West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 1

American Political Philosophy

Edited by Matt Taylor, Jim Hanson, and Brian Simmonds Written and Researched by Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, Sarah Stone

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 2

Edited by Brian Simmonds, Matt Taylor, and Jim Hanson Written and Researched by
Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, and Sarah Stone
About this Handbook The Philosopher and Value Handbook introduces you to arguments, values and philosophers. This volume focuses on American thinkers in philosophy and political theory who will be useful in Lincoln-Douglas value debates. Each chapter begins with an essay explaining the life, work, and ideas of each thinker. It concludes with evidence quotations that attack and defend the philosopher's ideas. Using the arguments in this Handbook We encourage you to read the briefs you will use. Highlight (underline) the key lines you will use in the evidence. Cut out our evidence, incorporate your and others¶ research and analysis and make new arguments. File the materials so that you can easily retrieve them for debate rounds. Practice reading the evidence outloud. Practice applying the arguments to your opponents¶ positions. Practice defending your arguments in rebuttal speeches. Use West Coast Handbooks as a Beginning We hope you enjoy our handbook and find it useful. In saying this, we want to make a strong statement that we make when we coach and that we believe is vitally important to your success: DO NOT USE THIS HANDBOOK AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR YOUR OWN RESEARCH. Instead, let it serve as a beginning. Let it inform you of important arguments, of how to tag and organize your arguments, and to offer citations for further research. Don¶t stagnate in briefs--build upon them by doing your own research. Use the essays to brainstorm research areas and use the evidence and bibliographies as a starting point for your exploration. In doing so, you¶ll use our handbook to become a better debater. Photocopying West Coast Handbooks Our policy gives you the freedom to use the handbook for educational purposes without violating the hard work that we put into the handbook. You can photocopy this handbook under the following circumstances: 1. You can make multiple copies of up to five pages of each West Coast handbook for a class handout. 2. You can make multiple copies of briefs that include evidence from this handbook as long as these photocopied briefs are significantly different from the ones in this handbook and include a significant number of pieces of evidence from sources other than a West Coast handbook. You may not electronically share or distribute this handbook with anyone other than those on your team. For other situations, you can also e-mail us at wcdebate@aol.com and seek our consent.

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JAMES MADISON ................................................................................................................................. 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 10 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE ..................... 11 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT ........................................ 12 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY ...................... 13 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS .......... 14 ALEXANDER HAMILTON................................................................................................................. 15 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 19 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED ................ 20 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD................................................................................ 21 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY.................................................................................. 22 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST ........................................................................................ 23 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS ................................................................................................................. 24 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 29 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR.............................. 30 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION...................................... 31 AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE....................... 32 FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS .................................. 33 RALPH WALDO EMERSON .............................................................................................................. 34 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 39 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE ..................................................................................................... 40 POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR......................................................................... 40 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT................................................................................. 41 CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE, TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ............................. 41 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION.................... 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE ................... 43 JOHN DEWEY ..................................................................................................................................... 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 49 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING ....................................................................................... 50 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS ........................................................................ 51 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY .......................................... 52 DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED ...................................................... 53 DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY ....................... 53 WOODROW WILSON......................................................................................................................... 54 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 59 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS................................................................ 60 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE............................................ 61 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM ........................................ 62 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE, BUT REPRESSIVE ............................. 63 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT .................................................................................................................. 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 68 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT .............................................................. 69 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT .................................................................................. 70 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY, PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION .................. 71 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE ........................................................ 72 TOM HAYDEN..................................................................................................................................... 73 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 77 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE......................................................... 78 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM .............. 79 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE ................. 80 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE, BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE ............................. 81

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............................................ 111 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............ JR...............................................com ... 126 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD .................................................................... 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 106 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST ................................... 120 THEDA SKOCPOL ........................................................ 146 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL .................................................................... 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE .............................................. 148 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD ......................................................................................................................................................................... 98 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG ................................................... 116 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM ........................................................................................................................................................... 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................................ 136 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST ...................................................... 149 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www......................................................... 145 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM ....... 138 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY................................................................................................................ 99 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED ................................................................................................................................. 135 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE .................................................................................................................................................. 127 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED ............................. 131 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................. 89 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED ............................................ 118 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY ....................................................... 91 JOSEPH NYE.. Volume 9 Page 4 HOWARD ZINN................................................................................................................................ 129 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN ....... ................................................................................. 117 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 139 PETER SINGER .......................................................................................................................................... 128 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE ..... 110 LANI GUINIER ............................................................................................................................................................... 82 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................... 129 MATERNALISM IS FLAWED ............................................wcdebate........................................................................................................................ 87 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED ...................................... 147 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD .................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 109 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE ......... 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 107 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS .................................................................................... 90 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS ............................................................West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.......................................................................... 137 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE .......................................... 96 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY .... 100 RALPH NADER .............................................................................................................. 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................. 108 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY. 97 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING ......................................................................................................................... 130 bell hooks................................................................................................................................................................................................. 88 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ................................................

Reports that Madison and Clinton invented ³The Funk Bomb´ to contribute to the national defense are unverified. Most importantly. though: Madison was the smallest U. is often placed into one or another ideological box. men of "preeminent wisdom and approved integrity" who nonetheless were compelled to act outside the bounds of regular authority. Madison was an important figure in the early political life of the country. As a result. Madison scholars agree today ± what Madison and the boys wanted to do was (in Rosen¶s words) ³to circumvent the people. anti-Federalist. who died in office in 1812. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights. including George Clinton. Not easily categorizable.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. As a result.James Madison was a unique member of the group known as the Founding Fathers. president. and scholarship on the American founding is no different. THE LIFE OF MADISON It is with this problem that James Madison enters the picture. Madison was original thinker given to philosophy. one of the youngest. and then discuss the ideas he brought to the table. Interestingly enough. and scholarship on the American founding is no different.wcdebate. James Madison. both of his vice presidents passed on in office. Madison eventually concluded that constitutional conventions were a necessary device for allowing those like himself--those whom he called 'the most enlightened and influential patriots'--to escape from the hold of democratic institutions. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. We¶ll begin by examining the manner in which Madison busted onto the nation scene in 1780. as opposed to a myopic concern for individual states and localities. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. His idea on the separation of church and state. and the structure of representative government remain influential. Madison was much younger than many of the other founders. Madison feared no effective national government could be formed. Though he was a co-author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. He stepped onto the political scene in 1780. in fact. Indeed. though. the avoidance of oppression. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. When the Articles of Confederation began to fail." The example to follow. like the other leading figures of his generation. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. or Democratic-Republican) of the time. was that of ancient lawgivers like Solon and Lycurgus. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. A Constitutional Convention was necessary ± but not for the reasons you might suspect. even if just temporarily.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Seriously. Madison didn¶t adhere devoutly to the party line of any of the three major factions (Federalist. James Madison. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. like the other leading figures of his generation. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals.com . a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. reasons of enlightened men crafting a document in the best interests of all. No. is often placed into one or another ideological box. showing his freedom from dogmatism. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. he suggests in Federalist 38. he often split with co-author Alexander Hamilton on the issues of the day. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. Volume 9 Page 5 JAMES MADISON Every academic field has its schemes of classification. As COMMENTARY MAGAZINE¶s Gary Rosen put it: Every academic field has its schemes of classification. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights. Madison wondered how a more effective national government might take shape. which he identified in THE FEDERALIST PAPERS as factionalism. Without a predominant concern for the nation as a whole. standing 5" 4" and weighing about 100 pounds. The problem as he saw it was too great a regional identification.S. when he served on the Virginia delegation in the Continental Congress.

As a philosophically inclined individual. (Sorry. In organizing a republican democracy. This includes the existence of the electoral college and the bicameral legislature system. While he was hardly alone in this viewpoint ± Hamilton was another who worried about the majority of people rallying against the few who were elected to govern them ± Madison put the most effort into thinking about the philosophical implications. Hence. Madison seems to have concluded that America would get a sound. Madison is famous for his advocacy of a federal system with checks and balances to provide stability and satisfy most all interest groups. What might that mean? Well. Madison's theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity´ as a means of dealing with the unwashed heathen masses pillaging the rich. This might cause problems where the majority runs roughshod over the rights of the minority ± hence. We¶ll examine the criticisms of Madison below. MADISON ON THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Madison worried about the overarching power of a powerful mass of people. The safeguards are based on what Madison termed ³the principle of reciprocity. People will vote to actualize their own wants. This does happen in politics all the time. As a skillful politician. republican Constitution only by means of an aristocratic coup of sorts´ writes Rosen ± a charge that Madison¶s critics then and now would jump all over. Let¶s not belabor the point. but they aren¶t blind. after all. Majority group members will worry that the minority may attract defectors from the majority group. The majority voting bloc is probably not going to be together in unanimity until the end of time. the self-interested majority worries that the minority may attract defectors from the majority and become the next governing majority itself. getting ahead of myself ± but I couldn¶t help it. the majority will look to the long-term. where the House of Representatives is thought to represent the masses and the Senate the landed elite. one must take care to build in safeguards against this.com .´ But here¶s where Madison¶s principle of reciprocity comes in: the majority might be self-interested. Madison is famous for having sought to avoid "the tyranny of the majority. or will merely have the power to make life miserable for the people who made their lives miserable over the past however many years. Either they will become the next majority. MADISON ON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM As an author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. especially if that mass had coincident interests. Volume 9 Page 6 ³Paradoxical as it may sound. and hence have the power to govern. the majority is inherently self-interested. ³Tyranny of the Majority.´ Reciprocity is the notion that what one group does to another is reciprocal ± what goes around comes around. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he had ideas about what the ideal state would look like.wcdebate." He did so through placing both substantive and procedural limits on democratic majority rule of the country.) What does the principle of reciprocity say? Let¶s get into that when we discuss the notion of majority tyranny itself before getting into what Madison thought that this condition might cause. You often see a good soldier get rewarded with a plum position when his or her party takes power. even though that person is unqualified and unworthy of the job. needs and desires.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Thus. Let¶s just say ³it worked´ and move on. like John Ashcroft. he was able to get what he wanted for that state. The idea is that they might use their power to stifle the rights of others.

This viewpoint manifested itself in 1784-85. 1787. If power is temporary and fluid. They¶ll be voting on tons of issues (road building bills. he had this to say: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. written in June 1785. The church. He consistently repeated these views in speeches of the time. Even Madison¶s own words at the time provide a pretty damning indictment. as Madison consistently rejected tax support for religious institutions. Indeed. The struggle continues to this day.´ wasn¶t as pessimistic about the social utility of the church." Even Jefferson. he wrote "that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. He wrote in a pamphlet called MEMORIAL AND REMONSTRANCE a defense of these decisions. In fact. he warned that it might become "a motive to persecution and oppression. This helps to explain his support for what we today call the separation of church and state. a prominent issue in public life then as now was the role of religion. with Jefferson and Madison on one side (though they split on many other issues. including one given at the Federal Convention on June 6. 1787. then the potential for abuse is minimized. organic food labeling laws. Volume 9 Page 7 So winning candidates don¶t have to ONLY pay attention to the majority. Number 10. Speaking of potential for abuse. Could it "be a sufficient restraint? It is not pretended to be such on men individually considered. The politician always has to be on the lookout ± just ask Bill Clinton. Knowing that most Americans didn¶t support granting the delegates to the Constitutional Convention the power to make a new government.com . is celebrated by Madison¶s acolytes as "the most powerful defense of religious liberty ever written in America. Their charges have serious merit. While his father was an Episcopalian. he believed that separating the two institutions served religion best as well." In the most famous of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. Madison reasoned. he kept his religious beliefs largely private." The debate raged on. In a memorandum entitled "Vices of the Political System" (1787) he express skepticism that religion could prevent oppression under a system of republican governance. minority preference laws) that may either alienate their political support base ± or attract minority members. this is part of the logic of the federal system. MADISON ON RELIGION Madison had serious doubts about the role religion played in public life. The document. with Jefferson considering Madison an aristocrat) and men like Patrick Henry and his supporters on the other. who warned of the deadly nature of a ³priest-ridden culture. did best when it was unencumbered from the mandates of a state apparatus.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." Madison wrote. who betrayed his core constituency with Republican style policies to the tune of sweet re-election. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals and lose their efficiency in proportion to the number combined together.wcdebate. CRITICS OF MADISON People who criticize Madison (and generally Hamilton) do so on one basis: that he was an elitist who was interested in preserving the rights of wealthy white landowners and not much of anybody else. and Madison had a key role to play in it all. Power is to be kept as separated as possible among interest groups and even elected officials. where he argued that there was "little to be expected" from religion in a positive way. published November 22. Will its effects be greater on them considered in an aggregate view? Quite the reverse. Was the church a positive or a pernicious influence? How best to adapt to its power? The answers to these questions led to the modern notion of two separate spheres for church and state. Again.

which fortify opinion. Jefferson wrote a letter to Madison in 1789 as Jefferson was preparing to return to the United States after four years as ambassador to France. This "unreflecting multitude´ was. they are known to have a double effect." Jefferson would fight Madison on many policies over which they differed based on these principles. having witnessed the first events of the French Revolution. In order to stay away from factionalism and prevent the people from losing faith in government. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. that "no such obligation can be so transmitted. His final shot at Jefferson. . Jefferson¶s first principles included the idea that government was only just with the consent of the governed. Madison wanted to deliver power into the hands of a ³better sort´ of people ± the rich. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. the third author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS: ³the people who own the country ought to govern it. Madison reasoned. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. The reason of man. including the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798. and the summation of his argument. the people possessed a "natural right" to reject the acts. and its practical influence on his conduct. When Madison said ³tyranny of the majority. which Jefferson (and every sane person) thought were unconstitutional. which John Marshall¶s Supreme Court seemed destined to enforce. IN CONCLUSION Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the mass of American people. . Madison replies? In order to promote stability of government. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. the people must not be allowed or required to challenge every decision made by the ³better class of men´ ruling them. the people Jefferson feared and mistrusted. is contained in FEDERALIST PAPER NUMBER 49: As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. A reverence for the laws. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates. not particularly wealthy) might gang up and plunder the rich. Volume 9 Page 8 We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. And in every other nation. and acquires firmness and confidence.com . this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. like man himself is timid and cautious. Jefferson said that if the federal government was to violate its own laws. Jefferson believed that the federal government ought only have the powers expressly granted by the people. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ he meant that the majority of Americans (still rural farmers. which time bestows on everything. and attacked both Madison and Hamilton for it. this consideration ought to be disregarded. In a nation of philosophers. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. Jefferson asked his colleague "Whether one generation of men has a right to bind another?" He concluded. the powerful.´ Jefferson was a staunch critic of this viewpoint. the government must continue to go about its business as usual. which should be declared "void and of no force.´ Jefferson also battled with Madison and Hamilton over the ³implied powers´ doctrine. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. are antient as well as numerous.wcdebate. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. Perhaps the defining quotation from this period and this viewpoint comes from John Jay. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. and that bypassing that consent was unjust. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. while this doctrine effectively gave the governing bodies power to do whatever they thought was best. When the examples. when left alone. . in Madison¶s view.

and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. And in every other nation. and the most passionately argued. As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. In a nation of philosophers. Even if you disagree with their ultimate conclusions. . whose populist ideas lost out in the long run to Madison¶s aristocratic notions. Volume 9 Page 9 James Madison should be known for a lot more than being a short guy who had a wife named ³Dolley.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point.We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. The reason of man. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. and its practical influence on his conduct. they¶re worth checking out. he had more influence than most any of them ± even Jefferson. . . If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. A reverence for the laws. are antient as well as numerous. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. they are known to have a double effect. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. when left alone. the most based in a sense of ethics. which time bestows on everything. this consideration ought to be disregarded. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. and acquires firmness and confidence. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates.´ The youngest of the founding fathers.wcdebate. When the examples. like man himself is timid and cautious. which fortify opinion. His FEDERALIST PAPERS are the most philosophical. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion.com .

FEDERALIST PAPER No. 10. IF MEN WERE ANGELS: JAMES MADISON AND THE HEARTLESS EMPIRE OF REASON: Lawrence.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper. 1995.html and http://www. N. ³Was James Madison an Original Thinker?´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. N.html. accessed April 22. Charles historian. Irving..gov/loc/madison/symposium. March 16. Beard. 1912." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. James. Va.gov/loc/madison/banning-paper.H. March 16. Madison.. Gary.Y. Hanover.´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM.html..loc. 1981. ed. ed. Lancej. David. November 22.. University of Kentucky. http://www. 1941-61.. Richard K.loc. http://www. Z MAGAZINE. THE MIND OF THE FOUNDER: SOURCES OF THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF JAMES MADISON. 1780-l792: Ithaca. June 1997. http://federalistpapers. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.html and http://www. Hutson.html and http://www. "James Madison and the Social Utility of Religion: Risks vs. THE LIFE OF JAMES MADISON: Indianapolis. James Morton.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Chomsky. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.com . Lance. http://www. 2000. James.cato.html. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. November 15. Library of Congress. Banning.loc. THE SACRED FIRE OF LIBERTY: JAMES MADISON AND THE CREATION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC. 1997).gov/loc/madison/symposium. 1776-1826: New York. 2001. http://www. ³James Madison: Federalist.com/federalist10.loc. James Madison's "Advice to My Country" (Charlottesville.gov/loc/madison/rosen-paper.html. Noam. Rosen. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute.loc.wcdebate. COMMENTARY MAGAZINE. Meyers. John.org/dailys/11-15-00. 1995. Rewards. 2001. Marvin. All of Madison¶s FEDERALIST PAPERS are available at http://federalistpapers.loc.html and http://www. Volume 9 Page 10 BIBLIOGRAPHY Banning. Mattern. 2001.loc.. THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS: THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN JEFFERSON AND MADISON. Samples.html. Kans. Smith. Brant. under the name Publius.gov/loc/madison/symposium. March 16. Matthews.com. 2002. 1787. 1995.

to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side. What about the Electoral College? Madison thought it embodied the "federal will" of the nation. or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community. as was wished and expected. but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. Washington's newest celebrity. and confusion introduced into the public councils. but it will be found. accessed April 22. But that philosophy contravenes the spirit of our Constitution as expressed by its primary author.wcdebate. It will be found. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC CONTROLS FACTIONALISM AND VIOLENCE James Madison. proponents of pure democracy will call for the abolition of the Electoral College. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models. MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS THE BEST GOVERNMENTAL POLICY John Samples. accessed April 22. none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. p. accessed April 22. but it would be an unwarrantable partiality. that our governments are too unstable. cannot certainly be too much admired. been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished.org/dailys/11-15-00. November 15. in truth. 1787. November 15. James Madison. 2002. injustice. or of interest. Her opposition to the Electoral College is entirely in step with her underlying philosophy of government: centralizing liberalism. 10. provides a proper cure for it. 2000. and alarm for private rights. np. is the latest convert to this cause. Hillary Rodham Clinton. which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. 2002. I understand a number of citizens. By a faction. particularly. 2002. Some will say Ms. on a candid review of our situation. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens. 3. He found that fair given the influence of large states in other areas. and of public and personal liberty. and. As Madison knew. who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion. whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole.html. that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments. The instability. http://www. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. at the same time. that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes. therefore. equally the friends of public and private faith. By that he meant that the Electoral College included both the will of the nation as expressed in the popular vote and the will of the states in a federal system (every state large or small gets two electors). However the election turns out. not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party.html. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate. These must be chiefly. Among the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union. Volume 9 Page 11 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE 1. that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties. November 22. adversed to the rights of other citizens. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. FEDERALIST PAPER No.org/dailys/11-15-00. the evidence. have. He will not fail. Clinton more credit than that. THE ³FEDERAL WILL´ IS MANIFESTED BY THE AMERICAN ELECTORAL COLLEGE John Samples. for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements. without violating the principles to which he is attached. Clinton opposes the Electoral College only because Al Gore might lose the presidency despite getting a plurality of the popular vote. to set a due value on any plan which. np.com/federalist10. 2. 2000.html. of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. both ancient and modern. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation.cato. http://www. Sen. as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. http://federalistpapers. and that measures are too often decided.cato.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. We should stick with Madison's idea of a federal republic and preserve the Electoral College. as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. if not wholly. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. indeed. this amalgamation gave small and medium-sized states more leverage in presidential elections than they would have in a popular vote. I give Ms.

The Founders feared the arbitrary exercise of political power. np. that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. 10. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS MUCH BETTER THAN A DEMOCRACY James Madison. p. ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists. in almost every case. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. November 22. FEDERALIST PAPER No. 2002. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. Theoretic politicians.org/dailys/11-15-00. in many cases. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. at the same time. and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties. np. against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the Union. 10. From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy. and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.html.html. their opinions. and render them all subservient to the public good. In the extent and proper structure of the Union. who have patronized this species of government. again. Hence. consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here. and their passions. which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole.html.com/federalist10. Madison's point about federalism is also well taken. 1787. np.com . that the CAUSES of faction cannot be removed. in fine. by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens. accessed April 22. accessed April 22. A common passion or interest will. in controlling the effects of faction. http://federalistpapers. have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property. 2002. November 15.html. 2000. FEDERALISM IS BEST James Madison. November 22. FEDERALIST PAPER No. November 22. PURE DEMOCRACY WOULD BE DIVISIVE AND FRACTIOUS: FEDERALISM IS BETTER James Madison.com/federalist10. FEDERALIST PAPER No. 10. accessed April 22. be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions. accessed April 22. It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests. http://www. who assemble and administer the government in person. increase this security." 2. 2002. Volume 9 Page 12 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT 1. can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations.is enjoyed by the Union over the States composing it. 3. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans. p. If we abolish the Electoral College. 1787. is enjoyed by a large over a small republic. they would. And we will do so just as bold policy successes in the states have shown the value of these "laboratories of democracy. BECAUSE THE ENLIGHTENED WON¶T ALWAYS RULE. MADISONIAN FEDERALISM SOLVES FOR BETTER DEMOCRACY John Samples. it clearly appears. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the Union will be most likely to possess these requisite endowments. http://federalistpapers. http://federalistpapers. we will make it harder for the states to provide this essential defense of liberty. p. The inference to which we are brought is. have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights. the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage. a communication and concert result from the form of government itself. 1787. can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention. and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its EFFECTS. -. Does it.com/federalist10.wcdebate.cato. be felt by a majority of the whole. 2002. therefore. np. p. and they hoped strong states would limit an expansive central government. Nor. 4.

These will either combine. According to the equal laws of suffrage. in a certain quarter." and Mr. who urged that "the government ought to possess. In the tenth number of The Federalist. MADISON ADMITTED FAVORING INEQUALITY Charles Beard. he added. but symptoms of a levelling spirit. p." Madison doubtless summed up in a brief sentence the general opinion of the convention when he said that to secure private rights against minority factions. he contended. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". Madison urged: "In future times. they will become the tools of opulence and ambition.com . No agrarian attempts have yet been made in this country." While these extreme doctrines were somewhat counterbalanced by the democratic principles of Mr.. -. hence. having such coexistent passion or interest. the power will slide into the hands of the former. 1912. -. In advocating a long term in order to give independence and firmness to the Senate. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. 31. 1912. MADISON WANTED ARISTOCRACY. a great majority of the people will not only be without land. NOT DEMOCRACY Charles Beard." Mr. what is more probable. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government. NOT PEOPLE Charles Beard. An accurate view of the matter." And again. 1912. p. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the mind or sense of the people at large. historian. but without any other sort of property. Governor Morris wanted to check the "precipitancy. Madison warned the convention that in framing a system which they wished to last for ages they must not lose sight of the changes which the ages would produce in the forms and distribution of property. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. These may in time outnumber those who are placed above the feelings of indigence.Such an aristocratic body will keep down the turbulence of democracy. nevertheless. Mr. from which the rights of property originated. 2. the force. as we have understood have sufficiently appeared." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. "the majority." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. he described these impending changes: "An increase in the population will of necessity increase the proportion of those who will labor under all the hardships of life and secretly sigh for a more equitable distribution of its blessings.in which case the rights of property and the public liberty will not be secure in their hands. 31.. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. and at the same time to preserve the spirit and form of popular government. under the influence of their common situation. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties.If property. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. would prove that property was the main object of society. historian." 3.. correctly stated the sound historical fact when he declared: "Life and liberty were generally said to be of more value than property. historian. and excess" of the representatives of the people by the ability and virtue of men" of great and established property -. Volume 9 Page 13 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY 1. then was the main object of government. MADISON¶S VIEW PROTECTED PROPERTY. certainly it ought to be one measure of the influence due to those who were to be affected by the government.aristocracy. 31. and in his opinion. King also agreed that "property was the primary object of society. in which case there will be equal danger on another side.wcdebate. p. men who from pride will support consistency and permanency. They were anxious above everything else to safeguard the rights of private property against any leveling tendencies on the part of the propertyless masses.or. was the great object to which their inquiries had been directed. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority.. to give notice of the future danger. in speaking on the problem of apportioning representatives. Wilson. but second. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. changeableness. not only first. Governor Morris. in support of the argument for a property qualification on voters.

that these principles lost their force as the national territory was conquered and settled. sought to balance the rights of persons against the rights of property. the native population driven out or exterminated. But the growth of the industrial economy. offered only limited public participation in the political arena. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. June 1997. we can appreciate the force of the doctrine that ``the people who own the country ought to govern it. political power must rest in the hands of ``the wealth of the nation. 2. It is the responsibility of government. associated group. In a current official document. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology.pre-capitalist. corporation or other organization (whether or not organized under the laws of any State). the phrase ``rights of property'' means the right to property. his biographer observes. partnership. ``to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority. or prominent from exercising political power. Z MAGAZINE. and the rise of corporate forms of economic enterprise. Madison pointed out that in England. or any government entity. When Madison spoke of ``rights of persons.com . When the facts are stated clearly. June 1997. The system that he and his associates were designing must prevent such injustice. But the formulation is misleading. as some historians do.'' while the rest are marginalized and fragmented. Z MAGAZINE. led to a completely new meaning of the term. Among Madisonian scholars. p. Volume 9 Page 14 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS 1. In the debates on the Constitution. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. 8. 8. well born. and anti-capitalist in spirit. and ``secure the permanent interests of the country. association. Whatever one's assessment of those years. there is a consensus that ``The Constitution was intrinsically an aristocratic document designed to check the democratic tendencies of the period. MADISON WANTED TO PROTECT THE RICH MINORITY AGAINST THE MAJORITY Noam Chomsky. One may argue. James Madison.'' he meant humans. Madison declared. p. and the constitutional system generally. Z MAGAZINE. 8. In both principle and practice. trust. the leading Framer of the constitutional system was an astute and lucid political thinker. June 1997.'' which are property rights. by the late 19th century the founding doctrines took on a new and much more oppressive form.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. typically material property. if elections ``were open to all classes of people.'' a concept that doubtless would have shocked Madison and others with intellectual roots in the Enlightenment and classical liberalism -. An agrarian law would soon take place. Property has no rights.'' men who would ``sympathize sufficiently'' with property rights and ``be safe depositories of power over them. the property of landed proprietors would be insecure. 3.'' ``one of [the] favorite maxims'' of Madison's influential colleague John Jay. A CONSENSUS OF MADISONIAN SCHOLARS AGREES HE WAS AN ELITIST Noam Chomsky. a personal right which must be privileged above all others. ```Person' is broadly defined to include any individual.wcdebate.'' delivering power to a ``better sort'' of people and excluding ``those who were not rich.'' giving land to the landless. branch. whose views largely prevailed.'' To achieve this goal. and is crucially different from others in that one person's possession of such rights deprives another of them.'' These conclusions are often qualified by the observation that Madison. p. he urged. CAPITALISM HAS SIGNIFICANTLY ALTERED THE WAY WE SHOULD SEE MADISON Noam Chomsky. Furthermore. estate.

an influential series of pamphlets arguing for a federal constitution to replace the Articles of Confederation. coercive. He saw centralization of authority as necessary to protect essential functions. as an aristocrat. making one legendary speech where he attacked the states¶ rights ideas of William Paterson. He was the only delegate from New York to support the ratification of the constitution ± but he did so vociferously. centralized union that would be a representative republic. Hamilton first began to press the ideas that became extremely important in the formulation of the union ± he believed in a strong central government and a strong national bank. HIS IDEAS Hamilton. he was an influential figure in the early days of this country who is too often overlooked today. and generally made himself a pain. Due to Hamilton¶s inside connections. When the Constitutional Convention was convened. Either that. THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. his political rival Aaron Burr secured a copy for himself. While Hamilton intended to closely control distribution of his missive.wcdebate.com . Burr then PUBLISHED a copy of it.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. After Adams was elected President. This is one of many issues that he and Thomas Jefferson would clash on. was vocally against states¶ rights. One of those actions was to inflame Hamilton¶s feud with Aaron Burr as well. Hamilton signed the new American Constitution for his state. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Much of this is forgotten today. or the fact that he was killed by political rival Aaron Burr in a duel. which Hamilton published (along with John Jay and James Madison) under the name Publius. an anti-federalist who would scrap mightily over those issues with Hamilton throughout their lives. making it available to the general public. After Washington died. While Jefferson was not necessarily a states¶ rights proponent in the way we understand these terms today. Let¶s start the process of remembrance with an exploration of his life. opinions that broke strongly from one notable politician of the era ± Thomas Jefferson. he also offered a life of tragedy. He served as a Lieutenant Colonel under George Washington for four years during the Revolutionary War. THE LIFE OF HAMILTON Hamilton started his career with military action during the revolt against British colonialism. This model would have devices that would protect class and property interests. Shortly before the presidential election of 1800. Either way. Hamilton constantly rebuked him in public. Hamilton was politically active throughout his life. the letter contained some confidential cabinet information. famously serving as a delegate at the Constitutional Convention and encouraging the advance of federal power. He would hold to this model in large measure for all his life. were extremely important during the early days of the United States. Volume 9 Page 15 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Alexander Hamilton is probably best known as one of the authors of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. talked to cabinet members in attempts to undermine Adams¶s policy. blackening Hamtilon¶s eye and ratcheting up tension between Hamilton and Adams ± not to mention Hamilton and Burr. Hamilton wrote a scathing letter attacking Adams. the leadership of the Federalist Party split between Hamilton and John Adams. then his ideas. Hamilton cited the British government as the best model for the new government -. rebuke and scandal. But of all the political ideas and economic philosophy that Hamilton offered to the world. In those papers.an aristocratic. he did argue that the American government was being divided into a struggle between the ³aristocrats´ who fear and mistrust the people and the ³democrats´ who trust the people and consider them the most trustworthy repository of the national interest.

His REPORT ON MANUFACTURERS (1791) was the first major departure from Adam Smith¶s WEALTH OF NATIONS (1776). In 1781 he promoted the idea that a nonexcessive public debt would be a good thing. or not immoral. HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS His economic ideas were no less radical." Washington passed the Bank Bill in February of 1791. impressive or important." Ironically. They probably would not have agreed to the constitution if they had known some of the things he had in mind. Madison (with strict constructionist logic) claimed that the national bank was unconstitutional since the constitution did not explicitly approve such an institution. the legacy of Britain. Because he advocated the constitutional doctrines of liberal construction. The Opinion sees Hamilton flesh out his view of the implied powers of the constitution. This is perhaps the most concrete consequence of Hamilton¶s idea of implied powers. Hamilton¶s logic: "[the government has] a right to employ all the means requisite. shortened to Republican. Volume 9 Page 16 As labels of the day went. we would call this viewpoint ³protectionism. In fact. Hamilton was the Federalist¶s Federalist.com . he claims. it could be interpreted under on of the more broad clauses of the constitution ± such as the clause that says it¶s the job of the national government to ³promote the general welfare. he suggested the direct collection of federal taxes by federal agents ± a fairly radical stance in such an anti-tax climate. He wanted to protect the working classes against what he saw as the onset of aristocracy and monarchy. These doctrines meant that even if a role for the federal government was not explicitly stated. wherever a general power to do a thing is given.´ as is often claimed. duties and other legislation designed to shelter fledgling industries. The Swiss economic historian Paul Bairoch (in his book ECONOMICS AND WORLD HISTORY) has argued that this shows America does not have its roots in so-called ³free trade. they became relatively widespread in the early days of the United States. America probably would not have successfully industrialized at all if not for Hamiltonian policies of protective tariffs. (no.´ Because Hamilton¶s economic ideas were so influential. Jefferson was considered a Democratic-Republican. One of Hamilton¶s lasting legacies is the creation of a national bank. and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power. opposed the project and intended to veto the bill. every particular power necessary for doing it is included." one could think of him as one of the first ³big government liberals. the means are authorized. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The document argued for a system of protective duties designed to promote the interests of American businessmen and manufacturers. Hamilton¶s staunch ally. allowing it to do things that many of the anti-Federalists opposed. Hamilton had to work magic ± in the form of his now famous Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bank ± in order to convince his longtime friend. was a vocal opponent of the national bank. 44) that "wherever the end is required.´ These ideas were later codified in the decisions of Supreme Court Justice John Marshall.wcdebate.´ which argues that the federal government only gets to do what the constitution EXPLICITLY says it gets to do. Jefferson. As early as 1776. "implied powers. Today. Even then-President George Washington. or not contrary to the essential ends of political society. who always mistrusted the financier set (and the federal government).´ This kind of liberal constructionism is deeply at odds with what is called ³strict constructionism." and the "general welfare. Hamilton¶s basic argument is a qualified version of one used by Madison himself in the Federalist. This was also one of the most controversial agendas he advanced. Hamilton¶s interpretation opens up the federal government¶s role considerably. and which are not precluded by restrictions & exceptions specified in the constitution.

Volume 9 Page 17 Jefferson hated these economic ideas.) Hamilton constantly disputed Jefferson¶s claim that the general public should control government. so get over it. disputed the geographical distribution of the benefits (Jefferson thought farmers would get screwed. that men should be deemed corrupt & criminal for becoming proprietors in the funds of their Country. These laws were mostly used to silence dissent. without any counterbalancing good. (When Jefferson was elected. he pardoned all of those convicted. I know he was smart." Again. Jefferson considered rich men who used their capital to invest in enterprises not their own (who we might today call venture capitalists) to be the lowest forms of life on earth. as should be clear. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." Hamilton¶s ideas seemed to Jefferson to be a lot closer to King George III than to any American thinker. Even sometime allies recognized the elitist tendency in Hamilton. If some farmers lose out on their land and enterprises so that my friends and I can run the country. and everyone else knew it too. That culminated in the elections season of 1804. HAMILTON¶S OPPRESSIVE IDEAS Hamilton¶s notion of a strong national government did err on the side of oppression at times. when Burr sent a contemptuous letter to Washington about Hamilton." This shows his opinion of the average American. There are a lot of Hamiltonians still around in American politics. that¶s a price I¶m willing to pay. Aaron Burr had been a political rival of Hamilton¶s since at least 1777. where Hamilton repeatedly ripped Burr in public speeches. at least he had SOME integrity and honor about him.well. administering no relief to our real disease. confronting Washington with a list of 21 objections to Hamilton¶s proposed policies. then his closest aide. Perhaps the most balanced view came from Madison. and the greater merit of co-operating faithfully in maturing and supporting a system which was not his choice." For those of you that don¶t speak Old Uptight American. which is democracy. accusing him of engaging in a monarchical conspiracy. and consequently the more virulent. DENOUMENT We know about the scandal that ended up killing Hamilton. Jefferson decried Hamilton¶s desire to increase the public debt. and the moral qualities of integrity and honor in a captivating degree.´ saying that "a clear sacrifice of great positive advantages. "are reasoning rather than reasonable animals. More on that in our final section. And we¶re just going to get richer as the country grows." he said.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. which the urban elite would benefit). saying this behavior ³nourishes in our citizens vice & idleness instead of industry & morality. by a subdivision. His morals -. here¶s a translation: yeah. Madison¶s final assessment of Hamilton was written in 1831: "That he possessed intellectual powers of the first order. At least he admitted it and didn't overtly destabilize the government. "Men. as much due to his belief in free speech as to his desire to stick his thumb in Hamilton¶s eye. and as novel as it is extraordinary. the translation from Old Uptight American: Hamilton preferred a more robust. editor of the Philadelphia DemocratRepublican Aurora. Twenty-five men were arrested and their newspapers forced to shut down as a result of this legislation ± including Benjamin Franklin's grandson. punishable by fine and imprisonment. This is best evidenced by his warm support for the final form of the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798.com . If his theory of government deviated from the republican standard he had the candour to avow it. will only be more concentrated in each part. Benjamin Franklin Bache. his customary colleague. has been awarded him by a suffrage now universal. Perhaps his sternest rebuke to Hamilton came based on Jefferson¶s moral objections investment speculation." Such publications were made high misdemeanors. more centralized government. my friends and I are rich. Hamilton¶s response: "It is a strange perversion of ideas. scandalous and malicious writing. These acts made illegal the publication of "any false. Allegedly. compared to Jefferson¶s continued desire to trust the public. the poison of which. and many other things." He referred (in his last letter on politics) to democracy as a ³disease.

money. it was on. in Sports Center parlance. without sacrifices which would have rendered me unworthy of your esteem. . Some Hamilton apologists insist that. and Frederick Muhlenberg ± thought they had found evidence that Hamilton was misappropriating government funds. At that point. When Reynolds found out he demanded ³satisfaction´ . and while Clinton merely threatened to bash William Safire in the nose. Hamilton actually followed through with physical violence against a political rival. that though he held "despicable" opinions of Burr. though he showed up to the duel and took a pistol. As historian Lisa Marie de Carolis noted. And the money wasn¶t for speculation (though that is apparently how Reynolds used it ± proving Jefferson¶s maxim about the moral character of speculators). Reynolds had evidence. but a BRIBE. he did not intend to fire at Burr. while Clinton was the child of a single mother. As I hope this essay makes clear. written directly before the duel with Burr. motivated. Burr challenged Hamilton to a duel and killed him. it just ain¶t so ± and it¶s somewhat comforting that the politicians of days past were just as sleazy. too.Adieu best of wives and best of Women. when Hamilton headed up the Treasury Department. and sexually predatory as the ones we see today. Hamilton¶s note to his wife. my love for you and my precious children would have been alone a decisive motive. went to Hamilton's office to confront him. Maria. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. a still more despicable opinion" of Burr. . greedy. But it was not possible. and agreed to keep it quiet. It wasn¶t even the juiciest. That money had changed hands. CONCLUSION When you learn about the so-called ³Founding Fathers´ in school.´ Amazingly. was bragging that Hamilton had given him money out of the treasury to play the stock market. when a pamphlet was published with the allegations. you get the impression that they were these morally upstanding men of a bygone era where honor was protected at all costs. a shady character currently in jail.James Monroe. Reynolds said that Hamilton could continue the affair so long as the money kept coming. Hamilton was having an affair Hamilton with Reynolds' wife. But the Burr scandal wasn¶t the only hot water Hamilton found himself embroiled in. the three congressmen were satisfied by Hamilton¶s explanation. is the final record from his life: "If it had been possible for me to have avoided the interview. Volume 9 Page 18 But he crossed the line when he said (at an event attended by a Burr supporter." No word on whether he penned a similar missive to James Reynolds¶ wife. And.but he said it was his own money.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the public could be kept in the dark no longer. Hamilton was technically born illegitimate. It gets better. Three congressmen -. A journalist reported to the country that Hamilton "could detail . Abraham Venable. ³Mr. he had more dirt on him that he wouldn¶t dish just yet. They apparently did. not the government's. Hamilton admitted he had given James Reynolds money -. One could make a strong case for Hamilton as the Bill Clinton of his day: both were extremely intelligent. That¶s when it got weird.com . That happened in 1792. until July 1797. natural politicians. both saw their records tarnished by stunning sex scandals. and by the press)... Reynolds was a clever pimp who was now harboring some very destructive information on one of the highest officials in the country. al. Monroe et. James Reynolds. .

1997.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. THE AGE OF FEDERALISM. Stanley and Eric McKitrick. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. New York: The Free Press. SELECTED WRITINGS AND SPEECHES OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Noam.let. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton.htm. de Carolis. historian. 1959. 1999. Chomsky. Frisch. Frisch. Chomsky. AMERICAN. ed. 1970.rug. ALEXANDER HAMILTON: PORTRAIT IN PARADOX.wcdebate. http://odur.. ed. New York and London: Columbia University Press. Loyola University. John C. Z MAGAZINE. Morton J. Washington/London: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE IDEA OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 1982. Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America. 13. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE POLITICAL ORDER. October 19. January 1995. Jacob E. Cooke. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Gerald. New York: Harper & Row. THE REPORTS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 1993. 1994 http://www. Charles Scribner's Sons. NATIONAL REVIEW.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00..com . Elkins. Miller.html. Jacob E. Syrett. p.org/chomsky/talks/9410-education. accessed May 1. Volume 9 Page 19 BIBLIOGRAPHY Beard. Lisa Marie. 2002. Chicago. THE PAPERS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Harold C. accessed April 29. Charles. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Cooke. University of Groningen. ed. senior editor. Mellon Lecture. Department of Alfa-informatica. Stourzh. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. Richard. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.zmag. 1912. 1964. New York: Harper & Brothers. Morton J. 1961--79. Brookhiser. Noam. 1991. New York.2002. 1985.

