woman and a Jordanian woman (Example # 4).1 Switching from Saudi Arabic to Egyptian Arabic The following is a transliteration1 of an excerpt from a conversation between an Egyptian woman (hereafter EW) and a Saudi woman (hereafter SW). This is because of the traditions and culture of some Arab speakers.2 DISCUSSION ARABIC 6. one can notice that. . . in Group number 5 (Example 5). .Group # 7: includes a conversation between an Egyptian man and a Moroccan man (Example # 7).French. 3 EW: bi-zzaat ?in huwwa mi9aah especially that he has LuGa wi-xsaara ?inik language and-loss you-2nd-P-sg-F ti-Daya9iha minu-h now ON CODE-SWIT- CHING AND CODE-MIXING IN Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 73 .2.Group # 8: includes a conversation between two Egyptian men (Example # 8). 6. then males and females do not converse with each other in most cases. . most of the time.PL luGaat ? agnabiyya languages foreign ?ingliizi wi-faransaawi English and. when they get together in some occasions. if two Saudi families get together for any occasion. mixing between the sexes is allowed. women are talking to women and men to men.Group # 9: includes a conversation between an Egyptian woman and a Saudi woman (Example # 9).Group # 10: includes a conversation between an Egyptian man and a Jordanian man (Example # 10).Group # 5: includes a conversation between two Egyptian women and an Egyptian man (Example # 5). . In these groups.

Also in terms of phonology. ?aywa. delwa?ti.Dr. li?anna. EW: SW: Especially he has a language and it is a loss if you make him lose it. Another example of code-switching from Saudi Arabic to Egyptian Arabic is found in the following excerpt. the SW adopts the Egyptian phonology when she says: ?aktar. We notice that the Saudi man (SM) is code-switching to Egyptian Arabic. The SM's switched utterances are highlighted. This excerpt is an invitation to dinner and is a part of a telephone conversation. 2. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany make it lose from him 4 SW: wi-bizzaat ? ana ?akuun and espeically I am muTma?ina 9alei-hum ?aktar confident-F on-them-3rd-M more lamma ?adaxal-hum when I-enter-them-3rd-PL-M madrasa xaaSa li?an school private-sg-F because fi-ha 9inaya ?aktar in-it care much w-il-baaS biyaxud-hum and-the-bus take them-3rd-PL-M wi-yraga9-hum. In exchange (2) the SW languages says: ?aywa. [d] and [g] respectively. because they teach English now and foreign French. SM: yom il-?arba9 day bas mumkin tidini but possible give me il-gaay dah! this *ra?am number the-Wednesday next 74 Vol. she would say na9am. And especially. 9ašaan. Had she used her own dialect. she replaces [q] and [j] of her dialect with [?] and [g] of Egyptian Arabic.2 – Jumad I 1424H. EM: baHib ?a?ulak ?innina I like tell-you-2nd-sg-M that we 9aamliin ?ifTaar yom il-?arba9 day fi l-masgid wi9awzinkum and want making breakfast in the mosque the-Wednesday you tišarafuna honor us. In terms of the lexicon. informed ?ajnabiyya that the and ?injliizi of respectively. biyaxud-hum. EXAMPLE (2): 1. she is using a completely different word from her dialect for the word "yes". [δ] and [j] of her own dialect with the Egyptian [t]. Likewise in Exchange (4). kittir. 15. ?agnabiyya and ?ingliizi. δelwaqti.No. I will be more confident about them where there is much care and the bus take and return them and I will be comfortable because Muhammad talks a lot. wa-?akuun and-return-them-3rd-PL-M and-I am mirtaH-a li?an muHammad comfortable-sg-F because Muhammad biyitkalim kitiir speaks-3rd-sg-M more TANSLATION EW: SW: Are you going to enter your sons in private schools? Yes. the most noticeable feature of the Saudi woman's speech is the use of Egyptian Arabic. yiraga9-hum replacing [θ]. The researcher has been pronunciation ?ingliizi and ?injliizi may be pronounced as such by Saudi women who are from Makkah or Jeddah. July 2003 . In this excerpt.

why do you have three fours. the SM repeats: talaata. [g] and [?]. four Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 75 .Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America tilifonak Hadas Haaga you. lakin 6. The obvious example is the replacement of [θ] of the Saudi dialect with [t] in the Egyptian dialect. four. I tell you. and ti9Tiini il-qaadim. Had the SM used the same words in his dialect. EM: tamania talaata sab9a 10. 9ašan law if SM: EM: SM: EM: SM: EM: SM: (repeats) three. SM: ?aywa! talat ?arba9aat yes Eight eight three fours three three seven 9. Yes. he would say: ?arrubuu9.SM: tamania talaata sab9a Taab humma talat ?arba9aat respectively. EM: kamaan and also Eight 7. in Exchange (2) the SM says: il-?arba9. as exactly said by the EM. the SM adopts the Egyptian phonology when he says: Hadas. four I am telling you another four. At the lexical level. Haaje. three fours Eight three seven (repeats) Eight three seven. the adoption of the Egyptian phonology is fully adopted when the SM repeats the telephone number of the EM when the latter dictates the number to the SM. The switching is again not only at the phonological level but also at the lexical level. again replacing [θ] with its seven then leih 9indi-kum why for-have-you-2nd-PL-ACC talaaat ?arba9aat three fours Translation EM: I would like to tell you that we will make a breakfast in the mosque on Wednesday and want you to honor us? SM: This coming Wednesday! But is it possible to give me your telephone number so if something happens . SM: tamania ?arba9a I tell you-2nd-sg-M also I mean they are three fours 8. For instance. and ?aqulak respectively. these will be Hadaθ. thus changing [θ]. I mean they are three fours. this excerpt teams with telephone-your because ?a?ulak happen something tell-1st-sg 3. EM: ba?ulak ya9ni four four ?arba9a four four kaman ?arba9a four four four ?arba9a ?arba9a Again. four. examples of code-switching from Saudi Arabic to Egyptian Arabic. he would have said θalaaθe and θamaanie. Had he said them in his dialect. In the same exchange. Furthermore. [j] and [q] of his dialect to their Egyptian counterparts [s]. In his dialect. Haaga. il-gaay. bas and tidini which are exclusively used by Egyptians. EM: Three. and tamania. EM: talaata ?arba9a ?arba9a three 4. four Also another four (repeats) *eight. SM: talaata three 5. and ?a?ulak. dah. haδa.