2002. and rapacious. STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED BECAUSE HUMANS ARE VINDICTIVE Alexander Hamilton. Volume 9 Page 20 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED 1. or through the submission of the Indian proprietors.html. http://federalistpapers. and would create others on the same subject. For the Independent Journal. November 14. It has been the prudent policy of Congress to appease this controversy. np.html. weaknesses and evils incident to society in every shape? 3. accessed May 2.wcdebate. 1787.com/federalist6. extinguishing that secret jealousy which disposes all states to aggrandize themselves at the expense of their neighbors. however. vindictive. unconnected sovereignties in the same neighborhood. was at all events an acquisition to the Confederacy by compact with a foreign power. 2002. in a state of separation? Have we not already seen enough of the fallacy and extravagance of those idle theories which have amused us with promises of an exemption from the imperfections. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6.com . 1787. accessed May 2. would be to disregard the uniform course of human events.html. This. it has been said. and the dissolution of the Union would lay a foundation for similar claims between them all. in the event of disunion. what reason can we have to confide in those reveries which would seduce us into an expectation of peace and cordiality between the members of the present confederacy. would revive this dispute. 2002. would be to forget that men are ambitious. UNION IS THE ANTIDOTE TO HOSTILITY BETWEEN NATIONS Alexander Hamilton. TERRITORIAL DISPUTES CAUSE STRIFE: STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENT IS NEEDED Alexander Hamilton. We have a vast tract of unsettled territory within the boundaries of the United States. either by actual possession. whose situations have borne the nearest resemblance to our own. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. to afford a decided prospect of an amicable termination of the dispute. 1787. and their constitution prevents the differences that neighborhood occasions.com/federalist6. p.html. if these States should either be wholly disunited. An intelligent writer expresses himself on this subject to this effect: "NEIGHBORING NATIONS (says he) are naturally enemies of each other unless their common weakness forces them to league in a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC. November 15. the subdivisions into which they might be thrown would have frequent and violent contests with each other. http://federalistpapers. For the Independent Journal. especially as to all that part of the Western territory which.com/federalist7. For the Independent Journal. From this summary of what has taken place in other countries. np. November 14. p. the others have contended that the rights of the crown in this article devolved upon the Union. Territorial disputes have at all times been found one of the most fertile sources of hostility among nations. WE NEED A STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT Alexander Hamilton. till it was relinquished in the treaty of peace. To presume a want of motives for such contests as an argument against their existence. FEDERALIST PAPER # 7. 2002. The States within the limits of whose colonial governments they were comprised have claimed them as their property. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. and which usually went under the name of crown lands. There still are discordant and undecided claims between several of them. that it has from long observation of the progress of society become a sort of axiom in politics." 4. under a continuation of the Union. BECAUSE THE WORLD ISN¶T PERFECT. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent. For the Independent Journal. A dismemberment of the Confederacy. p. http://federalistpapers. that vicinity or nearness of situation. It is well known that they have heretofore had serious and animated discussion concerning the rights to the lands which were ungranted at the time of the Revolution. and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages. 1787. This cause would exist among us in full force. 2. November 14. by prevailing upon the States to make cessions to the United States for the benefit of the whole. np.com/federalist6. A man must be far gone in Utopian speculations who can seriously doubt that. accessed May 2. accessed May 2. or only united in partial confederacies. This has been so far accomplished as. http://federalistpapers. constitutes nations natural enemies. Perhaps the greatest proportion of wars that have desolated the earth have sprung from this origin. So far is the general sense of mankind from corresponding with the tenets of those who endeavor to lull asleep our apprehensions of discord and hostility between the States.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. was subjected to the jurisdiction of the king of Great Britain.

nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. liberty. Hamilton reasoned.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00.did not mean to say all were equal in. provide capital for investments and industry.com . the prosperity of the institution . http://www. of their own interest. http://odur. Hamilton saw it as no less than an engine of national prosperity and a necessary ancillary to his overall plan. and that it would unavoidably result from that very liberty itself. p. The accumulation of wealth was not Hamilton's goal. and the pursuit of happiness. Industry would diversify labor.2002. steady. . pointing invariably to its true pole. whereas paper wealth was fluid. although not necessarily equitable. HAMILTON BELIEVED IN EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY. The Founders¶ attachment to economic freedom was in no way. np. would benefit the nation as a whole in the long run. represented by the Virginia opposition.. As Alexander Hamilton stated in the constitutional convention: "It is certainly true that nothing like an equality of property existed: that an inequality would exist as long as liberty existed. magnetic sense. Department of Alfa-informatica. and." 2.intellect. was limiting and limited.. Volume 9 Page 21 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD 1. simply drawing on realities that he felt." Independent Institute Website. abilities which were by nature unequal. as usual.html. accessed May 1. as it were.. Department of Politics. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton.. HAMILTON¶S NATIONAL BANK WAS AN ENGINE OF PROSPERITY Lisa Marie de Carolis.rug. thus creating more jobs and income sources for a burgeoning population. http://odur. and which would incite fierce protest on the part of those who feared that Hamilton aimed to create an aristocracy. They believed that everyone had an equal right to exercise his individual abilities to acquire property. "The Primacy of Property Rights and the American Founding. . regulate banking practices around the country.htm. 1997.rug. he wanted to encourage the use of private wealth for beneficial enterprises. among which are life. University of Groningen." Moreover. as proprietors.2002.htm. Private ownership. in their understanding. 3.let. This was Hamilton's most controversial position about which he was quite frank. the equality proclaimed in the Declaration is not an equality in all respects. their conception of human equality necessarily excluded equality of condition. and loan the government money in times of emergency. accessed May 1. HAMILTON¶S SUPPORT OF THE WEALTHY DIDN¶T INTEND TO CREATE ARISTOCRACY Lisa Marie de Carolis. The "authors of that notable instrument. provide a uniform currency. They defined with tolerable distinctiveness. Department of Alfa-informatica.let. Landed wealth.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. or social capacity. As Lincoln repeatedly emphasized. University of Groningen. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. opposed to the principle of equality. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. in what respects they did considered all men created equal²equal in µcertain unalienable rights. Hamilton was.wcdebate. and that the equal right to employ unequal talents would necessarily lead to economic inequality. 1997. He explained: "The keen. would prevent the corruption which might result if the bank were run by government officials as was the Bank of England. accessed May 1.¶ This they said and this meant.org/tii/students/GarveyEssay97Upham. 1997. 2002. and opened up wider vistas in international trade and domestic industrialization. NOT FORCED EQUITY David Upham. Hamilton's vision was dynamic and made use of all the possibilities of a young nation with unlimited resources and boundless potential.independent. Securing the support of the wealthy was only a first step in his complete economic picture. not only did the Founders¶ understanding of equality not include all kinds of equality (such as the equality of economic condition championed by the Progressives). The bank proposed by Hamilton would be a national institution run by a private board of directors. moral developments." Hamilton explained that a national bank would provide a safe depository for government funds. University of Dallas. in the Directors of a Bank. Hamilton envisioned a strong economy in which everyone could participate and profit.

Mellon Lecture. It therefore became necessary to renew with much greater intensity the constant campaign to tame and cage that "great beast. sometimes in chains of dogma and deceit. in offering to the consideration of the convention his plan of government. That's Hamilton. p. 1912. HAMILTON BELIEVED DEMOCRACY WAS A GREAT BEAST. in advocating a life term for Senators.zmag. The first are the rich and well born and the other the mass of the people who seldom judge or determine right. that. of course. urged that "all communities divide themselves into the few and the many.the main concern. Gerry. Randolph. That's the hysterical and utterly erroneous reaction that's pretty standard among people who feel that their power is threatened. that fear of democracy and freedom has always been one of the factors motivating the terror and sometimes outright aggression undertaken to eliminate "rotten apples" that might "spoil the barrel" and "viruses" that might "infect others. in tracing these evils to their origin. Hamilton. 3. being independence. an important victory. They feel. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Lansing warned of the danger of allowing the "ignorant and incapable mass of humanity" to become "dominant in the earth." in the terminology favored by leading planners -. rolling back the threat posed by the "great beast" that keeps trying "to plunder the rich" (Alexander Hamilton and John Foster Dulles. 1994. p. which destroyed labour and independent thought for a decade. speaking for a host of others).html. as he believed the Bolsheviks intended. sometimes quite literally. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Loyola University. but were striving with all the resources of political wisdom at their command to set up a system of government that would be stable and efficient. Eighty years earlier Alexander Hamilton had put it clearly.com . January 1995. accessed April 29. and that a good Senate seemed most likely to answer the purpose. The beast may not yet be tamed. p. as Jefferson's fears and Bakunin's predictions were increasingly realised. We may recall. every page of the laconic record of the proceedings of the convention. Restating the Doctrine without equivocation." Mr. in passing. In the mind of Mr. Madison. shows conclusively that the members of that assembly were not seeking to realize any fine notions about democracy and equality. every man had found it in the turbulence and follies of democracy. that they can dismantle the social contract that has been in some measure achieved. whatever cast it takes. historian. 13. but now perceive that they can do better. preserved to posterity by Mr. COMMON PEOPLE A MENACE Noam Chomsky. HAMILTON THOUGHT THE ³WELL BORN´ SHOULD RUN THE COUNTRY Charles Beard. 13.wcdebate. the masters have long sought to contain popular struggles to expand the range of meaningful democracy and human rights. he "had been taught by experience the danger of the levelling spirit. Z MAGAZINE. These ideas have become ever more entrenched in educated circles. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. attitudes that led to Wilson's Red Scare. The architects of policy can move on to establish a utopia of the masters based on the values of greed and power. 2002. HAMILTON FEARED DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM Noam Chomsky. Robert Lansing. observed "that the general object was to provide a cure for the evils under which the United States labored. The basic attitudes coming into this century were expressed very clearly by Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of State. http://www. January 1995." as Alexander Hamilton termed the "people" with horror and indignation as he was laying the foundations for state-guided industrial democracy. but it is being caged. the evils they had experienced flowed "from the excess of democracy. October 19. np." Mr. as it was called." and he confessed that while he was still republican. in which privilege is enhanced by state power and the general population lack rights apart from what they can salvage on a (highly flexible) labor market. perhaps rightly. safeguarded on the one hand against the possibilities of despotism and on the other against the onslaught of majorities.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Chicago." 4. HAMILTON SOUGHT TO PRESERVE THE POWER OF THE RICH Noam Chomsky. He said there was the idea that your people are a great beast and that the real disease is democracy. Volume 9 Page 22 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY 1. Professor of Linguistics at MIT.org/chomsky/talks/9410education. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. 31. that some check therefore was to be sought for against this tendency of our governments. Z MAGAZINE." or even influential. p. Indeed. 2.

HAMILTON¶S GOVERNMENT IDEAS FOCUSED ON PROTECTING THE RICH Charles Beard.No plan could succeed which does not unite the interest and credit of rich individuals with that of the state. he contended. 2. 2002. p. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. 1997. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. Public credit was to become the pillar of Hamilton's fiscal reform package." 3. Mr." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. whereas paper capital fosters a more international mentality. he added. by the system of checks and balances placed in the government. "was so formed as to render it particularly the guardian of the poorer orders of citizens.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. Nevertheless. http://odur. University of Groningen. and thus helps spread "arts and industry throughout the whole society. accessed May 1. p. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. accessed May 1. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. with variations more suited to the United States' unique characteristics.wcdebate. indebts the nation to foreign powers.rug. np. Securities. In the tenth number of The Federalist.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. Department of Alfa-informatica." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and renders the stock holders largely idle and useless for everything but playing the market.let. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION.let. 2002. historian. Hume contended. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. and a more diverse economy. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. which in turn makes commodities cheaper and easier to procure. However. Hume observed.rug. HAMILTON IGNORED HUME¶S WARNINGS ABOUT THE SYSTEM HE FAVORED Lisa Marie de Carolis. Hamilton dismissed Hume's warnings and instead focused on the positive aspects of national credit.." while the Senate was to preserve the rights of property and the interests of the minority against the demands of the majority. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. the continuing vitality of the British economy was enough to prove the efficacy of their system. hence. Hamilton pointed out. makes "country gentlemen" out of wealthy merchants. Volume 9 Page 23 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST 1. from which the rights of property originated. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government. warning that a funded debt necessitates oppressive taxes to pay the interest." Landed wealth. HAMILTON RELIED ON THE WEALTHY ALLYING THEMSELVES WITH STATE POWER Lisa Marie de Carolis. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". provide ready capital with the value and function of specie. the convention safeguarded the interests of property against attacks by majorities. 31. The support and capital of the nation's wealthiest citizens would provide the foundation and security of his system. Hume felt that the evils greatly outweighed the advantages. He wrote in 1780: "The only plan that can preserve the currency is one that will make it to the immediate interest of the monied men to cooperate with the government in its support. and in his opinion. p. the "invigorating principle" which would infuse the United States with the energy and international respectability he had envisioned.htm.com .htm. the availability of which enables merchants to engage in more extensive trade enterprises. 1997. 1912. np. having such coexistent passion or interest. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority. creates dangerous disparities in wealth. . "the majority. Hamilton needed big investors. http://odur. Hamilton based his program primarily on the British model. In order to stimulate the economy. University of Groningen. The House of Representatives. Mr. Department of Alfa-informatica. Hume in particular was cautionary about the British system. but pointed out some advantages to a credit-based economy. Hume emphasized the many evils of a credit-based economy.

the Anti-Federalists were not as organized in their publications. but instead have had a profound influence upon the entirety of American politics. The contingent of people who felt that the proposed Constitution had too strong of a Central government were known as the Anti-Federalists. supported a more direct democracy. and partially to the fact that history has not glorified their accomplishments as it has the Federalists.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The Anti-Federalists also used pseudonyms borrowed from past figures from Rome (as well as other names). there is not an established number to each document or speech that constituted Anti-Federalist contributions to the political debate. the identity of the authors of the Anti-Federalist papers is not always known. seemed to the Federalists a clear signal that a new Constitution was needed. the benefits of which were lost in such a massive government. but it is not always conclusive which actual person lies behind what name. notably the Shays Rebellion that occurred in Massachusetts for half a year before it could be quelled. written by Alexander Hamilton. Anti-federalists. support for it was by no means unanimous. The Confederation could not collect taxes. This federalist camp by and large supported the proposed Constitution that was being debated at the Conventions. it is important to keep in mind that terminology changes. The first attempt was guided by the Articles of Confederation. These papers. The American Revolution came about for a myriad of reasons. There have been a variety of different approaches to that question over the years. Secondly. Contemporary readers might feel as if these terms are backwards. During the time of various Constitutional Conventions. This is partially due to the less organized nature of the Anti-Federalists.wcdebate. as opposed to the republican government that connected to the citizens only via mediating representatives. given that in today¶s lexicon ³federalism´ refers to the doctrine that the federal government should not encroach upon the proper powers of the states. the Anti-Federalists are no mere moment in history. some of the major figures behind the movement. Given their position in history as one of the main political groups at the time of the crafting of the Constitution. Therefore the issue of liberty was foremost in the minds of Americans when considering how to craft a government of their own. a great deal of writing was done by various political figures that advocated different positions on what direction the country ought to take. regulate commerce. Anti-Federalist differ from the Federalist Papers in a few significant ways. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. First. all connected to the desire to have independence from the tyrannical rule of the British monarchy. therefore. Viewing these and many other aspects of the Articles as deep flaws. Moreover. or Madison) is well documented. This essay will explore the context surrounding the Anti-Federalists. many called for some kind of reform. or a great many other things that are matter of course for the federal government today. Even though the Federalist Papers bore the same pen name. James Madison. The inability of the federal government to take care of a lot of problems. and John Jay under the pseudonym ³Publius. They felt that the essence of democracy could only be carried out on a small scale. Volume 9 Page 24 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS Perhaps the greatest question that American political theory has struggled with is to what extent the power of the federal government should be limited. Although the new Constitution was passed largely the way that the Federalists hoped it would be. which established a very limited central government with strong powers left to the individual states. However.com . and the various potential pros and cons to such a political system. Jay. HISTORICAL CONTEXT The driving issues in early American political theory arose as a response to the treatment of the original colonies by Great Britain. amending the Articles required unanimity among the states. who did which paper (Hamilton.´ advocated a much stronger central government than what the Articles provided. Although far from universally read at the time ± the pamphlets were mostly published in New York ± a group of 85 documents which came to be known as the Federalist Papers came to be the most famous articulation of Federalist views. and back at the time of the signing of the Constitution the Anti-Federalists were those opposed to it on the grounds that it gave too much power to the federal government. with that of the Anti-Federalists being one of the most extreme.

´ or ³Federal Farmer´ may be an ongoing debate. the problem of majority tyranny arises.´ ³Old Whig. which the Bill of Rights provided (to some extent). Clinton authored some of the Anti-Federalist papers that were published under the name ³Cato. Robert Yates. Direct democracy of that sort is appealing to Anti-Federalists because it makes up for the myriad of shortcomings in the current system of ³representation´. To understand Anti-Federalists merely in terms of modern-day states-rights discourse would be in a sense misleading. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE CASE FOR THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS So what is it that is positive about the theory of Anti-Federalism? The primary emphasis is upon promoting liberty and freedom. Even were polling perfectly accurate. No. while they share some of the same beliefs. but took the post after his own Presidential ambitions were dashed. and so on.´ Clinton did his best to block ratification of the Constitution. one of the authors of the Federalist Papers.com . This ensures that oftentimes the majority opinion does not even constitute over half of the population. This is because when a regime is in control over a large enough populace. but they would also stress that said governing body has to be concerned with a vastly smaller area than the US currently is. Another prominent Anti-Federalist was George Clinton. Today what we have is a republic. Anti-Federalism is an entirely different view of what government means than is considered in contemporary political discourse. George Clinton was the first governor of New York during the ratification of the Constitution. it was promised to be included by Congress shortly thereafter. Richard Henry Lee. But what liberties are being shoved aside in the current system? The premise behind AntiFederalism goes deeper than knee-jerk mistrust of the federal government. Clinton acquiesced. but when it was approved by the requisite nine states at the Convention in his very own state. making most of the people¶s wishes going unheeded. that the government has. it is typically meant to designate the bureaucracy. direct democracy becomes simply unfeasible. The closest way to understanding the will of the electorate ± polling ± is remarkably inaccurate. not the one in the Funkadelic Parliament. ideas. there are a host of different possible options to be argued for. one of his greatest criticisms of it was the lack of any explicit limitations upon the powers of the federal government. The inclusion of a Bill of Rights into the Constitution is owed in part to Patrick Henry. there is no way for Representatives to actually know the desires of the people they are voting for. For one. Especially given the US¶s self-proclaimed status as a melting pot of races. When the words ³big´ or ³small´ are used to describe governments today. Since potential actions to be taken by Congress are almost never a black and white issue. While of course they all had minor differences. There are a great many other important Anti-Federalist thinkers: James Winthrop. The first major premise in Anti-Federalism is that true government is only possible on a small scale. or amount of control. Ironically he ended up Vice-President to Madison. There would be no way for common individuals to stroll onto the floor of Capitol Hill any time they wished and have a real voice in crafting national legislation. cultures. while he never supported the Constitution. and later would become Vice President for both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.wcdebate. Henry associated the Federalist supporters with the kind of aristocracy that the Revolutionary War was meant to free America from. some of the more important figures in the theory are well known. Volume 9 Page 25 WHO THEY WERE While the issue of which Anti-Federalist authors were behind the works of pseudonyms such as ³Brutus.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the thread running through them all was a mistrust of too massive a government. Samuel Bryan. it becomes all the more difficult for any group to get the policy they want. and others. where representatives are elected with the supposed task of voicing the opinions of all of the people in Congress. and only samples a small part of the population. One such person is Patrick Henry. Clinton despised Madison. While the Bill of Rights was not included in the initial signing of the Constitution. And it is true that Anti-Federalists would argue for a less massive government. This is democracy at its most tenuous. While his famous quotation in which he prefers liberty to life became one of the central rallying cries of the Revolution. Henry did not support the Constitution that was eventually passed in 1787.

The next highest is work. whereby one toils to take care of private necessities. it would seem difficult to coordinate efforts. the type of person who is elected into office will never be the same type of person that she or he is supposed to represent. one can readily find fault with such a small-scale system of government. Provided that a Senator votes the way someone theoretically would want them to. Christopher Duncan explains why it is that Anti-Federalists place intrinsic value upon direct democracy. Anti-Federalists desired the smaller town-hall type governments were individual could have a say and come to some consensus about issues that affected them and their town. Anti-Federalists would still have a large problem with the massive republic that we live in today. But even if all of the things above were not true. find that situation lacking. Anti-Federalism dovetails nicely with one of the main tenets of Hannah Arendt¶s belief on the nature of politics. In other words. Once all private demands are met. Therefore. but it is often still private in nature. and similar pursuits. Even if every state kept standing militias. There is the possibility of public appreciation of work. How can a rich white Senator born into privilege know how difficult it is to be poor? It becomes difficult for any interest aside from the elite¶s to be advanced in government. and Senators and Representatives were somehow able to represent the wishes of their constituents completely accurately. then one can spend their time caring for the polis (city). the arts. there is no way a national army Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The Anti-Federalists argued that a result of that type of government would be that only the elite would have the capability to run for office. but instead that understanding the rationale behind the Greek priority of action in the public realm sheds light on why AntiFederalists find value in pure democracy. To achieve enough public recognition to get elected. AntiFederalists. The incapability of internal uprisings and the like to be dealt with a weak central government was arguably shown back as early as Shay¶s Rebellion. contends that the highest form of human existence lies in the participation in politics. be achieved.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. What is to stop one state from deciding to use aggressive force against another to take. this is often not the case. and therefore used slavery to divest themselves of the need to do tasks that they consider menial. some economic resources? Threats from other countries are even more frightening. The lowest is that of labor. The reason for this is because. precisely because they see participation in politics as an end to itself. and therefore be happy and free. have the time and resources to become a serious politician. First and foremost is a problem with security from threats both internal and external. let alone the middle class who spend a great deal of time working to (for example) put their kids through college. This is not to suggest that the Anti-Federalists merely wanted to copy the Greeks. the highest type of human activity is what Arendt says the Greeks considered true ³action´: politics. say. But even if stringent campaign finance reform measures were to pass. Only that way can the desire to life a public life. Finally. and without a strong federal ability to tax. many Anti-Federalists charged that it was elite interests that motivated the structure of the government set up in the Constitution. Indeed.com . While it is certainly possible for a person of a different station to understand the situation of a common person. The ancient Greeks despised labor. In fact. on the other hand. Arendt. This problem has gotten even more out of control given the importance of self-advertisement during campaigns. the political sphere and one¶s own relationship to it can be safely ignored. which encompasses crafts. She draws upon Greek culture in her book THE HUMAN CONDITION to explain the various degrees of human activity. interestingly enough. The difference lies in the fact that our conception of politics is as a means to an end. The same problems that were apparent at the time of the Articles of the Confederation are still present in a system that devolves a great deal of authority. such as food and shelter. Therefore the most glory came from being an honored statesman in the city-state. No one struggling to earn enough money to survive. many of the Anti-Federalists papers make explicit reference to Greek and Roman societies ± before they developed strong tyrannical central governments ± as being ideals insofar as democracy is concerned.wcdebate. one would have to not be tied to any sort of private concerns that would distract from that goal. an important political theorist from this century. THE CASE AGAINST THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS As pretty of a picture of an idyllic small town democracy this paints. The current controversy over money spent in campaigns is telling. there would still be cultural and economic barriers that would make it extremely difficult for anyone but the elite class to realize the goal of playing a role in the public sector. people tend to be only concerned with issues such as representation insofar as they get what they want. Volume 9 Page 26 Part of the problem stems from the type of people that are going to be the Representatives in a large republic.

a brand new turn is taken in the relationship between individuals. In addition to security. Strict laws governing the states are needed to keep them accountable for their environmental damage. Volume 9 Page 27 could be built and maintained that would comport to the standards necessary to be competitive. hope is not lost yet.wcdebate. one might question the incentive for other countries to attack the United States if it were more decentralized. The 50 states retain a massive amount of control over criminal laws. Given how complex the economic system is today. but it is a huge issue now. Power over such things as taxation has certainly not spiraled into overwhelming tyranny. Until the Supreme Court decision of Brown versus the Board of Education of Topeka. with those citizens lacking any method of recourse. Would the technological and cultural progress that has been made in the past two hundred years be possible in a country with decentralized governments? Yet another goal that has become of more importance in recent years that seems impractical without a strong central government is the protection of the environment. While the fundamental motivation for the Anti-Federalists was the protection of liberty through democracy.com . With regard to the security issue. None could be performed during the Articles of Confederation. and the government. A strong central government seems to be a prerequisite of peace and order. but there is less reason to believe such events would be a matter of course without a powerful federal government. Countries don¶t just go around attacking each other for land nowadays. Having a national bank system. In that sense there likelihood of an attack against the US might decrease. The negative effects of industry in one county or state could most directly affect another area completely. it is very possible that their mistrust of a strong central government was not merely reactionary fear stemming from their dealings with Great Britain. the Federal Reserve ± all are functions that are distinctly national in character. Many authors specifically respond to some of these criticisms and explain why they might not seem as problematic as they seem. environmental theory has taught that those situations are dangerous given the transitory nature of pollution. is it not obvious that life and peace are more important? Being free from one¶s own government is hardly a concern when another country is invading. Many authors claim that the federal government has proven to be selflimiting in such a fashion so as to avoid the pitfalls the Anti-Federalists predicted. economic prosperity seems to be a direct result of a strong federal government.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Environmental disputes were not much of a problem back in colonial times when the majority of the United States had yet to even be charted by European settlers. A thriving economy is a necessary condition for a lot of other things. These protections against discrimination apply to sexism and other forms of oppression through the Equal Protection amendment. internal commerce. it is natural that uprisings like the Shay¶s Rebellion would occur during a country¶s birth pangs. This picture of rights flips on its head the problem envisioned by the Anti-Federalists of a tyrannical national government. such as funding of the sciences and arts. This case was but the most visible of a massive effort by the federal government to outlaw a host of racist policies held by many States. issuing bonds. countries would no longer have cause to resent the US throwing its superpower weight around world affairs. The most famous example of this comes with the controversy concerning segregation in the South. As for internal problems. While the Anti-Federalists sought to organize small like-minded communities. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. By passing amendments that protect rights not merely through limiting the power of the federal government but instead positively restricting certain behavior of the states and local governments. One of the revolutions in the past hundred years has been the increasing role of the federal government as the protector of individual rights from state discrimination. RESPONSES TO SOME OF THE ATTACKS ON THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS While this list of problems might seem difficult for the Anti-Federalists to overcome. rights. Few would call the powers that the federal government claims right to now ³tyrannical´ by any means. There might not be any way to have stopped that discrimination throughout the country in the system promoted by the Anti-Federalists. schools wouldn¶t allow blacks the same educational opportunities. and so forth. Even if there is some sacrifice of liberties in order to make those things possible. wars tend to start due to tensions over disagreements. there are a variety of important tasks that can only be performed by the national government that seem integral to maintaining a healthy economy. Nor is there a complete disregard for the rights and powers of the states even within this system.

or to help argue for or against other political objectives that would affect the balance of power between the people and their state. It can be used in its specific historical context to criticize or justify the Constitution. Just because power would be devolved to a large degree does not mean that national laws would not work pending the acceptance of the majority of states. and therefore in direct democracy. The American political tradition has always been a product of the dialectic of both of those movements. and it can even create tensions in a society where the wealth is increasingly becoming concentrated in a small percentage of the population. Participation in a public democracy. Perhaps the widespread depression exhibited in American society today is a result of the alienation felt towards one¶s fellow humans. As the lower class gets larger and poorer. the Constitution may have been promoted mainly by Federalists. has many potential benefits and downfalls. Money alone cannot produce happiness. True happiness is found in one¶s civic existence. but economic might is not necessarily the highest aim for a country. One thing that is important to keep in mind for the purpose of utilizing this theory in a debate round is that one does not necessarily have to advocate every thing that the Anti-Federalists would. no matter what the Gross Domestic Product statistics say.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 28 Issues such as the environment and minority rights could be dealt with in a collective fashion. can be much more fundamental to human happiness than amassing material wealth. but those are nothing more than glorified necessities taken too far. federal governments. as Hannah Arendt suspects. Truly understanding the various twists and turns of American politics requires a grasp upon its roots in both the Federalist as well as Anti-Federalist traditions. but its inclusion of a Bill of Rights. there is little denying that politics in this country has become an affair of the rich and elite. it is natural to question just how successful the country is economically. local. Instead. as well as a few other modifications to it are distinctly Anti-Federalist in nature. its principles of maintaining a genuine democracy can be utilized to argue in favor of smaller changes. excluding most people from participating in it in any meaningful way. Given the swing in opinion towards protecting the environment and ending discrimination. It is certain that the country would be less economically prosperous if it had developed more along AntiFederalist lines. no political system is wholly comprised of one ideology or another. as a political theory taken in general. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Even if the federal government has not proven to turn into a tyranny.com . The Federalist model did establish an effective system for pursuing one¶s private wishes. CONCLUSION Anti-Federalism. such as greater states rights in a particular area. Moreover. instead of merely a republic where no one¶s interests but the very powerful are furthered. The most skillful use of it will be to argue for a particular type of democracy that actually involves people. Both theories have strong advantages and disadvantages that can be used to shed light on a variety of political issues in our own day and age. it is logical that even without things like strong Supreme Court decisions it is still plausible that those problems would be voluntary dealt with by the states.

FROM MANY. 1992. THE RADICALISM OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. THE ANTI-FEDERALIST PAPERS AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION DEBATES. Library of America.wcdebate. 1981. Volume 9 Page 29 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ackerman. Bailyn. University of Chicago Press. Wood. Walter. Berns. ARTICLES. University of Colorado Press. AND LETTERS DURING THE STRUGGLE OVER RATIFICATION. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1981. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. inc. 1992. Dry. Dolbeare. Simon & Schuster. WE THE PEOPLE: FOUNDATIONS. WHAT THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS WERE FOR. Gordon.com . Duncan. 1997. Ketcham. 1992. Ralph. Kenneth. THE COMPLETE ANTI-FEDERALIST. Robert. Storing. Hannah. 1987. Alfred Knopf. Harvard University Press. Murray. TAKING THE CONSTITUTION SERIOUSLY. Herbert. University of Chicago Press. Sinopoli. THE HUMAN CONDITION. 1986. Hoffer. 1995. A POLITICS OF TENSION: THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND AMERICAN POLITICAL IDEAS. Bruce. Herbert. Arendt. Bernard. 1958. Northern Illinois University Press. Georgetown Press. John Wiley & Sons. DIRECTIONS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. University of Chicago Press. Richard. and Storing. Christopher. THE DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION: FEDERALIST AND ANTIFEDERALIST SPEECHES.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1993. 1969. Penguin. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT.

1997. Agrippa¶s claims that ³freedom is necessary for industry´ and that ³in absolute governments. ³banish the citizens from the public realm into the privacy of their households. better understood. and prevent such conclusions as will promote the public good. great and glorious. In a republic. GOVERNMENTS THAT RULE OVER SIMILAR PEOPLE OPERATE MORE EFFICIENTLY Brutus. be the climate what it may be. FROM MANY. and depends on accidents. each would be in favor of its own interests and customs. Self-government for the Anti-Federalists was not just a mechanistic device to ensure the safety of their fortunes. and demand of them that they mind their own private business. The productions of the different parts of the union are very variant. and without virtue there can be no happiness. In a large republic there are men of large fortunes. the interest of the public is easier perceived. it is subordinate to exceptions. If we apply this remark to the condition of the United States. 1995. 1997. If this be not the case. turbulent. and. the manners. and of course are less protected. 3.´ History furnishes no example of a free republic. and consequently of less moderation. document will leave them bereft of their power to save themselves. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. This is the theoretical thread that ties Anti²Federalist thought together. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. in the words of Hannah Arendt. but would be composed of such heterogenous and discordant principles. and in some opposite. of consequence. p. of consequence. The laws and customs of the several states are. p. are in general lazy. that their governments were changed from that of free governments to those of the most tyrannical that ever existed in the world. IT IS EMPIRICALLY SHOWN THAT ONLY SMALL GOVERNMENTS AVOID CORRUPTION Brutus. a legislature. sentiments. and their sentiments are by no means coincident. Political participation for the Anti-Federalists became an end to be pursued as well as a means. there can be no virtue. ultimately disempowering. we shall be convinced that it forbids that we should be one government. there are trusts too great to be placed in any single subject. Their manners and habits differ as much as their climates and productions. In a small one. and their interests. and vicious to an extreme´ are but his way of saying that without the sense of attachment and empowerment that comes with public participation. and the representatives of one part will be continually striving against those of the other. and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country. so also was that of the Romans. The question the Anti-Federalists worried about was not how we organize our polity for order and greatness but how we organize our polity for public happiness and political salvation. 170-171. and interests of the people should be similar. diverse. any thing like the extent of the United States. there will be a constant clashing of opinions. Both of these. It is the notion that the Constitution as a centralizing. and the consequence was. The United States includes a variety of climates. formed of representatives from the respective parts. 37. Professor of Political Science. The Grecian republics were of small extent. the people. 2. he has interest of his own. very diverse. by oppressing his fellow citizens. p. 38. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. Anti-Federalist Writer. Volume 9 Page 30 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR 1. extended their conquests over large territories of country. as would constantly be contending with each other. SMALLER SCALE POLITICS ALLOW FOR HAPPINESS VIA A GENUINE PUBLIC SPHERE Christopher Duncan. in process of time. in many respects. In a large republic. abuses are of less extent.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . and more within the reach of every citizen. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. FROM MANY. This will retard the operations of government. it is true. would not be too numerous to act with any care or decision.wcdebate. it was an opportunity to transform themselves and expand their circle of concerns while encouraging others to do the same. cowardly. that it will ultimately. Anti-Federalist Writer.´ This would certainly be a torturous existence for a people who believed their individual chance for redemption was tied intimately to their shared public life. he soon begins to think that he may be happy. the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views.

p. and observe. to whose contumely you will continually be an object²you must risque much. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. The distinction here is once again of critical importance from a theoretical perspective. into the hands of individuals. too. and too mysterious for you to understand. they have agreed to protect each other from external dangers to their collective²not individual²liberties. which produces this security. and by which you are to be conducted into a monarchy. From this picture. Using an innovative mixture of campaign news stories and public opinion surveys of voters. will oppress and grind you²where. is a government derived from neither nature. other than those basic natural laws (but these. connected with their political distribution. LOYOLA JOURNAL OF PUBLIC INTEREST LAW. into one government²impracticability in the just exercise of it²your freedom insecure²even this form of government limited in its continuance²the employments of your country disposed of to the opulent. which results in the continuing existence of white bloc voting. p. and the equality of the manners. in that under the Articles of Confederation there was no ³truth or Platonic form. or at least in the opinion we have of security. shared racial experience and the legacy of white hostility and bigotry constitute the compelling reason for majority-black districts as a necessary means to effectuate the Anti-Federalist insight that in order to guarantee liberty "like best represents like. 1995. This moderation in governments. If that latter clause is read correctly." Thus. it should be clear that there was no such thing as the general welfare of the country. Mr. Keith Reeves demonstrated the continued presence of bigoted attitudes among white voters. Anti-Federalist Writer. consists in security. not on questions of the general welfare but on questions of mutual and general welfare. and the complication of interests. the latter. and this racially biased voting excludes blacks from the fair and equal representation recommended both by the Anti-Federalists and Section 2 of the VRA. rather. 1997. Furthermore. the phenomenon of white bloc voting makes race-conscious districting a properly narrow means to further the "compelling interest" in full freedom for black Americans -. there was a series of particular ³welfares´ that could only be considered general when in fact the question at issue was one of mutual concern as determined by the state itself. Locke remarks. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. and aggrandizement. ANTI-FEDERALISM STOPS RACIAL DISCRIMINATION James Etienne Viator. Associate Professor of Law.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. from the vast extent of your territory. what can you promise yourselves. 2. or the opinion. Communal welfare and justice were both the products of local political conversations. p. and this security therefore. Political liberty. Loyola University New Orleans School of Law. and any attempt to conflate the judgments of those independent entities had to be agreed to by them and the like associations involved in order to be legitimate. nor compact.wcdebate. on the score of consolidation of the United States. Thus the mode of operation was consensual rather than majoritarian or adversarial. that transcended the local community and its own particular determinations about right and wrong. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the great Montesquieu again observes. 2000. or the opinion. It is this stubborn persistence of racially polarized voting that confirms the enduring wisdom of and necessity for the Anti-Federalist view that representatives should be "made of the same stuff collectively as their constituents. Spring. beget a confidence in the people. which accounts for the nine-vote decisionmaking threshold and the provisions for unanimity with regard to amendment that marked the Articles. is best obtained in moderate governments. depends in a great measure on their limits. FROM MANY." ONLY ANTI-FEDERALIST POLITICS ALLOW TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE MULTIPLICITY OF INTERESTS Christopher Duncan. Professor of Political Science. 42. useful or not. 78.com . by indispensably placing trusts of the greatest magnitude. the science of government will become intricate and perplexed. either limited or despotic. were open to a good deal of ³relative´ interpretation). ONLY SMALLER LIMITED GOVERNMENTS ALLOW LIBERTY Cato. where the mildness of the laws. whose ambition for power.the compelling interest of solving racial problems through representation in Congress by those who share a commitment to this unique interest in political liberty on account of their membership in the historically "raced" community. 37-8. Volume 9 Page 31 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION 1. and to work together. In other words.

West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 32
AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE 1. AN ANTI-FEDERALIST SYSTEM WOULD BE VULNERABLE TO FOREIGN ATTACK Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 9. The first of the advantages is the increased safety from foreign attack that comes with Union. ³Among the many objects to which a wise and free people find it necessary to direct their attention that of providing for their safety seems to be the first.´ Other nations must be prevented from having just causes for warring with the Americans and they must also be discouraged from attacking injustly on the pretext of trumped up charges. With the Union the Americans will be less likely to present just causes for war to foreign nations because there will be a single interpretation of the law of nations and of treaties. That single interpretation will not be dominated by the unjust desires of any part of the Union. Moreover, should the national government provide a just cause for war to a foreign nation it is far more likely that the dispute will be settled without recourse to war with one large nation than it would be with several smaller confederacies. Publius notes the reality that ³acknowledgements, explanations, and compensations are often accepted as satisfactory from a strong united nation´ when they would not be accepted from a weaker power. 2. THE ORDER THAT COMES FROM A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT OUTWEIGHS LIBERTY Thomas E. Baker, Director of the Constitutional Resource Center, BYU JOURNAL OF PUBLIC LAW, 1999, p. 76. In any civilized society the most important task is achieving a proper balance between freedom and order. In wartime, reason and history both suggest that this balance shifts to some degree in favor of order - in favor of the government's ability to deal with conditions that threaten the national well-being. It simply cannot be said, therefore, that in every conflict between individual liberty and governmental authority the former should prevail. And if we feel free to criticize court decisions that curtail civil liberty, we must also feel free to look critically at decisions favorable to civil liberty. To conclude his historical exegesis, the Chief Justice brings us back one last time to Lincoln's dilemma to ask and answer rhetorically, "Should he, to paraphrase his own words, have risked losing the Union that gave life to the Constitution because that charter denied him the necessary authority to preserve the Union? Cast in these terms, it is difficult to quarrel with his decision." 3. ADVANCES IN CULTURE AND TECHNOLOGY MAKE ANTI-FEDERALISM IMPRACTICAL Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 291-292. The specific limits of federal power envisaged by the Founders in 1789 are gone, and any effort to roll back federal power to what it meant at the Founding would be foolish as well as utterly impractical. Even the harshest critics of New Deal jurisprudence acknowledge that changes in society, culture, and the economy require a different kind of national authority today, both practically and as an interpretive matter. Hence, notwithstanding any purported claims of fidelity to original intent, the limits on Congress proposed by today's advocates of judicially-enforced federalism in fact look nothing like any limits that existed when the Constitution was adopted. The question thus becomes, which process should determine the appropriate revised allocation of authority between the federal government and the states: constitutional politics or judicial edict? Mesmerized by the mantra "our Federal government is one of limited powers," the Justices assume that it necessarily falls on them to define new limits - some limits, any limits, even if those limits bear no resemblance to anything imagined by the Founders or observed in the past. But imposing novel judiciallydefined limits just for the sake of having judicially-defined limits is an ill-conceived formalism. In a world of global markets and cultural, economic, and political interdependency, the proper reach of federal power is necessarily fluid, and it may well be that it is best defined through politics. Certainly, as we have seen, this is more consistent with the original design than the Court's new made-up limits-for-the-sake-of-limits. Embracing the hurly-burly of politics while paying attention to how states protect themselves in that domain is a much "truer" interpretation of our Constitution.

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FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS 1. STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT IS SELF-RESTRAINING Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 252-3. North Carolina lawyer-planter Archibald Maclaine, writing as Publicola, made the charge of Anti-Federalist duplicity even more explicitly: I find some people are so strangely infatuated, as to think that Congress can, and therefore will, usurp powers not given them by the states, and do any thing, however oppressive and tyrannical. I know no good grounds for such a supposition, but this, that the legislative and judicial powers of the state have too often stepped over the bounds prescribed for them by the constitution; and yet, strange to tell, few of those, whose arguments I am now considering, think such measures censurable - The conclusion to be drawn here is obvious - The objectors hope to enjoy the same latitude of doing evil with impunity, and they are fearful of being restricted, if an efficient government takes place. 2. A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT ENSURES PROSPERITY AND INCLUSION OF MINORITIES Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 7-8. Publius¶ original argument about how a people can secure the advantage and avoid the disadvantage of majority rule rests upon a distinction between species of popular government. In a pure democracy, where people gather to rule themselves directly, he writes, the danger of majority faction is unavoidable. Such a form of government can exist with only a small territory, and in a small community it is virtually certain that there will be a majority with the same partial interest. In a republic, however, the problem can be avoided. The difference between a pure democracy and a republic is that in the latter the people do not rule directly, but through representatives. Representation yields a number of happy advantages for Publius, but the decisive one is size. A republic can be very much larger than a pure democracy, and because it is larger it can include a great variety of people with many different kinds of economic activities and, hence, a multiplicity of interests. The existence of many distinct interests means the existence of many interest groups or factions. The existence of many factions rather than merely two makes it likely that there will be no majority faction. All factions will be minority factions and each faction will be prevented from using the government unjustly by the fact of majority rule. ³Extend the sphere,´ Publius writes, ³and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens.´ 3. A FEDERALIST THEORY OF LEGAL RIGHTS STOPS DISCRIMINATION Daan Braveman, Dean and Professor of Law, Syracuse University College of Law, THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY, February, 2002, p. 619. Perhaps the most significant breakthrough in the transformation process occurred in Brown v. Board of Education. In striking down state segregation, the Supreme Court dramatically altered the relations between the states and the national government, and made the federal courts the primary guardians of federal rights. In the years following Brown, the lower federal courts became the litigation forum for state school segregation cases, as well as actions challenging a wide range of other state activities, including zoning, reapportionment, police misconduct, and prison conditions. Notably, Brown was not decided in isolation but rather at a time when the world outside the courtroom was changing dramatically. The other branches of the federal government had a national and international agenda, which included the expansion of federal rights and a federal interest in protecting those rights from state deprivation. "A new spirit of nationalism" replaced the isolationism of the turn of the century and, as Judge Gibbons stated: "In the global village, deference to local solutions for problems that transcend local interests is a quaint anachronism." By the 1960s, the structure envisioned during Reconstruction was firmly established. Individuals had federal rights, federal remedies, and a federal forum to challenge state conduct that violated federal law.

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"It is one soul that animates all men." -Ralph Waldo Emerson INTRODUCTION Ralph Waldo Emerson surely epitomizes the uniqueness of 19th century American philosophy. Emerging at a time when American thought was struggling to forge its own identity, reflective of both the optimism and the cynicism of the American political experience, Emerson¶s transcendentalism is a spiritual and philosophical reflection of his time. But it is also an inspiring statement of the universality of human experience. By painting humans with broad brushstrokes as half-animal and half-divine, and by attempting to chronicle humanity¶s relation to the ³absolute,´ Emerson is the American Hegel. Emerson¶s work included poetry and personal essays as well as philosophy, and there is a heavy religious element in all of his writing. Nevertheless, his work contains important implications for political philosophy. In this essay I will attempt to explain his philosophy as a whole, but I will also pay special attention to the political implications of Emerson¶s work, along with the way in which these political elements can be used in value debate. EMERSON¶S LIFE AND TIMES Ralph Waldo Emerson was born in Boston, Massachusetts in 1803, into a family whose male members were typically clergymen. He studied divinity at Harvard. Well-educated and taught to embrace open-mindedness as well as religion, Emerson was ordained a Unitarian minister in 1929. He was a good speaker, delivered a good sermon or two, but something was missing. ³He would begin his sermons with words from the Bible, but would gradually find himself discussing the unfathomable ideals found in nature,´ or abstract philosophy. He had problems trying to find ³his way back into the Bible to close the speeches.´ Although some of his parishioners liked his style, others did not. ³Stumbling for appropriate words at the bedside of a dying veteran of the American Revolution,´ the dying man reportedly told Emerson: ³Young man, if you don¶t know your business, you had better go home´ (www.litkicks.com). Although he had entered into the ministry with high hopes (and Unitarianism has always been a liberal and progressive religion, even back then), Emerson resigned from ministry and journeyed to England in 1832 following the death of his first wife, Ellen Tucker. She had died of tuberculosis after they had been married only eighteen months. This broke Emerson¶s heart and caused a deep spiritual crisis. His time in England was spent cultivating friendships and intellectual associations with people like William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, John Stuart Mill, and Thomas Carlyle. Needless to say, by the time he returned to America, Emerson had a newfound optimism, as well as a greater understanding of philosophy. He returned to America in 1834, but tragedy would strike at his optimism once again. That same year, Ralph Waldo¶s brother Edward died. To make matters worse, his brother Charles died in 1836. Emerson would be a haunted man the rest of his days. His writings and lectures contained dark clouds even in his most arduous attempts to celebrate the glory of humanity. By the time Charles had died, Emerson had remarried (his second wife was named Lydia Jackson), settled in Concord, and begun to publish essays about the human spirit, freedom and independence, and the undesirability of following tradition. Among these early essays was one of his greatest, ³Self-Reliance,´ a polemic about the necessity of complete individual freedom (http://www.pbs.org/wnet/ihas/poet/emerson.html, www.litkicks.com). Emerson co-founded a journal, and collected a group of fellow writers (both male and female; like his friend John Stuart Mill, Emerson believed in women¶s emancipation), and started a tradition known as the New England Transcendentalists. Expanding outside that small circle of colleagues, Emerson discovered one of the most influential thinkers of the 19th century, when he met and wrote a letter of recommendation for Henry David Thoreau. Two decades later, Emerson would again contribute to the intellectual history of America by promoting the work of poet Walt Whitman. Along the way, he promoted Buddhism and other eastern religions, opposed slavery, fought for women¶s equality, and remained a dedicated, if cynical, proponent of democracy.