W is trying to accommodate to the Egyptian dialect.e. she replaces the [j] of her own dialect with the Egyptian [g] when she says: masgid Sud. though it is not pronounced by Egyptians as *ra?am. i. What is more interesting here is that in Exchange (6).W: I was not able to go to the mosque wi-?inti 76 Vol. 6. 15.2 Switching From Sudanese Arabic to Egyptian Arabic A third example that shows EW: code-switching to Egyptian Arabic is the following part of conversation between a Sudanese woman (Sud.Sud. this kind of switching is done on the part of the SM as an accommodation strategy to adopt the EM’s dialect to show friendliness. The reason for this is that when the [q] is word medially. No one told me but I don't want you to forget. but I went there on Sunday and you didn't come. Code-switching from Sudanese Arabic to Egyptian Arabic is also obvious from the above example. ‘Cairo’ and ?alqari?. she says: ?idirt. the thing that is not produced by most Egyptians. Likewise. /q/ is pronounced /?/. God-willing.2 – Jumad I 1424H. which cannot be pronounced this way by the EM. Sud. In raqam ‘number’.Dr. some dialects in Lebanon and Syria may produce such pronunciation.W: maa-?idirt il-masgid yom il-Had ?aruH ?imbaariH yesterday ruHt went-I bas not be I able I go the mosque but day the-Sunday and-you-2nd-sg-M magitiiš not-come-not-3rd-sg-F 3.Sud.W) and an Egyptian woman (EW).W: By God I won't forget but my husband will go to Chicago and if I find someone to give me a ride I will come . In this study. The code-switched utterences of Egyptian Arabic on the part of the Sud. la?eit "found" replacing [q] of her dialect with the Egyptian [?].W are highlighted.No.2. EXAMPLE (3): 1. it is pronounced [q] and not [?]. the SM overgeneralizes the switching form of [q] of his dialect to its Egyptian counterpart [?] in *ra?am. In Exchanges (2) and (4).W: laa wallahi maHaTaniš no by God not forget-1st-sg-M lakin gozi Ha-yruuH but my husband will go-3rd-sg-M ?ila šikaaGo wi-law la?eit to Chicago and-if find-1st-sg-F Had yi9Tiini rayid someone I give-3rd-sg-M-me a ride Haagi ?in šaa?allaah come if God wills bas no there one tell-me but Translation EW: Why didn't you come yesterday? yesterday. The Sud. "be able". ‘the reader’. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany Egyptian counterpart [t].EW: eih ma-gitiiš ?imbaariH why not-come-3rd-sg-F yesterday 2. Instances of these are: ?alqahira.EW: maa-fiiš Had ?ali miš9awzaki tiTaniši not want you-2nd-sg-F to forget 4. July 2003 .

EW: dii xalaas kibirit Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 77 . EW: mumkin tikuun it's possible be bitsaanin. the Sud. gozi "my husband". JW: ?aluli mumkin they told3rd-PL-M. wa?at "time" and dilwa?at "now". a little. grow teeth you know-2nd9ambitGalibni code-switching to Egyptian Arabic when she says: ta?riban "perhaps". Also. JW: ma-hiyya bitaakul halla dilwa?at she eats-3rd-sg-F now fil-ma9la?a a little TRANSLATION EW: JW: And what's the news about Jasmine? Sometimes she raises her voice but perhaps. They told me that's possible but she gets annoyed with them because they take time when they appear. switches highlighted. and Haagii "will come". Again the most distinguishing feature in this excerpt is that the Jordanian woman is adopting the Egyptian phonology and lexicon. replacing [δ] with [d]. In all these words the JW replaces the Jordanian pronunciation of [q] with the Egyptian [?]. the Jordanian woman is šiwaya in-the-spoon 2.me possiblebas hiyya bitiDaayi? minhum but of wa?at when she them lamma annoyed-2nd-sg-F take-3rd-PL-M yiTla9uu time li?anahum biyaaxdu because they they grow- 3rd-PL-M 5. Perhaps she is teething. she would have said 9ambiyaxuδhum. She is eating now with the spoon.3 SWITCHING FROM JORDANIAN ARABIC TO EGYPTIAN ARABIC A fourth example The also shows EW: JW: are code-switching from Jordanian Arabic to Egyptian Arabic. For instance. lakin.W is completely switching to Egyptian Arabic by repeating the exact words used by the EW. bitiDayi? "annoyed". So. she will say: ?ams. Had she used her own dialect. magitiiš “didn't come". At the lexical level. bas "but" and ma-HaTaniš "I won't forget". haal?ayaam itching she annoys me 4. EXAMPLE (4): 1. as her teeth you know are itching her and annoys her these days. ?aluli "they told me". In this example.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America "mosque". she is growing up. JW: ?aHyanan bit9ali Sot-haa sometimes raise-3rd-sg-F voice-her lakin ta?riban ka?in but perhaps as if ?asnaanha ibiti9rifi teeth-her sg-FbitHukhaa these days 3. she uses the Egyptian lexicon for "but" bas and "spoon" ma9la?a. and ?ansa respectively. 6. She also says biyaxdu "they take". To say these items in her dialect. EW: wi-?eih ?axbaar yaasmiin? EW: JW: and what news Jasmin ba?ah so finally grown yes now 6. she says: ?imbaariH "yesterday".2.

attaining efficiency communicational between interactants. 15. or Jordanian dialects. which puts them at ease. the Egyptian speakers do not code-switch to the other Arabic dialects because they do not have the need to converge to the Saudi. it is hardly surprising. The following conversations between those Egyptians who live in different parts of Egypt occurred at the Urbana-Champaign campus. 6.Dr. therefore.3 Code-Switching from one Variety to another within the same Language In this section. is considered to be a more popular dialect among the different Arabic dialects spoken throughout the whole Arab world. for there exists norm Egyptian a to clearly which usage recognizable educated conforms.. By doing this. One can say that the code-switching Egyptian Arabic is that the speakers use it as an accommodation framework to the Egyptians. For these reasons. those speakers are trying to bridge the gap between their respective local dialects and the Egyptian dialect.No. we see instances of code-switching from Saudi. code-switching is illustrated among Egyptian speakers.2 – Jumad I 1424H. Sudanese. particularly the urban dialect spoken in Cairo and other big cities in Lower Egypt. dialect. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany In the previous four examples. warmth. Likewise. it is the individual's perception of the other's speech that will determine his or her evaluative and communi -cative responses. it is not surprising to find that the Saudi. July 2003 . Sudanese and Jordanian speakers code-switch to the Egyptian variety. the speakers code-switch to Egyptian Arabic as an attempt to maintain a positive relation with the Egyptians as well as to show intimacy and friendliness. The reason for this is that the Egyptian 78 Vol. In all the previous taped conversations. Mitchell (1986:12) also explains this in the following words: Egyptian films are seen and the Egyptian radio heard in every Arab country and Egyptians teach in schools from Kuwait to Libya. and maintaining positive social identities. The central notion of the frame work is that during interaction individuals are motivated to adjust (or accommodate) their speech styles as a strategy for gaining one or more of the following goals: evoking listeners' social approval. Sudanese purpose and of Jordanian this Arabic to to Egyptian Arabic. it has advanced further than other colloquials along the road to linguistic independence. (1987: 14) points out that . Giles et al. and so on. In addition. Convergence to another dialect can lead persons to attribute to the converger the traits of friendliness.. In addition. that the Egyptian colloquial is much better known than any other.

target. What is significant to be noticed here is the attempt from the LEM (Lower Egyptian man) to repronounce in an indirect way these words in their correct pronunciation in order to give the UEM/W woman) (Upper some Egyptian hints to man the and correct from to Upper Lower the IGA. (1987:15) rag9iin min tarjet coming back1st-PL-M from Target wi-HanruuH el-ai gi eih and-we'll go the IGA 5 LEM: wi-?eih and the IGA TRANSLATION LEW: My name is Jacklyn from Tanta. EXAMPLE (5) : 1 LEW: ?ismii 2 UEW: ?ahlan jaakliin min TanTaa name-my Jacklyn from Tanta yaa madaam gakliin welcome O' madame Gackliin 3 LEM: ma-šuftuš zogtii don't you see-2nd-PL-M ?abl 4 UEW: laa wa-llahi no by God my wife jaaklin ?iHna lissa we just kida Jacklin before now From the above conversation. The UE family are code-switching to accommodate to the LE dialect which is considered as more prestigious and civilized than theirs in Egypt. The Upper Egyptian family (UE) has been to the Urbana-Champaign campus for two years. the Lower Egyptian family (LE) for one year. UEW: Welcome Madame Gackliin LEM: Haven't you met my wife Jacklyn before now. LEM: And what's the news in Target and the IGA. tarjet.3. adopting the LE dialect may enhance the communication between the two families as well as show intimacy and positive attitudes towards the LE family. he would have said: raj9iin. The reader is to be reminded that "Lower Egypt" and "Upper Egypt" correspond to northern and southern parts of Egypt respectively. As Giles et al. by God.1 Code-Switching Egyptian Dialects Egyptian Dialects The first example is between two Egyptian families who met each other at the Mall. north of Egypt). But in the process of accommodation the UE family overgeneralizes the pronunciation of [j] as [g] in LE dialects.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America back from Target and we will go to 6. the thing which makes them to mispronounce words like: gakliin. The UEM code-switches to the LEM's dialect when the former says rag9iin. pronunciation of those words. We are just coming ?axbaar target and-what news Target wil-ai-ji-eih Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 79 . and ai gi eih instead of jakliin. This example shows that code-switching may occur even within one language. At the same time. UEM: No. Had the UEM said this word in his dialect. one can see that the Upper Egyptian family (living in south Egypt) is trying to accommodate to the dialect spoken by the Lower Egypt family (living in Tanta. and 'ai je eih’ respectively.

1 CM and CS in Arabic and English The following example is an excerpt 80 Vol. status. The switch here is used to make fun with the UEM's dialect and to show her dissatisfaction of the way the UEM speaks to her. in your brain addresses her.Dr. there is a conversation between the same UEM and another Egyptian woman (LEW) who is a visiting professor at the Collage of Commerce at UIUC. Here. 7. class. I will illustrate another kind of code-switching as well as CM from Arabic to English. In this example. The LEW code-switches to the UEM's dialect. and so on".2 Switching from Lower Egyptian to Upper Egyptian Dialects In the following example. the UEM does not code-switch to the LEW's dialect. If the LEW has to use her own dialect. 15. are very essential in the interpretation of this sort of CS. she would say: ?ata? "hit" and ?agibuh "bring him" instead of ?ataq and ?ajibuh respectively. CODE-SWITCHING AND CODE- naafuxii wi-xalaanii ?ajibuh Translation UEM : What has hit LEW: your brain and makes you bring your son here? What has hit my brain and makes me bring him is his studying. warmth. due to the LEW's high social status. This does not mean that the LEW code-switches to that dialect because of its popular status but because she is not satisfied with the way the UEM MIXING TO ENGLISH In this section. This code-mixing and code-switching will be illustrated from the conversations between the same speakers in Section 2. etc. 6. EXAMPLE (6): 1 UEM: ?eih illi-xalakii ti-taqii fi what make you-2nd-sg-F hit naafuxik ?ibnik 2 LEW: ?illi-xalani wit-jibii hina ?ataq fi in my bring him and bring-2nd-sg-F your son here what make me hit brain and make me hiyya diraastuh is his studying.3. This is particularly important because the LEW is a professor and the UEM is a graduate student who. but the reverse is true. July 2003 .. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany points out that this may "attribute to the converger the traits of friendliness. One can conclude from this example that code-switching or the convergence to another variety does not mean to enhance communication all the time but it may be used as a strategy either to make fun of the guest dialect or to give the interlocutee a hint that the interlocutor is not happy with the way or with the choice of lexicon when the interlocutee addresses the interlocutor. should not speak to her in that way.2 – Jumad I 1424H.2 as well as from other speakers of Arabic who live in the Urbana-Champaign community.No. position. the sociocultural factors as age. level of education. 7.