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com . since ³-isms´ are usually systems.. And his marriage of philosophy.To be great is to be misunderstood. and Emerson was as anti-systemic as they come. in contrast. Even to call it ³transcendentalism´ seems a stretch." Things changed. unchanging. Volume 9 Page 35 Ralph Waldo Emerson died of pneumonia on April 27. This mystical trust in human transcendence led many of Emerson¶s contemporaries to view him less as a philosopher than a divine seer of sorts. 669). they could only contemplate it. however. Emerson was the first major thinker in America to offer up non-Western. while the realm of "becoming. one of the most influential thinkers in the history of Western civilization. one must first and foremost understand its derivation from Platonism. who he saw as intrinsically tied to the transcendent and divine. certain major themes stand out in his writings. But he remained. I will describe his Platonic conception of spirit as primary and matter as secondary. living entities died. values. seemed to de-value understanding in favor of heavenly emotions. In this sense. it is impossible to systematize or categorize Emerson¶s thinking. Spring. He held Daniel Webster in such high esteem for Webster¶s opposition to slavery that he identified Webster as ³representative of the American continent´ (Thomas J. and his mystical vision of ³feeling´ or ³mood´ over logic as the basis of human understanding. even as they sought to reform the conditions of the time. He influenced Henry David Thoreau and. inspired civil disobedience advocates from Ghandi to Martin Luther King. Plato envisioned a realm of "perfect forms. His life had never been as peaceful and content as his privileged New England upbringing might have predicted. people and history existed. This paradoxical figure would influence a certain strain of American thought well into the 20th century. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. must be a nonconformist. EMERSON¶S IDEAS "Whosoever would be a man. non-linear thinking as an alternative to the dry. in doing so. Philosophers usually seek some kind of analytic understanding. immaterial. two brothers. However.wcdebate.." where the things and ideas we contemplate exist in a state of unchanging consistency. was a degraded and corrupt reflection of "being. a child. and incorruptible. and have great potential for debates over morality. p.. Today. Emerson had a habit of characterizing important figures of his time as somehow transcendent. his differences from Plato (especially in Emerson¶s faith in humanity and democracy). LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. Emerson. at least in principle. academic science of modernist philosophy. Plato. 2000. optimistic about humanity." where matter. 1882. Plato believed that the realm of "being" was absolute.. and perfection was unattainable. But humans could never really reach such a world. and politics. he had his house burn down. theology and poetry brought romanticism to America.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. was the first major figure to posit a distinction between spirit and matter. and lived through the Civil War. he was even more a mystic than Plato. As George Santayana characterizes him: Similarly. removed from day-to-day history." In this section I will argue that it is possible to trace several complimentary (if sometimes contradictory) ideas in Emerson¶s writings. To understand transcendentalism.A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds. Ordinary humans could contemplate this world of spirit provided they shed their worldly concerns and concentrate only on philosophical ideals. he lost a spouse. Brown. a continent perhaps more ready for it that Europe had ever been.

higher understanding. the coming only is sacred" (CW2: 189) (http://plato. Like Hegel. He wrote: "Our spontaneous action is always the best. Volume 9 Page 36 Emerson's transcendentalism was an optimistic version of Plato's distinction between spirit and matter. in this respect. being and becoming. believed it impossible "to extricate oneself from the questions in which your age is involved. You cannot. whilst you rise from your bed. 3. the past is always swallowed and forgotten. or doctrines. He means to be irresponsible to all that holds him back from his self-development. or walk abroad in the morning after meditating the matter before sleep on the previous night" (Emerson. comprehensive understanding." But the idea that we are all joined by one common soul has immediate and important political implications that give a strong metaphysical basis to the American political ideal of equality. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. It is instructive to note that Emerson differed from Plato in a few important ways: 1. Like many of transcendentalism's central themes. This serves as a useful transition into Emerson¶s belief in the connectedness of all creatures and things. Emerson combined this idea of the essential unity of all things and creatures with a belief in the innate goodness of humanity. In the world of flux that he depicts in that essay. Emerson trusted instinct and emotion. It was fortunate that Emerson believed history and human interaction were important. unlike Plato. the notion of a "unitary soul" uniting all humankind seems more "Eastern" than "Western. He was very close. it would make sense that a transcendentalist would value the ³spirit´ of emotion more than the analysis of individual thoughts. Emerson believed that it was possible to ³think too much. That is why.stanford. This is apparent in Emerson's position against slavery. Transcendentalism. I wish to concentrate on this last point a little more. This way of thinking has been called Emerson¶s ³epistemology of moods. which he saw as our connection to the divine. because. Whereas Plato ultimately appealed to reason and a kind of logic to govern philosophical thought. holds that all living creatures and things of the earth are united as something mystically higher and more whole than the sum of their parts. Although. at the end of "Circles. Emerson really means to "accept. as corruptible facets of the realm of becoming. as we shall see. After all. a system of government Plato categorically rejected. "Intellect"). and in turn viewed the divine as an aggregate reflection of all creatures and things. "the clangor and jangle of contrary tendencies" (CW3: 36). politics and the like.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." as he puts it.´ Like the German and British Romantics.wcdebate.´ 2. more than he trusted logic and analytic thought. come so close to any question as your spontaneous glance shall bring you. based more on feeling than analysis. As mentioned." including emotions such as love.edu/entries/emerson/). Emerson and the other transcendentalists turned toward the mystical world of the Romantics. viewpoints. Emerson.´ and in doing so lose the spontaneous connection to creation and nature that Romantics saw as vital to a higher kind of understanding. This was reflected in Emerson¶s faith in democracy. there is nothing stable to be responsible to: "every moment is new. as its name implies." he writes that he is "only an experimenter«with no Past at my back" (CW2: 188). Emerson did not believe history or human interaction were irrelevant. Emerson believed contradictory premises were simply stepping-stones to a higher. on the other hand. he did believe that a mystical spirit-reality existed and was the true inspiration for human greatness. Emerson believed human beings and human endeavors were innately good. Since that connectedness is more real than the analytic separateness of individual thinking. In other words.com . Emerson put forth a mystical sense of "vision. with your best deliberation and heed. history. to being a pantheist. as the basis of genuine knowledge. Emerson¶s "epistemology of moods" is an attempt to construct a framework for encompassing what might otherwise seem contradictory outlooks. Emerson viewed emotion as the emanation of the divine. transcends the old Aristotelian maxim that things cannot be both true and false. Plato rejected human matters.

since governments are not the ultimate source of morality. divine virtue (which Emerson also calls ³beauty´). This. In ³The American Scholar´ he argues that institutions and books do not reveal truth as well as can be revealed through our personal relationships with the divine² mediated." As each person searches for the perfectly fitted lens. morality is more important than obeying the law. Emerson was a strong supporter of civil disobedience against unjust laws. Emerson refused to see distinctions based on skin color or national origin as being more important than the common humanity that unites Black and white. and dependence on others as a natural indictment of that power.' ´ (Thomas J. ³self-reliance´ is valuable to Emerson because he sees ³power´ as something that makes us human. explains his opposition to slavery and his position in favor of women¶s emancipation. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. Spring. Emerson¶s philosophy makes a very optimistic statement about human nature. and for thoughts. Those arguing against Emerson can gain a great deal of ground by citing the numerous instances where his thoughts lead to mystical pronouncements instead of solid and warranted conclusions. "the otherest.´ Emerson argues that Nature reveals moral truth. Volume 9 Page 37 For Emerson. such as rapid industrialization or capitalist exploitation. OBJECTIONS TO EMERSON As already noted. of course. Emerson¶s philosophy strongly supports civil disobedience and the refusal to follow unjust laws. doubt that it¶s even proper to call Emerson a philosopher. critics fault Emerson on two levels: Inconsistency and lack of coherent foundation: Emerson was as much a mystic and poet as he was a philosopher. There are two more important political implications found in Emerson. p." Like friendship and reading. George Santayana among them. and the power of individual action. democracy offered a variation of the process by which other individuals act as "lenses through which we read our own minds." some geniuses manage to serve large groups because they 'stand for facts. critics sometimes contend that he glosses over many injustices that are on par with slavery. was a method by which human beings could serve as "lenses through which we read our own minds. Some critics.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ The problem is that Emerson never really comes to terms with how his pronouncements on power (³Life is a search after power. Implications for Debate First. Insofar as human beings embrace their connection to transcendent. Brown. Because of this. the necessity of self-reliance. This is true of every human being.wcdebate. This is another instance of the inconsistency cited earlier. however imperfect. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Emerson is part Plato (humans must understand the transcendent world in order to be good) and part Aristotle (humans must actually practice virtuous behavior to be in tune with the divine). This obsession with power has long been a rallying point against Emerson. they will perform virtuously.com . This is the most well-known of Emerson¶s philosophies. he also extolled the virtues of capitalism. democracy.´ Emerson¶s embrace of civil disobedience comes from two areas of his philosophy: antimajoritarianism. Second. presumably. 2000. First. In this way. Obsession with power: As much as Emerson extolled the sins of slavery and patriarchy. 669). In his essay ³Self-Reliance. and the notion of morality transcending states and governments Second.´ he declared) problematized his political stance against oppression. and it inspired Henry David Thoreau¶s entire essay ³Civil Disobedience. Because he held an almost Nietzschian awe of power. through Nature. or other distinct groups. but it also reflects Emerson¶s desire to be a truly ³American´ thinker at a time when Americans were confronting and conquering ³the frontier.

while utilitarian ethics mandates an exclusive focus on consequences. on the other hand. Emerson is like John Stuart Mill (who believed capitalism would evolve into a just economic system) or G. Debaters interested in incorporating Emerson into their arguments should be cautioned that he is far from a systematic thinker.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. exploitative systems (such as ruthless capitalism). Transcendentalist ethics. would probably call for a unity of intentions and consequences. Emerson¶s eloquence. his stance often seems anti-foundationalist and anti-analytic. compensate for his imperfect attempt to do justice to the paradoxical nature of human existence.F. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. deontological ethics mandates the disregard of consequences.W. Hegel (who believed all bad states of affairs would transcend into good things). meaning that there will be a certain awkwardness involved in using his ideas for the sometimes-binaristic world of debate. since all phenomena and actions are linked in some way. For example. and his powerful statements against human bondage and majoritarianism. because it is a reflection of transcendent beauty and goodness. As noted above. it may be reasonably replied that Emerson simply believes seemingly miserable situations (such as poverty) will ultimately culminate in human growth and transcendence. This may be among Emerson¶s most ³Platonic´ philosophical notions. Emerson takes virtuous behavior to be among the highest ethical goods. Third. However. his optimism about humanity and democracy.wcdebate. It may even be an alternative to deontological or utilitarian modes of ethics. These ethical codes arguably allow one to escape from various moral responsibilities by assigning greater and lesser values to respective moral commands. Volume 9 Page 38 Although critics accuse Emerson of justifying evil. It serves as an intrinsic justification for moral behavior.com . In this way.

. and Ferguson. REPRESENTATIVE MAN: RALPH WALDO EMERSON IN HIS TIME (New York: Oxford University Press. McGiffert. 1947) Emerson. Ticknor and Fields. Ralph Waldo. Konvitz. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS (Westport: Greenwood Press. RALPH WALDO EMERSON: A BIOGRAPHY (New York: Viking Press. NAPOLEAN. 1995). MEANING (New York: Dodd. 1900). 1959). 1954). Huggard. 1981). J. Robinson. 1941). Joel. Milton R. Emerson. Osgood and Company. eds. ADDRESSES (New York: W.com . Alfred R. Sealts Jr. GROWTH. 1938).wcdebate. Stephen E. 1968). Mifflin. eds. WEALTH (New York: Scott-Thaw. and Whicher.. Haight. FORTUNE OF THE REPUBLIC (Boston: Hougton. Emerson. 1978). Mead. Emerson. Ralph Waldo. Joel. 1878). AND OTHER PAPERS (Boston: Houghton. 1866). THE CONDUCT OF LIFE: NINE ESSAYS ON FATE. Volume 9 Page 39 BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen. Ralph Waldo.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. NATURAL HISTORY OF INTELLECT. Ralph Waldo. Gordon Sherman.: Friends of the Dartmouth Library. N. POEMS. WITH ANTI-SLAVERY AND REFORM PAPERS (Boston. N. EMERSON AND THE PROBLEM OF WAR AND PEACE (Iowa City: The University Press. POWER. ed. A YANKEE IN CANADA. Ralph Waldo. 1982). Smith. THE EARLY LECTURES OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. William Allen. OR THE MAN OF THE WORLD (Bloomington: Indiana University Press.: Kennikat Press.. ed.. Emerson.Y. YOUNG EMERSON SPEAKS: UNPUBLISHED DISCOURSES ON MANY SUBJECTS (Port Washington. Gougeon. David. Ralph Waldo. Merton M. Len and Myerson. THE BEST OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON: ESSAYS. Susan Sutton. INDIAN SUPERSTITION (Hanover. THE TOPICAL NOTEBOOKS OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Columbia: University of Missouri Press. Porte. 1966). Emerson. APOSTLE OF CULTURE: EMERSON AS PREACHER AND LECTURER (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.H. eds. Black. Ralph Waldo. 1990) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Emerson. EMERSON¶S NATURE: ORIGIN. EMERSON ON EDUCATION: SELECTIONS (New York: Teachers College Press. ed. 1978). Arthur Cushman Jr. Gay Wilson. 1903). EMERSON¶S ANTISLAVERY WRITINGS (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1969).

and goodness. and nature became ancillary to a man. The presence of a higher. 2. 2000. every departure from his own convictions. but he is entitled to the world by his constitution. Beauty. Socrates. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. American transcendentalist philosopher. Nature stretches out her arms to embrace man. VIRTUOUS ACTS ARE BEAUTIFUL AND EXPRESSES THE RATIONALITY OF THE UNIVERSE Ralph Waldo Emerson. and abdicate his kingdom. associate themselves fitly in our memory with the geography and climate of Greece. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. No reason can be asked or given why the soul seeks beauty. American transcendentalist philosopher. p. In private places. out of deference to others has been a sacrifice of a certain amount of his power over other men.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. in its largest and profoundest sense. American transcendentalist philosopher. 15. For every man knows whether he has been accustomed to receive truth or falsehood² valuable opinions or foolish talking²from his brother. and beauty. an act of truth or heroism seems at once to draw to itself the sky as its temple. and this knowledge must inevitably determine his respect.wcdebate. he may creep into a corner. and makes the central figure of the visible sphere. 1986.com . 2. Homer. Phocion. American transcendentalist philosopher. The high and divine beauty which can be loved without effeminacy. Every rational creature has all nature for his dowry and estate. 13. God is the all-fair. of the spiritual element is essential to its perfection. One measure of a man¶s character is his effect upon his fellow-men. Every natural action is graceful. and causes the place and the bystanders to shine. He may divest himself of it. POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR 1. And any one who will steadily observe his own experience will I think become convinced. The visible heavens and earth sympathize with Jesus. and the day. p. namely. Every heroic act is also decent. that every false word he has uttered. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. Truth. A virtuous man is in unison with her works. Pindar. are but different faces of the same All. and the frame will suit the picture. only let his thoughts be of equal greatness. the sun as its candle. BEAUTY IS THE ULTIMATE END OF THE UNIVERSE AND ALL ACTIVITY Ralph Waldo Emerson.--the persons. VIRTUOUS ACTS PLACE US IN UNISON WITH THE POWER OF NATURE Ralph Waldo Emerson. the opinions. that it to say. and bend her lines of grandeur and grace to the decoration of her darling child. 15. is that which is found in combination with the human will. as most men do. Beauty is the mark God sets upon virtue. Only let his thoughts be of equal scope. We are taught by great actions that the universe is the property of every individual in it. among sordid objects. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. 1986. 12. The world thus exists to the soul to satisfy the desire of beauty. WE DERIVE POWER FROM BEING VIRTUOUS AND HONEST Ralph Waldo Emerson. is one expression for the universe. p. p. It is his. And in common life whosoever has seen a person of powerful character and happy genius will have remarked how easily he took all things along with him. if he will. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 40 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE 1. 1986. This element I call an ultimate end. Willingly does she follow his steps with the rose and the violet.

principles that astonish. LAWS WITHOUT TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ARE USELESS Ralph Waldo Emerson. 1986. p. He who does a good deed is instantly ennobled. if its opinions are the political breath of the hour? And what is the use of constitutions. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE 1. CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE. if judges only quote authorities. The intuition of the moral sentiment is an insight of the perfection of the laws of the soul.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. in each other¶s actions. 361. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. it is not to be presumed that they can so stultify themselves as to command injustice. for. gravity. American transcendentalist philosopher. motion. For virtue is the very self of every man. in our own remorse. 362. and God. 2000. American transcendentalist philosopher. 72-73. p. Thus in the soul of man there is a justice whose retributions are instant and entire. American transcendentalist philosopher. It perceives that this homely game of life we play. They will not be written out on paper. 2000. out of space. p. a sure sign of the shallowness of our intellect. It is not skill in iron locomotives that marks so fine civility as the jealousy of liberty. at every hazard. muscular force. appetite. It is therefore a principle of law. as laws do not make right. I cannot think the most judicious tubing a compensation for metaphysical debility. These laws refuse to be adequately stated. THE TRUE SOURCE OF MORALITY IS IN THE UNWRITTEN LAWS OF HUMANITY¶S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE UNIVERSE AND EACH OTHER Ralph Waldo Emerson. if all the guarantees provided by the jealousy of ages for the protection of liberty are made of no effect. WE HAVE A DUTY TO BREAK IMMORAL LAWS Ralph Waldo Emerson. The sense of injustice is blunted. when I see that the public mind has never less hold of the strongest of all truths. justice. and that an immoral statute is void. pp. 2. that an immoral contract is void. and in the game of human life. I cannot accept the railroad and the telegraph in exchange for reason and clarity. What is the use of admirable law-forms and political forms. love. TRANSCENDENT MORAL LAWS EXIST IN HUMAN INTUITION Ralph Waldo Emerson. An immoral law makes it a man¶s duty to break it. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. I question the value of our civilization. covers. man. 73. when a bad act of Congress finds a willing commissioner? 2. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. American transcendentalist philosopher. yet we read them hourly in each other¶s faces. These laws execute themselves.com . They are out of time. under what seem foolish details. or spoken by the tongue. and no judge exerts original jurisdiction. and not subject to circumstance. but are simply declatory of a right which already existed. or recurs to first principles? What is the use of a Federal Bench. They elude our persevering thought. The child amidst his baubles is learning the action of light. Volume 9 Page 41 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT 1. The sentiment of virtue is a reverence and delight in the presence of certain divine laws. fear. interact. 1986. if a hurricane of party feeling and a combination of monied interests can beat them to the ground? What is the use of courts.

EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. philosopher. and to conspire with the new works of new days. ³marry Right to Might. 1999.´ Implicit in his words are the notion that the civic world is part of nature and subject to its processes and that advancement occurs by cooperating with these processes rather than directing them toward immediate human ends. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. not to block improvement. ³The Young American´ (1844)²Emerson¶s ³battle cry for the new era of industrial expansion and manifest destiny.com .´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES UNCHECKED CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION Robert Milder. in its room. which alone permits and authorizes amelioration in mankind. p. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. which displaces the ³physical strength´ of kings and aristocrats and ³installs´ the enlightened forces of ³computation. combination. Volume 9 Page 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION 1. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. The difference is that where Adams the ironist would dwell on multiplicity and a vertiginous acceleration of energies without immanent purpose or foreseeable end.´ Here he reiterates his preference for the ³bruisers´ and ³pirates. and sketching the ideal political economy under which the superman might best exercise his uncommon talents. p.´ the ³men of the right Caesarian pattern´ who transcend the pettiness of ³talkers´ and ³clerks´ and dominate the world by sheer force of character. since aligning himself with the divinely empowered forces of the age was always the condition for a living philosophy. 1999. ³Power´ and ³Wealth. and the successful men who understand the laws of Nature and respond to the godhead within themselves. in doing so. Emerson was not ³co-opted´ by liberal capitalism so much as he hastened to join it. but to watch the uprise of successive mornings.´ as his editors call it²is therefore less an apology for Laissez-faire capitalism than an attempt like Henry Adams¶s sixty years later to plot the lines of force that were remaking contemporary society. 68. Emerson was not only synchronizing the predatory practices of the entrepreneur with the harmony of the universe and permitting merchants (as Bronson Alcott shrewdly said) to ³find a refuge from their own duplicity under his broad shield´.wcdebate. In these essays and elsewhere.´ are unconsciously fulfilling the plan of a benevolent providence. ³Life is a search after power. EMERSON GLORIFIED POWER AND ELITISM Daniel Aron. EMERSON SAW CAPITALIST IMPERIALISM AS THE UNFOLDING OF DIVINE WILL Robert Milder. information (and) science.´ he announces. he was also outlining a code of behavior that the superior man must follow. The political corollary to this belief is an almost unmitigated laissez-faire: ³Trade is an instrument of that friendly Power which works for us in our own despite«Our part is plainly not to throw ourselves across the track. Emerson the seeker of unity is at pains to assimilate the new forces to a cosmic and social teleology²to survey history for the perspective of the ³over-god´ of the Channing ode and. and sit till we are stone.´ 2.´ Emerson can associate capitalism with ³amelioration in nature. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. Emerson¶s respect for power and its achievements is even more glowingly expressed in two others essays. 1962. 68-69. By emphasizing the ³anti-feudal power´ of trade. 3. pp. who convert ³the sap and juices of the planet to the incarnation and nutriment of their design. 90.

in his 1888 essay. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IGNORES THE EVILS OF THE REAL WORLD Michael Lopez. worship²must presently be rejected for the same reason. an island above the extremes of common human experience. Did he know what he meant by Spirit or the ³Over-Soul´? Could he say what he understood by the terms.wcdebate. ³of a conscience gasping in the void. could be ³condensed into the single word Concord. almost exclusively in the moral world. p. 2. Boston existed serenely. Common sense and poetry must both go by the board. TRANSCENDENTALISM PLACES ITSELF ABOVE ORDINARY HUMAN EXPERIENCE Michael Lopez. and as the absolute. by its very definition. and all the condensation in the world will not make it look rich. or even of a definite conception of ultimate truth. the base. For if the understanding is rejected because it cannot grasp the absolute. the mystic is obliged in the end to give them all up. philosopher. Empty. descended again to make authoritative report of it to the world.´ He continued. is the surrender of a category of thought because we divine its relativity. Mysticism will be satisfied only with the absolute. the whole ³Concord school´ had. Emerson¶s limited moral world was. ³enacted a series of experiments in the void. 1996. For James. it must be approached through the abandonment of all.´ the ³achromatic picture´ his environment presented him.´ 3. He was not a prophet who had once for all climbed his Sinai or his Tabor. The deeper he went and the more he tried to grapple with fundamental conceptions. p. must share this reproach. and having there beheld the transfigured reality. as we have said. its rewards and consolations. James writes (and he means Boston to stand for Emerson). or Beauty? He could not. Benefit. as Matthiessen notes. the poetic and moral categories no less than the physical.´ his inability ³to look at anything but the soul´²was the result of his coming to maturity in a community that ³had to seek its entertainment.´ he recalled. ³like a ministry without an opposition. p. 32-33. Volume 9 Page 43 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE 1. EMERSON AND POWER. and the consciousness of that incapacity was so lively within him that he never attempted to give articulation to his philosophy. the imagination and all its works²art.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. by substituting itself for it as the herald of a deeper truth.´ and no surprise that there was ³a certain inadequacy and thinness in (Emerson¶s) enumerations´ and ³quaint animadversions. so constantly on his lips. dogma. As far as James was concerned. Professor of English at Michigan State University. p. so that the end of his purification is the atrophy of his whole nature. 1962. Mysticism. 1962. as he thinks. that his eyes were ³thickly bandaged´ to all ³sense of the dark. 35. Far from it. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS.´ The ³decidedly lean Boston´ of Emerson¶s day was self-enclosed. like the ³New England (of) fifty years ago. 1996. ³Emerson¶s personal history. Nature. Professor of English at Michigan State University. for God. panting for sensations.´ James concludes. the vaguer and more elusive they became in his hands. philosopher. then. and conscience must follow after: for all these are human and relative. 31. the emptying of his whole heart and mind to make room. 32. This effect was by no means due to the possession on the part of Emerson of the secret of the universe. At bottom he had no doctrine at all. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LACKS ANY SPECIFIC CONTENT OR DEFINITION George Santayana. Emerson¶s memory evoked an unforgettable series of ³impressions´ of New England¶s cultural barrenness. the imagination thus prepares its own destructing. Law. perpetually untested by the ³beguilements and prizes´ of experience. vacant²the image is invoked repeatedly in Henry James¶s and Santayana¶s portrayals of Emerson. EMERSON AND POWER. however.´ Emerson¶s ³special capacity for moral experience´²which for James meant Emerson¶s ³ripe unconscious of evil. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. God. with something of the movement of the gills of a landed fish. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS.´ sealed off.´ ³We get the impression. is not representable by any specific faculty. to associate Emerson with the ³terrible paucity of alternatives. As every new category. the foul. By attacking the authority of the understanding as the organon of knowledge. EMERSONIAN MYSTICISM VOIDS ALL REASON AND UNDERSTANDING George Santayana.com .´ It was no surprise. 4.

Dewey has influenced famous contemporary thinkers such as Richard Rorty and Donald Davidson in the area of philosophy. Volume 9 Page 44 JOHN DEWEY "Men have never fully used [their] powers to advance the good in life. He would come to understand that if teachers and administrators believed in students. Not surprisingly. because they have waited upon some power external to themselves and to nature to do the work they are responsible for doing. Dewey's father owned a general store in the small Vermont community. For Dewey. A brief synopsis of some general objections of Dewey follows. Both of these philosophies stem from particular assumptions such as the vitality of experience and usefulness." ²John Dewey INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the life and thought of John Dewey. Burlington possessed paradoxical traits (and in many ways. the ultimate test of a theory or idea was whether it ³worked´ for ordinary people applying the theory or idea. By now. and taught high school for three years. Vermont. he received his PhD. from base "vocational" education to higher forms of learning. 1859. a distinctively American pragmatist philosopher. as well as countless teachers and educational theorists. and grow accordingly. If. After examining Dewey¶s interesting life. What makes Dewey uniquely American is his pragmatism.wcdebate. the son of a grocer. and Dewey grew up listening to local customers at the store discuss politics and culture. it may very well have been his youth in Burlington that inspired that trust. the young scholar had experienced a wide range of educational models. Dewey possessed an unreasonable utopian trust in communities. He graduated in 1879. Dewey stayed in Burlington after graduating from the public schools. It was at Chicago where Dewey would begin experimenting with Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Dewey would come to reject the small town provincialism of Burlington in favor of the changing and growing national community that characterized the second half of the 19th century. These early teaching experiences no doubt forced Dewey to realize that something was not quite right with the education system in America. Dewey enrolled in the philosophy graduate program at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. rather than seeing them as defects to be corrected or workers to be trained. psychology and pedagogy at the University of Chicago. the primacy of collective and community activity over individual reflection. Dewey left public school teaching in favor of exploring the alternatives that might be available. Two years later. along with some ideas about how Dewey can be used in value debate. and these divisions were often based on students' economic circumstances rather than any useful distinctions. and the belief that humans can progress and improve themselves over time. There seemed to be different "tracks" for different students. Students were herded in and out of classrooms. and expected to regurgitate them faithfully. Dewey was appointed professor of philosophy and chair of the department of philosophy. on October 20. at the age of twenty. John Dewey witnessed the kind of community participation that would inspire his views on society. Dewey held that transcendent ³truths´ were not as important as the collective experience of ordinary human beings. From a very early age. and enrolled at the University of Vermont. I will attempt to explain both the philosophy of pragmatism and Dewey¶s educational philosophy. still does): It was both a local intellectual center and a community of simple farming and trade. He was beginning to realize that what separated these extremes was not so much the "natural talent" of students as the philosophical commitments of the instructors and administrators. from the naive provincialism of small town public schools to the progressive possibilities of advanced study in philosophy. In the fall of 1882. politics and education. as some critics have charged.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . In 1894. LIFE AND WORK John Dewey was born in Burlington. taught to memorize proofs and facts and histories. in philosophy. saw students as valuable in and of themselves. and received an appointment from the University of Michigan to teach philosophy and psychology. At the same time. most students would take advantage of the opportunities afforded them. Maryland.

But unlike existentialists. This will become important later.html).West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.shtml). but through a contemplation of the consequences of behaving as if the theory or idea were true. but rather in reference to what "works. He believed that shared experiences were always more important than ideological doctrines. However. as part of nature. He influenced teachers and educational theorists all over the world. I might be a liberal. he was viewed by leftists as fair. "Truth" for pragmatists is not determined in reference to absolute metaphysical principles. At a gathering of Trotsky's defenders. I might be a socialist. concerning the philosophy of religion." and Dewey replied "If more socialists were like you. politics.wcdebate. Similarly. when we see how strongly Dewey believes in cooperation instead of competition. "A thing is its history" for Dewey. impartial. and despite this impact. engaged to the child by teachers who visibly value the child. removed from everyday experience.htm) Perhaps one of the most significant. His writings and experiments enjoyed free reign and institutional encouragement. ethics. This explains why. and education. both as a race and as individuals. Pragmatism holds that there is no such thing as "absolute certainty. www.augie. John Dewey died on June 1. few philosophers are more misunderstood. reach near-certainty about theories or ideas. and concerned with social justice. This near-certainty results not from an abstract examination of a theory or idea. Humans may. William James was more concerned about people's personal religious experiences than with the various logical "proofs" for God's existence. Dewey's role in vindicating Trotsky is important because it shows how his concern for justice and solidarity overrode his differences with the communists. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF PRAGMATISM Dewey's metaphysical assumptions naturally lead to an embrace of the kind of pragmatism advocated in the 19th century by William James (1842-1910) and Charles Saunders Peirce (1839-1914)." This exchange speaks volumes about Dewey's philosophy and politics. James and Peirce believed that theoretical soundness was not a matter of adherence to some kind of transcendent logic.fred. (http://inst. which did not stop Stalin's agents from assassinating Trotsky in Mexico a short time later (wsws.org/history/1997/may1997/dewey. Ziniewicz. A collection of anti-Stalinist left activists and anti-capitalist figures asked Dewey to chair the commission because. John Dewey would stay at Columbia for the next 47 years. although Dewey was no socialist. and he would produce a body of work nearly unmatched in the history of American philosophy. Dewey sees mental reflection as part of the sum of human experience)." in theory or practice. and that history is lived experience (Gordon L. He wrote essays and books about epistemology. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Dewey's commission cleared Trotsky of all of Stalin's charges.net/tzaka/deweynew. or appeals to the truth of scripture.edu/~mafjerke/dewey." and what coheres with the genuine experience of living subjects. and these experiments. Dewey sees humans as part of nature. also have a history of change. along with his prolific and rigorous essays in philosophy and psychology. In 1904. the experiments and the progressive thinking also brought Dewey directly into conflict with University of Chicago President William Rainey Harper. To them. genuine experience. and allow the child to participate in his or her own education. Humans. and least known. Volume 9 Page 45 his progressive theories of education. 1952. of Dewey's achievements came in 1937 when he chaired the "Dewey Commission.com . The fact that he could share such honest and sincere humor with one of the most dogmatic ideologues of the 20th century underscores Dewey's commitment to pluralism. No other 20th century American philosopher has enjoyed a greater impact on the day-to-day workings of the system. Like existentialists. Dewey believes that history and experience are collective as well as individual. through experience and reflection (in fact. Dewey and Trotsky shared a laugh when Trotsky reportedly said "If more liberals were like you. brought national fame to the young man from Burlington. Dewey believes that what constitutes "human nature" is a history of experience. and sees nature as constantly changing. who by all accounts represented exactly the kind of "old school" traditionalism Dewey opposed. he offered a notion that was both politically radical and educationally sound: Education must occur through real. Dewey left the University of Chicago to become a professor of philosophy at Columbia University in New York City." an effort to clear Soviet revolutionary leader Leon Trotsky of Josef Stalin's charges that Trotsky was a counterrevolutionary sabuteur.

however. propose and oppose. the example shows that theories and ideas change. This explains Dewey's strong support of schools and progressive education. I fail. and begin to think that procrastination might be bad after all. in imaginative rehearsal of conflicting habits of action. and so on. "community ideals" are those ideas and principles that a community develops over time. I hold something true as long as my experience verifies it. Dewey supports community ideals because. Rather.com/entry/551811) Finally.wcdebate. I am part of the world). The best political world is one that maximizes the strength of communities. my teacher tells me it's obvious I wrote it the night before. Dewey insisted.but in all cases there is a social context. Moreover. As long as those things add to my understanding of the way the world works (and remember. (Ziniewicz.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. For Dewey. my lived experience is more important than logic or metaphysics in determining the truth or falsity of a claim. where we learn from and with other people. My assignment is poorly written. and being in turn transformed by the inquiry. My experiences include the stories and experiences of other people. his collectivism stems directly from his belief in the universality of experience as the arbiter of knowledge." In fact. and through trial and error reach a higher stage of understanding. First. Dewey is a strong proponent of collectivism and cooperation. I may work well under the pressure of the last minute. (http://www. which we'll examine in the next section. This example illustrates two important aspects of Dewey's pragmatism. as there is no absolute certainty: Dewey's 'instrumentalism' defined inquiry as the transformation of a puzzling. or religious experience. test. I may have the idea that procrastination is an undesirable character trait. Volume 9 Page 46 For example. Finally. indeterminate situation into one that is sufficiently unified to enable warranted assertion or coherent action. At that point. we achieve more cooperating with others than we achieve on our own. then they are valuable parts of the way I know things. in legislation that changes some functions of a government . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. I no longer have sound reason to hold it true. Part of this experience is our membership in a community. Abstract principles are only valuable insofar as they cohere to our experiences of and in this ever-changing natural world. What is required in all cases is the application of intelligent inquiry.xrefer. I do not learn things merely by self-reflection. my experience may contradict the advice of my parents and teachers. the simple reception and contemplation of external data. I may have this idea because my parents kept pounding it into my head. because my teachers warn me about it. Thus. I could never consider it "true. rigorous meditation on ideas and things. In summary. But unless the "procrastination is bad" idea is validated by my lived experience. that I should adhere to my schedule and not put things off until the last minute. instrumentalism holds that humans encounter problems and exercise mental inquiry to solve those problems. experience can be active or passive. until the inevitable time that my last-minute miracle doesn't happen.com . as already stated. At least. There are many reasons for this beyond mere progressive political sentiment. It includes long-term. It may even include mystical. mediating both the terms of the initial problem and its solution. I reconsider the original idea. My lived experience tells me that it is okay to procrastinate. and the knowledge that is the object of inquiry is. Second. IBID) Many scholars refer to these pragmatic ideas as John Dewey¶s ³instrumentalism. and includes reflection as well as interaction. as a result of collective experience. Dewey's philosophy is an affirmation of humans as part of an ever-changing natural world. What counts as 'testing' may vary with the 'felt difficulty' in need of resolution-testing may occur in a chemistry laboratory. the self-correcting method of experimentally testing hypotheses created and refined from our previous experience. The journey to higher levels of understanding has no end. When my experience no longer verifies it. experience is not (as it was for the empiricists). They experiment. I may be talented enough to pull off last-minute miracles. to the maximum benefit of all participants.´ In sum. emotional. pragmatically speaking. just as available in matters of morals and politics as in matters of physics and chemistry.

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DEWEY¶S VIEWS ON EDUCATION ³Education is not a preparation for life; Education is life itself.´ ²John Dewey As might be suggested by his pragmatism, John Dewey believed education must be informed by genuine experience, constant interaction, and community values. Although he did not reject the notion that some individuals may be more motivated than others to learn, he nevertheless believed that one's environment was a huge determining factor in one's educational development. In many ways, then, Dewey's theory of education was a direct result of his pragmatist philosophical perspective. (www.infed.org/thinkers/et-dewey.htm) One of the most significant differences between traditional educational approaches and Dewey's "progressive" views of education was his perspective on the role of teachers. Dewey did not view instructors as absolute authorities imposing ideas and practices on students. Rather, he saw teachers as facilitators, guiding students through the learning process, and he believed this ought to be done as democratically as possible. Contrary to the picture some critics have painted of Dewey, he did not believe in some kind of simplistic (and utopian) democracy where students have as much authority as teachers. He simply believed that much more democracy was possible in the classroom; that students could be taught the virtues of democracy by learning to participate, in feasible ways, in their own educational experiences. Dewey rejected the "checklist" rigor of individual assignments and isolated studies in favor of group learning, discussion, and genuine experiences. If students are learning about agriculture, Dewey would rather students visit a farm and share in some of the farm work than just read about farms in a book. If the subject was politics and government, Dewey would prefer that students form their own governments and raise issues and solicit votes than merely listen to a lecture on how governments function in a democracy. OBJECTIONS TO DEWEY Critics of John Dewey¶s philosophy include both philosophers opposed to pragmatism, and political activists opposed to the soft, utopian ³liberalism´ of Dewey¶s political positions. Objections to pragmatism usually come in the form of metaphysical assertions that the truth of a claim is not dependent upon the experiential validation of that claim. To cite the example I used in the section on pragmatism, those opposed to Dewey would argue that the statement ³You should not procrastinate´ has a truth-value independent of my verification of that statement with my own experience. However, more strongly worded objections come from the political side. Primarily, Dewey is charged with having utopian aspirations regarding cooperation and progressivism, but at the same time ignoring real-world barriers to his utopia. Conservatives, for example, charge that Dewey believes all citizens (and particularly students, in regards to his educational philosophy) have the same basic abilities, or the same potential for genius; that Dewey seems to believe that all differences come from the environment. Conservatives believe that people have different abilities, and that perceived ³inequalities´ in society are really just the result of the cold, hard fact that some people are more talented and industrious than others. More criticism comes from those to the political left of Dewey, such as Marxists. For them, Dewey is a ³liberal´ in the negative sense of the term. He believes everyone can ³get along,´ even though Marxists believe that there can be no reconciliation between the ruling class and the working class. Thus, Dewey offers a vision of universal enlightenment and progressive, community virtues, but offers no material means of getting to such a world. The desire that we all get along and progress together is not enough.

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IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE Dewey¶s educational philosophy is in a class by itself, and any value debate topic dealing with education should inspire a great deal of research on Dewey¶s ideas. But in this section I will concern myself only with his general philosophy. The following main points suggest ways in which debaters can incorporate the ideas of John Dewey: Democracy: Obviously, Dewey is a strong proponent of democracy, for unique reasons. Dewey believes that we learn, both individually and collectively, through experimentation and the consideration of all ideas and possibilities. For Dewey, the clash of ideas and approaches found in a healthy democracy is the paradigm example of a progressive society. Necessity of Experience rather than Idealism: Dewey provides a solid answer to philosophers such as Plato, Hegel, Ayn Rand, Leo Strauss, and other thinkers who believe that the ³Truth´ is a transcendent set of principles simply waiting to be discovered. Rather, Dewey believes, we ³make the truth,´ not in some relativistic sense, but through genuine human experience. Moreover, Dewey would accuse these idealist and objectivist philosophers of being foundationally anti-democratic. A natural conclusion to Dewey¶s philosophy is that our collective notions of truth ought to be decided democratically. The idea that ³Truth´ emanates from on high is contrary to the notions of progressive, participatory democracy. Cooperation versus Conflict: Obviously, Dewey believes that we learn more together than we do apart, and that we achieve more when we unite around common goals than when we compete with one another. He rejected the notion of competition in academics and embraced the idea that we can learn cooperatively, helping each other out, learning from common struggles. CONCLUSION John Dewey represents something very important about American philosophy. Instead of being concerned about what is ideally true, metaphysically true, logically true or mathematically true, Dewey was concerned about the truth of what works for people in their everyday lives. This is radically democratizing, and wholly appropriate to a people who, at least in principle, rejected the divine right of kings and the assumptions of aristocracy. It is appropriate to an experiment in democracy amidst pluralism and uncertainty. Debaters wishing to incorporate Dewey's ideas ought to research both the foundations of his pragmatism, and the implications of his pragmatism on his educational theories. Although these two aspects of his philosophy are intimately related, the literature is divided rather distinctively. Debaters might also contemplate the fact that, as they search the library for Dewey's works, they might well be using the Dewey Decimal System, devised by John Dewey to catalogue books in libraries. In many ways, Dewey would be a strong advocate of academic debate. Like the participatory models of education he advocated, debate is an exercise in empowering, involved activity. It is student-centered and relies on the students experimenting, succeeding and failing, and learning from each exchange. In fact, understanding why debate is educational for you can help you understand exactly the kind of education that Dewey wanted for students. At the same time, debaters should be aware that objections to pragmatism are important. Dewey and his followers talk about the importance of democracy and participation, but they seem unable to suggest ways to dismantle the very real power structures that block these possibilities. Perhaps creative debaters can synthesize Deweyan pragmatism with effective political strategies for actually opening up the real, material possibility of change in a world where, despite Dewey's efforts, elitism still remains.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Baker, Melvin C. FOUNDATIONS OF JOHN DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORY (New York: Atherton Press, 1966). Campbell, James. UNDERSTANDING JOHN DEWEY: NATURE AND COOPERATIVE INTELLIGENCE (Chicago: Open Court, 1995). Dewey, John and James Hayden Tufts. ETHICS (New York: H. Holt, 1936). Dewey, John. A COMMON FAITH (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960). Dewey, John. ART AS EXPERIENCE (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1934). Dewey, John. ESSAYS IN EXPERIMENTAL LOGIC (New York: Dover Publications, 1953) Dewey, John. EXPERIENCE AND NATURE (La Salle, IL: Open Court Publishing Company, 1958). Dewey, John. FREEDOM AND CULTURE (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1939). Dewey, John. HOW WE THINK (Boston: D.C. Heath, 1910). Dewey, John. INDIVIDUALISM OLD AND NEW (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1930). Dewey, John. LECTURES IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1899). Dewey, John. LECTURES ON ETHICS, 1900-1901 (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991). Dewey, John. LIBERALISM AND SOCIAL ACTION (New York: Capricorn Books, 1963). Dewey, John. THE CHILD AND THE CURRICULUM, AND SCHOOL AND SOCIETY (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). Dewey, John. THEORY OF THE MORAL LIFE (New York: Irvington Publishers, 1980). Dewey, John. DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (New York: The Macmillan company, 1916). Gavin, W. J. CONTEXT OVER FOUNDATION: DEWEY AND MARX (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988). Haskins, Casey, and Seiple, David I.. DEWEY RECONFIGURED: ESSAYS ON DEWEYAN PRAGMATISM (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999). Nissen, Lowell. JOHN DEWEY¶S THEORY OF INQUIRY AND TRUTH (The Hague: Mouton, 1966). Popp, Jerome A. NATURALIZING PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION: JOHN DEWEY IN THE POSTANALYTIC PERIOD (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1998). Schilpp, Paul Arthur. THE PHILOSOPHY OF JOHN DEWEY (La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1951). Soneson, Jerome Paul. PRAGMATISM AND PLURALISM: JOHN DEWEY¶S SIGNIFICANCE FOR THEOLOGY (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993).

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the possible self does not represent a remote. 3. In the idea of responsibility that unity of the natural and the ideal self (that it is the business of the natural self to become the ideal self and of the ideal self to be realized in the natural self) is the prominent thing. p. In obligation.wcdebate. alert. but a necessary factor in coming to be effectively that which we have the capacity to grow into. p. If the other arts have to be acquired through ordered apprenticeship. 1991. political and moral matters is a gift of God. like mathematics. American pragmatist philosopher. abstract possibility but is the possibility of the actual self. Freedom has too long been thought of as an indeterminate power operating in a closed and ended world. Judgment or responsibility depends upon the balance between the subject and the predicate. We take for granted the necessity of special opportunity and prolonged education to secure ability to think in a special calling. not abstract knowledge and abstract thought. brushes. In other words. however. and you have freedom. It is complete only in its possibilities. and the emphasis is on the other side of the identity between the two. ADAPTING TO SOCIAL CONDITIONS DETERMINES OUR ABILITY TO THINK WELL John Dewey. It requires favorable objective conditions. and canvas. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. the explicit thing. desire and purpose more flexible. between the natural self and the ideal self. the power to think requires even more conscious and consecutive attention. For these take effect in making preference. American pragmatist philosopher. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. because open and moving toward a new future. That is the basis of responsibility. FREEDOM CONSISTS IN RECOGNIZING AND ADAPTING TO CHANGE John Dewey.´ are not a hindrance to freedom. SOCIAL CONDITIONS INTERACT WITH INDIVIDUALS.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The most important problem in freedom of thinking is whether social conditions obstruct the development of judgment and insight or effectively promote it. is the most difficult occupation in which man engages. Carry that identity farther. Freedom is the equivalent of the reality of growth. and that the gift operates by a kind of spontaneous combustion. the element of tension or resistance between the two is perhaps the more emphasized. but power of vision and reflection. But the necessary unity between the two is involved.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. But we appear to assume that ability to think effectively in social. Constant and uniform relations in change and a knowledge of them in ³laws. p. Few would perhaps defend this doctrine thus boldly stated. 298. freedom is a resolute will operating in a world in some respects indeterminate. American pragmatist philosopher. No more than any other art is it developed internally. just as the art of painting requires paint. The actual self is not complete as long as it is stated simply as given. In its reality. 2. The point of simple tension between the two has been passed. Social conditions interact with the preferences of an individual (that are his individuality) in a way favorable to actualizing freedom only when they develop intelligence. Thinking. PRODUCING CHANGING CONCEPTIONS OF MORALITY John Dewey. but upon the whole we act as if that were true. LECTURES ON ETHICS. 89. 296. Make it not merely an identity in conception but in action. Volume 9 Page 50 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING 1. and resolute. 1968. 1968.