I mean they have the option to do that. y-ruHu wi-ySawar-u have the option go-they and copy-they mean they have the option to do that. MM: ?iδan mumkin nuHut a copy in so can we put a copy in the Asian library the Asian library code-mix to English when the MM says filSpring.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America from a conversation between a Moroccan professor (MM) and an Egyptian (EM) graduate student at the UIUC. The MM says in exchanges (3) and (5): which one. This sort of code-switching and mixing between languages is common among Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 81 . We can put them in the Modern Languages Library. The EM also code-mixes English and Arabic when he says: Modern Languages Library. EXAMPLE (7): 1. both the Moroccan man (MM) and the Egyptian man (EM) code-mix Arabic and English. He completely code-switches to English when he says: they have the option to do that. both of them 2. MM: So. The mixing here is done at both single-word categories and phrasal categories. and they can go and copy. So which one do you prefer? This one is good but its problem is that it is voweled and we teach unvoweled texts. For instance. EM: huwwa da it is this muškiltuh bi-t-faDaluh so whcih one you prefer-it kiways bas good ?inu but voweled is voweled problem-its that it and we texts texts wiHnna bin-darris unvoweled we-teach unvoweled 5. In the above transcript. the most common switch or mix here is the NP category. At the single-word level. MM: 9awziin nixtaar mini we want select-1st-PL-M from l-text books li-spring diy lildraasa fi the text books this for-studying in bigaanib kitaab 9abuu book more can the modern Aboud MM: the spring beside but this will-be EM: wi-waHda fil-modern library And-one in-the modern library TRANSLATION MM: We want to select from these textbooks for studying in the Spring besides Aboud's book. The CS to English is highlighted. 3. a copy in the Asian library and fil-Modern Languages Library. voweled and unvoweled texts. MM: Taab which one 4. EM: bas dah Ha-ykun kitiir 9alei-hum mumkin for-them-3rd-PL-M we put-them language library in nuHutu-hum fil-modern languages library wi-humma and they-PL-M ya9ni they to do that. we can put a copy in the Asian library and one in the modern library. But this will be too much for them.

both of them code-switch to and mix with English. The MM and the EM code-switch and code-mix from Arabic to English frequently and as Sridhar (1978) points out. For instance in (1) and (3) EM1 code-switches from Arabic to English when he says very expensive and are articles from magazines and newspapers. While he could have used the Arabic expressions Gaali giddan and maqaalaat mini l-magalaat wil-gara?id respectively. 15. EXAMPLE (8): 1. It is normal for a graduate student from Egypt in the United States to code-switch back and forth from Egyptian Arabic to English.2 Code-Switching to English among Egyptian Speakers Another example that illustrates code-switching to English is the following excerpt from the conversation between two Egyptian men. They also know that they will understand each other when they mix Arabic and English. the EM2 code-switches to English in (2) when he says pocket Mawrid. These speakers are aware of their educational background. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany bilinguals. EM1: Usually.EM1: il-mawrid very expensive Al-Mawrid very expensive wi-9aadatan da biykun and usually this is fi taani ?aw taalit sana in second or third year 2. One can say that the 82 Vol.EM1: ?ana 9aadatan fi taani sana I usually in second year kul Haga badihal-hum all thing I give-them-3rd-PL-M are articles from magazines and are articles from magazines and newspapers newspapers TRANSLATION EM1: Al-Mawrid (name of a big English-Arabic dictionary) is very expensive and this can be used in second or third year. the switch is natural and justified because both of them teach Arabic to non-Arabic students as well as they have been in the United States for more than eight years.2 – Jumad I 1424H. he uses English phrases. in the second year all the things I gave them are articles from magazines and newspapers. Also.EM2: fi minu pocket mawrid saGiir from it pocket mawrid small wi-mumkin ni9mil and can we make-1st-PL-M minu order bas from Lebanon from it order but from Lebanon 3. Because the two speakers discuss the plans of choosing different textbooks to be taught to non-Arabs. particularly their knowledge of English. 7. Bokamba (1988: 24) defines this sort of switching or mixing as the embedding of a linguistic unit or units from one language into another within the same sentence. an order and from Lebanon.Dr.No. July 2003 . What is interesting in this example is that although the two Egyptian men speak the same language and the same variety. EM2: There is a small pocket Mawrid and we can make an order but this will be from Lebanon. this switching is done "unconsciously" on the part of the codemixers.

Poplack (1980). adjectives precede their head nouns.EW: Taab wi-?ibnik fiih ?eih ?ili faat bi-ti9mili so and son-your you-do-2nd-sg-F with-him what 6. What is also interesting in this example is the EM2's use of "pocket Mawrid SaGiir". precedes a noun-'Mawrid'. This type of code-switching may be said to facilitate understanding between the two speakers since the use of Arabic words may (or may not) cause some confusion. which violates and. thus challenging the universality of these constraints. number and gender. the head noun is to be stated first followed by any number of adjectives that qualify this noun and agree with it in person. Bokamba (1988) and Pandharipande (1990.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America two speakers use total code-switching to English when they replace the Arabic expressions with English ones. EXAMPLE (9): 1. Despite this violation in code-mixing. 1998) among others review these constraints and find many counterexamples from the Bantu languages and Marathi respectively. the two speakers completely understand each other. Related to this kind of discussion is the following example of a conversation between an Egyptian woman (EW) and a Saudi woman (SW) where we find a similar violation in code-mixing in Arabic and English. books and ordering books. simultaneously. emphasis and clarity. however. But at the same time this NP is followed by an adjective SaGiir "small" and thus corresponds to Arabic structure and violates English where adjectives should precede nouns. Thus.EW: wallahi ?inti bi-ti-study-ii ? O God you are studying-2nd-sg-F 2. Sridhar & Sridhar (1980) and Bokamba (1988) to consider what grammar of code-mixing might be and what constraints are to be imposed in code-mixing in order to prevent certain structures from being mixed. pocket Mawrid goes with the English structure where an adjective-'pocket'.SW: kunt it-term batruk-u I was the term the past 9ind waHda I leave-him with one Amirican lakin fi American but in Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 83 .SW: rasm art I study-1st-sg art ba?a wala ?eih or what taSmiim design wu-taqriban drawing yes drawing and possibly art and design art and design 5.SW: ?aywa badris yes 3. This violation in code-mixing leads some linguists including Kachru (1978). keeps the relation between adjectives and their head nouns both in Arabic and English. In English. Atawneh (1992) has also confirmed this conclusion. the choice of English expressions shows accuracy. In Arabic.EW: rasm 4. This total codeswitching to English can also emphasize the importance of these expressions particularly when the two speakers talk about dictionaries. Thus.