American pragmatist philosopher. For ordinary purposes. 1968.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. I sum up by saying that the possibility of freedom is deeply grounded in our very beings. it leads to the notion of the duplicate versions of reality. FREEDOM REQUIRES THE OBJECTIVE. 2. pp. explains the otherwise paradoxical fact that the slogans of the liberalism of one period often become the bulwarks of reaction in a subsequent era. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. It lacks the hallmark of value. Pragmatically. American pragmatist philosopher. as facts have demonstrated. 1968. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. emerged. ABSTRACT FREEDOM IS NOT ENOUGH: WE NEED THE MATERIAL AND ECONOMIC MEANS TO BE FREE John Dewey. American pragmatist philosopher. in the problem of personal freedom. BUT CHANGE IN RESPONSE TO HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. teleologically. For the conditions that form political and economic liberty are required in order to realize the potentiality of freedom each of us carries with him in his very structure. 297-98. But the absolutistic logic of rigid syllogistic forms infected these ideas. FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY REQUIRE MATERIAL EQUALITY 1. VALUES ARE DEPENDENT UPON REAL WORLD CONSEQUENCES AND CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. they became hindrances and annoyances as the effects of new methods. The movement of emancipation expressed itself in principles of liberty in use of property.wcdebate. perfectly real. things which are good for what they lay claim to in the way of consequences. and. The question of political and economic freedom is not an addendum or afterthought. that is. The latter merely liberates force and ability as that happens to be distributed by past accidents of history. Failure to recognize that general legal rules and principles are working hypotheses. Adapted well enough to the localized and fixed conditions of that earlier age. use of coal and steam. that is for practical purposes. We are all children who saw ³really and truly. MORAL AND LEGAL RULES ARE NOT FIXED AND TRANSCENDENT. The notion that men are equally free to act if only the same legal arrangements apply equally to all² irrespective of differences in education. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. needing to be constantly tested by the way in which they work out in application to concrete situations. which were embodied in a mass of legal decisions. existentially speaking. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. rights and demands are products of interactions. Volume 9 Page 51 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS 1. one absolute and static because exhausted. this identification of truth and ³reality´ is sound and reasonable: rationalistically. and freedom of contract. Since actual. Since it is a certain kind of object which we want. 139. It is one with our individuality. it can only be actualized through interaction with objective conditions. which we want or are after. morally they alone are ³real. 1968. which for us monopolizes the title of reality. like all others. and the control of the social environment which is furnished by the institution of property²is a pure absurdity. one which will be as favorable as possible to a consistent and liberal or growing functioning. the true kind. 48-49.´ 2. p. American pragmatist philosopher. the other phenomenal and kept continually on the jump because otherwise its own inherent nothingness would lead to its total annihilation. whether moral or psychological. 281. is not good reality. But like all other possibilities. it is this kind. effective. the truth and the realness of things are synonymous. 1968. much less a deviation or excrescence. while it is. this possibility has to be actualized. p. and are not found in the original and isolated constitution of human nature. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION.´ A reality which is taken in organic response so as to lead to subsequent reactions that are off the track and aside from the mark. mere elimination of obstructions is not enough. MATERIAL MEANS TO ATTAIN CHOICE John Dewey.com . There was a time in the eighteenth century when the great social need was emancipation of industry and trade from a multitude of restrictions which held over from the feudal estate of Europe. in command of capital. our being uniquely what we are and not imitators and parasites of others. Since it is only genuine and sincere things. pp.

1977. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. Instead of playing a directing role. Dewey¶s treatment of the psychological principle was equally unsatisfactory. This disparity between teacher and taught²especially in the primary school²makes talk of ³democracy in education´ problematic. an authority on some aspect of the culture. p. The most it can offer is a reasonable assumption or hopeful expectation that this way may be better than that. 1975. which was almost as idealistic as his conception of democracy. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. by the informal learning that went on in the home and in the local community and wanted to forge a link between this sort of learning and learning at school. p. Marxist philosopher and activist. Peters. In a game most of the participants know how to play. Dewey¶s view of the teacher. to some extent. without examining the requisite objective grounds for the hypothetical belief. which claims to be so realistic and practical. DEWEY FAILS SYNTHESIZE THE TEACHER¶S ROLES AS PARTICIPANT AND AUTHORITY R. DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORIES IGNORED SOCIAL CONDITIONS R. it has been duplicated in every serious crisis convulsing the United States since that time. p.wcdebate. we are then confronted with current tensions underlying the question of how much ³participation´ is compatible with the freedom and authority of the teacher. to have interpreted their meaning. so moral judgments have no verifiable value or weight in advance of their results in action. at least in broad outline. Dewey¶s theory of ethics suffers from the same faults as his theory of knowledge. 256. for it combined a conception of the child. is also unsatisfactory. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. Their perplexity and powerlessness was first exhibited in the First World War. Just as ideas have no validity before all the returns are in but must be tested afresh in each instance. some suggestion of participation in decisionmaking. But he did not ask the questions ³which home?´ and ³which local community?´. and he or she is meant to be. the growth and outbreak of these upheavals.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the record shows that at every critical turn of American history in the twentieth century. If ³democracy´ is to include.´ A teacher is not just a leader in a game. Peters. for sociologists have catalogued the vast disparities that exist between homes in this respect. unless ³democracy´ is watered down to mean just multiplying shared experiences and openness of communication. 251. to have prepared and equipped people to cope with them. who is society¶s agent for the transmission and development of its cultural heritage. Deweyism has been caught off guard and overwhelmed by the sweep of events. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. as by Dewey. DEWEY¶S MORAL PHILOSOPHY HAS NO OBJECTIVE BASIS George Novack.´ This led him to oversimplify the dualism between what he called ³internal conditions´ and what is the result of social influences. 1975. 1977. Certainly a philosophy like instrumentalism.S. with a too limited view of what he called ³the social medium. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION IS FLAWED 1. but pupils come to a teacher because they are ignorant. 2.S. p. Instrumentalist morality goes from case to case and from one step to the next without reaching any general standards of right or wrong and what makes them so. Marxist philosopher and activist. like a football captain. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. its adherents have been towed along in the wake of the more aggressive and dominant forces of plutocratic reaction. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. Any philosophy which had not lost contact with the realities of social life should have been able to foresee. 114. Dewey was impressed. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 52 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY 1. 2. 115. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY HAS BEEN DISPROVEN BY 20TH CENTURY HISTORY George Novack. as I have reiterated. and thereby to have helped influence the course of events in a progressive direction. for it slurs over the dualism between the teacher¶s position as an authority and the legitimate demand for ³participation.com . as it usually does. should have done no less. However.

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DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED 1. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF DEMOCRACY IS MYSTICAL AND IMPRACTICAL R.S. Peters, professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, pp. 114-115. Dewey himself never paid much attention to institutional issues. This was not just because he lived before the days when ³participation´ became an issue. It was also because his attitude towards the democratic way of life was semi-mystical. ³When the emotional force, the mystical force, one might say, of the miracles of the shared life and shared experience is spontaneously felt, the hardness and concreteness of contemporary life will be bathed in a light that never was on land or sea.´ I wonder if he always felt like this about sitting on committees! 2. DEWEY¶S BELIEF IN DEMOCRACY IS BASED ON MYSTICAL, RELIGIOUS NOTIONS George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, p. 291. Dewey derived his basic stance toward democracy not, as he contended, from a scientific investigation of the history of society and a realistic analysis of American conditions, but rather from a tradition that was rooted in the mystical equality promised by the Christians. He accused the dualistic idealist philosophers of Greek and modern times of ³operating with ideal fancies´ instead of dealing with the given facts. Yet he committed the same error of metaphysical abstraction in the pivotal question of his whole philosophy: the origin, meaning, and application of democracy. He approached democracy not in its concrete manifestations throughout class society, but as an abstraction to be stuffed with the content he preferred to give it. Democracy to him was less a historical phenomenon than a secular religion. DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY 1. DEWEY IGNORES NATURAL DIFFERENCES AND INEQUALITIES Anthony Flew, professor of philosophy at the University of Reading, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, p. 87. But even if we do concede that this opposite tendency really is implicit in the original insistence upon maximum ³interplay with other forms of association,´ there is no getting away from the truth of Bantock¶s contention that ³there are strong pressures of equality of outcome in the work of John Dewey;´ for if associations are good and democratic in so far as their members share numerous and varied interests, and if education for democracy is to be a matter of concentrating on the development of various but always shared interests, then the variety of those shared interests, and the scope for independent individual development, necessarily must be limited correspondingly. It must, that is to say, be limited by and to whatever happens to be the maximum attainable either by the least richly talented or by the modal majority. Maybe Dewey himself would have been unhappy about the full force of these implications. But he never comes to terms in this context with the truth that people vary enormously in all natural endowments. 2. DEWEY IGNORES CLASS CONFLICT George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, pp. 250-51. Dewey refused to believe that class conflict arises from deep-seated, compelling, and ineradicable causes in the capitalist system. It was an occasional and subordinate phenomenon that could be overcome by joint effort, good will, mutual give and take. He therefore looked to different agencies and means than the Marxists for achieving the desirable ends of a better life. He wrote: ³That work can be done only by the resolute, patient, cooperative activities of men and women of good will, drawn from every useful calling, over an indefinitely long period.´ In other words, class collaboration is the preferable means of social reformation, political action, and moral improvement. Class struggle goes in the wrong direction and gives disastrous results.

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When most of us think of Woodrow Wilson, we don¶t necessarily think ³philosopher´ -- but that¶s what this visionary president of the United States was. Best remembered as the progenitor of the League of Nations (the precursor to today¶s United Nations) and of the fourteen point program for peace, Wilson¶s name is also invoked by students of international relations theory today in the context of so-called ³Wilsonian idealism´ -- the notion that an interventionist American foreign policy can spawn positive changes in other countries and cultures. This, for better or for worse, is the former president¶s predominant legacy: the liberal internationalism that continues to inform American foreign policy under most Democratic presidents (and some Republicans, such as the first George Bush). Like most historic ³truths´, these simple summations contain quite a bit of accuracy and a little sleight-ofhand. The veracity of these statements depend on one¶s political perspective, on one¶s position in the world, and various other factors. I will try to present diverse perspectives on the life, work and thoughts of this embattled and interesting president. Though perspectives differ on his ideas -- and the efficacy of those views in a swift and fierce world -- it cannot be denied that those views have had a major impact on American and global visions of justice. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born in 1856 in Staunton, Virginia, and grew up during and immediately following the Civil War. His father was a Presbyterian minister, and at times taught college courses. He was inspired by his father¶s religion and love of education. Young Woodrow Wilson first went to Davidson College in North Carolina, but was forced to withdraw due to illness. He graduated what was then the College of New Jersey (and what later became Princeton University) and went on to get his law degree from the University of Virginia in 1879-80 and passed the Georgia bar in 1882. His law practice floundered, though, prompting a career change into government and politics. He returned to school in 1883, studying government and history at Johns Hopkins University. His book Congressional Government was accepted as his dissertation in 1885, and led to his receipt of the Ph.D. degree in political science from Johns Hopkins. To this day, Wilson is the only U.S. president to hold a Ph.D. proving that most presidents just aren¶t too smart. But Wilson was, teaching at Bryn Mawr College, Wesleyan University and Princeton University. After an accomplished career as an author and essayist, he was named president of Princeton University in 1902. From there, politics was a natural step. In 1910, Wilson won the Democratic nomination for governor of New Jersey, subsequently winning the election by a wide margin. His agenda was a progressive one: he focused on preventing the public¶s exploitation by monopolies and trusts. This earned him serious popularity with the masses, and just two years later he accepted the Democratic nomination for president. Wilson called his platform the "New Freedom" platform, and gave keen attention to stimulating the American economy. Again, he earned a landslide victory, winning the presidency with 435 electoral votes out of a possible 531. His brother wasn¶t a governor, and he did not have to cheat to win. True to his word, Wilson followed through on a domestic agenda based on busting corrupt trusts. To this end, he created a dramatic array of economic reforms. He pushed through the Underwood Act (which reformed tariffs and instituted a progressive income tax) and the Federal Reserve Bill (which established our modern banking system, creating new currency and establishing the twelve Federal Reserve banks and their board of governors) in 1913. Yes, we can partially blame Alan Greenspan on Wilson. He also established the Federal Trade Commission in 1914 to restrict "unfair" trade practices.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 55

These economic reforms show Wilson¶s brand of liberalism: create reforms that stabilize a functioning market economy and offer marginal protections for the poor, while promoting international trade to enrich the wealthy. You can see the economic legacy of Wilson in today¶s New Democrats. THE WAR YEARS Some of the controversy surrounding Wilson¶s ³idealism´ involves the way he handled American involvement in World War I, which began in 1914. Wilson, despite growing pressure from allies like Britain (who were losing an entire generation of young men), resisted American involvement in Europe¶s war. In fact, he ran for reelection in 1916 with the slogans "he kept us out of war" and ³peace without victory.´ Conventional wisdom holds that escalation of submarine warfare by Germany forced Wilson¶s hand in declaring war -- the sinking of the passenger liner Lusitania is often cited. It may be, however, that these events came at the same time a revolution in Wilson¶s thinking was brewing --a revolution that would inspire his ideas on how to make peace. Some critics believe that Wilson, despite his public pronouncements, had already decided to enter the fray. They point to that fact that he created the U.S. government¶s first major state propaganda agency (the Committee on Public Information, also called the Creel Commission). The population of the U.S. didn¶t favor war at the time, and the theory goes that Wilson intended to change their minds. At any rate, he asked Congress for a declaration of war in April 1917. This turn of events led the United States into the fight, and led to Wilson¶s famous efforts at peace -- culminating in the Fourteen Points Address of 1918, which we¶ll discuss below. The critics on the right accused Wilson of thinking wrongly that the United States owes an obligation to the rest of the world -- that instead of intervening to help other nations, we should tend to our own business. The critics on the left had then and have now a radically different take: that not only are their few if any places where American intervention can help the rest of the world, the impulse to intervene is itself a pernicious manifestation of liberal internationalism that desires to control the rest of the human community. This type of thinking reveals itself at home, too, when people opposing governmental policies must also be controlled through imprisonment. Historians such as Howard Zinn point to the Sedition Acts that were used to jail opponents of the war. He criticizes the administration for passing such legislation and the Supreme Court for failing to challenge it on a constitutional basis: This shows the irony of liberalism: Wilson supported many progressive social agendas (women received the right to vote when he was in office, for example), but when one¶s own power and decision-making are challenged, that commitment to social progress sometimes flies out the nearest window. Domestic policy aside -- and it was not an insignificant part of Wilson¶s presidency -- most people remember Wilson for his foreign policy, specifically the role he played in the ending of World War I. Let¶s turn to his ideas on that front now.

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The prime points of this neoliberal order include free trade (absolute freedom of navigation. FOURTEEN POINTS The best single summary of Woodrow Wilson¶s political philosophy came in his Fourteen Points Address to Congress. Still. There. alike in peace and in war. be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. we see the ideas he held most dear in both promotion of peace and economic justice. outside territorial waters. like our own. unilaterist school of ³diplomacy. an international regime managing trade. IV. Before presenting the fourteen points themselves.wcdebate.one largely supported by both political parties in the United States. Open covenants of peace. In fact. therefore. and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. openly arrived at. that the ideas behind the league have lost their relevance. the Europeans considered Wilson a key factor in making peace -. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in. where he promoted his plan for peace in Europe. II. A free. after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. Wilson had this to say about the end of the ³war to end all wars´: ³We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. is nothing peculiar to ourselves. so far as possible. and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. determine its own institutions.´ That doesn¶t mean. the Versailles Treaty was signed with Germany during the Paris Peace Conference. open-minded. A separate peace had to be negotiated between the United States and Germany. including the internationalist tendencies favoring collective security that are even today rejected by many Republicans who favor the big-stick. and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which. Why was the peace negotiated by Wilson so controversial at home? Many of his ideas were quite ahead of their time.com .´ Wilson said. The removal. skeptical of the League of Nations. What we demand in this war. the removal of all economic barriers to trade. However. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest. How to establish justice? The first five points hold up remarkably well in today¶s political climate. wishes to live its own life. ³I. a new Republican Congress in the United States rejected the peace negotiated under Wilson. III. based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. and a colonial system that would provide raw materials and labor for the trading system) and an international market that today we might call globalized. Volume 9 Page 56 THE IDEAS OF WOODROW WILSON In 1919.he was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize.´ One can see in these first several points the framework for establishing what we would call today a ³neoliberal´ economic order -. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. V. however. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. they might have been written after the Gulf War by George Bush or Bill Clinton.

given the myriad factors at play in the formation of one¶s thinking. groups like the Cato institute toe a more isolationist line. in my estimation. DEBATE APPLICATION Motives are a difficult thing to ascertain in any human being. Take the example of Latin America.wcdebate. both in domestic and foreign policy. Not even the mainstream right takes him seriously. the nation-building activities have bad tradeoffs. solve disputes. These thinkers claim that it¶s a fallacy to presume we can effectively promote those institutions worldwide. and established the progressive income tax. This shows that he believed in government as a positive force for change in economics as in foreign policy. this vision is what¶s behind today¶s U.a collective body for the nations of the world to gather and discuss problems. but made more of these policies¶ effects on the nations in question rather than the impact they had on the United States. As the far-right author David Horowitz wrote this February: (Of course. A more concrete term we can grab onto might be ³liberalism´: the belief that government economic or social interventions are necessary to build a just world. the establishment of an independent Polish state. then. It is possible. to see Wilson at once as overly idealistic and overly cynical. he sought to promote trade as a path to peace. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.N. was quoted in a Cato publication as concluding: Of course. But that¶s another story. it¶s overly simplistic to say that only the right favors this line of analysis. including evacuation of conquered lands. Some see him as a man who naively believed one powerful country could bring peace to the world. His ideas have impacted today¶s Democratic party in at least two major ways. etc. Others see him as a man who wanted to bring ³peace´ to rich nations and rich men living within them. while maintaining other kinds of dominance (economic. they argue.) From another right-wing perspective. Abraham F. and arguably the one with the most historic staying power: ³XIV. is Wilson¶s legacy. We¶ve talked a bit about the left¶s criticism of Wilson as a Machiavellian liberal who wanted to build a world he and his country could control.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. they would argue. Overseas. stabilized the economy with numerous reforms that foreshadowed big-government liberalism. But the fourteenth point was the most controversial to the Republican Congress Wilson faced at home. Wilson would argue that promoting ³justice´ (through institutions like American democracy) abroad is the best way to get peace. where Wilson once refused to acknowledge non-democratic governments. -. As long as the United States can protect itself with the most powerful military in the world. preferring to think of Wilson as a meddlesome tinkerer who bumbled into trouble by trying to do too much good overseas. Lowenthal. It is better. Many left-wing thinkers have taken a similar angle.com . and work together toward common goals. for example). to examine the policies Wilson favored rather than muddy the water with simple labels like ³idealism.´ As we¶ve talked about. Volume 9 Page 57 View this in the context of his domestic economic policy: Wilson established the Federal Reserve Bank. Wilson is important to understand as a precursor to today¶s modern liberal politicians. a ³consensus´ to Horowitz means something different than what it does to the rest of the world. Points six through thirteen establish the territorial settlements following the conflict. One scholar on inter-American affairs. why blunt the focus of American foreign policy by taking on multiple ³humanitarian´ missions? This kind of misguided internationalism. The right has a somewhat different slant.´ which mean different things to different people. and even if we can.

After this effort. it is possible to see both Bush¶s and Clinton¶s attacks on Iraq. his dogged pursuit of the Versailles Treaty necessitated traveling 8.the defense of a nation from an attack by an autocratic and oppressive neighbor (though Wilson wouldn¶t have been a fan of Kuwait¶s oppressive monarchy.wcdebate.. This can be explained by the American public¶s marked opposition to the war: he knew from polls what a winning election issue would be. Foreign policy: Wilson. he fell ill and never fully recovered. Since Wilson was unable to campaign for the presidency. Harding in 1920. James M. Cox took the Democratic nomination and was beaten by Warren G.000 miles by rail around the country. He passed the Family Leave Act as a domestic reform to marginally benefit working Americans while vigorously pursuing free trade agreements abroad. where he died in 1924. For these reasons. but then pursued his own policies after employing substantial spin from his propaganda agency. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. D.com . He never saw most of the impact his ideas would have on the world. Wilson retired to Washington. despite his initial reluctance to get involved in World War I. CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF WOODROW WILSON When Wilson was president. One can see Bill Clinton¶s economic policy¶s roots in Wilson. Overseas.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. either).C. Wilson didn¶t believe in ³laissezfaire´ (let it be) economics. was interventionist by nature. Volume 9 Page 58 Economic policy: unlike his Republican successors such as Calvin Coolidge. for example. He believed the government should take an active role in stimulating the economy through establishing necessary regulations at home. he backed the free trade policies that modern Democrats fall over themselves to back. as Wilsonian in nature -.

WOODROW WILSON: A PENGUIN LIFE. THE NEW FREEDOM. Korwa G. Greenwood Publishing Group. Princeton University Press. 2.com . 2002. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Oxford University Press. Kent State University Press. Blum. University of Arizona Press.africa. 2000. Ambrosius. Arthur. Cambridge University Press. 2000. Arthur. 1998 Chomsky. Z MAGAZINE. WOODROW WILSON: A LIFE FOR WORLD PEACE. http://www. Josephus. 1913-1921. John Morton.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. Daniels. Norman Gordon. Political Studies Department. 1990 AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON. 1998. University of California Press.ufl. 2001. 1965 Link. available online at http://www.html. accessed May 1. Noam. November 1994. AMERICA'S RESPONSE TO WAR AND REVOLUTION. Volume 9 Page 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adar. Louis. 1971. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. 1991 Zinn. May 7. http://web.htm. WOODROW WILSON AND WORLD POLITICS. Addison-Wesley Pub Co. accessed April 22. 2002.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. 2.wcdebate. TO END ALL WARS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE QUEST FOR A NEW WORLD ORDER. Vol. Herbert. Princeton University Press.zmag. Gilderhus. 2002. South Africa. Howard.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. PAN AMERICAN VISIONS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. Viking Press. KEEPING THE COVENANT: AMERICAN INTERNATIONALISTS AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. 1920-1939. CAMPAIGNS FOR PROGRESSIVISM AND PEACE. WOODROW WILSON AND THE AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC TRADITION: THE TREATY FIGHT IN PERSPECTIVE. 1956 Rowen. WOODROW WILSON AND THE POLITICS OF MORALITY. Rhodes University.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1997 Levin. 1995 Kuehl. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. 10. accessed April 22. Lloyd. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. Princeton University Press. PBS documentary. 1986 Knock.pbs. p. Warren and Lynne Dunn. No. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. Mark. Auchincloss. 1980 Link.htm. Thomas.

2001.com .html.pbs. 2002. the US welcomed decolonization and independence in Africa in the 1960s. WILSON¶S LEGACY INCLUDES MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson.pbs. 2002. The period of his presidency was a period therefore of extraordinary new assertion of governmental capacity in the United States. South Africa. BUT THE COLD WAR. 2001. np. Historian. Wilson matters as someone who followed a progressive political agenda and who established a model for subsequent possibilities.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. No.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. accessed May 1. accessed April 22. WILSON SUPPORTED MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson. After his visit to Africa. The Wilsonian concepts of how political power should be used on behalf of social justice are still defining assumptions for twentieth century American political life. He's not tragic however in the larger scope of American history because what he did was to help us understand the complexity of power both domestically and internationally in ways that we are still working with. Rhodes University. 2. Vol. Historian. 3. np. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1998. Wilson matters as the person who led the United States into global geopolitics.html. PBS documentary.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.could well prove to be the decisive factor between the forces of freedom and international communism".org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. However.. Political Studies Department. WILSON¶S CONCEPTS OF POWER AND SOCIAL JUSTICE ARE STILL USEFUL John M. http://web. np.africa. Mulder. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. p. and women¶s suffrage. Historian.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. Volume 9 Page 60 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS 1. available online at http://www. The direct election of United States senators. 2001. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. prohibition. Wilson matters as the first modern president. 4. IT WASN¶T WILSONIANISM. In the spirit of Wilsonianism. Indeed. Wilson's also important as the president who presided over a number of major constitutional changes.ufl. emerging American national interests became defined in terms of combatting communism in Africa and other parts of the world. THAT PROMOTED COLONIALISM Korwa G. 2002.. PBS documentary. available online at http://www. Vice-President Nixon in his report to Eisenhower explained that "the course of Africa's development. available online at http://www. Adar. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. p.wcdebate. np. some of which had to wait a long time to come back. I see Wilson's life as tragic in the sense that he obviously lost on the League.html. such concerns were evident even prior to much of Africa's independence. accessed May 1. as well as presidential ambition.htm. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. accessed May 1.pbs. p. with Cold War prism taking a centre stage. PBS documentary. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. 2. 2002. p. 2.

1998. Political Studies Department. Political Studies Department.com . and legitimacy of power held the key to both international peace and the emancipation of humanity from injustice. http://web.htm. 2. 2. PBS documentary. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 1998. Volume 9 Page 61 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE 1. Vol. Rhodes University. The idea of universal morality was central for Wilson.pbs. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. the crucial priority was the need to establish people-oriented internal and international democratic institutions that would act as the custodians of democracy and human rights as conceptualised within the general rubric of self-determination. South Africa. In his view. It isn¶t the League of Nations but the importance of thinking through a way to the control the potential anarchy and the relations of states. For Wilson. the realization of individual freedom. Historian. For the colonized peoples of Africa. Such thinking would go on to inform the founding fathers of the United Nations. 2. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. http://web. WILSONIAN PHILOSOPHY HELPED CREATE THE U. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit.wcdebate. np.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. In his foreign policy pronouncements vis-a-vis the European colonial powers President Woodrow Wilson advocated for the pursuit of democracy and human rights conceptualized within the context of selfdetermination for the colonized peoples.html. Wilsonianism was not only internationalised but also institutionalised. Wilson¶s ideas were victorious even if his policies weren¶t. Adar. Rhodes University. would promote America's long term interests.africa. np. limited government. 2.htm. This idealism culminated in the formation of the League of Nations in 1919. He left his stamp upon the way in which American foreign policy has been formulated throughout the 20th Century and the paradox is that a man whose vision was repudiated by the political leadership of his time managed to achieve a way of framing the language of American foreign policy throughout the 80 years since his death. np. No. 2002. p.N. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Historian. I see it at least more in terms of a process than I do in terms of a product. 3. One of the central concerns at the time was how to avoid war and conflict in general. Although the United States did not become a contracting party to the League. 2001. accessed April 22. WILSON¶S IDEAS WERE VICTORIOUS EVEN THOUGH HIS POLICIES WEREN¶T Jay Winter. Thus. available online at http://www. with African countries which were independent at the time as well as India and the socialist countries taking the lead. accessed May 1. South Africa. WILSON¶S IDEAS HELP CONTROL POTENTIAL INTERNATIONAL ANARCHY John Morton Blum. p. Wilsonianism not only challenged dictatorial and authoritarian systems worldwide but it also helped oppressed people become aware of their rights. WILSONIAN THINKING HELPED PAVE THE WAY FOR DECOLONIZATION OF AFRICA Korwa G. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. It was within this philosophical context that he advocated for the need to make the world safe for democracy. accessed April 22. Adar.ufl.html. 2001. Wilsonianism emerged as a distinct policy philosophy at the end of the First World War. What Wilson was capable of was as a president. the momentum on the issues of democracy and human rights was evidenced with the appointment of Eleanor Roosevelt to Chair a Commission on Human Rights. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY.africa. Wilsonianism had a global impact. 2002. 4.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 2002. democracy and human rights (or self-determination in general) was equated with the absence of colonialism.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. This.pbs. PBS documentary. Social and Cultural Rights. 2. to involve himself in great affairs and to try to find ways in which to work out the problems created by those great affairs. he argued. AND HAD A GLOBAL IMPACT Korwa G. p.ufl. In this respect.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. The UN system tangibly paved the way for the process of decolonization in Africa through the UN General Assembly resolutions. accessed May 1. No. he was never evasive in that way. p. available online at http://www. If one wants to talk about Wilson¶s legacy. Vol. The results of Roosevelt's Commission were the establishment of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its corollaries the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic. Moreover. np. 2002.

was its friend and protector. PBS documentary. on a par with "Wilsonian idealism. This was one of the successes of the educational program designed for the "doctrinaire monomaniac. Hakim observes. the phrase conceals a grain of truth. To evaluate what lies ahead. rejecting Aristide's plea to reduce them along lines that had proven successful in Costa Rica. np. p. we should look carefully at the plans for the security forces and the economy. Z MAGAZINE. but Administration officials said they persuaded him to accept them. Ian Martin. Martin observed." It is true enough that from the southern cone to Central America and the Caribbean. He still keeps his allegiance to the general population and their organizations -.N. WILSON¶S ³IDEALISM´ CONTINUES TO JUSTIFY HORRIBLE TRAGEDIES IN HAITI Noam Chomsky. Volume 9 Page 62 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM 1. That is to continue. p.wcdebate.who could teach some lessons to their kindly tutors about what was meant by "democracy" in days when the term was still taken seriously. witness the case of Guatemala."Aristide's unwillingness to "broaden the political base" has become a kind of mantra. If he is. And he knows full well what efforts are made to broaden government to include authentic representatives of the overwhelming majority of the population in Latin America. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. well-informed about the hemisphere and far from a ranting ideologue. reported in Foreign Policy that negotiations had stalled because of Washington's insistence on maintaining the power of the security forces.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." Like many other mindless propaganda slogans. Historian. revealed by the belief of half the population that the political system is so rotten that both parties should be disbanded. It is intriguing to watch the process at work. As discussed here in July. despite its rhetoric of democracy. open trade. the things that Americans had evolved over threehundred years and incidentally in the process of which we had killed six hundred thousand of each other in the Civil War because it hadn¶t worked too well. Father Aristide resisted having so many former soldiers in the police force. it will be under conditions designed to discredit him and further demoralize those who hoped that democracy might be tolerated in Haiti. It hasn't been easy. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. the one partial exception to the array of horror chambers that Washington has maintained in the region. much of it organized right where Hakim speaks. 2." so the New York Times reported on the eve of the invasion. movement from authoritarianism to democracy tends to reflect a more broadly based consensus than is currently the case in Haiti. and the world did not want the American principles. or by its traditional master. The Europeans knew this. Aristide has been unwilling to shift power to the "enlightened" sectors of foreign and domestic Civil Society and their security forces. and have been kept in power by U. "At first. 2001. was ambivalent about that power shift" to popular elements represented by Aristide. It seems to me that Wilson failed because he tried to apply American principles to the world. the head of the OAS/UN mission through December 1993. Hakim also surely knows the nature of the "consensus" at home. WILSON FAILED BECAUSE HE TRIED TO APPLY AMERICAN PRINCIPLES TO THE WORLD Walter LaFeber. the consensus is "broadly based" in the sense that sustained terror and degradation. France. and to accept the rule of private power. He took a kind of an American liberalism and essentially tried to create a form of world institutions: self-determination.pbs. Washington director of the Inter-American dialogue. aid and training for that purpose since. domestic and foreign. The generals continued their resistance to a diplomatic settlement. just now attaining the proper broad consensus after many years of education. The Europeans knew that Wilson¶s principles had problems. trusting that "the United States. recognized that the U. has taught people to abandon hope for freedom and democracy. As the matter is now rephrased. They were proven right. November 1994.S. and Canada.. Whether Aristide is allowed to return in some fashion is anyone's guess at the time of writing. The Haitian military. available online at http://www. "in most Latin American countries. 2002. While Aristide was elected by a two-thirds majority. 10. unlike the U. accessed May 1.html. The military and police forces were established during Woodrow Wilson's invasion as an instrument to control the population.S. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.com . Consider Peter Hakim.

In the current era. His greatest contradiction from my point of view. p. The principles of democracy and human rights have been persistent.africa. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. http://www. leaving concerns for democracy and human rights aside. accessed May 1.htm." he wrote. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. has been an altogether different story. No.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. WILSON¶S PHILOSOPHY INCLUDED RACISM AND WAR-MONGERING Howard Zinn. The linking of such Wilsonian precepts with foreign policy practice. "Perspective" on what is taking place was provided in the New York Times by R. We might understand this as another small contribution to the broader project of revising the history of Western colonialism so as to justify the next phase. 2002. May 7. followers of General Cedras and the former Tontons Macoute retain their homicidal tendencies. if at times secondary. portrayed in the same light. He wasn¶t always comfortable with the fact that democracy is a noisy and messy business.com . Vol. Volume 9 Page 63 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE. conditions are now in place for the tangible and coherent pursuit of an American foreign policy based on democracy and human rights.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. very controlling. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. 2000. p. PBS documentary.htm. WILSONIAN POLICIES AREN¶T IDEALISTIC: JUST THE SAME OLD REALPOLITIK Korwa G. but his behavior was often very paternalistic. WILSON¶S IDEAS JUSTIFY VICIOUS COLONIALISM Noam Chomsky. who fearlessly spoke out against the war? 3. but it is a novelty to see Napoleon's invasion. http://web. November 1994.which the homicidal maniacs in the slums have cleverly concealed. 1998. He saw democracy as a tool for creating harmony. 2002. 10. np. South Africa. brought our country into the hell of World War I. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War.wcdebate. one of those Wilson sent to prison. Z MAGAZINE. also occupying an important place in the pantheon of American liberalism. 2. p. and put anti-war protesters in prison.pbs. As for Woodrow Wilson. np. one of the most hideous crimes of an era not known for its gentleness. themes within the rhetoric of American foreign policy toward Africa since the end of World War II.html.ufl. Rhodes University. Political Studies Department. like the Marines who occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. accessed April 22. Historian AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. who reviewed the lessons of history. 2001. Backers of President Aristide. very unsympathetic with and having very little patience for the messiness of democracy. Adar. Should we not bring forward as a national hero Emma Goldman.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. "For two centuries. however. "Like the French in the 19th century. available online at http://www. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. the question emerges as to the resonance of such Wilsonian principles in US foreign policy towards Africa. BUT HIS SOCIAL POLICIES WEREN¶T Victoria Bissell Brown. 2. the noise of democracy. "political opponents in Haiti have routinely slaughtered each other. np. US policy makers consistently followed the dictates of realpolitik in the era of the Cold War. 2. the American forces who are trying to impose a new order will confront a complex and violent society with no history of democracy. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. Apple. to say nothing about their weapons" -. or Helen Keller. BUT REPRESSIVE 1. sent an occupation army into Haiti and the Dominican Republic. is that his rhetoric was pro-democratic. WILSON¶S RHETORIC WAS PRO-DEMOCRATIC. 3. that he bombarded the Mexican coast.zmag. civilized mediation. 2002. W. shouldn't we remind his admirers that he insisted on racial segregation in federal buildings." One takes for granted that the vicious terror and racism of the Wilson administration and its successors will be transmuted to sweet charity as it reaches the educated classes. accessed April 22.

The New Deal included massive government spending to create jobs and the creation of the Civilian Conservation Corps. (³But I didn¶t know FDR was Jewish!´ you say. though. the majority of it is due to the success of FDR¶s liberal social programs. which proved that private industry isn¶t the only way to create jobs. Why the hatred from the right wing? After all. In fact. but we¶ll get to that below." (Told you so about the anti-Semitism). agree on this. There¶s no way to anger a political opponent than by passing popular and effective legislation. The best example: the massive internment of Japanese Americans in concentration camps. said that ³The presidency as we know it today begins with Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Only recently has there been mass outcry about this mass violation of human rights. which tells you we have a ways to go yet in this country. a bone thrown to the masses who demanded an alternative to the capitalism that was starving them in droves (in their view). William E. Another element is that most American of traits.but there are certainly things we can all now (hopefully) agree on as grievous acts on FDR¶s part. I say with a smirk. He wasn¶t -. but the threat of a good example of liberalism is still pretty threatening to these people. Even today. Debilitated by a youthful bout with polio. anyway. This isn¶t to say that there aren¶t legitimate criticisms of FDR.but no one accused the far right of being rocket scientists. That¶s not to say the left doesn¶t have problems with FDR. popularly known as FDR. the first president to truly take his case directly to the people.) We¶ll discuss how that applies in a bit. and it happened 70 years ago. Historians. Volume 9 Page 64 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT Of all the former presidents the United States has seen leave office in the past 100 years. Leuchtenburg.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. FDR nevertheless rose to great heights as a statesman." according to Communist leader Earl Browder. the charming and affable voice behind the Fireside Chats. and was generally beloved by the public. He was elected to an unprecedented four terms. of course -. What is legitimate depends on what side of the political discourse you come down on. a horrific violation of civil liberties and a betrayal of what would appear to be FDR¶s own principles. So what¶s up with the bitterness? Well. he was perhaps the living embodiment of that ³rugged individualism´ and ³pulling yourself up by your bootstraps´ stuff that conservatives like to bluster about. If one can inspire vitriol of this nature from both sides of the American political spectrum. one has doubtless done something right. from right to left to centrist.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The architect of the New Deal. Whatever the roots of the anti-FDR sentiment. while American fascist William Dudley Pelley called him the "lowest form of human worm . It wasn¶t.not a bad record for a man who left office nearly 70 years ago. Roosevelt isn¶t just the man who pulled the country out of the Great Depression. Many saw the New Deal as a cop-out. FDR is feted by liberals and reviled by conservatives to this day -.and academic articles from scholars and think tank employees slathering over why the New Deal was unconstitutional. at the Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University. He passed important legislation. perhaps none (even including Richard Nixon or Bill Clinton) has inspired such virulent criticism and simultaneously vociferous defense as Franklin Delano Roosevelt.wcdebate. you¶ll see conspiracy theorist websites devoted to decrying Roosevelt¶s influence on the country -. It also says something about the limits of mainstream liberalism. ROOSEVELT¶S IMPORTANCE As I said above. neither the left nor the right felt they had to restrain themselves when criticizing FDR: FDR was "carrying out more thoroughly and brutally than even Hoover the capitalist attack against the masses.according to Gentile standards.com . anti-Semitism. except Werner von Braun. even people that hate Roosevelt acknowledge his importance. it is certainly remarkable that the enmity exists more than two generations later in this country. All this should tell you that Roosevelt had a monumental impact on American life.

FDR recognized this. surpassed only by the legendary Abraham Lincoln. someone making a union-won family wage who can provide for his or her family and even be a little bit comfortable.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Before. He also thought there were certain fundamental rights to which humans were entitled. Volume 9 Page 65 There are many reasons for this. ECONOMIC POLICY: THE DEFENDERS The left saw FDR as a sellout who saved capitalism as we know it when it was on the brink of collapse. foregoing more revolutionary change for institutional reform. In order to understand these. you¶re a lot more susceptible to someone preaching overthrow of the existing system than.wcdebate. This is not quite true. or at the very least an advocate of disarmament. These are the simple. They are: Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.where significantly more power rests in the hands of the executive branch -. as we will see later. the government had no rhetorical or actual commitment to the average working person. from his leadership in World War II to his economic ideas to his intangible inspirational qualities.and perhaps they are right. The preservation of civil liberties for all. The inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.´ This did not stop some of his contemporaries from referring to FDR as "that megalomaniac cripple in the White House. it is important to understand the ideology behind them. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. He noted ³so powerful an impression did FDR leave on the office that in the most recent survey of historians he was ranked as the second greatest president in our history. he included economic rights in that list. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Many believe that today¶s so-called ³imperial presidency´ -.com . For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The ending of special privilege for the few. Perhaps the best manifestation of these ideas came from the man himself. The four freedoms which give the famous speech its name are listed here: One would think that this made FDR a pacifist. If you¶re starving. and you have to put your 10-year-old to work in a factory. He figured if America as we knew it was to survive intact. sewing clothes for 16 hours a day for pennies a day (due to no child labor laws and no minimum wage). and perhaps they are right. FDR laid out exactly to what he thought humans ought to be entitled: Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world." But believe it or not. ROOSEVELT¶S IDEAS Much is made of Roosevelt¶s social and economic reforms. some of that sentiment stems from the same root.began with FDR and his legislative ideas. In his famour ³Four Freedoms´ speech. This is also why the right sees him as a betrayer of unfettered capitalism -. Leuchtenberg continued. The right see him as having betrayed capitalism for a more socialist model. too. The thing they both agree on is that a fundamental shift occurred during his time in office. Unlike most every other president. someone had to do something fast to preserve the positive aspects of the old order. say. the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. This is why the left sees Roosevelt as a betrayer of social revolution. Jobs for those who can work. FDR saw the economic system of the early 20th century as too harsh. Security for those who need it. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. as failing to meet the needs of the public.

the physically handicapped. the FDR experimentation resulted in an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which relied on government stimulation of private industry. unemployment insurance and aid to families with dependent children. the Rural Utility Service (formerly the Rural Electrification Administration). 2).com . FDR is best known for promoting what is known as ³the welfare state.but he was more a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. these policies are a power grab by liberal economists! Of course. He had his own ideas -. He also promoted expanded federal regulation of agriculture. and was arguing in the 1950s and 1960s along with Joe McCarthy that Communists were infiltrating the American government. the Securities and Exchange Commission. finance. and the blind. industry.´ He does not say this as a compliment. such programs as massive relief programs for the unemployed. the Rural Development Administration (formerly the Farmers Home Administration).wcdebate. the Farm Credit Administration. who was president when the Great Depression started in 1929. pensions for the elderly. the physically handicapped. when voters unceremoniously dumped him in favor of FDR.Barber says he was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" -. Nope. Volume 9 Page 66 In January 1935. 3). Higgs writes. the National Labor Relations Board. As evidence. from the day he is born. Social Security. who admits that ³In the construction of the American regulatory and welfare state. He points to such agencies as the Export-Import Bank. It¶s also pretty interesting how he skips over free-market conservative Herbert Hoover. industry.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. to him. Higgs breaks out the organizational chart of the federal government. Specifically. Aside from the governmental influx of capital to boost the economy. historians have taken a positive view of the New Deal´ -. were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. the Social Security Administration.but. shouldn't be a member of the social security system. the conservative economic theorist. he doesn¶t mention that Kershner was a paranoid. FDR emphasized his commitment to social security this way: "I see no reason why every child. pathological anti-communist who saw such things as laws against child labor as a sign of the creeping red tide. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. wrote William Barber in his book DESIGN WITHOUT DISORDER. the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. the Federal Housing Administration. and labor relations." You may have heard this ³cradle to the grave´ rhetoric before. but no one heard it from the President before then. The reason was not that Roosevelt was revolutionary economic thinker himself -. and who continued to adopt laissez-faire policies that deepened the depression until 1932. the aged poor. unemployment insurance.instead.´ This imprecise term covers a variety of reforms that constitute a safety net for the poor and otherwise disadvantaged. and the blind are not beneficent ideas designed to make the functioning of government and economy more humane. Higgs and the like paint FDR as a big-government liberal who created federal agencies for their own sake and no other. the aged poor. finance. and the creation of Social Security with its old-age pensions.from the cradle to the grave they ought to be in a social insurance system. He explained his rationale in the Four Freedoms speech: ECONOMIC POLICY: THE CRITICS As I mentioned. and labor relations to prevent market failures and offer governmental support of certain businesses in danger of failure. ³with few exceptions. One of them is Robert Higgs. Things we take for granted today include: relief programs for the unemployed. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he was a man with certain values (expressed above) that was willing to listen to professional economists about how to achieve those values. and income supplements for dependent children in single-parent families. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. Sure. All of these were first established under Franklin Roosevelt. no one looms larger than FDR. Cradle to the grave . the expanded federal regulation of agriculture. there are lots of people that won¶t let 70-year-old policies go. The FDR years.

told by William E. One would think.S. who praised Hitler and continued to trade with Nazi Germany AFTER World War II began).´ Regardless of how one feels about each of these individual agencies. Sadly. this was not the case. No similar policies were enacted for Americans of German or Italian descent. It also helps to explain the hatred of FDR by the anti-Semitic right. CONCLUSION FDR might be the most important president of the 20th century. being a victim of race-baiting himself. Their property was seized. William J. his wife ran off with a traveling salesman. This nonsense about Roosevelt and about Jews continues to this day among the racist right. was at war with them. was upheld by the Supreme Court and stands a valid legal precedent to this day. regulating. Love him or give in to insane and illogical hatred of him. it seems the argument here is that NO federal agency is EVER justified in helping to stimulate the economy or to ameliorate the effects on a market collapse on average people. vanden Heuvel argues. The nutty right spread rumors that Roosevelt¶s real name was ³Rosenfeld. the Export-Import Bank. but that¶s the way it is. FDR was the first (and. No act of espionage by any Japanese American was ever proven. Korematsu v. each renders the economy less productive than it could be-and all in the service of one special interest or another. isn¶t it a good rather than a bad thing that farmers get subsidies that help family farms stay afloat. financing. though the U. and one can certainly debate about the impacts of some of them. The vast majority of it was never returned. ³Each in its own fashion. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. FDR signed Executive Order 9066. and didn¶t think Roosevelt should be sticking his nose in Hitler¶s business as the German leader committed the most horrific act of the 20th century.)´ Sometimes.´ and called his policies ³the Jew Deal. insuring. say.com . so even (gasp!) the middle class and below can attend universities. including Holocaust deniers like David Irving and his ilk. narratives end with perfect poetic justice. The legal precedent that justified this vile act. (Which he was there. United States. by the way. And what about all those that got their jollies in hating Roosevelt? My favorite story is this one. it certainly serves as a major mark in Roosevelt¶s favor. ³interferes with the effective operation of the free market. Volume 9 Page 67 and the Tennessee Valley Authority as ³the offspring of the New Deal´ and argues that they are pernicious in their effects. FDR would have seen the folly in his most shameful act of the war. including Henry Ford. but virtually alone among prominent Americans (many of whom. that students have their college loans federally provided.´ playing to racist notions of wealthy Jews running the government. vanden Heuvel has noted.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the ONLY) political leader to stand against Hitler from the very beginning.000 loyal Americans of Japanese descent to prison camps for years. Leuchtenberg: ³In Kansas a man went down into his cyclone cellar and announced he would not emerge until Roosevelt was out of office. that old people with no family can rely on Social Security checks rather than cat food in order to eat? WAR POLICY It¶s unfortunate that we have to sum up FDR¶s World War II actions in so short a space.wcdebate.´ he writes. too. which consigned over 100. who didn¶t see the murder of European Jews as any of out business. this much is undeniable. Famously. Charming. Considering that this made him alone not only among the political leaders of the world. To his credit. only sometimes. By subsidizing. Even if you¶ve got a problem with. and thereby diverting resources from the uses most valued by consumers.

Schlesinger. 2002. September 1998. http://newdeal. Franklin Delano. Leuchtenburg. New York: Dodd. Robert. Chomsky. Jr. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy.ECONOMIC HISTORY. http://www. http://www. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. 2002. Department of History. ROOSEVELT: THE SOLDIER OF FREEDOM.org/chat/chat03.com . 1985. 1970. ³A Message to the Congress on Social Security.´ Jan. 1935. Warren F. 2002. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review.eh. 1933. ³Purposes and Foundations of the Recovery (Fireside Chat)´. FDR: THE NEW DEAL YEARS 1933-1937. 1992. Mead and Company Publishers. THE COMING OF THE NEW DEAL. Namorato. THE FREEMAN.htm. FDR'S SPLENDID DECEPTION. FRANKLIN D.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. 1932-1945. accessed May 10.independent. Hugh Gregory.html. Franklin Delano. Boston: South End Press. EH. accessed May 1. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.htm.feri.pbs. accessed May 5. Dallek.shtml.1987.washingtonpost. New York: Random House Publishing.net/bookreviews/library/0024. THE JUGGLER: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT AS WARTIME STATESMAN. Roosevelt. http://www.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. Roosevelt. Higgs.wcdebate. Kimball.html. William E. 1986. http://www. Michael V. 2002.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. James MacGregor.NET BOOK REVIEW .org/wgbh/amex/presidents/nf/resource/fdr/primdocs/socsecspeech. July 1997. 1979. accessed May 9. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1959.. 2002. Volume 9 Page 68 BIBLIOGRAPHY Burns. 17. Arthur M. ROOSEVELT AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY. July 24. Gallagher. 1991. DETERRING DEMOCRACY. Oxford University Press. Robert.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. Davis. Noam. accessed May 02. University of Mississippi . Kenneth S.

Roosevelt himself. the political paralysis.1987.net/bookreviews/library/0024. Barber believes that professional economists had a president who was willing to listen to them and who was a "consumer" of what they had to offer. p. one eyewitness later remembered.Happy days are here again. the notion of the State got little attention in America before FDR. It was not just for the day as it was in Cambridge. np. everyone was joyous. 2002. was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" (p. Starting in the spectacular First Hundred Days. Although not a great economic thinker.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. In this sense. in the offices there is a feeling of hope reborn. Leuchtenburg. University of Mississippi . 2002. 3). and the ultimate impact these economic thinkers had on long-term federal economic policy. Volume 9 Page 69 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT 1." On the New York Curb Exchange. accessed May 5.wcdebate." noted one business journal. 2002. gone. IN JUST A FEW WEEKS.just where they are going. "The people aren't sure.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. and in the New Deal that continued throughout. 2). "but anywhere seems better than where they have been. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. FDR REPRESENTED A WATERSHED IN ECONOMIC THINKING Michael V. http://www." Again and again. the Rooseveltian years were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. Similar to his earlier study. 2. not least those who are disadvantaged. FDR WAS KEY TO SOCIAL JUSTICE FOR THE DISADVANTAGED William E. Department of History. the end result was an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which became part and parcel of governmental policy by the end of the 1930s.. Roosevelt rested his legislative program on the assumption that government should actively seek social justice for all Americans.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears.1987. Overnight.htm. In the case of Franklin Roosevelt.htm.shtml. Only a few weeks after Roosevelt took office. the stock ticker ended the day with the merry message: "Goodnite. . years after it had become a fixture in other lands. Although European theorists had been talking about der Staat for decades. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. In the homes on the streets. Patterson. his opportunism was grounded in social concern and conscience.eh.ECONOMIC HISTORY. too." 3. in short. Gone was the torpor of the Hoover years. p. crowds moved excitedly. http://www. has written: ³Roosevelt was no hard-eyed merchandiser.NET BOOK REVIEW . was a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. The historian James T. Roosevelt brought the Welfare State to America. np. p.. accessed May 5. responding to left-wing critiques of FDR. without which the New Deal would indeed have been mindless and devious. where trading resumed on March 15..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. FDR TRANSFORMED THE NATION¶S ECONOMIC OUTLOOK William E. 1). np. accessed May 1. http://www. how Franklin D. in Barber's opinion.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. EH..´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.washingtonpost. Namorato. Designs Within Disorder concentrates on what economists were saying during the New Deal. the spirit of the country seemed markedly changed. Roosevelt listened to and responded to their suggestions. Washington seemed like Cambridge on the morning of the Harvard-Yale game: "All the shops were on display. After much experimentation. observers resorted to the imagery of darkness and light to characterize the transformation from the Stygian gloom of Hoover's final winter to the bright springtime of the First Hundred Days. July 1997.com .washingtonpost. Roosevelt's Washington. There was something in the air that had not been there before. Leuchtenburg. He provided those with more learning and understanding of economic matters an opportunity to develop their ideas.

np. 2002. President Wilson's global campaign as the champion for the silent majority also set the stage for a United States democracy and human rights foreign policy in the twentieth century.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. FDR¶S LEGACY IS THE ABOLITION OF INTERNATIONAL ISOLATIONISM William E. As a wartime president. p.1987. Roosevelt. No private program and no public policy. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. Roosevelt made full use of his executive power in recognizing the USSR. Rhodes University.wcdebate. np. it is framed with perfect futility. When he took office.htm." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.africa. accessed May 5. accessed May 5. Adar. Roosevelt had wide latitude to demonstrate his executive leadership by guiding the country through a victorious struggle against the fascist powers. Vol.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears.com . and it seems improbable.washingtonpost.washingtonpost. Never before had a president been given the opportunity to lead his people to a triumph of these global dimensions.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.1987.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. np. http://www. manifestly indicated US dissatisfaction with the lack of sovereignty for colonised peoples.ufl. As commander-in-chief. and. given the nature of nuclear weapons. Leuchtenburg. FDR HELPED PROMOTE SOVEREIGNTY FOR COLONIZED PEOPLES Korwa G. can now escape from the compelling fact that if it is not framed with reference to the world. providing aid to the Allies and leading the nation toward active involvement in World War II. Wilsonian precepts resonated clearly in the messsage of the Atlantic Charter which. that such a circumstance will ever arise again." Robert Divine has concluded. although promulgated by Franklin D. FDR¶S INTERNATIONAL ROLE WAS FIRST-RATE William E. 2. Wilson's intellectual heir. So far had America come by the end of the Roosevelt era that Henry Stimson was to say that the United States could never again "be an island to herself. p. crafting the Good Neighbor Policy. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. a position he was said to prefer to all others. the United States was firmly committed to isolationism. it had refused to participate in either the League of Nations or the World Court. 2002. p. Political Studies Department.htm. Roosevelt's high place rests also on his role in leading the nation to accept the far-ranging responsibilities of world power. Denied by Congress the discretionary authority he sought. in any sector of our national life. "He overcame both his own and the nation's isolationist inclination to bring a united America into the coalition that saved the world from the danger of totalitarian conquest." 3.htm. South Africa. Volume 9 Page 70 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT 1.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 2.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. 2002. 2. "His role in insuring the downfall of Adolf Hitler is alone enough to earn him a respected place in history. accessed April 22. http://web. late in his second term. 1998. Leuchtenburg. Roosevelt not only supervised the mobilization of men and resources against the Axis but also made a significant contribution to fashioning a postwar settlement and creating the structure of the United Nations. No. http://www. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit.

the root cause of the prevailing malaise was the continuation of the depression. ROOSEVELT¶S LEGACY IS TO TRAMPLE ON LIBERTY Robert Higgs. subsidies.´ 4. But instead. Volume 9 Page 71 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY.html. THE FREEMAN. September 1998. he got himself elected time after time.independent. THE FREEMAN. p. accessed May 02. as many observers claimed at the time.com . The irony is that even if Roosevelt did help to lift the spirits of the American people in the depths of the depression-an uplift for which no compelling documentation exists-this achievement only led the public to labor under an illusion. In fact. the New Deal created so much confusion. Roosevelt deserves no reverence. As John T. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. By wheeling and dealing. 2002.html. p.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. never recovered enough to restore the high levels of production and employment enjoyed in the 1920s. and business failures. accessed May 02. by taxing and spending. maintain a sound currency. Coming into power at a time of widespread destitution. http://www. 2002. But for all his undeniable political prowess. After all. uncertainty. Despite its economic illogic and incoherence. He was no hero. np. 2. September 1998. But however significant his legacies. 3. which would have increased the national income 30 to 40 percent. The government¶s own greatly enlarged economic activity did not compensate for the private shortfall. taxes. With its bewildering. by ranting against "economic royalists" and posturing as the friend of the common man. THE NEW DEAL PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs.´ and eventually ³no political boss could compete with him in any county in America in the distribution of money and jobs. and hostility among businessmen and investors that private investment. and hence overall private economic activity. the American economy between 1930 and 1940 failed to add anything to its capital stock: net private investment for that eleven-year period totaled minus $3. and direct government participation in productive activities. Flynn said of FDR. PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION 1. http://www. the New Deal served as a massive vote-buying scheme. intrusive government that has been trampling on the people¶s liberties ever since. ³it was always easy to interest him in a plan which would confer some special benefit upon some special class in the population in exchange for their votes. stop bureaucratic centralization in Washington²the depression might have passed into history before his next campaign in 1936. http://www. THE FREEMAN. Had Roosevelt only kept his inoffensive campaign promises of 1932²cut federal spending. September 1998. THE FREEMAN. fear.independent.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. no economy can grow.html.1 billion. p.html. accessed May 02. balance the budget. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. Rather. September 1998. especially during the congressional sessions of 1933 and 1935. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. he was an exceptionally resourceful political opportunist who harnessed the extraordinary potential for personal and party aggrandizement inherent in a uniquely troubled and turbulent period of American history.independent. In this madness. FDR and Congress. In the face of the interventionist onslaught. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review.wcdebate. np. high unemployment. the New Deal did prolong the depression. regulations. FDR¶S POLICIES ACTUALLY PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs. http://www. incoherent mass of new expenditures.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. THE NEW DEAL WAS A MASSIVE VOTE-BUYING SCHEME Robert Higgs. Between 1929 and 1939 the economy sacrificed an entire decade of normal economic growth. the New Dealers had a method. embraced interventionist policies on a wide front.independent. np. 2002.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.2 Without capital accumulation. 2002. np. the Roosevelt administration recognized that the president and his Democratic allies in Congress could appropriate unprecedented sums of money and channel them into the hands of recipients who would respond by giving political support to their benefactors. he prolonged the depression and fastened on the country a bloated. accessed May 02.

Barber credits Roosevelt with so much in terms of providing economists with an opportunity to influence policy.zmag. DIDN¶T ADDRESS INEQUITY Noam Chomsky.." so much so that "ten years went by before a Commerce Department economist grew curious about the distribution of income and was surprised to discover that its inequality had persisted almost unchanged from Hoover. 2002." etc. Franklin Delano Roosevelt attained similar heights among large sectors of the population. accessed May 1. In fact.. July 1997. In the end. Volume 9 Page 72 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE 1.. individuals like Galbraith left the New Deal. and the immediate post-war era..wcdebate. through Roosevelt and Truman.net/bookreviews/library/0024. The important fact is that Roosevelt brought us "comfort.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.ECONOMIC HISTORY. THE ECONOMISTS SHOULD GET THE CREDIT. DESPITE ESTABLISHMENT HISTORIANS. this demeanor as the aristocratic style. Those of us who were born to circumstances less assured tend to think of..eh. Chapter 2. but the president himself is seldom even mentioned. Barber takes his argument through the later 1930s..ECONOMIC HISTORY. a secret love affair. Somehow. Keynesianism took hold after 1945 only after it had infiltrated the universities (p. including many of the poor and working class. Reviewing a laudatory book on FDR by Joseph Alsop in the New York Review of Books. "in the grandest style. etc." He left us with "nostalgia" that is "aching." But that is only the carping of trivial minds. FDR SHOULD NOT GET CREDIT FOR KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS Michael V." and met the great crisis in their lives. 2. who praised "the encomium that Murray Kempton justly bestowed on Roosevelt.. http://www.NET BOOK REVIEW . the spinners of fantasy could not even approach such heights in the Reagan era. Department of History. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. EH. Roosevelt is lost amidst the intellectual environment that Barber has created. 2002.com .shtml. no less analyzed in terms of his own thinking on what these economists were telling him and his close advisors.. http://www.eh. Still.net/bookreviews/library/0024.. who placed their trust in him.. however.. indeed revere.. 171). University of Mississippi . University of Mississippi . Barber concluded that the Full Employment Act was more of a victory for the opponents of the Keynesian approach than one would have suspected. left-liberal social critic Murray Kempton describes the "majesty" of Roosevelt's smile as "he beamed from those great heights that lie beyond the taking of offense. Department of History. 2002.endearingly exalted." "That Roosevelt was the democrat that great gentlemen always are in no way abated his grandeur... Finally. Seeing Harry Hopkins' appointment as Secretary of Commerce as a turning point towards official acceptance of Keynesianism. Roosevelt took such complete command that he "left social inquiry.shtml." whatever the record of economic reform and civil rights may show. 3. [His blend of elegance with compassion] adds up to true majesty.. accessed May 1..splendidly eternal for romance. how the president barely tolerated Thurman Arnold and his anti-trust movement.. FDR. Barber details how Hopkins brought in young academics sympathetic to this approach. There was one published reaction.owing to his engraving upon the public consciousness the sense that men were indeed equal. Namorato." His "enormous bulk" stands between us "and all prior history. and how people like John K. 1992." Try as they might. July 1997. accessed May 1. World War II. [We are] as homesick as Alsop for a time when America was ruled by gentlemen and ladies.NET BOOK REVIEW . NOT FDR Michael V. EH. Namorato.html. DETERRING DEMOCRACY." Roosevelt and Lucy Mercer "were persons even grander on the domestic stage than they would end up being on the cosmic one. Finally. http://www. Galbraith in the Office of Price Administration helped to mobilize America's wartime economy. by Noel Annan. The aura of sanctity remains among intellectuals who worship at the shrine.a wasteland.org/chomsky/dd/dd-c02s03. in his last chapters.

and what he and those inspired by him did during the 1960s. Later.it is possible to sum up the academic debate surrounding them. And unlike me. Hayden decided to run for elected office. In 1969 and 1970. As some former radicals did. with that said. anti-American louts who have frayed the fabric of the blue jeans of American life. he was arrested as a member of the "Chicago Seven" for inciting a riot at the Democratic National Convention. Along with four other defendants -. He was elected to the state Assembly in 1982 -. That court based its decision on procedural errors by U.S. 1939. who were not convicted. He later served as a ³freedom rider. the Los Angeles Times reported. which he sees as necessary for a rich and stable intellectual culture.and when he was elected as a state assemblyman 20 years ago. he was best known for his 16-year marriage to actress Jane Fonda. they participated in many controversial events demonstrating their opposition to the Vietnam War. wrote the national correspondent of The Atlantic. Abbie Hoffman. As his own website (www. were John Froines and Lee Weiner. though. had a charismatic and thoughtful leader named Tom Hayden who has continued (as an activist and as a California state legislator) to work for change in the American political arena.com . let¶s examine one of the most fascinating periods of recent American history. we¶ll have to take a look at Hayden. There are those who consider them to be heroic protestors. One of those movements. Circuit Court of Appeals. Far from it: Hayden welcomes the dialogue. Rennie Davis and David Dellinger -. Born December 11. The other defendants.wcdebate.committed to the Socratic and Platonic tradition of logic and rhetoric -.does not shy away from nor roll his eyes at debates on the impact of the 1960s. Together.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ The freedom riders were a group of mostly white students from the north who traveled to the American south in efforts to assist racial desegregation the South. Hayden -. Hayden continued with his activism. Who is right? Well.com) admits. It wouldn¶t hurt to have a gander at what they have continued to do in the ensuing decades. In 1968.the issues they tackled ranged from the war in Vietnam to racial injustice to anti-nuclear politics to American economic inequity -. ³he was regarded warily as an invader and outlaw by his fellow lawmakers. even those ³intent to riot´ convictions were overturned by a federal appeals court. his life. All the defendants. Basically. So. he was a prominent defendant in the Chicago Seven trial.Hayden was convicted of intent to riot at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Students for a Democratic Society. you¶ve gotta admit he¶s led a pretty interesting life so far.tomhayden. District Judge Julius Hoffman. his ideas. While it¶s certainly impossible to sum up either the SDS or Hayden in just a few pages -. Undaunted by his legal trouble. including Froines and Weiner. some of whom even tried to expel him from the Legislature as a "traitor. were acquitted of additional conspiracy charges. he has lived in Los Angeles since 1971.and those who consider them to be troublemaking. and whether some of the political movements of the time were benevolent or detrimental. Nicholas Lemann. in order to answer that question. Volume 9 Page 73 TOM HAYDEN It says a great deal about American academic thinking that we are still arguing about the 1960s.Jerry Rubin. TOM HAYDEN¶S LIFE Regardless of your opinion of Hayden as an activist or as a person. challengers of the status quo and defenders of the downtrodden -.S. there are two camps that feel strongly as regards Hayden and SDS."´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the 7th U. "Tom Hayden changed America".

Hayden recognized that power could not truly be challenged without alliances between various progressive groups. Hardly a single issue activist or politician. hailed by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for his civil rights achievements. to take action. too. But mainstream groups honored him. politician. and other activists of various stripes. praised by the Jewish National Fund for his support of Israel. Indeed. he was given kudos by the Sierra Club and the California League Conservation Voters for backing protection of endangered species and proenvironment record. including legislation on behalf of women. (Look it up. anti-sweatshop legislation -which you might expect of a former 1960s radical.´ using rhetoric reminiscent of early American rabble rousers such as Thomas Paine. IDEAS OF TOM HAYDEN Perhaps the most important item to read in studying the ideology of this and other radical organizations is the Port Huron Statement. he credits that issue as one of the factors inspiring the SDS movement: SDS moved from a mere problem identification mode to a serious institutional analysis of American politics.Hayden decried the injustice of the discrepancy in material wealth and economic opportunity between the white and black communities.remember. workers. While a state legislator. Volume 9 Page 74 This didn¶t stop him. he was "the conscience of the (California State) Senate". the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was still two years away -. which was written by Tom Hayden in 1962. fought for reform of the K-12 educational system. the founding document of Students for a Democratic Society. convict with his sentence overturned. While he didn¶t pass much legislation -.wcdebate. Hayden was called the "legislator of the year" by the American Lung Association for taking on the tobacco industry. Even in his youth. Until he was forced out by term limits. Hayden wrote the Port Huron Statement while a student at The University of Wisconsin. As one might expect given the racial intolerance prevalent in America at the time -. activist.not necessarily the hard Marxist leaning of various communist groups. African-Americans and Latinos and Holocaust survivors. Hayden also has two grown children from his earlier marriage to Fonda.he sponsored numerous bills. of course.com . presidential assistant Richard Goodwin. lots of different kinds. He has an infant son with Williams. his tenure as a state senator was not the first time Hayden had influenced legislative agendas. Like many of the so-called New Left groups of the time. Activist. the SDS got its name from a desire for what they termed ³true democracy. It¶s been a tumultuous ride for Hayden. again husband of different actress. author. kids). but a general desire for leveling the economic playing field in the United States. the culmination of seven consecutive electoral victories representing the west side of Los Angeles and the San Fernando Valley. At least one prominent political figure. What kind of action? Well.his radical views often polarized even friendly legislators -. and decried the prominence of special interest waste and abuse of power in California politics. and on and on. even when he wasn¶t married to Barbarella. wrote Sacramento Bee columnist Dan Walters. husband of actress. The conclusion of the Port Huron Declaration reads: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He is currently married to the actress Barbara Williams. Then statement encouraged other students to research and understand the world at large. Hayden fought against university tuition increases. has said that Hayden ³created the blueprint for the Great Society programs´ of Lyndon Baines Johnson during his tenure as an advocate for the working poor.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In fact. and more. Hayden never decried the existence of the political system as such. the SDS had socialist leanings -. Recognizing that this would require revolutionary change. convict. former husband of actress. as he was elected to the state Senate in 1992. He backed pro-labor. That includes student groups. Unlike many of his fellow radicals.

Bloom continuously asserts that higher education has failed democracy. that Hayden and SDS defended a multidisciplinary activism that recognized the need for progressive groups of all stripes to come together toward overlapping goals. Pursuit of knowledge is then eclipsed by the needs of the moment and the opinion of the masses. this was actually the mirror image of the moral absolutism that Bloom and his allies defended. ³the enclosing fact of the Cold War. Rather than moral relativism. Volume 9 Page 75 While Hayden has never focused on one issue to the exclusion of all others. and some of the charges they have levied against Hayden. if one is not progressive at all. Naturally.. when the current preoccupations of a democratic society become the primary concerns of the university. one would hardly be given to support any of the prevailing agendas that Hayden or his allies would. and indeed the 1960s in its entirety.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. HAYDEN: Bloom has it backwards. higher education is not separate from democracy. As a result. It is not Plato's cave. the SDS. it is certainly possible to decide based on his activist priorities which are the most important to him. and our friends. And. pacifism and the avoidance of war were a pressing concern for Hayden: as he wrote then. but it seems difficult for him to comprehend that. Hayden might say. This man who makes so much of being able to distinguish between shadow and substance in Plato's cave becomes blind to the fact that the anguished cry of the students in the 60s was not so very different from Bloom's own lament. for example. The editorials I wrote from 1957 to 1961 in the Michigan Daily were based on Cardinal Newman's concept of the university as a community of scholars. brought awareness that we ourselves. that the United States should not engage in what the SDS felt were immoral activities. depending on how we view it American society. on the remoteness of the curriculum from the real dilemmas of life. then. insists Hayden to this day. the Vietnam War provided his activist awakening.they were defending their own brand of moral claims.of turning a blind eye to oppression if it suits their political ends.com . Hayden expanded upon this defense of his philosophy: NPQ: In Bloom's mind. Quite the opposite is true. symbolized by the presence of the Bomb. When he was interviewed by the journal NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY.. or Soviet) communism -.´ It seems. as long as we have a US Constitution there will be the possibility of strikes or Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Just because it isn¶t your morality. might die at any time.they argue that the student movements essentially defended the right of societies to choose communism -. THE CHARGE OF MORAL AND CULTURAL RELATIVISM Conservative academics interesting in revising history have tried to give a black eye to the 1960s student movements by accusing them of moral and cultural relativism -. there was tension in this: many labor groups distrust environmentalists because of perceived inattention to the cause of workers. the university loses the critical detachment necessary to preserve and pass on the core values of Western civilization. improving cultural literacy or improving the quality of life. of course. at least in the United States. on the cowardly silence of the intellectual community in the 50s. Thus.Hayden sees as merely a shift in morals. The 1960s radicals were not defending Vietnamese (or Chinese. even people that consider themselves ³progressive´ on one or more issues might not be given to the kind of movement-building that SDS advocated. and millions of abstract "others" we knew more directly because of our common peril.or contaminated by. It's an institution that is a full participant in our democratic society. on the failure of the university to stand as a critical institution representing inquiry. Like many of his vintage. Especially because of the nuclear age. We live in an economy and a culture where ideas are not separate from improving productivity.wcdebate. Let us turn to the latter group now. Higher education is fully integrated into . doesn¶t mean there isn¶t a moral system behind it. He responds to the charges of people such as Allan Bloom and David Horowitz thusly: What Bloom and others see as moral relativism -.

Nevertheless.com . Volume 9 Page 76 other disruptive activity any time the component members of an institution are treated like numbers or feel their point of view is not represented.wcdebate. He is unafraid of a vigorous and public discussion on policies. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. others maintain that Hayden and SDS were supporters of violent groups. Critics cite Hayden¶s speech to the radical group The Weathermen. at the Weathermen¶s Days of Rage gathering.is not something we will concern ourselves with here. However.and the vexing corollarly question. that was the basis of the government¶s case against the Chicago Seven. it is worth reporting and considering that Hayden and SDS were certainly on the edge of the debate." This would seem to be at least a tacit endorsement of the group¶s tactics. Many say that the riot was something the SDS planned all along -. CONCLUSION -. OTHER CRITICISMS OF HAYDEN Even if individuals agreed with the goals of the SDS. this is far from undisputed. who refused to rule out violence as a political tactic.certainly.such as a willingness to riot at the Democratic National Convention. According to observers. Hayden told the group: "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. even if they weren¶t violent themselves. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now. Because of the overturned conviction. philosophies and ideas -.not unlike many members of the debate community. The question of whether violence is justified as a political tactic -. whether it is justified in an advanced democracy which generally protects freedom of speech -. it¶s this: he isn't afraid to change with the times. they might be criticized for methods -.HAYDEN AND DEBATE If there is one thing that we can say about Tom Hayden.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

2002. Hayden. 2002. 1999. New York: International Publishers. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. 1988. Hayden.com . http://coursesa. New York: Random House. Volume 9 Page 77 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aptheker.htm. Herbert with prefaces by Staughton Lynd and Tom Hayden. accessed May 1. Radosh.org/taemj97s. 1962. MISSION TO HANOI. WASHINGTON POST. Hayden. Port Huron Statement. http://www. 1966 (pb New York: Signet. Tom. Fall 1987.theamericanenterprise. Lynd. May/June 1997. p. Horowitz. #4. 1967). B1. Staughton & Thomas Hayden. REUNION: A MEMOIR. Tom. p.html. the New Left and the Leftover Left. Ronald. The Other Side. December 5.wcdebate. THE LOVE OF POSSESSION IS A DISEASE WITH THEM. 20.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. former radical.msu. Rinehart and Winston.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. accessed May 2. Chicago: Holt. November 27. Tom. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. Tom. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left. David. Tom Hayden. 1972. activist and former California state legislator. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. activist and former California state legislator. http://www.matrix.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01. Hayden. accessed May 2. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. 1966. 2002.frontpagemag. New York: New American Library. 2001. activist.htm. Volume 4.

that we direct our present appeal. Port Huron Statement. and to this day I am astounded by the fact that of nearly 1000 academic articles written for leading political science journals during the 60s. yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present. paralyzing policy discussion. Based on five days of joining in protests. They are the exact opposite of Nazi storm troopers. p. is the pepper spray helping you relive your youth? My response was that it beats taking Viagra. calling on us not to be "good Germans.msu. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise. WASHINGTON POST.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. Do the Clinton administration's investor-based trade priorities benefit America's interest in highwage jobs. 1962. #4. not that of their opponents.the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally-functional parts. For the first time in memory. Fall 1987. WASHINGTON POST. accessed May 2. accessed May 2. 2002. one can argue that the finest moment of the university was when students and faculty stopped the university's business-as-usual during a time of national crisis. 3. We were spending $30 billion a year on death and destruction. p.. one which moves us and. Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. sitting on cold pavements and hard floors. WE MUST CONTINUE TO EXPERIMENT TOWARD TRUE DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. My serious take on the question might surprise you.html. activist. AND HAVE MORE IMPACT Tom Hayden. Our world is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living. p. 1999. December 5.. activist. In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency. B1. and a commitment to social experimentation with them. marching. Comparisons between the World Trade Organization protests here and the protest movements of the '60s became a media micro-industry last week. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. activist and former California state legislator. Volume 9 Page 78 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE 1. environmental protection and human rights? Are American democratic values and middle-class interests secondary to those of transnational corporations? As a grass-roots movement seeking the overthrow of what it sees as an oppressive system. But we are a minority . being gassed myself. Volume 4. I have to say I am glad to have lived long enough to see a new generation of rebels accomplish something bigger here in 1999 than we accomplished in Chicago in 1968 with our disruptive protests at the Democratic National Convention. others today. 2002.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. Professors at Columbia and Berkeley were among the intellectual architects of that war. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM ISN¶T REALLY DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. One reporter even asked me. 5. The American political system is not the democratic model of which its glorifiers speak. activist. we hope. THE NEW MOVEMENTS CONTINUE THE LEGACY OF THE 60s. the patriotism of the corporate globalizers is in question." That's what Bloom doesn't understand. http://coursesa. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present.matrix. 2. hundreds of Americans per week were coming home in body bags. do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present.msu. Port Huron Statement.matrix. only one was about Viet Nam. 4. B1.wcdebate. np. http://coursesa. the government? It is to this latter yearning. THE NEW MOVEMENTS ARE LIKE THE NEW BOSTON TEA PARTY Tom Hayden. In actuality it frustrates democracy by confusing the individual citizen.. 1962.com .but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply-felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed influence to human affairs. p. December 5. On the contrary. the workplaces. p. and those who did so should be blessed in our history. THE 1960s WERE THE UNIVERSTIES¶ FINEST MOMENT Tom Hayden. at once the spark and engine of change. that something can be done to change circumstances in the school. and consolidating the irresponsible power of military and business interests.html. on the contrary. It was honorable to protest that situation. 20. 1999. Seattle '99 was more like the Boston Tea Party than the days of rage we knew in the late '60s. the bureaucracies. They were. np. activist.

the university will unfortunately reap a whirlwind. 20. p.wcdebate. how are we to interpret Edward Teller's views on limited nuclear war? If academic leaders proclaim that the university is doing the best it can. Volume 4. activist and former California state legislator. and Bloom knows that. Wright Mills and Albert Camus rather than Allan Bloom's prescriptions is wrong. #4. #4. THE 1960s WEREN¶T ABOUT RELATIVISM: THEY INTRODUCED REAL MORALITY Tom Hayden. Furthermore. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and they say those things loudly on the edge of the Oakland ghetto. Did that damage Yale? Did it morally and intellectually cripple the thousand students who participated? I think not. in the 60s. and it's not anti-intellectual to revolt against those attitudes. let's also not forget the 60s are over. Volume 4. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. 4. Does Bloom have a point? Hayden: Of course he has a point.the legitimacy of questioning everything . 2. We have the most conservative president we have ever had. If we accept Bloom's Platonic model . p. But far from being a time which gave birth to moral relativism. Fall 1987. #4. but it's confused because the cloistered community of scholars Bloom describes has not existed for many centuries. 20. Fall 1987. Volume 9 Page 79 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM 1. the Dean of Women was not encouraging reading in Greek tragedy. the whitest universities elitists could want and the income base of the people attending our universities is safely affluent. Fall 1987. NPQ: Bloom argues that. led one thousand Yale students to Washington in protest. Volume 4. the 60s introduced morality into an amoral society and a materialistic university. the most traditional US Secretary of Education we have ever had. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. to be much more accurate about the 60s than Bloom. p. She was deploying a network of informants who notified parents of the white girls who were seen socializing with black men in the student union. activist and former California state legislator.com . activist and former California state legislator. How was that caused by the 60s? Those attitudes obviously result from the drive of the marketplace and the tendency of the university to provide for the immediate professional needs of society. If there has been an erosion of general education. Volume 4. how should we regard the official claim that the US was in Viet Nam to stop Chinese communism? Speaking of moral relativism. that erosion comes from turning the university to the specialized uses of society. ALLAN BLOOM¶S FOCUS IS CONFUSED: HE SELECTS THE WRONG ISSUES Tom Hayden. One week after the Kent State shootings. That administrative behavior deserved a revolt. The 60s were an intellectual and intensely introspective decade. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. They spent an entire week involved in the process of lobbying the government to terminate the war. the president of Yale. HAYDEN¶S CRITICS HAVE MANY MORE MORAL PROBLEMS THAN HE DOES Tom Hayden. Speaking of mindlessness. What would Bloom make of that situation? His focus is so confused because he chooses his events so selectively. thinking stopped with the moral indignation over the Vietnam War and racial injustice. At my university. Kingman Brewster. Fall 1987. activist and former California state legislator. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. BLOOM IS WRONG ± HIS IDEA OF THE UNIVERSITY HASN¶T EXISTED FOR CENTURIES Tom Hayden. I'll give another example. 20. That omission is another reason why his book is so baffling. He complains that students become economics majors prematurely and they all go to university with fantasies about becoming millionaires. but it can't improve on a black admission rate of 5% or 6%. p. Was that a worthy undertaking by a university leader? Absolutely. #4.then of course one of the occasional consequences will be rebellious behavior. 3. That was the University of Michigan in 1960. To view the 60s as mindless because many of us followed C. 20. or Morningside Heights. And it did.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. were indicted for conspiring to create a riot. During the riots that followed the assassination of Martin Luther King. Chicago¶s Mayor Daley had recently ordered his police to shoot looters. it "radicalizes them. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE.com . accessed May 1. Jerry Rubin. former radical.theamericanenterprise. and the chaos on the convention floor.htm. he said more than once.org/taemj97s.htm. Hayden and the protesters provided the push and the party rule changes that pushed the antiwar candidacy of George McGovern and propelled the party¶s left wing into power. including the Black Panthers¶ Bobby Seale. 2. As principal architect of the Port Huron Statement in 1962. HAYDEN LURED PEOPLE TO CHICAGO FOR THE EXPRESS PURPOSE OF RIOTING David Horowitz." as Mao¶s Red Guards had done during the cultural revolution in China. During the trial. May/June 1997. http://www. When the dust cleared in Chicago. HAYDEN AND SDS ONLY WANTED TO STIR UP TROUBLE David Horowitz. Hayden¶s plans attracted only two or three thousand people to Lincoln Park. The picture of a black man in chains was a made-to-order script for the radical melodrama. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. The ensuing melee changed the shape of American politics. 2002. Ramparts editor-in-chief Warren Hinckle decided to participate by publishing a "wall paper. which soon became the largest student organization of the New Left. destroyed the presidential chances of Hubert Humphrey and moved the Democratic party dramatically to the left. 2002. Volume 9 Page 80 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE 1. http://www. former radical.theamericanenterprise. Seale was so obstructive that the judge ordered him bound and gagged. 3." The trick was to maneuver the idealistic and unsuspecting into situations that would achieve this result. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. Tom Hayden had helped launch Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).htm. May/June 1997. former radical. Hayden and seven other radicals. When people¶s heads are cracked by police.org/taemj97s. 2002. May/June 1997. the defendants created a near-riot in the courtroom itself. This fit with the general strategy Hayden had laid out in private discussions with me. The now-famous pictures of demonstrators being bloodied by police. Four years later. When he called for a demonstration at the 1968 Democratic national convention to protest the Vietnam War.theamericanenterprise. accessed May 1.wcdebate.org/taemj97s. Because of such considerations. http://www. A radical street protest would put people¶s lives at risk. everybody knew it meant a confrontation with the Chicago police that could prove bloody. One of the conspirators. HAYDEN PROPELLED THE LEFT WING DEMOCRATS INTO POWER David Horowitz. But that was enough to generate trouble²Hayden¶s real agenda. admitted a decade later that the organizers had lured activists to Chicago hoping to create the riot that eventually took place. accessed May 1.

accessed May 1. assuring everyone that his intentions were nonviolent. later told me with somebitterness that Hayden had been "extremely deceptive" in outlining his agenda for the gathering.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." Anyone who knew Tom knew that the bombthrower was the real Hayden." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. who wrote the famed SDS Port Huron statement in the movement¶s early days.theamericanenterprise. PREACHING PACIFISM. May/June 1997. 2002. Hayden then went to the most radical elements in the Left²those who actively advocated violence as a political tactic²and proposed that they provoke a conflict with the police who would be at the demonstration.org/taemj97s. accessed May 1. former radical. a group organized by Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin. a member of mobe. Todd Gitlin. 2002. 3. Wednesday. We are so often told by Gitlin and others that Tom Hayden.frontpagemag. http://www." and he told his co-organizer. He recruited the Yippies. the New Left and the Leftover Left." 4. Hayden¶s duplicity continued throughout the event." You won¶t find this in Hayden¶s own memoir. Hayden proposed to them that "It might be useful if someone were to fire-bomb police cars. accessed May 1. Hayden gave the New Left the alternative of entering into the nation¶s democratic political structure and waging a serious political fight for left-wing social policies within the two-party system. the pacifist group that issued the call to the Chicago demonstration. Hayden also met before the convention with the Weatherman faction of sds. he warned one group in New York that "they should come to Chicago prepared to shed their blood. it will flow all over the city. which had issued a call for "armed struggle" in American cities. but it gives the lie to those who argue that there is simply no connection between the early humanist New Left and the later Weathermen. Rennie Davis. accessed May 2. We¶re gonna barbecue us some pork!" Once the violence started.theamericanenterprise. At the event. and Friday [Hayden] was a National Liberation Front guerrilla." and accuses him of responsibility for destroying what he saw as becoming a mass democratic Left. who alarmed Chicago officials by immediately threatening to put lsd in the Chicago water supply. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left. Hayden gave Bobby Seale a platform in Lincoln Park. showed the possibility of a true democratic radicalism. one of SDS¶s first leaders. 2002. Some would like to separate the rest of the so-called moderate New Left from the Weatherman.theamericanenterprise. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01. 5. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now.htm. Hayden defiantly incited the crowd to "make sure that if blood is going to flow. November 27. Thursday. and Saturday.org/taemj97s. Having secured pacifist cover. HAYDEN REALLY ADVOCATED FIREBOMBING COP CARS David Horowitz. Volume 9 Page 81 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE. May/June 1997. HAYDEN TRIED TO MAKE BLOOD FLOW ALL OVER THE CITY David Horowitz. HAYDEN WAS A GUERILLA BOMBTHROWER David Horowitz. causing the radical historian Staughton Lynd to comment that "on Monday. has condemned Ayers as a "failed terrorist. HAYDEN ADVOCATED VIOLENCE Ronald Radosh.htm. As one of the Weather leaders told me later. http://www. May/June 1997. Sid Peck. http://www. and Seale addressed the crowd with the suggestive exhortation that "If a pig comes up to us and starts swinging a billy club.htm. According to Hayden¶s own retrospective account. and on Tuesday. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE.htm. former radical.org/taemj97s. 2001. former radical. when Hayden told the rioters "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. that he expected 25 people to die. http://www. you got to down that pig in defense of yourself. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. and you check around and you got your piece.com .wcdebate. BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE 1. 2002. It is therefore good that Ayers reminds us of Hayden¶s speech to the Weatherman at their Days of Rage. he«was on the left wing of the Democratic party.