15.No. What concerns us here is the complete and partial code-mixing of Arabic and English in the conversation between them. Drawing or what? Drawing and nearly design. he stays with me. I study art. When the EW mixes English and Arabic she is aware of the fact the SW will understand her. Again.Dr. She completely code-switches to English when she says in (2). she adds the suffix {-ii} that indicates feminine gender to the English verb study. EW: And what do you do with your son when you are studying? SW: I used in the last term to leave him with an American lady but in the weekend.FEM: humma kaanu ba9atuu-haali they were send-it-to me marra min three weeks once from three weeks 3. She says bi-ti-study-ii "you are studying". (4) and (5) art. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany l-weekend bi-y-kunn ma9-i the -weekend he-is with-me TRANSLATION EW: SW: EW: SW: O'God! You are studying? Yes. The SW also code-mixes Arabic and English. The JM also switches to Egyptian Arabic but this will not be discussed here for similar analysis for switching from JA to EA is studied in the previous section. there is some violation of the constraints on code-mixing and still the conversation is completely intelligible to both speakers. She affixes certain Arabic prefixes and suffixes to the English verb study. July 2003 . Card 84 Vol. What is amazing here is that the SW completely understands the EW's question by replying: ?aywa "yes". EXAMPLE (10): 1. for example. Also she code-mixes Arabic and English when she adds. The prefixes {bi-} and {-ti-} indicate the present progressive tense and second person singular feminine respectively.JM: quluhum 9indi Citibank Card tell them have-I Citibank card bas ?ariid J. The EW in (1) mixes Arabic and English in the same verb. art and design.2 – Jumad I 1424H. the Arabic definite article to ?il-term "the term" and ?il-weekend "the weekend".fi two weeks and in two ?ilik and-you give-them name-your and-your address to you2nd. Likewise. The following example between a Jordanian man (JM) and an Egyptian man (EM) also shows that both of them switch to English.M. Also when the SW says art and design in English instead of Arabic is because of the fact that these expressions in English have definite and specialized meanings.JM : 9at-tilifuun 9ašar da?aayi? ma9a-hum with-them il-application fi we-btiHki on the-telephone the-application in ten minutes and speak-2nd-sg-M wu-bitguul and-you say-2nd-M I want to fill this application I want to fill this application wi-bti9Ti-hum wi-9inwanak weeks yib9aθ-ha he send it ?ismak wi. art and design and American.

ten dollar bi-?arba9mi?at 9ašar dulaaraat minifrom ka-minimum I mean you-buy with-four-hundred dollar becomes ten dollars two percent purchase because two percent Exchange (1) is a borrowed word from the English word "telephone" and undergoes the Arabic system of voweling and morphology. The complete switch to English is also found in (2) and (4) when the EM the whole purchase as as minimum Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 85 . the switch from Arabic to English is natural and unconscious on the part of the speakers. card 4. I mean. The bill came to me at the beginning of the month of one hundred dollars and the Tell them I have Citibank Card but I want J. there are many instances of CM and CS from Arabic to English. he completely switches to English when he says I want to fill this application and two weeks.M. The JM and the EM are discussing the possibility as well as the advantage of having a credit card. Most of the examples are complete English. In (1) also the JM code-mixes Arabic and English when he says il-application and we notice here that he prefixes the definite article [il-] to the English word application. Here the JM wants to be accurate in telling the EM what the latter should do when he fills an application by telephone. you buy with four hundred dollars becomes ten dollars because the two percent from the whole purchase as a minimum payment.EM: maa fi 5.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America but I want J. In the same exchange. Because this is an important issue for both of them.JM: annual fee walaa Hagah no there annual fee or something no annual fee ?ana ?ijaat-li no annual fee the-bill I it-comes-to me iš-šahr the-month l-faTuura ?awal minimum payment is ten dollars. the word instances tilifuun to in beginning bimi?at dularaat wi-l-minimum hundred dollars and-the-minimum payment 9ašra dular payment ya9ni tištiri dular tikun li?an l-whole payment payment TRANSLATION JM: On the telephone you can fill the application in ten minutes and you speak to them and say I want to fill this application and give them your name and address and in two weeks they will send it to you.M. If the JM wants to say the same word in Arabic he will say haatif "telephone". Because the two speakers live in the United States and because in their home countries they do not have this kind of credit cards. EM: They sent me once from three weeks JM: Card. EM: JM: There is no annual fee or something? No annual fee. code-switching Also.