1 In addition to his historical writing. This is particularly the case in texts that claim to be at all comprehensive. 506 4 Zinn. in part. p. His progressive history text.´5 This is due. scientific (i. Volume 9 Page 82 HOWARD ZINN Howard Zinn is a historian and activist to take note of by any measure. and rational (unemotional). 2002. because. 1997. There are a number of different values and philosophical arguments that Zinn writes about. THE ZINN READER. and the lies propagated by ³politicians. rather than shying away from controversy.000 copies. the mass media.´4 for example.. In contrast. and an autobiographical commentary on politics and history. http://howardzinn. These books have a vested interest in making their version of history appear definitive. History has traditionally been told as though there was an objective truth waiting to be discovered and written.´ Zinn critiques what he sees as the sometimes unspoken. Because many of them are framed in terms of their historical context. narrowly tailored to one academic discipline. no date. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. In his essay ³The Uses of Scholarship. I will address each of these in turn. he actively engages it. the character flaws of our leaders. ³Zinn is a champion of the notion that historical change occurs more through mass movements of ordinary people than through the wisdom and insight of so-called Great Men. The author of more than 15 books.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. accessed May 11. it makes them appear more credible and authoritative than their competitors. rules for ³good´ scholarship. he integrates the concepts of historiography with activism. the church. from the perspective of those who have been disempowered throughout each era. spoken word CDs. this essay will engage each of these values in the context he provides. either nationally or in terms of his own life.com . ³Zinn and the Art of History. CRITIQUES OF HISTORIOGRAPHY Zinn¶s seminal text. that is.18.com/papers/sonoma/04. THE ZINN READER. http://www. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. to Zinn¶s personal background 1 Interview of Howard Zinn by Robert Birnbaum. within the context of history. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.metroactive.htm 2 Howard Zinn. The second way that Zinn¶s historical methodology challenges the dominant orthodoxy is that it describes history from the standpoint of the oppressed. He received his Doctorate in history from Columbia and is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. he tells the narrative of history from the bottom up. that students can be taught to think critically about the world that they live in. p. p. such as history textbooks used in schools. p. Most United States history is told from a perspective that puts the government and politicians at the center. These are that writing should be disinterested.org/index23. np.e. has sold more than 800. he has authored several plays. revolutionized the way history is told. [and] popular leaders. but almost universally accepted. 507 5 Zack Stenz. objective.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. neutral).wcdebate. Zinn is not only prolific but is considered one of the most accessible modern historical writers. 2002. There are four ways in particular that Zinn¶s historical methodology radically different from the norm: he recognizes (and even embraces) the bias in perspective that is a natural part of historiography. Howard Zinn takes an entirely different approach to the writing of history.html Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 503-506 3 Zinn.96/books9616. accessed May 12. April 18-24 1996. and ignores the daily lives of ordinary citizens.2 One of Zinn¶s primary arguments against this approach is that the disinterested and ³rational´ approach to history facilitates a distance between the historian and the subject matter that leads to complicity with evils in history: It is precisely by describing the brutality of war. from the author¶s perspective.

during the depression. accessed May 12. and others. Volume 9 Page 83 with the civil rights movement and the labor movement. Third. to a great degree. particularly former Supreme Court Associate Justice Abe Fortas. is focused specifically on this topic.´6 His perspective is that revolutionary and even utopian ideas are crucial for shaking up the stronghold conservatives have over academia. however. the role socioeconomic class played throughout history greatly effected Zinn. http://howardzinn. Upton Sinclair. then the punishment itself is unjust. who were engaged in non-violent civil disobedience. in part because of his commitment to stirring up controversy. Instead. 1998. Z MAG. the guardians of the old order will spring to the attack. he won a New Deal job as an apprentice shipfitter.wcdebate.org/index23.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. and he confesses that he isn't surprised«. You'll find huge subsidies to corporations all through [A]merican history. such as his retelling of the colonization of North America from the perspective of indigenous peoples. Stenz. particularly the United States. This is the perspective of much of his historical writing (A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES includes lots of infrequently taught labor union history) as well as the chapter of his memoir called ³Growing Up Class Conscious´ from YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN. anarchist. Some of these fallacies are specific to the role of the court system in ensuring justice. AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES Zinn writes extensively. as well as many essays about his specific experience at Spelman. about the role of social protest and civil disobedience within democratic societies. Zinn's brand of "bottom-up" history has been reviled by political conservatives. Zinn is well known for integrating his own personal advocacy and activism with his writing. NONVIOLENCE. he is a proponent of progressive social and economic policy. John Stienbeck. lived in tenements. This makes him simultaneously one of the most loved and hated historians of this era. to take a position as the chair of the history and social sciences department at Spelman College. 2002. Zinn argues that if one is punished for breaking an unjust law. p. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. he does not identify with those who argue that hard work is all that is needed to get ahead. Marx. np. However. One of his lesser known books. In 1956 Zinn moved his wife and children to Atlanta. Inspired by his students. and ³when 6 7 Stenz. physically demanding. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. np. and closely related to the last point. p.com . Zinn explained: ³I could see history being made before my eyes by ordinary people who are never written about in the history books. he participated in extensive protest with his students. and as a result eventually wrote the book DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY (his treatise on civil disobedience). Finally. which was painful.´8 Despite being someone who might be described as having ³pulled himself up by his bootstraps´ to raise from a working class background to a famous intellectual. YOU MUST ACCEPT PUNISHMENT IF YOU COMMIT CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE This fallacy derives from the glorification of Socrates¶ decision to accept his unjust death sentence. Despite the benefits of that job. but extends to all of his writing. Zinn came from a working class background. from his role as a professor. 8 Howard Zinn. and prohibited union membership. which favors the rich." Zinn says. and various communist. you'll find that most of the legislation passed is class legislation which favors the elite. his youth heavily influenced his perspective on class in the United States: ³If you look at the laws passed in the United States from the very beginning of the [A]merican republic down to the present day. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn."Whenever you introduce a new view of historical events. Georgia. a ³Negro college´ in a deeply segregated area. each of which refutes one of the primary arguments made by opponents of civil disobedience. The book is organized into nine sections.htm Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´7 In addition to these issues of racism. but I will focus on those concerning the role of the social protester. and anti-fascist writers. ³[D]espite his popularity. At age eighteen. This stems. December 3.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and his next job as an Air Force bomber. in nearly all of his books. and at a young age was influenced by the writing of Charles Dickens. MOTHER JONES. Zinn does not shy away from controversy in either his historical writing or his commentary on modern political events in magazines such as THE PROGRESSIVE.

wcdebate. Revolutionary warfare. may be morally defensible.com .´9 In fact. Furthermore. is useful in answering quotations from Martin Luther King Jr. 1968.´ which Zinn argues are taken out of context when they are characterized as arguing that protesters must accept the punishment for their acts of civil disobedience. On the one hand. 45 11 Howard Zinn. Martin Luther King Jr. a massive amount of violence for a small or dubious reason would be harder to justify than a small amount of violence for an important and a clear reason. One virtue of Zinn¶s writing is that he does not explicitly encourage violence. p. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE LIMITED TO LAWS WHICH ARE THEMSELVES WRONG Statists argue that violating laws other than those which are directly unfair is unjustified. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. and progress generally. This would include violating curfews. Zinn points out. desegregation). as being a nonviolent world. 29 Howard Zinn. Zinn outlines several situations which demonstrate the inanity of this principle. p. 48 10 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in the course of a protest. Zinn distinguishes between different levels of violence. in his essay ³Letter From A Birmingham Jail.g. In any humanist philosophy. p. Perhaps the most obvious example were the ³sit ins´ in the segregated South which violated laws against trespassing. the reason this principle is invalid is that it fails to distinguish between important and trivial laws in the context of preventing massive injustice. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE ABSOLUTELY NONVIOLENT There are a plethora of excellent theorists²including Gandhi. Planned acts of violence in an enormously important cause (the resistance against Hitler may be an example) could be justifiable. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. or a local tyrannical elite.. Zinn writes. because it is counterviolence directed only at a perpetrator of violence«.. On the other hand. by Zinn. 1968. the more it is aimed carefully at either a foreign controlling power.11 9 Howard Zinn.. etc. injustice is sanctioned and perpetuated. most of the people who respond to this argument are people²such as Malcom X and Ward Churchill²who explicitly espouse levels of violence that may be difficult to defend. Generally. blocking streets. he points out that the severity of the protest must be weighed against the severity of the injustice: ³Would not any reasonable code have to weigh the degree of violence used in any case against the importance of the issue at stake? Thus. Moreover. he sees the ultimate end of civil disobedience. Unfortunately. even thinkers like Gandhi and Thoreau at times defended the use of violence when no other option was available. when the segregation was not a public law but a decision by a private business owner. a distinction must be drawn between violence against people and violence against property. In a theoretical sense. Self-defense is by its nature focused. Zinn argues that all things being equal.´10 The litmus test for determining the legitimacy of violence in civil disobedience has to do with the degree to which it is discriminating: Violence might be justifiable as it approaches the focusing and control of surgery.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1968. and Thoreau²who argue for the benefits of nonviolence. This principle would also proscribe any solution to injustice resulting not from unjust laws. This argument. for example. but the failure of the government to enforce just laws (e. but instead finds a middle ground between violence and nonviolence. it treats protest like a game to argue that protesters should accept the penalty for losing instead of continuing their protest to the end. Volume 9 Page 84 unjust decisions are accepted. nonviolence is better than violence.

The first of these arguments is that regardless of whether the laws are just or unjust. they maintain peace and stability. In these situations. Volume 9 Page 85 In essence. thus represents the common sentiment of what is just. as we have seen throughout history. is that law is created by the people.´14 It is in these instances that civil disobedience is justified. But stability and order are not the only desirable conditions social life. THE ZINN READER. The problem with this view is that it places stability at a premium while ignoring the price of that stability: ³Surely. THE ZINN READER. Nevertheless.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. when it protects the rich and punishes the poor. be it material. she is justified in violating laws²even if that lawlessness leads to social instability²to fight to stop the injustice. the minority is structurally precluded from using the law to advance their rights.96/books9616.¶´ 15 This demonstrates the fundamental distinction Zinn draws between how conservatives define patriotism and how he defines it.¶ Zinn says. when there are no other viable means of successful protest.´12 The most important question then becomes: when the law does not serve the cause of justice. This is certainly true at times. particularly for a United States historian. do citizens have a greater obligation to ensure lawfulness or justice? Zinn writes: Thus. as Zinn writes: ³The law may serve justice. Thus. Absolute obedience to law may bring order temporarily. There are two primary differences First. in various terms. it will protect whatever the majority sees as just. thus making civil disobedience unjustified. Many conservative historians. then law and justice are opposed to one another. and in these cases it is irrefutable that the law ought be followed.18. There is also justice«. social. Zinn argued that ³the great writers could see through the fog of what was called µpatriotism.com . or anything else. I take a very positive view toward the mass movements of people in America who have fought to make the country a better place.metroactive. stability. The second justification for the argument that the law (at least in a democracy) has intrinsic value. as when it forbids rape and murder or requires a school to admit all students regardless of race or nationality. the majority denies basic principles of justice to the minority for the sake of the majority¶s benefit. PATRIOTISM AND OPTIMISM Zinn is frequently criticized for not being sufficiently patriotic.com/papers/sonoma/04. It is too simplistic to argue that because democracy is majoritarian. p. p. accessed May 11. and order are desirable. when an individual sees injustice in the world around her. But when it sends young men to war. It is hard to imagine how anyone could read Zinn¶s articles or book chapters about the civil rights or labor movements without sensing the strong sense of pride he feels in American people. Zinn argues that there is a substantial difference between loyalty to the government of a country and loyalty to the country itself. Chaos and violence are not. civil disobedience may be the only possible method for fighting for justice. THE ZINN READER. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. 371 14 Zinn. have ³µcharacterized A People's History as a ³Hate America´ book. Often. and will therefore be just. RULE OF LAW HAS INTRINSIC VALUE / DEMOCRACY MAKES PROTEST UNNECESSARY There are two primary justifications for the argument that the law has intrinsic value and that. 2002. p.wcdebate. April 18-24 1996. µBut«while it's true that I take a very critical view of the United States government in history.¶ what was considered Zinn. but it may not bring justice.html 13 12 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and she sees no other effective method. Zinn¶s argument is that limited violence is justified when the oppression being fought is extreme. therefore. peace. and must therefore be followed. and when the target of the violence is directly responsible for the oppression. http://www. even civil disobedience that has good intentions is unjust. 370-371 15 Zack Stenz. 370-371 Zinn. There is no better example of such a case than in the civil rights movement in the United States.

³Artists of Resistency.html 16 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.metroactive. The second aspect of Zinn¶s redefinition of patriotism is his insistence that criticizing the government.com/papers/sonoma/04. However. Volume 9 Page 86 loyalty.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´18 One important aspect of Zinn¶s writing is that it does not. in which the government is overwhelmingly bad and cannot be resisted.´ THE PROGRESSIVE.html 18 Zack Stenz. July 2001. July 2001. he quoted from the satire A CONNECTICUT YANKEE IN KING ARTHUR'S COURT. far from being unpatriotic. ³Artists of Resistency. 2002. he writes history from a perspective which demonstrates the gains that have been made by social movements since the government was established. attempt to describe a world of oppressive futility.com . His optimism leads him to take a more balanced approach: ³the left hasn't balanced its act very well«. accessed May 11. challenging unjust governmental policies is an integral part of being a citizen of a democracy.96/books9616. http://www.progressive.html 17 Howard Zinn.´ THE PROGRESSIVE. by protesting we strengthen and engage in the true democratic spirit of America. Thus. Howard Zinn. is actually one of the best ways of being a patriot. Zinn is not purely critical of the United States government and its leaders. accessed May 11. http://www. April 18-24 1996.org/zinn0701. Only by exercizing the right (and duty) to protest do we as individuals truly participate in democracy. Instead.wcdebate. eternal part of what makes America America is not the government. often successfully. Zinn feels that the real. 2002.¶´ 16 To demonstrate the distinction. As he argues in his examination of civil disobedience. http://www. but the people and the social movements that have fought for justice for all people. in contrast to the perception of his critics. They've done a very good job of illuminating the various bad policies of the American government. accessed May 11.18. but they haven't shown what people have done to resist these policies. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. And that's a critical thing to do.progressive.org/zinn0701. by Mark Twain: Similarly. to show people in the present day that they can fight back and win. 2002.

PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY : REFLECTIONS ON THE ROLE OF ARMED STRUGGLE IN NORTH AMERICA.ORG. et al. AND THE FIGHTING SPIRIT OF LABOR'S LAST CENTURY. DECLARATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE : CROSS-EXAMINING AMERICAN IDEOLOGY. New York: Harper Perennial. Howard. 2002. 2002. YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN: A PERSONAL HISTORY OF OUR TIMES.cfm?authorID=97 Zinn. Howard.howardzinn. 1994 Zinn. MUSICIANS. Accessed May 17. Howard.wcdebate.freespeech. Ward. New York: Seven Stories Press. New York: Seven Stories Press. THREE STRIKES: MINERS. New York: Harper Perennial.zmag. http://free. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES ON LAW AND ORDER. 1999 Fortas. Howard. Howard. http://www. 2002. New York: Signet Books. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. 2001 Zinn.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2001 Zinn. Howard.htm HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. 1968 Zinn.com . HOWARD ZINN: ON HISTORY.org/ HOWARD ZINN¶S ZNET HOMEPAGE. Howard. HOWARD ZINN ON WAR. A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES: 1492 TO PRESENT. 2000 Zinn. 1997 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Boston: Beacon Press. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Publishing. New York: Vintage Books. 2002 Zinn. Accessed May 17. Accessed May 17. Howard. Boston: Beacon Press. New York: Seven Stories Press. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. New York: Seven Stories Press. 1964 FREESPEECH. Volume 9 Page 87 BIBLIOGRAPHY Churchill.org/evolution/articles. Abe. 2000 Zinn. Howard.org/bios/homepage. TERRORISM AND WAR (OPEN MEDIA PAMPHLET SERIES). 1991 Zinn. http://www. SALESGIRLS.

And in the 1850s. they gathered together in committees.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. when they were brought up on charges and put on trial. What it does do is refuse the universal principle that you must always obey the law. http://howardzinn. and other means have been exhausted. All this is to suggest what criteria need to be kept in mind whenever civil disobedience. juries acquitted them. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. And in a number of cases. 2002. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS NECESSARY FOR JUSTICE Howard Zinn.htm The principle of civil disobedience doesn't state as a universal that you must always disobey the law (laughter).org/index23. may move from mild actions. black people.htm I think that the history of the United States indicates that when we have had to redress serious grievances. And so laws that sustain injustice should be disobeyed. in situations of urgency where very vital issues are at stake.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. manifested itself in many acts of civil disobedience against the Fugitive Slave Act that had been passed in 1850. And they used certainly acts of civil disobedience. 2002. There are two reasons for such criteria. 2. 1998.wcdebate. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. It hasn't been Congress or the President or the Supreme Court who have initiated acts to remedy racial inequality or tho do something about the government going to war or about economic injustice. and so can only be justified in those circumstances where it is a last resort in eliminating a greater evil. white people. and preferably directed against property rather than people. It's always taken the actions of citizens and actions of civil disobedience to bring these issues to national attention and finally force the President and Congress and the Supreme Court to begin to move. aimed carefully at the source of injustice.com . If you go back a hundred and fifty years ago to the middle of the nineteenth century. that has not been done by the three branches of government that are always paraded before junior high school students and high school students as the essence of democracy. December 3.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. free black people. The Fugitive Slave Act required the federal government to aid southern slave owners in bringing escaped slaves back to the South. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. accessed May 12. Volume 9 Page 88 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED 1. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. to overt violence: it would have to guarded. But the idea of civil disobedience is that Law is not sacrosanct. limited. escaped slaves. 3. You were talking about this going on for hundreds of years. 1968. Lincoln was reacting to the growth of the movement that became stronger and stronger from the 1830s to the outbreak of the civil war. 1998. The other is the reason of effectiveness: The purpose of civil disobedience is to communicate to others. One is the moral reason: that violence is in itself an evil. accessed May 12. Sometimes though it's the law itself that's disobeyed. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. They broke into courthouses and into jailhouses to rescue escaped slaves. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DENIES THAT LAWS ARE ALWAYS MORAL OR CORRECT Howard Zinn. 48-49. injustices of all sorts. to disorder. you'll see that it wasn't Lincoln who caused the anti-slavery sentiment in the country to grow. p. or in) self-defense. and indiscriminate violence turns people (rightly) away. December 3. to the 1850s. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY BE JUSTIFIED BY SPECIFIC CRITERIA Howard Zinn. sometimes the law that is disobeyed is a law against trespassing or a law against picketing and people will commit civil disobedience and trespass as the sitdown strikers did in the United States in the 1930s when they took over factories or as the black protesters did in the civil rights movement in the United States when they sat down in lunch counters and refused to move. Because juries recognized the morality of what they were doing even though they had broken the law. Well people in the North. And what it does is declare a willingness to decide when laws are consonant with morality and when laws are immoral and support terrible things like war or racism or sexism.org/index23. http://howardzinn.

p. IT MAY BE VIOLATED ON BEHALF OF JUSTICE Howard Zinn. once referred to the biblical Genesis of the human race and the bite into the forbidden apple: ³Human history began with an act of disobedience and it is not unlikely that it will be terminated by an act of obedience. 2002. Victor Considerant pointed out) and we have lost our freedom. that the two-party system is_only slightly less tyrannical than the one-party system. she responded quietly.wcdebate. So to me the idea of civil dissobedience is to really enhance democracy. And the rights of even a portion of the laboring population were secured only by extra-legal uprisings in a wave of violent labor struggles from 1877 to 1914.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. http://howardzinn. that the moment we have cast our ballots. how she felt about her son defying the law. Historically. We forget (hence all the emphasis in recent years on voting rights for the Negro) how inadequate is the ballot. and before him. ³It¶s not God¶s law. 1997. the law of the politicians´ to obey the higher law²what Reverend Coffin and Father Berrigan would call ³the law of God´ and what others might call the law of human rights. (Daniel Berrigan¶s elderly mother was asked by a reporter. Volume 9 Page 89 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE 1. PROTEST IS NECESSARY WHEN VOTING FAILS TO PROMOTE JUSTICE Howard Zinn. the principles of peace. We have been naive in America about the efficacy of the ballot box and representative government to rectify injustice. Undemocratic because it divests you as an individual and the right to make a decision yourself about what is right or wrong and it gives all of that power to that small band of legislators who have decided for themselves what is right and what is wrong. We forget what the history of American politics has shown repeatedly: that there is only the vaguest connection between the issues debated in an election campaign and those ultimately decided by the government.´) The truth is so often the total reverse of what has been told us by our culture that we cannot turn our heads far enough around to see it. 1998. The psychologist Erich Fromm. December 3. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ENHANCES DEMOCRACY Howard Zinn. but how much of an audience we can speak to depends on how much money we have). their calls for war.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. 65-66. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. DEMOCRATIC LAW IS NOT SACROSANCT. and justice. The feeling is justified. a devastating war waged. when Dan went underground.htm So the Law should not be given the holy deference which we are all taught to give it when we grow up and go to school. We forget that the information on which the public depends for judging public issues is in the hands of the wealthiest sections of the (true. that is responsible for the terrible violence of our century. 400-401. has been directed to stopping the violence of war. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. and again during the sit-down strikes of the 1930¶s. ironically. we have freedom to speak. the representative takes over (as Rousseau. 1968. Slavery probably could not he ended without either a series of revolts by blacks. thinking about nuclear war. or finally. Kennedy Campaigning). by the very government that condemned John Brown to death for seeking a less costly means of emancipating the slave. for the most part nonviolent. for Michels¶ ³iron law of oligarchy´ operates to keep us at the mercy of powerful politicos in both parties. Surely. we have found it necessary to go outside ³the proper channels´ at certain pivotal times in our history. The disobedience of conscientious citizens.org/index23.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. it is obedience to governments. accessed May 12.that wealth dominates the electoral process (see Murray Levin¶s meticulous study. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. 3. 2. Or perhaps we should say ³ignore man-made law. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. freedom. in their appeals to patriotism.. p. The result of all this is that most of us²when we are honest with ourselves²feel utterly helpless to affect public policy by the orthodox channels.com . Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. and it's a profoundly undemocratic idea to say that you should judge what you do according to what the law says.

It is the state¶s duty to arrest and punish those who violate the laws designed to protect private safety and public order. No city should be expected to submit to paralysis or to widespread injury to persons and property brought on by violation of law. It was true in the case of Mrs. isolated acts of a few persons will overwhelm the restraint of thousands. unless the law is invalid in general or as applied. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY SPIRAL OUT OF CONTROL. Police must be trained in tact as well as tactics. Thoreau was an inspiring figure and a great writer. charged. Both of these are essential. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. and as a matter of good sense. 1968. Law violation or intemperate behavior by one demonstrator may provoke police action. always involve the danger that they may erupt into violence. 3. for the rules of law. free of punishment or penalty. and to provide protection for the demonstrators. it is the state¶s duty to arrest the dissident. but which is practiced as a technique of warfare in a social and political conflict over other issues. These mass demonstrations. police and citizens must be tolerant of mass demonstrations. He cannot pick and choose. 62-63. These are not controlling. p. so it also depends upon the individual¶s subservience to the laws duly prescribed. He may be motivated by the highest moral principles. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. and civil disobedience may turn into riot. must be identified. a young man may be advised by counsel that he must refuse to report for induction in order to challenge the constitutionality of the Selective Service Act. Especially if the civil disobedience involves violence or a breach of public order prohibited by statute or ordinance. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. A citizen cannot demand of his government or of other people obedience to the law. whatever their object. This is very different from the kind of civil disobedience which is not engaged in for the purpose of testing the legality of an order within our system of government and laws. teach us that city officials. and restrained law enforcement. GOOD MOTIVATIONS FOR CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DO NOT MAKE IT JUSTIFIED Abe Fortas. so that it can be conducted without paralyzing the city¶s life. Just as we expect the government to be bound by all laws. It is not merely government that must live under law. CITIZENS SHOULD NOT VIOLATE THE RULE OF LAW FOR THE SAKE OF PROTEST Abe Fortas. p. But despite this. Intemperate or hasty retaliation by a single policeman may provoke disorder. Frequently. 1968.com . Demonstrators must be organized. be right in the eyes of history or morality or philosophy. He may. it is the city¶s duty under law. and controlled. Agitators and provocateurs. so each individual is bound by all of the laws under the Constitution. Let me first be clear about a fundamental proposition. Vivian Kellems. For example. We are a government and a people under law. ordered. JUSTIFYING ITS RESTRAING Abe Fortas. in accordance with the provisions of law. there is always danger that individual. civil disobedience is prompted by both motives²by both a desire to make propaganda and to challenge the law. as well as practical wisdom. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. whatever its type. The motive of civil disobedience. does not confer immunity for law violation. However careful both sides may be. 1968. however peacefully intended by their organizers. This is true in many instances of refusal to submit to induction. of course. he should be punished by fine or imprisonment. who refused to pay withholding taxes because she thought they were unlawful and she wanted to protest the invasion of her freedom as a capitalist and citizen. or both.wcdebate. It must be prepared to prevent this by the use of planning. The city must perform this duty. however noble. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. If he is properly arrested. This is the dangerous potential of mass demonstrations. 70-71. indeed. But at the same time. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. He cannot substitute his own judgment or passion. to make every effort to provide adequate facilities so that the demonstration can be effectively staged. p. and convicted. our Constitution and our traditions. 64-65. Each of us must live under law. however large and inconvenient. and any move that they may make toward violence must be quickly countered. and at the same time claim a right in himself to break it by lawless conduct. Volume 9 Page 90 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED 1. but his essay should not be read as a handbook on political science. persuasion. He may be passionately inspired.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. An enormous degree of self-control and discipline are required on both sides. 2. Just as our form of life depends upon the government¶s subordination to law under the Constitution.

West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Associate Professor in Science.wcdebate. leaves its adherents with but two possible outcomes to their line of action: To render themselves perpetually ineffectual (and consequently unthreatening) in the face of state power.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. more appropriately. as a means for persuading opponents to change their minds as a result of their witnessing the commitment and willing sacrifice of nonviolent activists. in practical terms. 44 Absurdity clearly abounds when suggesting that the state will refrain from using all necessary physical force to protect against undesired forms of change and threats to its safety. or. Australia. The mass suffering that revolution is intended to alleviate will continue as the revolution strangles itself on the altar of ³nonviolence. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong.. In every instance. Volume 9 Page 91 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS 1.e. pseudo-praxis). Nonviolent tacticians imply (perhaps unwittingly) that the ³immoral state´ which they seek to transform will somehow exhibit exactly the same sort of superior morality they claim for themselves (i. at least a relative degree of nonviolence). or even a substantial social reorganization.html It is important to note that not all uses of nonviolent action lead to long-lasting. The aftermath of the Iranian revolution was equally disastrous. Perhaps more worrying are the dispiriting aftermaths following some short-term successes of nonviolent action.uow. 2001. 2002. Nonviolent action is not guaranteed to succeed either in the short term or long term. pacifism and its attendant sacrifice of life cannot even be rightly said to have substantially impacted the level of evident societal violence. p. it is inadequate on its own.edu. The 1989 prodemocracy movement in China. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY. Australia. after a short flowering. np. Accessed May 17. The fallacy of such a proposition is best demonstrated by the nazi state¶s removal of its ³Jewish threat. brought into being on the basis of the principles of pacifism. 2002. NONVIOLENT STRATEGIES ARE UNABLE TO EFFECTUATE CHANGE Ward Churchill. violence has been an integral requirement of the process of transforming the state. Pacifist praxis (or. As these conditions typically include war. http://www. 2001. the successful nonviolent insurrection against the Martínez dictatorship did not lead to long term improvement for the El Salvadorean people. Bomber pilots show little remorse for the agony caused by their weapons detonating far below. Associate Professor in Science. worthwhile change. http://www. 3. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. p. The new Islamic regime led by Ayatollah Khomeini was just as ruthless as its predecessor in stamping out dissent.uow. There was a military coup later in 1944. but variations do little to alter the crux of the situation: there simply has never been a revolution. History is replete with variations on these two subthemes. in which case they will likely be largely ignored by the status quo and self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. np. NONVIOLENCE DO NOT CREATE SUSTAINABLE VICTORIES Brian Martin. Accessed May 17.html The consent theory of power Gandhi approached nonviolent action as a moral issue and.´ 2. Professor of Ethnic Studies and Coordinator of American Indian Studies at University of Colorado. To make themselves a clear and apparent danger to the state. was crushed in the Beijing massacre.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. ³ Violent intervention by others divides itself naturally into the two parts represented by Gandhi¶s unsolicited ³windfall´ of massive violence directed against his opponents and King¶s rather more conscious and deliberate utilization of incipient antistate violence as a means of advancing his own pacifist agenda. while managers of large international banks have little inkling of the suffering caused by their lending policies in foreign countries. if followed to its logical conclusions.edu. Moral persuasion sometimes works in face-to-face encounters. 2001. p.com . the induced starvation of whole populations and the like. in which case they are subject to physical liquidation by the status quo and are self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. In either event ² mere ineffectuality or suicide ² the objective conditions leading to the necessity for social revolution remain unlikely to be altered by purely pacifist strategies. While this approach explains some aspects of the power of nonviolent action. and continued repression in following decades. NONVIOLENCE FAILS IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN CONFLICTS Brian Martin. In El Salvador in 1944. but has little chance when cause and effect are separated.

and his viewpoints are refreshing in their lack of ideological predisposition. Intellectual chops that are unquestioned? Check. those are some big outstretched wings. was born in 1937. and received his bachelor¶s degree in an interdisciplinary major from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1958. and a graduate of the Ph. When Cyrus Vance was appointed secretary of state. You might think that Nye is merely another old. He seems decidedly less dogmatic than a great deal of his contemporaries who have spent their entire careers in the Beltway or the Ivory Tower. let¶s look at where Nye has come from in order to understand where he is today. Nye was recruited to join his transition team as a consultant on nuclear proliferation. Volume 9 Page 92 JOSEPH NYE. Jr.D program in government at Harvard. after which he returned to Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government to teach. Joseph Nye. is one of the most influential modern voices in American governance and political science. While he is certainly a product of his upbringing and intellectual culture. Nye kept up his prolific writing on international security issues. He is a Rhodes Scholar. doing his post-graduate work at Oxford University. Written for the heavy-hitter journals? Check. to the extent that Nye is reluctant to adopt the ideological fabric of any particular pigeonhole. well. Nye grew up on a farm in Northwest New Jersey. All the while. The further right won¶t like his reluctance to use American power in every situation. he is an intriguing thinker who appears to approach each problem as a fresh challenge. However. THE LIFE OF JOSEPH NYE. He stayed on in that capacity from 1977-1979. serving as an editorial board member of Foreign Policy and International Security magazines. and imagine the wings praising Nye as belonging to some giant bird.com . bald white guy that has worked in the government and worked with universities.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Joseph Nye. Speaking of his upbringing and intellectual culture. But the guy is a pretty sharp old. Longtime professor? Check. bald white establishment guy. He fluttered between governmental work and university work over the next several years. JR. Well versed in foreign policy. Jr. Name a qualification that holds weight in the policy wonk world. And. from the Democratic establishment sources like Strobe Talbott and Madeleine Albright to academics of all kinds. JR.wcdebate. Just look at the wide variety of sources that have praised his work: from Machiavellian realists like Henry Kissinger to loose cannons like George Soros. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. It¶s hard to imagine the left cozying up to him very much. If we are to think of American politics in terms of the left wing and the right wing. That¶s not to say there is something in Nye for everyone. The fact that Nye is neither a lifelong government official nor a lifelong academic may have some influence on his thinking. he asked Nye to serve as deputy undersecretary in charge of Carter's nonproliferation initiatives. After Jimmy Carter won the 1976 presidential election. He has written more than one hundred articles in professional journals. he is also an influential thinker on the domestic scene. he is at least apparently willing to try to step outside that rigid intellectual framework as he explores the issues of today. Nye is currently Dean of Harvard University¶s Kennedy School of Government. and Nye¶s likely got it. you¶d sort of be right. I wouldn¶t want to wash my car while that seagull is flying overhead.

the case of China. 2002. given that a weak China would be more given to lash out to shore up its power -. might turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. Nye coined the marvelously efficient phrase ³soft power´ to refer to those non-military forms of exerting influence -. That said. then. other measures (such as the multilateral United Nations oil embargo and other sanctions) are really more effective with less of an opportunity cost. It¶s only for a truly dramatic event (like the terrorist tragedy on September 11. Volume 9 Page 93 As Nye himself has observed This lack of a fixed plan mirrors his thinking -. his views of power and global politics is much more nuanced than the big-stick diplomats that dominate the scene today. While Bush has been threatening to invade Iraq almost constantly for the last year. that's the ultimate because it costs me almost nothing but I get the outcomes I want. 2001) that will of necessity engender a military response. we aren¶t going to invade them. for example.wcdebate. but it is clearly better than the containment strategy . An attempt to treat China as a threat. NYE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS While technically Nye falls under the school of ³realism´ in international relations. "Hard power is when I coerce you--if I the use a carrot or a stick to get you to do something you otherwise wouldn't do. Containment is a more hawkish strategy. such an evolution may continue. If we disagree with Japan¶s trade policy.cultural. considering it a ³solution´ that is often actually creates worse problems. especially in the face of competing and potentially adversarial powers? The answer is a question of containment vs. and I don't have to use a carrot or a stick. diplomacy and other channels in an attempt to exert influence over the other state. ³If China can be brought into a network of rule-based relations. China will be a force in the new century. particularly in the post Cold War world. If that is true.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. as should be clear. Bush did by imposing steel tariffs recently) in response. Nye is a realist who does seek to advance American interests through the policies he advocates. Nye is a believer in war as a last resort. War is an impractical and problematic means of enforcing American interests and desires. That¶s true of most adversaries in addition to traditional allies like Japan.. though the Taiwanese don¶t agree) or Japan. a hawk per se. despite the United States so-called ³war on terrorism. in fact.´ Nye wrote an insightful article with a global focus in the Guardian on March 31." Nye has said. We¶re going to either negotiate with them or flex our own economic muscles (as George W. An emerging power with one billion citizens and a growing economy. Engagement is where a nation continues to interact with the adversarial power through trade. It would be one of Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. etc. that's hard power. But if I get you to want what I want. for example. Nye reasons. economic. Take. "Soft Power is your ability to attract others to get the outcomes you want. does one secure American interests." This has not changed since September 11. then the United States must not isolate china. Nye is not..especially against American allies like Taiwan (an island nation that China considers a part of its country. Nye is usually an advocate of engagement. He meditates on the differences between soft and hard power in his book THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE. Will this strategy work? No one can be certain. where one uses foreign policy tools to isolate an adversarial power.always reacting to emerging situations rather than viewing emerging phenomena through a fixed lens. engagement. How. Nye¶s idea is that a strong China is better for the world community than a weak China.com . which included the following: Soft power is an important concept to understand.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He reasons that if decisions are made out in the open. that might satisfy the majority of the populace and confer a legitimacy on those institutions they haven¶t seen yet. in his view. even the poor ± he is one of the few mainstream analysts who has attempted to seek out ways to assuage the concerns of protesters. NYE ON GLOBALIZATION Neither a demagogue nor a radical.´ He sets out a program of action for increasing transparency and democratic accountability for actions at organizations such as the World Bank. While himself an advocate of a globalized economy and free trade ± believing that the rising tide of economic growth lifts all boats. especially the radical left. such as China. As an intellectual who lived through the darkest moments of the Cold War. it will help allay the fears of most Americans and other world citizens. the International Monetary Fund. Nye wrote on ³Globalization's Democratic Deficit: How to Make International Institutions More Accountable.wcdebate. Nye knows what kind of policies led to increased tensions during that period in history.com . In an article for FOREIGN AFFAIRS. and the World Trade Organization. he at least has attempted to address the flaws in the system some have identified. Volume 9 Page 94 history's tragic ironies if domestic politics leads to an unnecessary Cold War in Asia that will be costly for this and future generations of Americans. and that citizens might have better opportunities to influence those decisions. While Nye recognizes this probably won¶t satisfy everyone. Nye takes the line on globalization that you might expect from an establishment centrist. we should be using our influence in a positive manner. He is keen on avoiding that kind of situation with other powers. an establishment journal that some call the most influential in the world.´ he wrote. While he surely agrees with virtually none of their prescribed solutions (calling anti-free trade protesters ³demagogues in the street´). Rather than isolating other nations. It should be noted that this falls right in line with his idea of soft power: the ³big stick´ approach is a counterproductive one.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

wcdebate.´ No matter how you slice it. They have a common denominator -the term ³power. serves to perpetuate the hegemonic imperialism of the United States just as much as the more realpolitik theorists. Similarly. including the Japan Policy Research Institute (headed by the noted Asian scholar Chalmers Johnson) argue that the American military presence is more destabilizing than anything. America keeps itself in the news in a negative manner due to the annual rapes of young Okinawan girls committed by American servicemen. For example. if you go looking for enemies. Johnson argues. for example. by this unwieldy and counterproductive arrangement. than the U. you can be sure this scholar will have something to say about it. thus preventing a war that is damaging to American (and world) interests. Where there is a foreign policy crisis that affects the United States. American credibility is diminished. critics say. critics say. even if the ³soft power´ phenomenon is true. Instead. Even open-minded. critics would say that the lens he uses to evaluate such phenomena is fundamentally corrupted. His most recent book was just published this year. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the JPRI and Johnson claim that the American military presence overseas.S. the distinction between soft power and hard power.-Japan arrangement might be just such an example of overstretch. There is no better example of this blowback.-Japan relationship. Take. many take issue with Nye¶s notion of the American national interest -and his assumption that advancing the American national interest is in the interest of the world at large. is engendering a ³blowback´ -. It is more likely. This lens seeks threats in the world for the United States to solve.are still trapped by the paradigm of American imperialism in the view of these critics. Just look at Okinawa. Further left.´ Imperial overstretch is where an empire (like the United States) tries to project power into too many places.unintended and unpredictable consequences which threaten security instead of enhancing it. Nye is a staunch defender of the Japan-U. on too many fronts. it is possible to sketch out the general precepts that Nye values ± and to watch as his thinking continues to evolve. and any military utility of these bases is speculative at best.com .who take a broader view of the American national interest -. However. The difference between Nye and his critics is that Nye believes American influence is generally benign or positive. and he continues to write for the most influential periodicals in print and on-line. This entails both the United States maintaining a military presence in Asia (predominantly on the island of Okinawa) and the United States continuing to exert influence over Japan in international relations. that the arrangement is contributing to ³imperial overstretch´ rather than ³soft power. and that Nye misanalyses available data from polls and opinion surveys. liberal internationalist thinkers like Nye -.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Perhaps there is a reason that Henry Kissinger has praised Nye despite their differences? IN CONCLUSION It¶s always difficult to analyze a scholar¶s impact while that scholar is still producing materials ± especially when that scholar is as prolific as Nye continues to be. Volume 9 Page 95 CRITICS OF NYE Critics of Nye fall into several different categories. the United States is going to be extending its influence on the world in a manner designed to advance its interests. This type of self-justifying behavior. Johnson argued in his 2000 book of the same name. you will probably find them. and in Japan particularly. not enhanced. security relationship. Nye¶s defense of the U.S. The mainstream left criticizes Nye¶s optimism about the positive influence of American soft power and the stabilizing character of the American military presence overseas. according to Johnson. people looking for a role for the American military (or even ³soft power´) will probably find an indispensable role for it.S. No great radical thought here: everyone from the establishment to Noam Chomsky agrees on that. Critics of this policy. While Nye might say that the United States should continue to maintain a forward presence in Asia in order to prevent a power vacuum in the region. As the old Chinese proverb goes. The American military bases on the island are the subjects of constant protests from the locals.

com? Governance in A Networked World. Jr..00.. THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE (New York: Oxford University Press. 2002. Joseph S. ³Redefining America's National Interest: The Complexity of Values. Nye. Number 1. Nye. http://www. Joseph S.. co-edited with Elaine Ciulla Kamarck (Hollis Publishing. 2002.1. Nye..org/jpri/public/crit5. ³The US and Europe: Continental Drift?´ INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (January 2000).´ CURRENT (September 1999). Joseph S. Bound to Lead: THE CHANGING NATURE OF AMERICAN POWER.wcdebate. GOVERNANCE AMID BIGGER. (New York: The Free Press.co. Joseph S. Jr. Joseph S. King (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Jr. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. 1985). Joseph S.com . Jr. Joseph S. Joseph S. democracy. Nye. Volume V. Joseph S. coauthored with Graham Allison and Albert Carnesale (New York: Norton. Jr... 1990).. Jr. http://www. Joseph S.jpri. Nye. ³Globalization: What's New? What's Not? (And So What?)´ [co-authored with Robert O. Zelikow and Davic C. (New York: Basic Books. 2000.4384507. Joseph S. Jr.. 1986). accessed May 5. D. Jr. co-edited with John D. Keohane]. FOREIGN POLICY (spring 2000). March 31.html. NUCLEAR ETHICS. Nye.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. January 2002) Nye. 1997). Joseph S. Joseph S. Nye. Jr.: Brookings Institution Press.observer. 2001). UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS: AN INTRODUCTION TO THEORY AND HISTORY.. January 1998. BETTER MARKETS (Brookings Institution Press. Jr. accessed May 1. ³Military Deglobalization?´ FoREIGN POLICY (Jan. 1999) Nye. Jr. Joseph S.html.. JPRI CRITIQUE. Jr. 2002.. Nye. Donahue (Washington... Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. co-edited with Philip D. Nye. August 2001) Nye. Nye..C. Jr.uk/Print/0. 3d ed.3858. THE OBSERVER. WHY PEOPLE DON¶T TRUST GOVERNMENT. Jr. (New York: Longman. Volume 9 Page 96 BIBLIOGRAPHY Japan Policy Research Institute.-Feb. DOVES AND OWLS: AN AGENDA FOR AVOIDING NUCLEAR WAR. Nye. HAWKS. 2000). GOVERNANCE IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD.

observer. 2002.org/articles/Nye0701. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. March 31. pluralism. accessed May 1.. Conversely. accessed May 1. Other countries. 2002.00. July/August 2001. The Vatican did not lose its soft power when it lost the Papal States in Italy in the nineteenth century. D. Jr.observer. Imperious policies that utilised Soviet hard power actually undercut its soft power.html. 2002. all three sources of power . accordingly. Of all their complaints. Much of Africa and the Middle East remains locked in pre-industrial agricultural societies with weak institutions and authoritarian rulers. are industrial economies analogous to parts of the West in the mid-twentieth century.C.html. They have included trade unionists worried about losing jobs and students who want to help the underdeveloped world gain them. whereas others accept the benefits of international markets but worry that globalization is destroying democracy. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. FOREIGN AFFAIRS.html.." For globalization's supporters. However. and Brazil. and their coalition has not always been internally consistent. Protest organizers such as Lori Wallach attributed half the success of the Seattle coalition to "the notion that the democracy deficit in the global economy is neither necessary nor acceptable. Jr. It is becoming difficult for international economic organizations to meet without attracting crowds of protesters decrying globalization. SOFT POWER IS MORE IMPORTANT NOW THAN EVER Joseph S.4384507. And countries like the Canada.3858.. Nye.html. Nye. and soft . Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government.wcdebate. Prague. 3.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Jr. THE OBSERVER. 2. PLURALISM AND AUTONOMY INCREASE SOFT POWER Joseph S. These dimensions of power give a strong advantage to the United States and Europe. accessed May 2. THE OBSERVER. if current economic and social trends continue. LIBERALISM. Volume 9 Page 97 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY 1.co.4384507. 2002. the Soviet Union lost much of its soft power after it invaded Hungary and Czechoslovakia. and those whose credibility is enhanced by their domestic and international performance.foreignaffairs. Jr. 2002. The countries that are likely to gain soft power are those closest to global norms of liberalism. and the Scandinavian states have political clout that is greater than their military and economic weight because of their support for international aid and peace-keeping. such as China. http://www.3858.. coming mainly from rich countries.observer. http://www. leadership in the information revolution and soft power will become more important in the mix. In such a variegated world.uk/Print/0.military. Some reject corporate capitalism. These protesters are a diverse lot.00. Nye.3858. India.com .co. environmentalists concerned about ecological degradation and anarchists who object to all forms of international regulation. even though its economic and military resources continued to grow. Power in the global information age is becoming less coercive among advanced countries. Washington. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. But most of the world does not consist of post-industrial societies. Seattle. this last concern is key. 2002. accessed May 1. THE OBSERVER. the Netherlands.. finding some way to address its perceived democratic deficit should become a high priority. Some protesters claim to represent poor countries but simultaneously defend agricultural protectionism in wealthy countries. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. 4.uk/Print/0. March 31. Nye. SOFT POWER DOESN'T DEPEND ON HARD POWER Joseph S. March 31. and autonomy.4384507. http://www. Quebec City.co. those with the most access to multiple channels of communication. and that limits the transformation of power.remain relevant. GLOBALIZATION SHOULD BE MORE DEMOCRATIC Joseph S.uk/Print/0. Soft power is not simply the reflection of hard power. http://www.00. economic. 2002.

Pessimists about China's future and about America's continuing strength argue for a policy of containment analogous to our response to the Soviet Union after World War II. 2002. New powers can be accommodated if they can be persuaded to define their interests in responsible ways. Second. 1998. the United States could not now develop a coalition to contain China even if we tried..nyu. America's edge will continue to persist.html. 1998. Nye. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. But it is not true in every case. but it makes no sense to throw away the more benign possibilities at this point. http://www. 2002. Nye. First. Three times in two weeks.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. we are guaranteeing ourselves an enemy. http://www. p.. But the current debate between containment and engagement is too simple. 1998. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. accessed May 3. I agree. and illegal technology transfers to build campaign issues. Containment is likely to be irreversible. Only if China's future behavior becomes more aggressive could such a coalition be formed.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. p. it exaggerates current and future Chinese strength. EVEN IF CHINA RISES AS A GREAT POWER. only China can produce an effective containment policy. Republicans seize on allegations of campaign finance scandals. 1998.html. Third. Ever since Thucydides and the ancient Greeks. 2002. np. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. Unlike the Soviet Union. Jr. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. Jr. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. accessed May 3. Washington's current hysteria about China is largely driven by domestic politics.´ June 22. Isolating other countries is bad policy.nyu.nyu. the House of Representatives rebuked the president over China. Jr.html.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. np. That is the overarching question the United States faces in its relations with China. Volume 9 Page 98 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING 1.. accessed May 3. Containment has three fatal flaws. historians have known that great wars are often caused by the rise of new powers and the fears such change creates in established powers. In that sense. Nye. China's neighbors do not see it as a current threat in the way the Soviet Union's neighbors did during the Cold War. Clinton defended his trip in a recent speech. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. a crude policy of containment would not work. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be.wcdebate. For one thing. It would be a pity if domestic politics caused Americans to lose sight of our long-term strategic interest in East Asia. as a quick survey of Asian capitals makes clear.nyu. accessed May 3. 2002.html. np. http://www.. If we treat China as an enemy now. Nye. p. ISOLATING OTHER COUNTRIES IS BAD POLICY Joseph S. CONTAINMENT HAS THREE FATAL FLAWS Joseph S. particularly given the fact that nationalism is rapidly replacing communism as the dominant ideology among the Chinese people. while engagement can be reversed if China changes for the worse. 4. which had an expansionist ideology and conventional military superiority in Europe. China lacks the capacity to project military power much beyond its borders. split over how to handle human rights during Clinton's trip. Jr. 3. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. Democrats looking forward to the year 2000. he argued that such a course would make the world more dangerous.´ June 22. containment is mistaken because it discounts the possibility that China can evolve to define its interests as a responsible power. A POLICY OF CONTAINMENT SIMPLY WILL NOT WORK Joseph S. WE CAN ACCOMODATE THEM Joseph S. In an election year. Moreover. No one knows for certain what China's future will be. np. 2.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. http://www. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government.´ June 22.com . in the new dimensions of military strength in the information age.´ June 22. Disagreeing with those who want to isolate China.

was the contrast between authority and liberty. 1999. 2. Nye. Included in this first definition are the ethical values which have been injected into the international arena by a number of mediating institutions. accessed May 1.janushead. SOFT POWER STILL DEFENDS AMERICAN TECHNOSTRATEGIC INTERVENTION Wayne Hunt. Mount Allison University. Mount Allison University.com . "a force multiplier in American diplomacy.janushead. unquantifiable and indirect. JANUS HEAD Vol. Volume 9 Page 99 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG 1. 1999. Thus µsoft¶ power can work in tandem with µhard¶ power. http://www. No. was tied to the ability to innovate. Jr. µSoft¶ power. According to Nye. 2002. it approximates an anglo-American form of capitalism. real-time. µSoft¶ power was associated with the relative strength of the American economy in relation to its competitors. or to be more precise. 2.org/2-2/whunt. Fall. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.org/2-2/whunt. 2. np. direct broadcasting and a high speed µsystem of systems. by contrast. by contrast. JANUS HEAD Vol. with coercive measures on one side of the divide and co-operative ones on the other. No. Nye clearly sees µsoft¶ power as the way of the future. np.. had given the United States a "dominant battlespace knowledge"-. in his phrase. 2. insisting that it can be a force for good throughout the world. His concern is with the present and the way in which the future can be brought to the present.as Operation Desert Storm and Operation Desert Fox presumably demonstrated. a µparadigm shift¶ as some enthusiasts would have it. quantifiable and direct while µsoft¶ power was subjective. situational awareness of military field operations exceeds that of all other nations combined. NYE¶S SOFT POWER JUST SEEKS TO PROJECT CAPITALISM Wayne Hunt. Entrepreneurial dynamism. µHard¶ power was objective. accessed May 1. Allied to this was a bifurcated view of the nature of public action. p. 2." Space-based surveillance. to the test. More ancient still. p. as. In this context.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 4. accessed May 1. Nye and Owens (1996) examine this from a geopolitical perspective. as did advances in communications technology. No. http://www. In Nye¶s writings this longer scholarly tradition goes unremarked upon. Involved as well were competing conceptions of political community. In short. Fall. and on the other there were those who looked to what ought to be. p. as do the requisite material conditions necessary to sustain this force. NYE¶S VIEW OF SOFT POWER IGNORES HISTORY Wayne Hunt. and at a greater philosophic remove.¶ he argued. the state-sanctioned application of force comes under the definition of µhard¶ power. 2. it was further assumed. put many of the beliefs about µsurgical¶ intervention. Mount Allison University. µhard¶ power was about ends and the bottom-line criteria necessary to achieve those ends while µsoft¶ power was about process and the means to an end. On the one hand there were those who engaged with the world as it is.. This was observed in the tension between realpolitik and idealism which analysts have long detected in America¶s relations with other powers. The second seemed to indicate a larger transformation. 2.cfm. 2002.cfm.janushead.cfm. As such it allows for the free play of creative instincts. the strategic balance between µhard¶ and µsoft¶ power has been much commented upon.wcdebate. The comparative dimension was critically important. Fall 1999.) Assumed here was a technologically-driven view of American intervention. The terms originate with Joseph S. He implies that it is superior to µhard¶ power because it relies on uncommanded loyalties. Mainstream Hollywood movies as well as sophisticated advertising techniques came into this category.org/2-2/whunt. in areas where there is not an obvious national interest at stake. an idealized version of what this form of capitalism represents. In the study of transnational relations. The first was readily understandable because it spoke to the traditional role of the state which was to provide for security of the person as well as the security of property. relies on the force of ideas rather than the force of arms. np. (Operation Allied Force. JANUS HEAD Vol. 2002. In his view of the world there is a subtle but implicit business orientation in which the notion of µsoft¶ power takes on entrepreneurial boldness. This assertion rested on the strategic argument that America¶s capacity for accurate.. http://www. But on closer inspection these categories seemed to take on an older dimension.

but commentators are notorious hindsight experts." Throughout the book there are tables that propose desirable projects. Most likely. accessed May 5. Security Treaty. JPRI CRITIQUE." he professed to believe that the poll reveals "Japan and the United States share common interests in the Asia-Pacific region. Security relationship"-40. AND JAPAN Japan Policy Research Institute. uncertain economic trends and many other crosscurrents -. ST. in a world with such diverse developments -Muslim hostility. http://www. respondents believed that the Korean Peninsula posed a military threat. Volume V.1. http://www. While approximately half of both Japanese and U.S. In Japan.1. 2002. these books definitely differ.html. NYE IS WRONG ABOUT COMMON INTERESTS BETWEEN U. and professors Joseph Nye and Walter Mead have come forward to explicate our condition and prescribe programs of policy. 982 responded.html. outvote their 'guests' by two to one in calling for a reduction of troops must tell us something. and the fact that the 'hosts. The chief difference.' the Japanese.. Moreover. 2002. respondents gave the Middle East top billing. mainly over details for implementing new defense cooperation guidelines. JPRI CRITIQUE. January 1998.org/jpri/public/crit5. Both authors argue that we cannot retreat from most or all of our present involvements. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH. That may not have been how it seemed at the time. Both make the same basic assumption: The United States is the world's only superpower.jpri. to put the matter bluntly. in the U. Number 1.S. Joseph Nye. 1." JPRI's reading of the same statistics is far less sanguine. Volume V. or simply drifting from one crisis to the next.S. so they say. Confusing situations produce squadrons of deconfusers. January 1998.wcdebate. The latter's little treatise is long on cliches and short on substance. When respondents were asked which nations or regions they believed might pose a military threat to their own country.jpri. While he acknowledged "some perception gaps between the two countries on military cooperation. But in working out our strategy.952 people were interviewed.S. In some respects. these books are similar. it should tell us that we have become an unwelcome army of occupation rather than of liberation. one of the principal architects of last year's revised Security Treaty. Last November 30. respondents think that the U. matters are much harder to figure out.-JAPAN RELATIONSHIP IS FLAWED Japan Policy Research Institute. 27.S. so that this should be taken as the basis for decision. the Yomiuri published the results of an opinion poll it had commissioned from the Gallup organization concerning Japanese and American attitudes toward the Japan-U. Feb. 69% of the Japanese named the Korean Peninsula. money) but also soft power (what anybody else calls influence) that counts. Thus. is in itself a choice. There is a further statistic that should give both sides pause.com . he argues that it is not just hard power (guns.9% of the Japanese and 20. planes. whereas 58% of U. is that Mead has written a valuable book while Nye's effort is feeble. our freedom to do just what we want is limited. the air surrounding Japan's American bases is decidedly unhealthy. and that if security is the air we breathe (to use Professor Nye's tired analogy). accessed May 5. B1.4% of the Americans want the U. but despite the immense might that that implies. 3. In an accompanying article. aspirations that would not surprise any reasonably studious 15-year-old. military presence reduced. These are sizeable percentages. NYE SEVERELY MISANALYZES THE DATA ± U. 2.org/jpri/public/crit5. and a rather bad one. of course. and this is especially so now that we have entered the Age of Terror and anti-terror.S. p. increased Chinese potency. Yet we must choose.S. for failing to make up our mind. Only 26% of the U. Today.S. So much for some of those shared common interests. investment adviser. So we get nuggets such as "countries that are well-placed in terms of soft power do better. NYE¶S EFFORTS AT EXPLAINING THE POST-SEPTEMBER 11 WORLD ARE FEEBLE Joseph Losos. military presence in Asia should be maintained-which Joseph Nye cites as evidence of "the broad public support in both countries for the reaffirmation of the Japan-U.S.S.there are more options for our country to follow and more spokespeople to advocate them. perhaps even a superduper power. 2002.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Number 1. tried to put a positive spin on the poll's results. Volume 9 Page 100 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED 1.

Ralph Nader had closely read the classic journalistic muckrakers of his day as well as several years of the Congressional Record. NADER¶S LIFE AND WORK Ralph Nader was born in 1934 to Rose and Nathra Nader. he entered Princeton University. Lebanese immigrants who owned a restaurant in the small town of Winstead. in a larger sense. Ralph Nader is one of a kind. He has been a thorn in the side of corporate power and governmental corruption for nearly forty years. Guided by such values. He attempted to get the administration to ban the spraying of DDT on campus trees. and justified his position with painstaking research and eloquent prose. Such policies strengthen noncommercial values. I will conclude with some thoughts on using Ralph Nader¶s writings in debate rounds. where he would have the opportunity to test his father's enthusiasm for public protest. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Nathra. he wishes that contemporary American politics was full of Ralph Naders. ²Ralph Nader. nourished by public enlightenment and civic participation. assets and conditions are never for sale. UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE. took issue with the assumption. and like most immigrants they experienced some dissonance upon coming into the country and witnessing both great acts of public good and objectionable acts of elitist exploitation. we can better use our wealth and power to benefit all Americans.com . came to the defense of small business owners being abused by larger businesses. which. he had expanded the article into a devastating book. He had to do most of this on his own. from his student activist days to his two presidential runs. The automobile industry spent millions in "public service" propaganda blaming "the nut behind the wheel" for auto fatalities. I will try to explain his philosophy." in THE NATION. "The Safe Car You Can't Buy. but wishes he were not. and in 1959 published his first article. This essay will explore both the philosophical foundations and the practical political implications of Ralph Nader¶s work and thought. people who devote their lives to working for reforms and exposing corruption within all power centers. and then his political project. At the time. Ralph Nader recalls. just as all perpetrators tend to blame the victims. is almost uniquely attributable to Nader in American politics: corporations habitually blame consumers for defects in their products. would encourage patrons at his restaurant to participate in informal political debates. Applied beyond our borders. After exploring his life. but wishes there were others like him. oppression. from the preface to Crashing the Party Among contemporary political figures. environmental perils. Volume 9 Page 101 RALPH NADER Great societies must have public policies that declare which rights. An excellent student. can provide wondrous opportunities to improve our country. and infectious diseases that threaten to jeopardize directly our own national security as well as that of the rest of the world. there were nearly 50. and more than twice that amount of permanent disabilities incurred in automobile accidents. At age 17. as Harvard Law School didn't offer such courses and the professors were enthusiastically uninterested. in fact.wcdebate. resigned himself to studying Chinese and preparing for law school. finding these endeavors unsuccessful. illiteracy. Nader believed--and would continue to believe--that car companies simply didn't believe safety was worth the cost. just as the rich blame the poor for being poor. Nader radicalizes the Jeffersonian tradition of democratic participation. The book contained a theme that. Nader entered Harvard Law School in 1955. Nader. By 1965. of course. these values can help us astutely wage peace and address the extreme poverty. By age 14. Nathra and Rose had strong opinions about democracy. and simultaneously brings other radical thought into the mainstream. Nader wanted to study the legal issues involving food production and automobile safety.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. He researched automobile safety anyway. He immediately developed an aversion to the corporate orientation of both the courses and the professors' ideologies.000 automobile deaths every year in America. Connecticut. and so on. and.

then. in mandatory seat belts and air bags). (http://bostonreview.´ despite the best efforts of conservatives and moderates to paint him as such. While politicians have now made an art of populist symbolism. Why.2/nader. The creation of a citizens' lobby to represent the people as a whole -. Many hold him uniquely responsible for Democratic candidate Al Gore's loss to George W. In 1969 he and his comrades formed the Center for Study of Responsive Law. could not have envisioned how moneyed special interests. would have a similar idea in 1970. a good government lobby that focused primarily on procedural reforms such as campaign finance reform and government ethics. He is also not a ³radical revolutionary. "I know of no safer depository of the ultimate powers of society but the people themselves. This is Jeffersonian democracy at its most extreme." as they came to be called.´ and as such. Since the 2000 campaign. By campaigning to the "left" of Gore politically. Of course. Education and Welfare. First." But Jefferson. Bush in 2000.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. in a democracy.org/history/bollier_chapter_3. Because of UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED. official secrecy. First and most importantly." John Gardner.wcdebate. and a plethora of other causes. the democratic "experiment" is about checking excessive power. reforms in the Food and Drug Administration. and shareholders. when he founded Common Cause. This is why it is grossly over simplistic to view Nader as merely a proponent of greater government control. (http://www.nor most other Democratic Party proponents of change seem to realize is that significant. based on their tendency towards theory at the expense of action. Nor could James Madison. it is also a contemporary application of Jeffersonian democracy to conditions he and the other founders could not necessarily have foreseen: The inspiration came directly from Thomas Jefferson. who had written. Congress enacted tougher automobile safety laws (eventually culminating. of course. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the people are the ultimate authorities. should corporations be held to the same standard as politicians? There are several sensible reasons for this. workers. Throughout the next thirty years.mit. Nader took voters away who would have voted for the centrist Democrat Gore. and General Motors' attempt to discredit Nader assured his fame.. he seems to have an inherent distrust of academic intellectuals (not a hostility. There are two basic philosophical premises behind Nader¶s politics. but. which he exploited in order to launch a career of public service and anti-corporate activism. A statement Nader made in 1993 sums up his political perspective: What neither Clinton." ²Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter Ralph Nader is not a philosopher. fought for increased water quality. a former Secretary of the Department of Health.nader. innovative development in American politics at the time. simply a distrust). Nader believes that ordinary people must make both corporations and governments more accountable. virtually none have a serious agenda to strengthen Americans in their key roles as voters. draws upon the American political tradition in much the same way as any social movement. Nader spent the rest of the 1960s expanding his project to include the creation of various task forces and groups of young advocates dedicated to consumer safety and rights. In fact. While other activists dedicated themselves to ending the Vietnam War. enduring change will require an institutionalized shift of power from corporations and government to ordinary Americans. some decades later. It represented a creative attempt to reclaim Jefferson's faith in "the people themselves. indistinguishable from typical liberal democrats. Nader's "Raiders. taxpayers. as the quotation below explains. consumers. 10 essay. albeit reluctantly.edu/BR18."the public interest" -was a bold. Nader¶s philosophy can be summed up as ³citizen empowerment. have predicted how competing special-interest factions might not yield the public good. Volume 9 Page 102 The book launched the consumer rights movement. procedural complexities and the brute size of the nation would erode the sinews of government accountability. author of the famous Federalist No.html) Nader¶s second philosophical premise is that power tends to corrupt unless it is checked by a wide array of citizens.html) THE PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF NADER¶S POLITICS "In a democracy. contrary to his predictions.. the highest office is the office of citizen.com . most contemporary followers of politics identify Nader with his 1996 and 2000 Presidential runs on the Green Party ticket. it is argued. Nader has continued to organize grass roots activists against corporate power and irresponsibility.

com . and increasing public financing of elections. sometimes stretching centuries into the future. which should belong to everyone. Wealth is not generated through the individual actions of individual innovators. and frequently more power than. literally. Reform our corrupt campaign finance system: Nader is a strong proponent of viable campaign finance reform. They can control resources and make large-scale decisions about production and distribution. 56 Over the past two presidential races. He is in favor of more accessible voter registration. any elected or appointed political leader. Ralph Nader has tended to stress the following points as a political program: 1. We are losing the two great pillars of American law. Finally.wcdebate. torts and contracts. a communist. Volume 9 Page 103 Corporations have as much power as. Little did I know then that in 1999 this very thing would be occurring. many on the anti-capitalist left see Nader as wanting to "save" corporations and capitalism by forcing reforms that smart corporate executives would favor as a way to make themselves look better. They are not heeding the warnings of Justice Louis Brandis and Henry Stimpson and Ella Herue. In fact. Set term limits for Members of Congress: Term limits allow the system to constantly rejuvenate and reinvent itself. They can make decisions that have far-reaching environmental and economic effects. citizens do not have the kind of information that voters in political elections possess. most recently. literally. Facilitate voter initiatives: Nader wants to make it easier to vote. He sees the democratic process as little more than a joke if elections come down to who has the most money. Second. He does not call for the end of corporations or market economies.´ ±Nader. NADER¶S POLITICAL PRINCIPLES ³When I was in law school. Corporate law firms are composed of lawyers who have forgotten what it means to be a professional and who are themselves losing their independence. even a Stalinist. to institutionalized. are available to the highest bidder. the kinds of "checks" which defenders of corporate power claim exist are not really effective. And. and the resources extracted from the earth do not belong to any one individual in some a priori sense. the multinational status of many corporations makes them. He was instrumental in encouraging ³public access´ laws Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Reclaim the public airwaves: Nader is very concerned that radio and television waves. "above" the laws of most nations." Aside from the fact that this means people with a million dollars get a million votes. and also increase the number of things people vote for and against. who warned about corporate law firms losing their independence to corporate clients by becoming mere adjuncts to the corporation's priorities. Since most corporate decisions are made behind closed doors. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. Such an argument assumes what many capitalist apologists assume without proof: that citizens possess near-perfect information about public and private transactions and the effects of corporate decisions. Nader is none of these. limiting the amount of money people can spend on political campaigns. So corporations need to be accountable because corporations could. All of these reasons provide sound philosophical justification for an increased watchdog role on the part of concerned citizens. we had a joke that at Harvard they teach you how to distort the law of contracts and contract the law of torts. a socialist. p. 2. and since advertising does not normally reveal the truth about the production process. Term limits would increase opportunity for ordinary citizens to participate in government. and discourage ³career politicians´ who tend to become cynical and greedy. 3. 4. giant corporations. wealth is a social creation: capitalists need laborers. checks must exist on corporate power because the classic individualist metaphors of entrepreneurship and hard work hardly do justice to the corporate juggernauts. referred to Nader as an anti-capitalist. sellers need consumers.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Some less-than-eloquent critics have. rather. over the past few decades. 1999. not exist without the collective masses that sustain them. The classic argument is that citizens "vote with their dollars. and the use of referendums and initiatives to increase public control over the lawmaking process.

5. Volume 9 Page 104 requiring cable companies to devote some of their stations to public use. especially when they are given a chance to participate in the large-scale affairs that determine so much in their lives. as recent events demonstrate: The Capital Times (5/21. The idea is that people respond favorably to carrots (rewards). One must assert and prove not only that capitalism is desirable. To begin with.´ we end up with nothing (or. worse than nothing!).com . This is an ongoing argument.'' (VILLAGE VOICE. including candidate Jim Young for governor. they were still comparatively closer to those ideals than were the Republicans and George W.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and more restrictions on what people can do with their money. Of course. while Gore and the Democrats may not have been as faithful to Nader¶s ideals as the Greens were. only four of which existed before the 2000 election. Green Party activists say they have learned a lot since 2000. say Greens end up hurting the very causes that they support by playing the spoiler in many races. because people respond better to self-management than hierarchical management. higher taxes for corporations. libertarians claim. as some would say in reference to Bush." (THE BULLETIN'S FRONTRUNNER. "the Green Party has a dozen chapters around the state. OBJECTIONS TO NADER To answer Ralph Nader's underlying political philosophy is difficult. Steverman) reports. since they alienated the voters who ended up either not voting at all. if we hold out for ³everything. " Ralph Nader's 2000 Green Party presidential run angered many Democrats. but the Green Party's current plans. The problem here is not merely one election. Democrats. At present. Regulations fail. shareholders possess minimal power compared to the day-to-day power of corporate executives. but if they are threatened with punishment. at a time when many citizens seem to be drifting to the right. 2002) The argument is that we must be willing to compromise." In Wisconsin. Libertarians generally believe that regulation of the market never yields the results intended. many people are angry that Nader¶s dogmatic and ³purist´ run for the presidency in 2000 supposedly cost the Democrats the White House. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. they simply find ways around the tough regulations rather than ways to comply with them. Even many non-libertarians favor measures such as tax incentives rather than regulatory schemes to make corporations behave better. Along the same lines. Create shareholder democracy: Nader wants shareholders in corporations to have greater power over corporate decision-making. May 21. if successful.wcdebate. or voting for Nader: Sam Smith is right when he points out that the liberal establishment in the Democratic Party--which includes the current congressional leaders of the party--''yawned as the Clintons disassembled their own cause and became incensed when Ralph Nader dared to defend it. and they are planning to run a candidate for every statewide office in Wisconsin. He would like to see much more of this. especially liberal Democrats. could frustrate Democrats in Wisconsin and around the country even more. many people advocate pollution trading permits rather than strong regulations against pollution. we should settle for checks on that drift rather than try to get everything. but also that elitism is desirable. Nader supporters responded that the Democrats had themselves to blame for the election loss. This is because those people believe that. It is much more fruitful to concentrate on the pragmatic implications of Nader¶s beliefs than to question whether democracy and citizen empowerment are good things. Most of these platforms stem from the overarching desire on Ralph Nader¶s part to increase citizen empowerment. to accept some of what we want. and often makes things considerably worse. It places in question Nader¶s whole philosophy of stubborn and dogmatic insistence that only his platform is viable and democratic. Democrats respond that. Although Nader is not simply a pro-government liberal. his ideas clearly include tougher regulations. Bush. May 7. 2002) Another source of objection to Nader¶s ideas is found in libertarian philosophies. He believes that ordinary people are not stupid.

and that lesson might itself serve as a reminder that alternatives must be pragmatic. After all. most of the objections to Nader¶s ideas work well within the general framework of libertarianism and belief in a minimal state.wcdebate. and not just theoretically attractive. but he argues that. in the strongest democratic traditions. while the other side emphasizes the problems of selfishness. and even update their files with the daily news reports about Nader and his movement. we should keep it in check. IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE In my mind. Writing about a living person is a lot different than writing about a long-dead philosopher. Debaters wishing to explore more about Ralph Nader can do many things: read his books. Nader eschews elitism. Ralph Nader inspires three main ideas with immediate and far-reaching implications on value debate: Capitalism can exist with checks and balances: Traditional value debates about capitalism and its alternatives tend to be very black-and-white. and that we should explore those alternatives by broadening the political arena. Debaters may even be able to argue that the ideas of people like Nader are essential to capitalism¶s survival. At the same time. either-or. government is the people. Nader is no fan of capitalism. since such ideas prevent the excesses that fuel the anti-capitalism movement. exploitation and imperialism. but with many historical examples of the disasterous effects of unchecked power among governments and corporations. He might also open the door to more radical alternatives to the kind of politics and economics we seem destined to accept in the status quo. since it¶s what we have.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Greater participation by third parties and citizens¶ movements can help this happen. One side argues that capitalism is necessary because it maximizes individual freedom. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. it remains to be seen whether advocates of Nader¶s ideas can articulate the sense in which citizen empowerment differs from traditional advocacy of government intervention. CONCLUSION Ralph Nader is currently America¶s loudest and most passionate advocate of citizen participation and greater corporate accountability. Were it up to him. Unlike so many of our sources. Volume 9 Page 105 Overall. not merely philosophically. debaters might argue that political and economic alternatives exist. read commentary about him. Ralph Nader advocates the notion of citizen participation and a breaking down of the distinctions between government and people. Democracy must be participatory: More than any other idea. Ralph Nader continues to make news every day.com . Alternatives to capitalism and globalization can be explored through a widening of the political arena: Conversely. it would be citizens making the news instead of corporate news agencies. However. his stubborn insistence that the people not compromise with those in power cost him a great deal of credibility in 2000.

wcdebate. TAMING THE GIANT CORPORATION (New York: Norton. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK (Chicago: Regnery Gateway. Ralph. 1972). 1975). Nader. RALPH NADER¶S PRACTICING DEMOCRACY 1997: A GUIDE TO STUDENT ACTION (New York: St. Ralph. Charles. THE MADNESS ESTABLISHMENT: RALPH NADER¶S STUDY GROUP REPORT ON THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF MENTAL HEALTH (New York: Grossman Publishers. 1974). Ralph. Martin's Press. Robert F.: Prentice-Hall 1972). 1972). Katherine. 1977). 1973). THE MENACE OF ATOMIC ENERGY (New York: Norton. 1997). Nader. RULING CONGRESS: A STUDY OF HOW THE HOUSE AND SENATE RULES GOVERN THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS (New York: Grossman Publishers.J. 1996). Volume 9 Page 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY Buckhorn. 1973). Dan M. 1975). Nader. Burt. Ralph. 2002). Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Ralph. CRASHING THE PARTY: TAKING ON THE CORPORATE GOVERNMENT IN AN AGE OF SURRENDER (New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Franklin D. Nader. Gorey. THE RALPH NADER READER (foreword by Barbara Ehrenreich (New York: Seven Stories Press. Martin's Press. 1976). CITIZEN NADER (New York: Saturday Review Press. THE BIG BOYS: POWER AND POSITION IN AMERICAN BUSINESS (New York: Pantheon Books.] (New York: Grossman. THE CONSUMER AND CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Nader. Nader. NADER AND THE POWER OF EVERYMAN (New York: Grosset & Dunlap. Nader. 2000). N. Ralph Nader Congress Project. 1982). Ralph. Ralph. Isaac. Chu. Nader.com . Ralph. Ralph. 1986). NO CONTEST: CORPORATE LAWYERS AND THE PERVERSION OF JUSTICE IN AMERICA (New York: Random House. Hays.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE [Expanded ed. McCarry. Nader. NADER: THE PEOPLE¶S LAWYER (Englewood Cliffs. CORPORATE POWER IN AMERICA (New York: Grossman.

If the oligarchy controls the yardsticks by which we measure progress and justice. bailouts. ELITE CONTROL OF THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE ENSURES FURTHER INJUSTICE Ralph Nader. totaling record amounts of consumer debt. THE BIG BOYS. There are a record number of consumers filing bankruptcies and living beyond their means in order to subsist. political activists. political activist. Volume 9 Page 107 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST 1. p. those at the peaks of corporate power need to have their thoughts and actions better known to the public. tax loopholes. Yet. artificial intelligence. 2000. If we were to use the people's yardsticks to report on the state of the economy. he uses oligarchic indicators that imply the economy could hardly be better . mass famines. p. pampered executives can distance themselves from everyday life.´ the ³invisible gene. subsidize companies ripping minerals from federal lands. Eighty percent of the workers in the bottom eighty percent of the job force have seen their wages decrease since 1973 when adjusted for inflation. If someone were to ask how much injustice exists in society. injure our national security. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. perpetuate anti-competitive oligopolistic markets. 56. inflation is down. When Alan Greenspan reports to Congress every few weeks on the state of the economy. 2. then those executives may think harder about how their work affects people. Homelessness and poverty are affecting large numbers of families and people than ever before.´ the ³invisible currency.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.profits are up. Adam Smith knew that the ideology of the ³invisible hand´ was an idealization quite removed from market reality. CORPORATE POWER THREATENS THE PUBLIC GOOD 1. We are then at a point where such a question cannot be answered without a firm understanding of our past. p. political activist. 13 Corporate welfare²the enormous and myriad subsidies. CAPITALISM REQUIRES CHECKS AND BALANCES Ralph Nader and William Taylor. debt revocations. and marketing technologies. discounted insurance and other benefits conferred by government on business²is a function of political corruption. and genetic engineering are added to the stresses of conventional chemical. 1999. we would begin to see that twenty-five percent of children grow up in poverty and that this is the highest in the western world. Smith¶s ³invisible hand´ of 1776 has been joined two centuries later by the ³invisible atom. what Congress hears is that our economy could not be better. clinics.com . The need for distance grows more insistent every day²the mounting challenges of doomsday weapons. schools. CUTTING CORPORATE WELFARE. If people think more about how major business executives work. Corporate welfare programs siphon funds from appropriate public investments. p.having accepted their condition and resigned. giveaways. 521. The data one would use is arguably nonexistent.´ and the ³invisible bureaucrat. I think that the level of injustice in our society is partly a reflection of expectation levels. Poor or oppressed persons are often downtrodden . 56. loan guarantees.wcdebate. To introduce more managerial foresight and honesty. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE SHOULD BE THE CONDITION OF THE POOR AND OPPRESSED Ralph Nader. 2. then they also control agendas and that is what is happening. limiting their ability to deal with reality. 1986. enable pharmaceutical companies to gouge consumers. how would you respond? The criteria for analyzing a just society is very primitive and unclear. and unemployment is down. If the larger society has a higher expectation level. and weaken our democracy. CORPORATE WELFARE SIPHONS FUNDS FROM OTHER PRIORITIES Ralph Nader. and public utilities are in extreme disrepair. production. 1999. political activist. then we become very uneasy with the state of affairs.´ the ³invisible pollutant.´ Working at high levels of abstraction. the stock market is up. This is very far from the way modern corporations plan to reduce risks through market power and to get the public to help pay their costs through tax breaks and other subsidies. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.

Volume 9 Page 108 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS 1. An unprecedented corporate power grab is underway in global negotiations over international trade. 3. and environmental protections won by citizen movements across the globe in recent decades. The megacorporations are not expecting these victories to be gained in town halls. and unaccountability: these are the watchwords of global trade policy-making. multinational corporations are working hard to expand their control over the international economy and to undo vital health. 6. 1993. AND NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY Ralph Nader. political activist. safety. 1993. political activist. or limit their pollution of the air. Secrecy. and land. GLOBALIZATION UNDERMINES HEALTH. 3. p. state offices. 1993. STATE.S. for example.wcdebate. we won¶t be able to compete. depress wage levels. p. and implementation of the trade agreements is designed to foreclose citizen participation or even awareness. AND WORKERS¶ RIGHTS Ralph Nader. It would cost jobs. and they know all to well from experience that threats of this sort are often carried out.S. We¶ll have to close down and move to a country that offers us a more hospitable business climate. hoping to insert a special tax exemption or subsidy in the dark of night and have it voted on before the public (or even most Congressional representatives) know it exists. will be met with the refrain.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. state. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. The process by which a policy is developed and enacted often yields insights into who stands to benefit from its enactment. 2. p. Every element of the negotiation. GLOBALIZATION HURTS DEMOCRACY AND PROMOTES AUTOCRATIC SECRECY Ralph Nader.-Mexico-Canada free trade deal (formally known as NAFTA. Congress. adoption. ³You can¶t burden us like that. The Fortune 200¶s GATT and NAFTA agenda would make the air you breathe dirtier and the water you drink more polluted. or even national effort in the United States to demand that corporations pay their fair share of taxes. They are looking to circumvent the democratic process altogether. provide a decent standard of living to their employees. private interests inevitably prefer secrecy.S. political activist. called the Uruguay Round. 1 Citizens beware. citizenbased initiatives generally succeed only if they generate public debate and receive widespread support. in the halls of the U. GLOBAL FREE TRADE UNDERMINES LOCAL.com . and make workplaces less safe. the North American Free Trade Agreement) and an expansion of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. water. Narrow. It would destroy family farms and undermine consumer protections such as those ensuring that the food you eat is not compromised by unsanitary conditions or higher levels of pesticides and preservatives. Operating under the deceptive banner of ³free´ trade. the U. the U. Enactment of the free trade deals virtually ensures that any local. If you do. Capitol. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. THE ENVIRONMENT. abstruseness. corporate lobbyists roam the corridors before a budget or tax package is to be voted on.´ This sort of threat is extremely powerful²communities already devastated by plant closures and a declining manufacturing base are desperate not to lose more jobs. By contrast. in a bold and brazen drive to achieve an autocratic far-reaching agenda through two trade agreements. or even at the United Nations.

Volume 9 Page 109 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY 1. individualistic nation. a new elite of un-elected. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. ³Public interest´ advocacy has become one of the signs of our times. or in the investment markets. p. ³Public interest´ advocates would become new power-brokers. America would become a more centrally governed and less free. Burt. 20 Instead. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. de-centralized political. Government would have an especially large influence on the functioning of the economy and. 8. the groups elect to fight the issues out before the courts.com . Burt. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. President of Capital Legal Foundation. and local governments. In other words. at the bank. SEC. In some cases. Burt. It embodies an inherent distrust of traditional political and social organizations to represent the public adequately and to wage the fight for the ³common good. ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ ADVOCACY UNDERMINES DEMOCRACY Dan M. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. and the economic votes we make every day with our money at the cash register. This is a distinct political ideology.´ 2. In this regard. President of Capital Legal Foundation. Nader and his network distrust the current political and economic system in the United States. away from the individual and into the hands of the government and ³public interest´ groups.wcdebate. President of Capital Legal Foundation. NADER¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY WOULD CULMINATE IN TOTALITARIANISM Dan M. 2. Burt. This most often takes the form of intervention in the regulatory processes of the federal. government would probably become more authoritarian or even totalitarian by encroaching more on our private lives as workers. 20 What is clear is that Mr. and consumers. where more decisions will be made by a few to affect the many. Mr. is not considered adequate to achieve the ³public interest´ or the ³common good. They do not put much faith in the democratic process that has been America¶s unique tradition for the past 200 years²that is. Testimony is often given on behalf of the ³public interest´ before congressional committees and federal regulatory panels. In sum. President of Capital Legal Foundation. and seek to change it. 135 In place of our system of modified and limited individual choice and private enterprise²we certainly recognize and welcome much of what FDA. Our diverse. on our daily lives. p. EPA and similar agencies do²the ³public interest´ groups would appear to want more politicization of life in America.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1982. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Nader and his groups seek a greater politicization of life in America. the political votes we cast regularly at the ballot box. and social system. But it is a radical departure from U. and it does not square with the common view of the nature of the public interest. 1982. And it has been and would be a government they run. Ralph Nader seeks nothing less than a transfer of power in America. NADER¶S ADVOCACY DESTROYS INDIVIDUAL CHOICE AND THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS Dan M. 1982. political tradition of the last 200 years.´ ³Public interest´ groups seek an alternative means of influencing decision-making in both government and industry. p. economic. state. NADER¶S ADVOCACY TRANSFERS POWER FROM INDIVIDUALS TO ELITES CLAIMING TO SPEAK IN THE ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ Dan M. with its heavy reliance on individual choice. employers.S. professional ³public interest´ advocates would acquire a substantial amount of power to make decisions in both the private and public sectors. which has been and remains in vogue in Western thought. 1982. and their ideology would have immense impact on political and economic activities and society as a whole.´ NADER IS ELITIST AND TOTALITARIAN 1. in turn. p.

but which Nader denounced because of his fear that African companies would be "run into the ground by multinational corporations moving into local economies. He complimented rightist politician Patrick Buchanan.wcdebate. p. Because multinational corporations go their amoral way. October 22." (Most African countries would be delighted to attract a bit of foreign investment. editor of Slate. July 25. the Nader campaign intends to raise $5 million dollars. Nader now apparently believes that whatever is good for General Motors. At times Nader's hostility to corporations goes completely over the edge.000" to Mexico." reads the statement. prevent patients from getting drugs that might give them a decent life and prevent a moderate who gets along with business from becoming president. Professor of Economics at MIT.a move that Africans themselves welcomed. Those demonstrations were led by union officials and liberal and environmental activists. columnist. or any corporation.000. But several days before Gingrich spoke. Nader's 1996 campaign was marked by nationalist themes. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. Nader presented his campaign as a "pull to the left" for the Democratic Party. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE.corporate influence. 2000. In 2000. If you look for a unifying theme in all these causes. p. he blamed liberalism for the Columbine school shootings." At the same time. columnist. Cohen.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the product of freedom to acquire and strive and create for personal gain.like the laws of every market economy -. March 6. now vying for the Reform Party presidential nomination. The North American Free Trade Association treaty means "we're exporting jobs--probably about 350. or Pfizer. 2. C3. Newt Gingrich disgusted many people when. Volume 9 Page 110 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE 1. most prosperous nation in the world. A-19. Everyone knows about Nader's furious opposition to global trade agreements. July 25. NADER IGNORES THE CONTRIBUTIONS CORPORATIONS MAKE TO OUR PROSPERITY Laurence D. 2000. He isn't like you and me. because -. 3." But you can't create a public good until you recognize the reality of a private good. NADER IS A NATIONALIST WHO EXPLOITS AMERICANS¶ FEAR OF IMMIGRANTS Patrick O¶Neill.S. the one that ended apartheid. Michael Kinsley. 2. in 1996 he "received nearly 700. But it is less well known that he was equally adamant in opposing a bill removing barriers to Africa's exports -. A-19. Nader says he will concentrate on "democracy. because chemical companies have to put their gunk somewhere.com .000 to 400.) Similar fears led Nader to condemn South Africa's new constitution. THE MILITANT. because insurance companies have to say no to some doctors sometimes. According to the February 21 Green Party news release announcing Nader's bid. he said. THE HARTFORD COURANT.000 votes and finished in fourth place. markets. must be bad for the world. NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE RHETORIC OVERSIMPLIFIES THE ISSUES Paul Krugman. we are the happiest." The Green Party's press release states that "Nader's advisors claim that his campaign will help turn out the vote and could assist the Democrats in taking back Congress. healthiest. p.I'm serious -. who put forward economic nationalist slogans that drew favorable comment from Buchanan." The campaign will have similar themes to the effort of four years ago. NADER¶S OPPOSITION TO TRADE AGREEMENTS HURTS DEVELOPING NATIONS Paul Krugman. although limiting his campaign spending to under $5. NADER PRACTICES A RHETORIC OF FEAR AND OVERSIMPLIFICATION 1. 2000. Ralph Nader published an article attributing those same shootings to -. saying he has "learned a lot in the last few years about corporate power. it seems to be not consumer protection but general hostility toward corporations. concentrated corporate power and the excessive disparities of wealth. That's the problem with Ralph. had it right when he characterized the Nader reason-for-being as "irritating others for the public good.it grants corporations some legal status as individuals. 2000. To block opportunities for corporate profit he is quite willing to prevent desperately poor nations from selling their goods in U. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." Nader will invoke "the message of last year's Seattle demonstrations against the WTO. p. in his first major speech after leaving Congress. Professor of Economics at MIT.