the-price if EXAMPLE (11): 1.JW: manti diy wi-lazim yi-dfa9uu yi-bGuun PRES-wish-they-M.sg. 4. to assure the EM that he understands what this phrase means.pl. the EW and the JW are talking in Arabic and both code-mix 9ambiydarrisuu-na 86 Vol. EW: JW: So. ?iktiir fiand-the-professor-F. consider the following example between an Egyptian woman (EW) and a Jordanian woman (JW).EW: bein-i much wi-bein-ik between-me and-between-you-F.sg. he says wi-l-minimum payment and ka-minimum payment prefixing the conjunction {wi-}'and'.pl. university famous and-must the-foreigners PRES. 2.pl. in (5). the JM in (5) code-mixes to English and prefixes to the English phrases some Arabic conjunctions and connectors. and prefixes the Arabic definite article {il-} to the last phrase.pl.F. Because the phrase annual fee is very important to the speaker he says it in English in order to be fully understood by the other speaker who also repeats the same phrase in English.sg.pl. To explain the advantage of having a credit card.pl. that it-encounter-you F. You know that this university is famous and the foreigners must pay the price if they wish to learn.sg.Dr.pay-3rd. the studying here is very difficult especially we are foreign students. that university mašhura il-foreigners iθ-θaman law this-F. know2nd. know-2nd.sg illisstudying hina difficult jiddan the-studying here difficult very wi-bizaat ?iHna talaba studentsand-especially we are foreigners foreigners-M. inJW: Between you and I.sg.pl.JW: wallahi EW: By God you F. the definite article {l-}'the' and the connector {ka-}'as' to English phrase "minimum payment ". the JM code-switches to English when he says two percent and code-mixes in il-whole purchase.F. ?in il-[b]rofessors that the-professors-M. Likewise. For instance. 15. In this example. w-il-[b]rofessor-aat l-university the-university diy this-F. are teaching-us 3.sg. Now.2 – Jumad I 1424H.sg.SUBJUN. July 2003 . what are the problems you encountering? By God! You know the professors (M & F) in this university teach us much.No. M. yi-t-learn-uu PRES-CAUS-learn-TheyM. TRANSLATION 9arfah inni you-F.EW: Taab ?eih so illi bit?ablik ?inti 9arfa il-[b]roblem-aat what is the-problem-F.M.pl. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany says three weeks and annual fee.

In exchange (4). By the same token. the JW inflects the English word "professors" in order to Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 87 . the JW attaches the bound morpheme {il-} ‘the’ to the English word. In il-lisstudying. In this. il-lisstudying. When she says fil-university di "in-theuniversity this" instead of the English word order in this university. To that word. the JW feminizes the English word "professors" by adding to it the Arabic feminine plural morpheme {-aat} in addition to the definite article prefix {il-}. The masculine suffix pronoun is to be added only to masculine human nouns whereas the feminine plural suffix {-aat} is to be added to either feminine human nouns or to feminine and masculine nonhuman nouns. she would have said *ilprofessor-uuna (NOM masculine Pl. the EW adds the definite article {il-} as well as the feminine plural morpheme {-aat} to the same word. In il- [b]rofessors. As for the JW. noun). difficult. The demonstrative this . she says: il[b]rofessors "the Professors". In the process of doing that. wilbrofessor-aat "and the professors(F). In exchange (2). she qualifies the English noun studying with an English adjective. Besides. difficult and an Arabic adverb. the JW also says: di university mašura and yitlearn-uu. the JW unconsciously pronounces the word as if it is an Arabic word with the phoneme /b/. Again. The two Arab speakers substitute the voiceless English phoneme /p/ by the voiced /b/ because the former Arabic does not include such phoneme in its phonemic inventory. she doubles the /s/ phoneme as she does with any Arabic verbal noun that starts with {s} morpheme. What is interesting here and sheds some lights on the nature of CS and CM is that the JW did not add the masculine suffix pronoun {-uuna NOM} and {-iina ACC} to the English noun il-professor. The explanation may be that the masculine suffix pronoun is more marked in Arabic than the feminine plural suffix. This is why the definite article {il-} is added to the word university. jidan "very". In Exchange (4).Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America Arabic and English. she is violating the English structure which should be: Adverb + Adjective + Noun ‘very difficult study’ satisfy the Arabic structure. and foreigners. the JW uses the demonstrative {di} "this (F)" in front of the same word. As concerns the first word. the EW adds the definite article {il-} to the English verbal noun studying. she code-mixes Arabic and English also. and fil-university di. Had she done so.whether masculine or feminine . So. She pronounces the English phoneme /p/ as /b/.makes the head noun definite. I will discuss that in the next section. the EW inflects the English word problem as if it is an Arabic word. the EW uses the following English words: il-[b]roblem-aat. "the traveling". such as i(l)ssafar. In Exchanges (1) and (3). the JW follows the Arabic structure in which the demonstrative word this can follow the noun. At the same time in Exchange (3).

bit?ablik it-encounter-you F. 8. As one can see in (1a).4) show that this constraint is not satisfied in the mixing of the Arabic and English codes. in India and Bantu languages in Africa respectively. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany Finally. Some of these examples are takes the Arabic definite article prefix {il-} "the" and the Arabic feminine plural morpheme {-aat}. July 2003 .No. These constraints that are proposed by Poplack (1982) and Sridhar and Sridhar (1982) will be examined. 'What are the problems that you are encountering ?' 2. Let us consider some of the postulated constraints on CM. 'Are you studying ?' 1.a ?eih il-problem-aat illi that What the-problem-F. Poplack (1980) defines this constraint as follows: No switch is allowed between a bound morpheme and a lexical form unless the latter has been phonologically integrated into the language of the former. The examples in the above section (2. 1.sg. 11) inadequacy of these constraints to explain the data from Marathi. More interestingly. In example (2a).pl.2 – Jumad I 1424H. she puts the English verb in the subjunctive mood because the Arabic structure necessitates this after certain verbs as yibGuun "want to. 15. the English verb study takes the Arabic progressive prefix {bi}. Pandharipande (1998) have (1990) already and Bokamba the showed repeated here for convenience. the English noun problem (Section 7 Ex.b il + problem + aat Arabic (the) + English + Arabic plural suffix (F) ‘The problems’ In examples (1) and (2) above. This is a violation of Poplack's (1980) constraint of the Free Morpheme (1) and (2).sg.F-study-F. 9) You are PROG-2nd sq. I will illustrate that the so-called universal constraints on CM and CS are not adequate to explain the Arabic data of CM to English.) + 2nd. the second person feminine singular prefix {ti-} and the feminine marker suffix {-ii}. the switch from Arabic to English takes place between the bound morphemes {il-} and {aat} and the lexical item. Let me start with what is called "The Free-Morpheme Constraint".a ?inti bi-ti-study-ii (Section 7 Ex. A stronger form of the Free-Morpheme Constraint is proposed by Wentz and McClure (1976: 245) and Wentz (1977: 237) Constraint because his constraint does not allow such mixing in 88 Vol.f.b bi + ti + study + ii Arabic(prog.Dr. the JW also inflects the English verb learn to match the verb paradigm in Arabic when she says: yit-learn-uu "they are learning (M)". wish". A Formal Discussion of Postulated Universal Constraints on CM In the following discussion.sg + English + feminine suffix: ‘are studying’ 2.

i.a illi-sstudying jiddan. namely Arabic and English. one can say that according to the data in examples (3) and (4).g.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America under the heading of "The Bicodal-Word Constraint " which stipulates that No word can exist in natural language which contains morphemes from two codes identified as distinct by the speaker. English: Adv ‘very Adj Adj Adv NP ‘jaami9a mašhura jiddan famous university In (3) and (4). 3. Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 89 . The next constraint to be considered is what Sridhar and Sridhar (1980:209) called "The Dual-Structure Constraint" which says: The internal structure of the guest constituent need not conform to the constituent structure rules of the host language. 5. e.g. Instead. because they are each made with morphemes from distinct languages. The following examples from the data under focus illustrate some violation of this constraint. the-studying here difficult very 'the studying here is very difficult' (Section 7 Ex. the constituent structure of the host language.b Arabic: NP e. the English constituent structure very difficult and famous university are not allowed (notice that (3b) and (4b) are ungrammatical).b *illi-studying hina *jiddan the-study difficult difficult 'The studying here is very difficult'. is obligatory where the Arabic Adverb jiddan and Arabic adjective mašhura must follow their head adjective and noun respectively.e.sg. 11) famous 4.b di *mašhura university this (f. one should expect (3b) and (4b) to be grammatical.) famous university ‘*this famous university’ Given the Arabic word order (5a) and the English word order (5b). Arabic. as shown in (5a). the internal structure of the guest English constituent has to conform to the constituent of the host language.e.a di university mašura this (F. 11) hina difficult 3. but they are not. Like the Free-Morpheme Constraint. i. the Bicodal-Word Constraint would erroneously not allow items such as those highlighted in (1) and (2) above.sg) university (F. so long as its placement in the host sentence obeys the rules of the host language.sg) ‘This is a famous university’ (Section 7 Ex. Arabic. here very 4. If Sridhar and Sridhar's (1980) Dual-Structure Constraint were correct.a 5.

They codeswitch to Egyptian Arabic mostly often at the lexical and phonological levels. RESULTS The results of this study answer the proposed questions mentioned at the beginning.b). thus. characterization. What I am saying is that there are some constraints that govern the codemixed utterances but more in depth studies are actually needed before having a consensus on the universality of such constraints. this constraint is violated. I do not imply that there are no constraints at all.) il-professor-aat 'the professors' (F. 6. July 2003 . Both the {il-} and the {-aat} are system morphemes from ML (Arabic). this constraint is also satisfied in some instances but not in others.No. the System Morpheme Principle is satisfied.2 – Jumad I 1424H. She (1993:83) suggests a constraint called "The System Morpheme Principle" which says In ML [Matrix Language] + EL [Embedded tuents.e. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany Mayers-Scotton (1993) proposes some other universal constraints. For the first and second questions that read respectively: which codes do Arabic speakers of different varieties use when they engage in intragroup discussions? and which codes which have grammatical relations external to their head constituent (i. In example (11). which participate in the sentence's thematic role grid) will come from the ML. In (6. however.a) in illi-study-ing where the morpheme {illi-} is a system morpheme from ML (Arabic) whereas the morpheme {-ing} is from EL (English).b il-professor-s 'the professors' (M. This result does not confirm Abu-Melhim's (1991) conclusion that Arabic speakers in cross-dialectical situation resort to Modern Standard 90 Vol. all Language] system constimorphemes universal constraint that can be applied to all cases without exceptions. To conclude this section. It is satisfied for instance in examples (1) and (2) of this section but it is violated in example (3. In CM in Arabic and English. function and quantification of such constraints.Dr. the system morpheme {il-} is from ML whereas the system morpheme {-s} is from EL (English).a). it is difficult to formulate a purely structural do Arabic speakers of different dialects choose when they engage in informal conversations with Egyptian speakers? the study shows that Arabic speakers of different varieties rather than Egyptian Arabic use Egyptian Arabic when they engage in conversations with Egyptians. 9. one can say that the postulated universal constraints on CM do not hold true all the time.a 6.) In (6. Therefore. There seems to be no consensus at all regarding the application. although this constraint accounts for most of the CM utterances in Arabic and English. 15. this constraint is sometimes satisfied and sometimes is violated.

If the speakers speak different dialects. the switch is very obvious when the speakers choose topics such as invitations. in this case the Upper Egyptian variety. Likewise. discussion of a study program. The switch depends on the situation and topic of the conversations. In answering the fourth and fifth questions which say: what are the sociocultural motivations behind CM and CS used among Arabic speakers of different/same varieties and why do Arabic speakers switch or mix codes? respectively. CS did occur among the speakers of the same community. phrases or complete utterances in English. For instance. Also. purpose. to the more popular and refined. for example from LE to UE (Lower and Upper Egyptian respectively). in some cases within the same dialect.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America Arabic which is the written language of all the speakers and which is used in the media. Egyptians. also codeswitch to English. or because the UE dialect is prestigious. Example (5). in this case Lower Egyptian variety of big cities. Arabic dialects Sudanese. but the LE speaker tries to ironically imitate the UE dialect for she is not happy with the way the UEM addresses her due to the socio-cultural considerations on the mind of the LEW.1. adjectives or verbs. The switch to English is like a continuum that ranges from using partial to complete lexical items. and situation of the conversation. The answer for the third question which says: which codes do Egyptian speakers use when they converse with each other? is that they use their own variety. The most common context in this study is the switching such from as different Saudi. or talking about specific subject in English. Being bilinguals. CS occurs essentially from different and diverse Arabic dialects to Egyptian Arabic which is a prevalent dialect among all Arabic speakers and which is considered the most popular dialect throughout the Arabic speaking world. The motivations behind the different speakers' frequently use of CS and CM especially to Egyptian Arabic or to English may ( as Grosjean (1982:148-9-155) has noted) be used from different reasons: Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 91 . It is very important here to know the underlying sociocultural factors behind these switches.3. However. As shown in this study. This switch also undergoes the Arabic inflection paradigm either for nouns. in our case Egypt. these speakers also codeswitch to English. this paper illustrates that speakers of different as well as same Arabic dialects use CS and CM as a framework to enhance communication and to accommodate each other in informal conversations and discussions. the occurrence of CS. then the switch is from the less popular. Jordanian and Moroccan Arabic to Egyptian Arabic. was not used to enhance communication between the two speakers in Section 6. The switch depends upon the subject matter. books and education. being bilinguals. CS and CM did occur from all different Arabic dialects to English.

This study also shows that the postulated universal constraints on CM and CS do not satisfy the code-mixed utterances in Arabic and English.1 example (5). There must be some local constraints that are at work since CM and CS in Arabic and English follow certain structural constraints. the different Arabic subjects of this study code-switch to English either partially or completely. They also code-switch to Egyptian Arabic to show accuracy when they quote or repeat the utterances made by an Egyptian.[Speakers'] main concern is with communicating a message or intent.1. What I am saying is that the universality of the postulated universal constraints do not account for CM and CS in Arabic and English.. Kamel Abdelbadie Elsaadany Code-switching not only fulfills a momentary linguistic need. 10. such as quoting what someone has said (and thereby emphasizing one's group identity). The Dual-Structure Constraint (Sridhar and Sridhar (1980)). and they know that one the or other two person will understand them whether they use languages.3. These speakers codeswitch to Egyptian Arabic in order to facilitate comprehensibility and to show friendliness and intimacy.. The BicodalWord Constraint (Wentz (1977) and Wentz and McClure (1976)). it is also a very useful communication resource . CONCLUSION This study shows that speakers of different Arabic dialects code-switch to Egyptian Arabic when they speak to Egyptians. In most cases.. This study also shows that sometimes overgeneralization in CS to some dialect may lead to some unacceptable pronunciation as shown in sections 6. the switch to English is used to emphasize accuracy of the usage of the English words or phrases as well as in reporting what the other speaker said and thus. Besides. particularly at the lexical and phonological levels.. More studies are needed to define the nature of such constraints. 78) has noted that In many instances the code switched passages are clearly 92 Vol. qualifying what has been said.2 – Jumad I 1424H. What is also noticeable is that the Egyptian speakers never code-switch to the other Arabic dialects either consciously or unconsciously. or talking about past events.Dr. the switch provides emphasis. specifying the addressee (switching to the usual language of a particular person in a group will show that one is addressing that person). and The System Morpheme Principle (Mayers-Scotton (1993)) could not explain the code-mixed data from Arabic and English. I have illustrated that The Free-Morpheme Constraint (Poplack 1980). 15.2. Gumperz (1982: 75-6. This means that there must be some other explanations for the code- mixed material. July 2003 . Code-switching can also be used for many other reasons. example (1) and 6.No. I am not saying that the codemixed and codeswitched material in Arabic and English are random or not rule-governed.

Finally. Only Mayers-Scotton's (1993) System Morpheme Constraint explains best the Arabic-English CM than others. The major claim is that CM is functionally motivated.’ / D / as in Dalla ‘he went astray’ vs / d / as in dalla ‘he guided’ / S / as in Sayf ‘summer’ / s / as in sayf ‘sword’ / δ / as in δalla ‘he remained’ / as in δalla ‘he became despised’ vs/ δ vs vs Umm Al-Qura University Journal of Educational and Social Sciences and Humanities 93 . In some cases such repetitions may serve to clarify what is said.What code would the same speakers use if there are no Egyptians involved in the conversation? . As this study shows. either literally or in somewhat modified form. CM of Arabic and English does not abide by those postulated constraints. what will the nature and form of these constraints be? Are they structurally. overgeneralization in CS and CM sometimes leads to some mispronunciation on the part of the code-switcher/mixer.. functionally or situationally dependent Endnotes 1 The following phonemic symbols will be adopted in the transliteration of Arabic words: a) Emphatic vs non-emphatic consonants: / T / as in Taaba ‘he recovered’ / t / as in taaba ‘he repented. although the so-called universal constraints on CM and CS explain some code-mixed data in some languages. but often they simply amplify or emphasize a message.Code Alternation among Arab Speakers in America identifiable either as direct quotations or as reported speech. Also.Can we really suggest universal constraints on CM and CS? If yes. Therefore. the System Morpheme Constraint is not universal enough to account for all the data. the constraints should also refer to the function of CM and not be restricted to structures alone. they cannot be considered universally enough to account for the code-mixed data cross-linguistically. Frequently a message in one code is repeated in the other code. The claim that CS among the different dialects in the same language and in the same speech community is to enhance communication and to show warmth and friendliness as suggested by Giles et al (1987) is not always true because some of the subjects of this study use CS to make fun of the other code as well as to give hints to the other speaker that the code-switcher is not happy with the way s/he is addressed particularly when the other code or variety is not a prestigious one. Pandharipande (forthcoming) also tested the universality of the same constraint on mixing Marathi-Sanskrit and Marathi-English and pointed out that the Marathi-Sanskrit CS differed regarding the System Morpheme Principle. I conclude this study by evoking the following questions not addressed in this study: . She also concluded that it has difficult to formulate a universal yet purely structural constraint that will be applicable to all cases. Still. still.What code would speakers of different Arabic dialects use when they speak to each other if Egyptian speakers are there? Would they use Egyptian Arabic? ..

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