Voting rights are the essential element of a democracy. but it was a very useful. they claimed. alliterated metaphor that served partisan purposes at the time. you didn¶t get to vote. It had nothing to do with what I had written. a ³quota queen. can it be said (really) that slaves were living in a functional democracy? How about a non-member of the communist party under the Soviet Union. Attorney General for Civil Rights because. write manifold articles on the subject of race in the United States. After all. Now. That didn¶t stop the hounds once they had been released. Let¶s start with what white citizens of this country take as a given: voting rights. many places in the North). places dealt with the issue in a straightforward manner: if you were black. GUINIER¶S THOUGHT Guinier doesn¶t just talk about affirmative action ± far from it. she believed in quotas for minority hiring in order to make up for the problems caused by systematic racism for the past 200 years in this country. she OPPOSED quotas ± they went contrary to her notion of ³confirmative action. Volume 9 Page 111 LANI GUINIER Lani Guinier was unjustly passed over in one of the most highly publicized confirmation hearings ever.´ Just one problem: Guinier had never advocated quota-based hiring.´ What do we learn from reading the work of Lani Guinier? What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? To answer the first question.com . it wasn¶t until the mid-1960s that African Americans had the right to vote. though.´ Guinier¶s version of affirmative action. For understandable political reasons. which also had elections? Any democratic theory worth its salt has to acknowledge that an inability to vote equals an inability to call one¶s government a legitimate and functioning democracy. the politicians who control the nomination process preferred to keep the tensions under wraps. As the woman herself said in a subsequent interview on the topic: ³Because we are in a sound-bite culture. We get to watch as one of the best legal minds in America grapples with issues to which there are no easy solution: to what extent does the pact inform today? What kind of remedies are effective for centurieslong discrimination? How can we ensure those remedies don¶t inflame the problem. it isn¶t a true democracy to you. Guinier was unjustly denied her rightful post as Assistant U. She examines all kinds of issues relevant to racial politics in this country.´ Guinier continues to teach law at Harvard Law School. In fact. In the South (and. So the first wave of voting rights laws dealt with these Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Guinier's intellectual honesty made her politically unacceptable. And even then and immediately thereafter. or create new forms of discrimination? These are questions without easy answers. For them. As Mark Tushnet has written: ³Guinier's nomination to head the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division foundered because she understood those tensions and her work makes them apparent. Period. including slavery. As for the second proposition -. we get to inspect the ideas of one of the most forward-looking thinkers on race in America. That¶s not just me being partisan. if you can¶t vote.S. and publish books. we define you by no more than three or four words-in my case.What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? ± we learn that being an insightful critical thinker instead of a partisan demagogue is a sure way to avoid public service at a high level. right? During and prior to the Civil War.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. such a right was not truly meaningful. to be fair. two: Quota Queen. the right wing said. She was.wcdebate.

and stacking. and Jeb Bush¶s thuggish state troopers told you to turn around and drive home ± do you really have the right to vote? As you can see. Cracking and stacking are more complicated. it has another value: an instrumental value. the votes of minorities can be trumped by the White Folks Vote. We had to deal with it in the LAST presidential election. if you go to vote. of course. we ought to defend it for minorities. this ³turned out to be something between a very bad thing and a disaster for racial minorities. if the right to vote represents full citizenship. but they have the same result: the legislature has the "right number" of minority representatives. The Voting Rights Act Amendmnts of 1982 recognized that this was a problem.mostly Republicans -. this is far from an issue we¶ve left behind. You vote for Jesse Ventura because he says he¶ll battle special interests. You vote for Ralph Nader because he says he¶ll challenge corporate rule. The thing is. imagine you are a member of a minority group (and maybe you are): are your interests being taken into account? Since white folks are the majority in many places. and you headed to the polls in Florida. is an excellent candidate who is notably NOT insane. and created a right to select representatives of choice. and they are regularly outvoted. alternatively. The only question was how to actualize this? In the past. You sue your vote to elect people who will do the things that you want done. Hence. What is the solution? Some suggested establishing "majority-minority" districts so that minorities would be assured of candidates that reflected their interests. white people keep electing the aforementioned Mr. you can guarantee the election of a minority representative by packing as many members of that minority as possible into a single district. The techniques are known in the voting rights field as packing. For example.´ The other problem.´ After all. So. The problem is that in other districts. and some guy has a pit bull that snarls at you every time you approach the polls ± do you REALLY have the right to vote? Or. cracking. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Again. it takes all kinds). Plus. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 made sure of that. whites have gerrymandered districts so that minorities couldn¶t overwhelm the white majority and elect candidates of choice. is that concentrating minorities in certain districts means that OTHER districts can effectively IGNORE their interests altogether. though. Something between a very bad thing and a disaster. racial minorities are so few in number that candidates can simply disregard them. Particularly as it became easy to use computer technology to draw district lines.discovered techniques that would guarantee the election of some members of racial minorities while actually reducing the chances that the views of those representatives would prevail in the legislature. Helms despite the fact that the Black man who keeps running against him. You vote for Jesse Helms because you¶re a psychotic racist (hey. if you¶re one of the 90 percent of African Americans that voted for Al Gore. As Tushnet notes. and a slew of representatives who owe nothing to minority constituents. minorities often have a problem electing what voting rights law calls "representatives of their choice.com .wcdebate. indeed. And depending on how old there are. your parents (and certainly your grandparents) might remember a time when Black Americans didn¶t even have the lip-service right to vote. The result is that you get one minority representative. Harvey Gantt. people -. Volume 9 Page 112 ³formal exclusions´ from the franchise: they FORCED states to allow Black Americans to vote.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

(³Give us labor provisions in the FTAA bill. There would be problems with identifying these policies. So. Just because you¶re in the majority now doesn¶t guarantee that you will ALWAYS be.´ This topic is covered in great detail in the Madison essay. For example. there needs to be some check on that abuse. whose theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity. This is one major reason both parties talk about bipartisanship: they want to appeal to voters of the other political party. some might say there is nothing more democratic than majority rule. The second reason is that those are the principles the Republic was founded on. the first of which is just logical: if the majority votes to legalize cannibalism ± or to legalize discrimination against homosexuals (as my hometown of Canby. every interest group is up for schmoozing ± even traditional enemies. but let¶s review some of the high points here. Reagan was re-elected primarily with the votes of traditional Democrats. and you¶ll be in big trouble. too: voters and politicians have to think about the long term. for one thing. They will vote to advance their own interests. even though he spent 30 years trying to screw them sideways ± in a close election.com . Since every vote counts. Oregon did in the 1990s) or to do other unconstitutional. There are a couple of reasons why. usually Ted Kennedy? GUINIER AND THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Now. or political) ± because they may be the MAJORITY in four years. Sound radical? Ever heard of the filibuster in the Senate? That¶s an example of how. but because it¶s just as integral to the thinking of Lani Guinier as anything else. That¶s why we have three branches of government ± to stop excesses and abuses of power by those who reach past their intended authority. People are self-interested.´) After all. Guinier borrows the title of her book from James Madison. Total majority rule. Hence. When you¶re in power. there¶s the well-established propaganda system. Some involve changing the internal decision-making structure of state and local legislatures. of course ± but even requiring a super-majority on all legislation might help minority constituencies. and that includes affirmative action. the tribes Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. why don¶t poor people just vote to take all the money from rich people through taxation? Well. stupid things. it doesn¶t work that way. you don¶t want to totally ignore the minority (whether racial. not all of which involve modifying affirmative action. economic. every vote counts. Similarly. a structural reform might be adopted where passing some policies might require a greater margin than a simple majority ± it might take a two-thirds majority to pass policies that could systematically have a negative effect on minorities. This is especially true in close races or districts where there is an even split in political opinion. Guinier has many ideas for transformation of the current situation. but there¶s another reason. what is a filibuster but a minority veto ± enacted by a minority of one. for example. SOME OF GUINIER¶S SOLUTIONS We started out discussing voting rights law not just because it¶s an important subject that often gets short shrift. legislators can get concessions on another. by merely threatening a filibuster on a certain bill or resolution.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. And nice as that sounds. It could provide them a valuable commodity (a small voting block) where they could trade votes in exchange for other favorable legislation.wcdebate. That includes people living in a democracy. or we¶ll filibuster and block the bill which brings the pork barrel project to your district. Volume 9 Page 113 Enter Lani Guinier. you see things like former Washington Senator Slade Gorton cozying up to Indian tribes.

etc. and neither race nor class should not be a determining factor in discussions. college administrators. (He tried to take away their fishing rights. That means includes continually updating affirmative into new policies that Guinier calls ³Confirmative Action. The conservative critics are relatively easy to understand: we should all be evaluated on an individual basis. Guinier asks. Guinier recognizes this. GUINIER AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION As noted above. people like Gorton just ignore their traditional enemies altogether ± or worse yet. There is a reason. that Indian tribes hate him so much. regularly review and seek feedback on its admissions program. If admissions policies and employment opportunities are truly to be merit-based. we need to admit that those merit-based criteria exclude certain people ± you¶re not going to get as good grades as other kids. rather than just in name. though. This doesn¶t always happen that way. and is relatively easy to understand. for example. crush their economic infrastructure.she believes a quota of minorities taken as representatives of the minority races as a whole will not truly give minorities a fair chance. usually. each institution would. and carry out the criteria that are adopted? Do their decisions support the institution as a public place? Are graduates contributing back to the institution and the society it serves? This continual review process would involve. try to actively undermine their interests. presumably. The best strategy lies in other means. but many liberals consider Guinier a fairly ³conservative´ (in the sense of being careful and wary to offer wild. And it would ask several important questions to guide such efforts: Are admissions processes consistent with the institution's purposes? Do they award opportunity broadly? Do they admit people who demonstrate competence and potential under a range of relevant measures? Are the relevant stakeholders involved in helping formulate. What does confirmative action entail? It entails a merit-based approach that is continually evolving.com . Stephen Steinberg. SOME CRITICS Critics of Guinier fall into basically two categories: the conservative and the liberal. This is a flaw Guinier finds in traditional affirmative action. More often.wcdebate. Guinier's political views in no way support her designation as a "quota queen.´ This includes modifying preference policies to consider class ± so minorities that are truly disadvantaged get the most preferences. That¶s why she¶s so concerned with voting rights reform: if minorities can be represented in fact. after all. because he controls appropriations money for their environmental restoration projects. Hence. their interests will be better served by legislators. give feedback on. health care projects. has thoughts I feel are worth considering: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. You might be surprised. programmatic change) thinker.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. if you need a 40-hour a week job and/or don¶t get enough to eat." Guinier's books and law review articles support only one conclusion -. However. and abrogate their constitutionally guaranteed treaty rights). to revamp their admissions policies based on various factors: Practicing confirmative action. a left-wing critic of Guinier. and so poor whites are also considered in programs like jobs and university admissions. Guinier writes: So a policy of ³confirmative action´ would include economics as a decision calculus. and would include an assessment of what contributions society as a whole can expect from the student or worker after the preference policy assists them. with its specific mission in mind. This is your basic Ward Connerly school of thought. Her rationale for these reforms is simple. seeing what is working and what is not. Volume 9 Page 114 don¶t want to blast Gorton with both barrels when he¶s in office.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. economically viable future should check out her work. Volume 9 Page 115 CONCLUSION Whether you agree or disagree with Lani Guinier¶s ideas -.wcdebate.and whether you disagree with her from the left or the right ± you have to admit her ideas are provocative.com . People that are interested in building a more racially just.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

6/steinberg. January 8. http://bostonreview. accessed May 1. 1994. New York: Free Press. 1998.html. "Lessons and Challenges of Becoming Gentlemen.edu/BR25.edu/BR25. New York: Simon & Schuster. 1998. 1-16. 1999. No. Guinier. Lani. Lani. December 200/January 2001. Vol.wcdebate. December 200/January 2001. 505525." KENTUCKY LAW JOURNAL 86. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.html." MICHIGAN LAW REVIEW.edu/BR19. 1995. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1998. THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY: FUNDAMENTAL FAIRNESS IN REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. Lani. p. Smith. "Reframing the Affirmative Action Debate. accessed May 1. Boston: Beacon. 89. Ward." NEW YORK UNIVERSITY REVIEW OF LAW AND SOCIAL CHANGE 24. Guinier. Guinier. Mark. Lani.mit.3/tushnet. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center. 2002. Guinier. Steinberg. edited by J.mit. Stephen. Volume 9 Page 116 BIBLIOGRAPHY Connerly. by Robert Richie and Steven Hill. "Don't Scapegoat the Gerrymander. p. accessed May 1. Guinier. Lani. Lani. "The Triumph of Tokenism: The Voting Rights Act and the Theory of Black Electoral Success. Tushnet. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. LIFT EVERY VOICE: TURNING A CIVIL RIGHTS SETBACK INTO A NEW VISION OF SOCIAL JUSTICE.com . 5. Guinier." THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE. 2002. Lani Guinier's Certainty. Jr. p.html. Guinier." In REBELS IN LAW: VOICES IN HISTORY OF BLACK WOMEN LAWYERS. BOSTON REVIEW. 36-37. March 1991. Guinier. Foreword to REFLECTING ALL OF US: THE CASE FOR PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.6/connerly.mit. p. Lani.. "President Clinton's Doubt. 2002. 1998. Lani. http://bostonreview. 1077-1154. http://bostonreview. C.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

injecting further distortions into the process. THE MEDIA DISTORTS GUINIER¶S VIEWS TO THE EXTREME Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . the woman known as the 'quota queen' claimed she did not believe in quotas. county and municipal governing bodies in America. July/August 1993. some of us feel comfortable providing special protections for wealthy landlords or white South Africans." But once the stereotype was affixed to her. Volume 9 Page 117 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM 1. praising ideas remarkably similar to mine.there still was not a single quote from any of her writings. the white minority in South Africa. Clinton's nominee as assistant attorney general for civil rights." reporter David Margolick wrote -"everyone" including himself. The problem is that Guinier is an opponent of quotas to ensure representation of minorities. Professor of Law at Harvard University. When the New York Times finally devoted an article to her views. July/August 1993. Guinier is the most prominent voice in the civil rights community challenging such districting. who after centuries of racial oppression are still excluded." a phrase first used in a Wall Street Journal op-ed (4/30/93) by Clint Bolick.on June 4. two votes' remedies. One of the most prominent themes of the attack on Guinier was her supposed support for electoral districts shaped to ensure a black majority -. I wrote instead about the political exclusion of the black minority in local." a buzzword that almost killed the 1991 Civil Rights Act. EXTRA!. rather than to the political firestorm that raged around them -. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. p. tyrannical majorities can best be prevented by the multiplication of minority interests.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.a process known as "race-conscious districting. In sharp contrast to her media caricature as a racial isolationist. July/August 1993. p. after the nomination had already been killed -. 3. EXTRA!." In reality. p. Nor did I write." An entire op-ed in the New York Times -. Lally Weymouth wrote: "There can't be democracy in South Africa without a measure of formal protection for minorities. 3. 9-10/92) because it "isolates blacks from potential white allies" and "suppresses the potential development of issue-based campaigning and cross-racial coalitions. 3.com . her views were not only distorted.which appeared on the day her nomination was withdrawn (6/3/93) -. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. about the need sometimes to disaggregate the majority to ensure fair and effective representation for minority interests. EXTRA!.Yet these same two journalists and many others condemned me as anti-democratic." George Will wrote: "The Framers also understood that stable. 3. "Almost everyone is relying on reconstructions by journalists and partisans. Apparently. a Reagan-era Justice Department official. George Will and Lally Weymouth. The racially loaded term combines the "welfare queen" stereotype with the dreaded "quota. EXTRA!. about the minority of wealthy landlords in New York City." 2. she has criticized race-conscious districting (Boston Review. two conservative columnists. there was seemingly no way she could dispel it: "Unbelievably. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. In an article in the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review (Spring/89). p." columnist Ray Kerrison wrote in the New York Post (6/4/93). but in many cases presented as the exact opposite of her actual beliefs. July/August 1993." In my law review articles I had expressed exactly the same reservations about unfettered majority rule. many journalists preferred to simply repeat the charges of ideologically motivated opponents. color-coded ballots. electoral quotas or 'one black. Another media tactic against Guinier was to dub her a "quota queen. The difference is that the minority that I used to illustrate my academic point was not. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 4. she stated that "the enforcement of this representational right does not require legislative set-asides.was based on the premise that Guinier was in favor of "segregating black voters in black-majority districts. both wrote separate columns on the same day in the Washington Post (7/15/93). CONSERVATIVES ARE HYPOCRITICAL WHEN THEY CHALLENGE GUINIER¶S VIEWS Lani Guinier." Indeed. as George Will did. GUINIER IS THE OPPOSITE OF A ³QUOTA QUEEN´ Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . he admitted in an interview with Extra!. as it was for Lally Weymouth. but we brand as "divisive" and "radical" the idea of providing similar remedies to include black Americans. How could Guinier's positions be distorted so thoroughly? Part of the problem was simple laziness: Rather than doing research into Guinier's record. 3. No one who had done their homework seriously questioned the fundamentally democratic nature of "my ideas. In the media smear campaign against Lani Guinier. THE MEDIA ADMITS THEY ARE BIASED AGAINST GUINIER Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . so the majority at any moment will be just a transitory coalition of minorities.

Professor.minerscanary. EXTRA!. each of us is then obligated not only to succeed as individuals. p. If we are to move beyond the present polarization in a manner consistent with the commitments to fairness and equality that both positions endorse.minerscanary. np. describing it as a "limited empowerment tool." as George Will put it (Newsweek. but to ³lift as we climb. June 14.shtml. accessed May 1. while keeping firmly in mind the democratic purposes of higher education and the specific mission of most institutions of higher education. July/August 1993. 3. But in a Michigan Law Review article (3/91). she was critiquing it. 6/14/93). 3. Professor. and what constitutes fairness for all." But more important.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In doing so. becomes future-oriented and dynamic.shtml. 2002. legitimacy and power base is the black community. quantifiable and backwards-looking entity that.com .wcdebate. In other words. Harvard Law School. in a multiracial democracy. because it takes lessons from both the testocracy as well as affirmative action to confirm a set of experimental and pragmatic actions that begin to link (ad)mission practices for all students to the broad mission and public character of higher education in a multiracial democracy. 2000. she was not endorsing the concept of authentic representation. http://www. in other words.org/mainart/confirmative_action. can be chronicled with the proper instruments. That focus." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. we must more carefully explore how to measure and what to call merit. 2002. 2000. allows us to reconsider the relationship between individual merit and operational fairness. like one¶s family tree or family assets. np. in turn. In this fuller accounting of the democratic values of publicly supported institutions. And she was repeatedly charged with believing that only "authentic" blacks counted.org/mainart/confirmative_action. between claims of individual desert based on past opportunities and individual contributions based on future societal needs. Dynamic merit involves a commitment to distribution of opportunity not only at birth but also through one¶s life. accessed May 1. Many commentators painted Guinier as a racial polarizer who implies that "only blacks can represent blacks.´ Merit becomes a forward-looking function of what a democratic society needs and values rather than a fixed. June 14. 2. Merit. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. we should seek to reconfirm the democratic role of higher education in a multiracial society by re-connecting admissions processes to the public mission of both public and private schools. AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AIDS DEMOCRACY. ³CONFIRMATIVE ACTION´ IS A COMMITMENT TO DEMOCRACY Lani Guinier. Our commitment to democratic values benefits from studies like the one at the University of Michigan. Guinier stated that "authentic representatives need not be black as long as the source of the authority. Harvard Law School. It is contextual and resistant to standardized measurement. It requires modesty in our beliefs about what we can measure in human beings. A first step is to view ³merit´ as a functional rather than generic concept. THE CHARGES OF REVERSE RACISM AGAINST GUINIER ARE LUDICROUS Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . I tentatively call this a process of confirmative action. p. p. AND SHOULD INCLUDE POOR WHITES Lani Guinier. Volume 9 Page 118 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY 1. It is changing and manifests itself differently depending on how you look at it. we confirm the benefits of affirmative action² but not simply to people of color²by re-casting merit as a practical term that is intimately connected with each institution¶s specific mission. which showcase the experience of people of color and many women. who carry a commitment to contributing back to those who are less fortunate. even as it demands clarifying and explicitly stating our institutional objectives. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. http://www.

accessed May 1.perhaps most particularly whites -. the history of City College¶s experiment highlights the inherent problems in sacrificing merit on the altar of race.html. and refreshing.html.edu/BR25. For its entire history. Hispanic." Sturm and Guinier implicitly concede that preference proponents cannot carry the day while traditional measures of merit prevail. BOSTON REVIEW.wcdebate. Caucasian. attracting topflight students from around the world.6/connerly. American governments at all levels have sorted us into categories based on our skin color: slave. Unfortunately. Thus. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. City College¶s experiment has failed. accessed May 1. accessed May 1. In 1970. For her. Nor do we lack for evidence about how their proposal would work. it was surprising. Indian. Both departments¶ alumni often proceed to top graduate programs in the country. in which what one group wins necessarily comes at the expense of another group.mit.3/tushnet. free black. The substantive failures of policy can be eliminated by following the indirect strategy of using the right procedures.mit. December 200/January 2001. Unfortunately.html. City College of New York embarked on precisely the same social experiment advocated by Sturm and Guinier today: open admissions. accessed May 1. What is most striking about Guinier's work. to see Susan Sturm and Lani Guinier propose "shift[ing] the terrain of the debate. Sturm and Guinier ignore this fundamental reality. is develop procedures which will allow all of us to work together to find the policies which will do that.that society is not so racially polarized. Which invites the pessimist to reply that the failures of policy show that the principle of reciprocity really doesn't work on matters of importance to African Americans. according to Guinier's optimistic vision. The English Department is also enjoying a renaissance. BOSTON REVIEW. one for which we should all be ashamed. 2002. octoroon. http://bostonreview.apparently in the face of the failures of public policy -.have mistakenly seen politics as a zero-sum game. public policy could generate gains for everyone.edu/BR25. While the City College administration shared their concerns about racial equality and merit. Students admitted based on their prior academic performance continue to succeed. http://bostonreview. BOSTON REVIEW. GUINIER¶S IDEAS WERE TRIED AND FAILED 30 YEARS AGO Ward Connerly.mit. December 200/January 2001. SORTING PEOPLE INTO CATEGORIES AS GUINIER DOES IS RACIST Ward Connerly. Instead.6/connerly.com .html. 4. http://bostonreview. and that those failures must result from a more deeply-rooted racism than Guinier is willing to acknowledge.edu/BR19. December 200/January 2001. they mount a frontal assault on the "prevailing selection procedures" of American society: academic standards measured by paper-and-pencil tests. 3. It is a long and sordid history.edu/BR25. GUINIER¶S IDEAS LEAD TO RACIAL POLARIZATION Ward Connerly. EMPIRICALLY. 2. given these tensions. she proposes. is how optimistic and fundamentally conservative she is. City College¶s School of Engineering remains one of the best schools in the country. Its efforts to create a student body with the right mix of skin colors have polarized it into two schools. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center. their argument is not at all new. 2002. Thus. 2002. The next step in fulfilling America¶s promise is to create a colorblind state.6/connerly. Their prescription of emphasizing race anew merely resurrects the worst of our history. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. etc. people -. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994.mit. GUINIER IGNORES THAT RACISM IS TOO DEEPLY ROOTED FOR HER PROPOSALS Mark Tushnet. we ought to believe -. Volume 9 Page 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY 1. http://bostonreview. All we need to do. 2002.

Their ideological enemies will revel in this retreat to a second line of defense by two law professors who are identified with the cause of affirmative action.6/steinberg." 2.mit. Instead Sturm and Guinier make a case for overhauling the selection process that evaluates candidates for jobs and college admissions. Nor will Sturm and Guinier get the concessions they are bargaining for." The entire thrust of their argument is to explore alternatives to affirmative action that will broaden access of minorities and women to jobs and universities.html. To be sure. They may tell themselves that they are driven by realpolitik. provide the access to jobs and opportunities that are today secured by affirmative action? The logic of Sturm and Guinier¶s brief can be stated as follows: 1. Indeed. What evidence is there that overhauling the selection criteria would open up avenues for women and minorities? In most large-scale organizations±corporations and universities alike±employees are routinely evaluated by superiors on an array of performance criteria. The problem. Affirmative action is assailed by critics as violating cherished principles of "merit. NOT GIVE UP AS GUINIER DOES Stephen Steinberg. 3. accessed May 1. 2002. there are compelling arguments for abandoning standardized tests that favor privileged groups who. As the saying goes. Against this background. affirmative action has been under sustained assault. http://bostonreview. are Sturm and Guinier capitulating to the anti-affirmative action backlash and prematurely throwing in the towel for the sake of an illusory consensus? Second. but they end up acquiescing to the reversal of hard-won gains and falling back on reforms that are unlikely to be enacted in the foreseeable future. they seem resigned to the fact that the Supreme Court. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THERE IS NO EVIDENCE GUINIER¶S PROPOSALS WOULD WORK Stephen Steinberg.6/steinberg. Sturm and Guinier declare that "it is time to shift the terrain of debate. here the syllogism runs into trouble. 2002.edu/BR25. THE SOLUTION IS TO MEND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION.mit. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. even if enacted. On closer examination. rather than scores on "paper-andpencil" tests. accessed May 1. the "testocracy" that is used to assess merit is neither fair nor functional. However." 2. is now poised to deliver the coup de grace. Is this not the lesson of Bill Clinton¶s ill-fated proposal to "end welfare as we know it"? 3. The problem is that "for more than two decades. especially when the people doing the evaluations are white and male and the people being evaluated belong to stigmatized groups.edu/BR25. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. though.6/steinberg. accessed May 1. http://bostonreview. Volume 9 Page 120 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE 1.com . studies have consistently found that performance appraisal ratings of women and people of color are prone to bias. 2002.edu/BR25. this strategy may appear to be a sensible concession to political reality. Therefore±alas. GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE IMPRACTICAL Stephen Steinberg. Is so-and-so a "team player"? Does she do her job well? Does he have good communication skills? Does she make the tough decisions? Does he demonstrate leadership? Such judgments are easily tainted by personal prejudices. Sturm and Guinier could have concluded that the case against affirmative action is specious and therefore affirmative action should be upheld. aside from the advantages that derive from better schooling. is that they implicitly advocate these reforms as a surrogate for affirmative action policy. December 200/January 2001.mit.html. Though they do not say so explicitly. would their proposed reforms of the selection process. "if it ain¶t broke.html. two troubling questions arise. don¶t fix it. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. Sturm and Guinier also make a compelling case that it would be fairer and more productive to judge applicants on the basis of performance criteria. have the resources to pay for expensive prep courses. which has already eviscerated affirmative action through a series of decisions. At first blush. http://bostonreview.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate." as Sturm and Guinier write in their opening sentence. December 200/January 2001. December 200/January 2001. First.

Skocpol and Sociologists for Women in Society (SWS) filed charges against Harvard with the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (E. Each section should provide another useful way of approaching domestic and foreign topics in the realm of social policy or social change. professor and well-known author. As well as political revolutions that transform the state but not society and do not necessarily involve class struggles. Through comparative historical analysis she helps to create an understanding of international contexts and changes in domestic policies that spawn revolutionary change in a particular society. that this particular form of change deserves special attention because they are a distinctive pattern of sociopolitical change that has a large and lasting effect on both the country where the revolution occurs as well as other nations around the world. It also allow debaters to utilize historical examples without making it sound simply like a list that can be easily countered by a list on the other side.O. She now has tenure in both Sociology and the Department of Government at Harvard. I will end with a general discussion of the importance of Skocpol¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debaters. ³rapid. From 1981 to 1985 she taught Political Science and Sociology at the University of Chicago. This perspective is useful for Lincoln Douglas debaters because it allows for method of examining values within a particular social and political climate and the effect they will have on particular resolutions. The examples she points to are rebellions that. She is a native of the state of Michigan. Thomas Professor of Government and Sociology at Harvard. in fact. she then returned to Harvard¶s Sociology Department. She received her Bachelor¶s degree from Michigan State in 1969 and then went on to study for her PhD at Harvard. shows Skocpol. but she is a wife and mother. social policies and revolution through historical and comparative methods. However. ³class-based revolts from below. by nature. they involve the coincidence of political and social transformations. Theda Skocpol defines social revolutions as. Dr. The nature of the social revolution is unique because of its mutually reinforcing nature and the intensity through which they work. than other types of societal change. basic transformations of a society¶s state and class structures.) on her behalf (Impersonal at Best). involve class-based revolt but not structural change. especially in analyzing revolutions. In this essay I will briefly describe some of Theda Skocpol¶s most prominant works and the theories she has developed in them. Other forms of change never achieve this unique combination. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. First. Next. a social revolution involves the coincidence of societal structural change with class upheaval. Her work focuses on a structural perspective and pays special attention to the specific contexts in which certain types of revolutions take place. Not only is Dr. She argues that social revolutions involve two coincidences.C.´ This type of change is not the only force of change in the modern world. an active citizen. In 1981 the all-male department of Sociology at Harvard refused tenure to Dr. Debaters are often drawn to a social science perspective on social change in order to explain the effects of their views on society. She then uses her knowledge of history to create a more generalizable framework and allow readers to move beyond particular cases.´ (4). STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS. EXPLAINING SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS In her early work. She points out that they are accompanied and partially carried out by. full scale social revolution has been quite rare. She is involved in the community around her not only through her books but by contributing to local newspapers. Skocpol argues. Skocpol¶s way of tying social and political forces together and analyzing those issue which effect both provides debaters with a model for effective argumentation through a discussion of past events.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 121 THEDA SKOCPOL Theda Skocpol is the Victor S. Skocpol utilizes her experience in sociology and political science to analyze the nature of public policy and social revolutions. Skocpol a researcher. From 1975 to 1981 she taught as a member of the non-tenured faculty at Harvard (Homepage).com . Skocpol¶s work refutes such mechanisms as the best method. Her work includes discussions about the nature of the state. Social revolutions are fundamentally different. In addition to all of this responsibility she still finds time to be what she calls her readers to be.E. Her earlier works focused more on revolution while her more recent literature tends to deal extensively with the United States¶ domestic social policies.

changes in social systems or societies give rise to grievances. These countries also began noncontributory pensions for the elderly.that consciously undertakes to overthrow the existing government and perhaps the entire social order. if it wins. political science and history being the most prominent have discussed the concept of welfare. The term ³welfare´ has always been a negative term in United States political discussions. ³«collective action is based upon group organization and access to resources«´ (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14). Finally.´ The concept of the welfare state began in countries like Australia.wcdebate. Skocpol examines these issues in order to analyze the way the United States chooses to give out social benefits. Then there develops a purposive. Americans tend to perceive these programs as handouts to people who are lazy and haven¶t earned them. The structural perspective taken by Skocpol is one that examines. the conditions that cause change. mass-based movementcoalescing with the aid of ideology and organization. The Social Security Act of 1935 included contributory retirement programs as its only national program. (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14-15) Obviously.´ Though many politicians would like to believe that the U. Britain and Germany where governments enacted laws concerning hour and wage regulations as well as arbitration of labor disputes for workers. The idea of political-conflict is based in the assumption that. New Zealand and Brazil between 1880 and World War I. For this understanding political-conflict theories are necessary in Skocpol¶s analysis. Her claim is that: First. She takes the Marxist analysis further by examining other factors that have an influence on social change. social disorientation. not all social revolution is a positive thing. which started long after these other nations¶ programs. Thus. their social position. those individuals capable of creating change. While all of the previously mentioned nations provided social benefits directly from the nation¶s budget. Other issues dealt with by the Social Security Act were things such as unemployment insurance. and the resources available to the group. Hopefully. and insurance for workers. the United States¶ model. A debater can use this strategy to make the argument that the status quo is good or at least that the case brought about by their opponent. in following Skocpol¶s model successfully a debater would outline a particular stance on the resolution. The federal government has never created a national health insurance policy and though it offers some subsides for public assistance programs it is left up to the states to administer such policies. could create a situation that would lead to an undesirable revolution. This concept makes receipt of such benefits demeaning and citizens attempt to avoid them. through this analysis the debater should be able to show how their stance can create positive changes in society. Early social spending in these countries continued to spread to other nations as well including Denmark. Skocpol takes the work from both of these areas in to consideration in understanding the development of social policies in the U. or new class or group interests and potentials for collective mobilization.com . which left states in charge of taxes and allowed them to determine coverage and benefits. the revolutionary movement fights it out with the authorities or dominant class and. In the past individuals in a variety of areas.S.S. exists in the framework of the ³welfare state. never followed a noncontributory model and in only one instance was anything allotted directly from the federal government to the citizens.´ that view is inaccurate. undertakes to establish its own authority and program. which they labeled ³the warfare state. MATERNALIST SOCIAL POLICY FRAMEWORK In American political debates it is common to hear politicians refer to this nation as a ³welfare state. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The same method may prove successful in answering a plan that could have detrimental effects. During wartime nations like Britain became successful in maintaining and increasing such policies by juxtaposing their model of the ³welfare state´ against the Nazi model. and examining how their development was effected by who could vote and have an effect on the legislation. Volume 9 Page 122 Skocpol¶s work draws heavily on Marxist tradition from which she recognizes that class conflicts figure prominently in social revolutions. if affirmed. for better or worse. After understanding that a particular class may come to a place where they realize the can struggle for change it is also important to understand how such groups may carry out their objectives.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

However. moves away from an understanding of United States history as one where powerful men made all the decisions and women could only make marginal gains under a patriarchal framework. This mentality causes theorists to miss important issues when attempting to understand the history and development of social policy in the United States.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. was published in 2000 and all of the issues that she addresses are still important in current political debates. Most importantly however.people who are not children and are not yet retirees. Her theory applies to Working men and women of modest economic means. was for males and females were responsible for the private realm. This book defends an understanding of the power of various women¶s organizations that make up the women¶s movement in America.wcdebate. this perspective allows debaters to move beyond shallow criticisms of a patriarchal structure to a full understanding of what that term truly means and how it may be an inaccurate criticism of United States policies. politics and business. THE MISSING MIDDLE. while paying the taxes that sustain retirees now and into the future. in this case the media was absolutely right. a widely accepted understanding in the U. by examining pensions and programs for males and the elderly as well as subsidies for women and children. this different perspective is one that allows debaters to emphasize the role of women in the history and development of United Stats social policy without painting the male population in a negative light. She explains the powerful place middle-class women found themselves in once they began to organize around particular issues affecting their place in society. The fundamental understanding and belief has been that the public sphere. political institutions and variously structured social movements and political coalitions´ (PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS 36). (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The framework she sets up in this work provides yet another useful mechanisim for analyzing problems with the social and political structure in the United States while finding workable solutions to those issues. Despite media reports that America was in a prosperous time the majority of the country was feeling overworked and underpaid. Most nights the average American could turn on the news and see President Bill Clinton or Vice President Al Gore promoting their latest policy to put health care in the hands of the people and provide opportunities to the working class. In order to explain this paradox Skocpol developed her theory of the ³missing middle. This could be followed by reports of the Clinton administration¶s success at keeping the economy up and unemployment rates low. Skocpol alters that reality by examining gendered social policies as well as maternalist policies in her work.S. Skocpol develops a maternalist theory of the United Stats social policies. She argues that up until this point the role of literature on women and welfare has been to sensitize readers to the subject and it therefore treats the subject through the use of narrative and interpretive essay. This has a number of implications for debate. THE MISSING MIDDLE The late 1990s were a fairly positive time in American history.´ When talking about the middle she refers both to those individuals who fall into the middle of the socioeconomic spectrum as well as the middle of the generations. the subject is not presented as one sided but rather analyzed through an understanding of the interplay between a variety of forces which she claims include women¶s organizations as well as. the stock market was up and social spending was high as well.com . having trouble obtaining health care and proper treatment at their jobs and not seeing the great wealth they heard about every night from the news media. which included the charities and the home. ³U. A shallow analysis of this problem may yield support for an understanding that American media is inaccurate.S. Second it provides a well rounded concept of social policy in the United States. In such a political climate it struck many people as strange that Theda Skocpol would choose that time to speak out about inequality in America. The work done by Skocpol in her book. Volume 9 Page 123 The welfare state concept has always been approached from a masculine standpoint. They are adults who do most of the providing and caring for the children. First. unemployment was down. Her book. Welfare literature often ignores the gendered dimension when examining American politics. However. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS. Skocpol takes on the challenge of creating a straightforward treatment of gender and social policies while learning from the more tentative arguments that have previously been made on the subject.

Volume 9 Page 124 The people she is referring to are the one who fall somewhere in between the ³poor´ that are often the focus of welfare debates and the wealthy professionals who are usually defended in political debates by the conservative politicians. taking this approach insures that politicians leave out the largest portion of American society. mainly. why would I want to take a middle of the road stance if there will still be a lot of literature that clashes with it? The answer to this is simple. society and economic life´ (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8). Skocpol argues that because politicians continue to ignore the middle section of people in America¶s diverse spectrum of individuals they continuously miss the needs of this population. this theory differs from most current social and political theories in that it stand right in the middle of the dominant perspectives and still provides tons of clash with all of the things around it. While all of these groups are relevant to discussions on social policy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. because Skocpol¶s theory tends to address the unspoken majority in American society she may provide a safer perspective when you are having trouble with audience analysis.com . Those individuals who fall in the middle of the generational and socio-economic spectrum. The reason many Americans found themselves feeling overworked at the end of the 1990s while the media reported on the positive status of America was because they were. More recently social policy debates have become an issue of the elderly verses the young. The low unemployment rate sounds good but ignores the fact that more Americans are working harder for less money than they have before and a majority of those same people could care less about a rising stack market because they don¶t own stock or have the time to learn how to invest their money because they are too busy getting out there and trying to earn it. By examining a resolution through the missing middle perspective you seem to be avoiding the extreme positions and providing a discussion that is more palatable yet it will always clash with the dominant positions in these debates. Often working parents make up a large portion of the audience at tournaments and Skocpol¶s theory of the missing middle may be the perfect perspective with which to approach a resolution and make arguments that your audience can relate to.wcdebate. This may leave some debaters thinking.S. Additionally. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. First. She points out that political debates devolve into conflicts between what are seen as the ³rich´ and ³poor´ in American society on issues such as welfare. Politicians tend to juxtapose the needs of an aging population with the programs designed to help underprivileged children. The group Skocpol seeks to address are generally working Americans who spend long hours at a job because they need to feed families and want to create a decent life either as a single parent or in a dual income home. because the theory of the missing middle addresses. the working population. This work is especially important for Lincoln-Douglas debaters to have as a tool when determining a perspective with which to shape the debate for a couple of reasons. and still are. who Skocpol argues. Though the Clinton administration can tout low unemployment rates and a high stock market it is irrelevant to a large portion of the population. many of them parents. Skocpol argues. are generally ignored in political debates. While college student and professors who judge Lincoln Douglas debate may be more amenable to radical discussions on either the right or the left of the resolution these individuals are not always the largest portion of a high school debater¶s judging pool. working class parents it provides a realistic mechanism for assessing the resolution which your judges may often relate to. ³are truly at the epicenter of the changing realities of U.

to explain events. Additionally.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. No matter what subject a debater may access this author¶s work to find she will end her discussion with a workable solution to the problems laid out in the discussion.com . She takes great care in pointing out the roots of social policy as well as explaining work done in a variety of fields and showing what other scholars have contributed to the research. In Skocpol¶s book a debater will not only find a framework through which to construct a case. Skocpol¶s work is useful for any Lincoln Douglas debater who finds themselves in a debate about domestic or foreign social policies. tied together with values and political context as well as factors such as class. This particular theorist¶s work is a great tool for debaters because she takes the time to analyze situations from a viewpoint that allows the reader to examine historical examples. Here I would like to give a more broad discussion of the application of Skocpol¶s work to this activity. which LD tends to draw upon. reading Skocpol¶s work will assist debaters in understanding perspectives that may be used to answer their case and providing them the tools necessary for refuting such arguments. they will find useful examples and explanations that support the arguments they choose to make. Her work provides a mechanism for examining proposals made in the form of policy action as well as those that are created more as social changes. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 125 LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE APPLICATIONS Some of the implications of this author¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debates have already been outlined in previous sections. She also does a beautiful job of answering those theories that she chooses to disagree with. Instead.wcdebate. her criticisms and explanations end with plans for practical actions that could bring about desired change. Following her structure will allow debaters not only to have a political theory on which to base their arguments but it will provide a logical structure that culminates in a workable mechanism for change that should make sense to the critic. The final reason that debaters may find Skocpol¶s work accessible is that she does not merely offer an explanation of why things are the way that they are nor does she stop after a thorough criticism of a particular structure.

com . Theda. 1982. Theda and Stanley B.W. Felicia A. RUSSIA & CHINA. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. 2000.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. p. Ritter.183. 1996. Case. 1999. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. p. Dubrow. New Haven: Yale University Press.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p. 1997.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. 1992.S. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science. Kornbluth. Theda. Skocpol. THE NEW MAJORITY. New York: Cambridge University Press. Kristin Kay. 28. Greenberg.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE.171. and Nicole Mellow. September 2000. Halliday. THE MISSING MIDDLE. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Norton & Company. Skocpol. New York: W. Skocpol.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS: THE POLITICAL ORIGINS OF SOCIAL POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES. Gretchen. Fall. Steven. Terrance C. July 31. Theda. 1984. April 30.wcdebate. ³Impersonal at best: tales from the tenure track.´ OFF OUR BACKS. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. May 31. Skocpol. Boston: South End Press. 1979. STATES & SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FRANCE. Gail Lee. Wineman. Volume 9 Page 126 BIBLIOGRAPHY Barker. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES.. 1997.

" she argued in 1980. To this already weakened edifice of Marxian theory. it provides an analytic concept for understanding the nature of political relations and state institutions.171. Skocpol's larger theoretical agenda is to substantiate her framework -. Mink follows the development of this welfare state through the New Deal and argues that it was not only gendered but also racialized in ways that lowered the civic status of poor women and nonwhites. Research on policy in a historical context tends to be preoccupied with broad theoretical questions that are of concern to feminist and other political theorists. weakly bureaucratic "Tudor polity. bureaucrats.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. Although not always explicitly.com . p. SKOCPOL CAN ACCOUNTS FOR INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS BEARING ON POLITICS Kristin Kay Barker. I will necessarily condense her account. the United States possesses a decentralized. [S]tate structures and party organizations have (to a very significant degree) independent histories.a polity-centered perspective -. electoral rules. the literature under review profiles both the tight links between sexism and state policies. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States. just as the neo-Marxists admitted the "relative autonomy" of politics while loading the dice in favor of "determination in the last instance" by economic power. from whether and how economic elites could determine political outcomes. these institutionalized forces create policy opportunities and barriers.for accounting for the trajectory of social provisions.. that is.. The negotiations and conflicts among politicians. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. in her polity-centered perspective (much as in her earlier state-centered model). the shape of a government in itself-which she takes as mostly invariant over time. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Skocpol pushes social determinants out of her study so far as to load the dice in favor of autonomous state actors. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science. and elite interest groups account for much of the remainder. 1997. governmental institutions. Given the enormity of her undertaking. and the random walk that such policies often take along their autonomous historical paths. However. Skocpol introduces the term "structured polity" to describe the mix of political autonomy and social constraints that operate to produce social policy. the emphasis of both models on determination and autonomy. "[C]apitalism in general has no politics.S. In other words. historical sociologist Theda Skocpol delivered a series of blows that threatened to bring it tumbling down. the history of social policy is understood by situating it "within a broader. in combination with the postmodern suspicion of theories that make social life sum up into a neat coherent whole.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. political parties and officials. resulting in over 500 pages of text. Case. Volume 9 Page 127 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD 1. organizationally grounded analysis of American political development"(526). This type of policy and law research offers one of the most promising venues for integrating gender in such a way as to both critique and reformulate standard theories and interpretations of AP. In Protecting Soldiers and Mothers (1992). to the emergence of particular government policies from particular governments. a graduate student in the same department." whereas historic monarchies like Sweden and France have strong central states-has enormous weight in shaping public policy. In her newest work.wcdebate. Associate professor of American Politics at University of Texas at Austin and Nicole Mellow. Gender is being used not just to add women to a fixed political picture.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Skocpol asserts that the early development of American social policy was shaped by a social feminist movement that advocated for the establishment of a maternalist welfare state. Professor of Sociology. Together. and policy feedback loom large. Neither neo-Marxists nor Skocpolians offered a model that entirely works for feminist students of welfare. In The Wages of Motherhood (1995). There is a tradition of research in the area of social welfare exemplified by scholars such as Theda Skocpol and Gwendolyn Mink that has influenced not only scholarship on American political development but interdisciplinary feminist scholarship as well. 1996. has helped in describing the complex historical relationships between masculine power and government policy. p. April 30. Simply stated. Kornbluth.183. SKOCPOL¶S EXPLAINS STATES POLICIES' RELATIONSHIP TO SEXISM WELL Felicia A." 13 Skocpol and her colleagues redirected the focus of study. However. 14 In Skocpol's vision. July 31. Rather.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. INCLUDING GENDER IN POLITICAL STUDIES IMPROVES THE ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK Gretchen Ritter. 3. "only (extremely flexible) outer limits. bureaucrats. 2.. September 2000.

and children figured prominently in the configuration of early welfare politics. echoes of what historians of the early national United States have termed "republican motherhood. they offer a fundamental restructuring of our current understanding of what is political. July 31. and in their processes of creation.S. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. that women as mothers deserved a return from their governments for the socially vital work they performed by raising children. which treated men as fathers and heads of families. 1996. exhausted. These texts continue to advance the larger claim of feminist scholarship that existing categories of analysis fail to capture adequately women's realities. and other reform ideologies by emphasizing its special. who know them as "social feminists. Volume 9 Page 128 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED 1. in their processes of creation. rather than just along the lines their organizations requested. "Pioneering European and Australasian welfare states. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. Although often overlooked in scholarship focused on state provisions to workers.183. April 30. with the latter's perceived best interests in mind. 3. time-bound contribution to political thought.171." she writes.. Maternalists were those reformers at the turn of the twentieth century who believed that motherhood or potential motherhood was a legitimate basis for women's citizenship. were doubly paternalist: Elite males. p. THE HISTORY OF MATERNALISM SHOWS THE IMPORTANCE OF WOMEN¶S EXPERIENCES Kristin Kay Barker. programs designed "in the best interest" of workers. the story was different when it came to what might be called maternalist legislation." However. More important. bureaucrats and national political leaders. established regulations or social benefits for members of the working class-that is. they treated women as mothers who made claims on the state thereby. April 30. 2. Professor of Sociology. Felicia A. federal social programs for mothers. p. which simultaneously justified a public role for women and affirmed women's primary responsibility for children. Case.S. Case.171. Maternalist reformers may be familiar to some readers. republican motherhood. SKOCPOL PROVIDES THE CLEAREST UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALIST POLICIES Kornbluth. 1997. post suffrage women's movement.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. 1996. [W]hile very little paternalist legislation was passed in the early-twentiethcentury United States.S. potential mothers.com ." or as the fractious.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. p. history may have believed (in Ladd-Taylor's phrase) "that there is a uniquely feminine value system based on care and nurturance" or (in Gordon's) have "imagined themselves in a motherly role toward the poor. which were largely closed to their putative workingclass beneficiaries-so were maternalist policies maternalist in two ways. maternalism represents a unique political philosophy that is particular to the historical moment at which it emerged. they were designed by ambitious middle-class women for working-class women. Felicia A.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Readers may also hear in maternalism. For over 20 years feminist scholars have outlined the ways in which maternalist rhetoric and strategies were employed in the formation of social policy campaigns and crusades. Skocpol clarifies her operating definition of maternalism by analogy to the "paternalism" she argues characterized most other welfare states. Many women reformers in U. In content. 317) As paternalist social policies were paternalist in two ways-in their content. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. MATERNALISM UNDERSTANDS THAT WOMEN HAVE A POLITICAL ROLE AS MOTHERS.wcdebate. and/or that governments had a special responsibility to ensure the health and welfare of children. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights." But we can distinguish maternalism from social feminism. (P. Historical accounts of the emergence of maternal policies are significant not only because they make for a richer representation of the crucial years of welfare-state development in Western capitalist democracies between 1880 and 1940. in Protecting Soldiers and Mothers. Kornbluth.

Koven & Michel). but also by policy makers seeking to restrict governmental services for women. p. the predominance of giant corporations." MATERNALISM IS FLAWED 1. Hence Shamir maintains that if it is good enough to argue for the autonomy of the state and its managers. np. from legislators to bureaucrats to social workers. Shamir sympathizes with Theda Skocpol's thesis that state managers develop their own agendas. severe stratification of power. they represent a different version of how to sustain the corporate capitalist structure. teaches American women's gender. American Bar Foundation. THIS CAUSES THEIR POLICY INFLUENCE TO OFTEN BE COUNTER PRODUCTIVE. and social welfare history at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Instead. The case of child care and mothers' pensions reveals both the strengths and the limitations of an ideology rooted in arguments about women's natural capacity as mothers. to "do good.com . It was the limited vision of women's rights and responsibilities. a substantial literature has arisen that critiques the failure of pluralist theories to recognize the centrality of the state as an institutional actor with interests of its own with some measure of autonomy from the economic and political interests that emerge from the market and civil society. p. This function proceeds despite the conscious of many individuals. she is also the co-editor and author of a variety of works on these subjects. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. 2. Point for point. Within political sociology. Author. Ironically. the hidden function of the welfare state is to maintain political and social stability and to deter fundamental change. While maternalism empowered the early female philanthropists to establish day nurseries and the NDFN to improve them. Northwestern University. 1984.wcdebate.36. Sonya. Michel.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Fall. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES. and that became maternalism's legacy to the American welfare state. Halliday. Similarly. MATERNALISM CAN ONLY PROVIDE A LIMITED CONCEPT OF RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES FOR AMERICAN WOMEN. SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE FAILS TO RECOGNIZE THE AUTONOMY OF LAW. "The Limits of Maternalism. law and its carriers had been reduced to a mere instrumentality" (p. but also maternalism that contributed to the humiliating and punitive treatment of recipients.centered approaches. What became extracted and reified was the single trope of the woman as mother in the home. it was maternalism that fueled the campaign for mothers' pensions. 165). Theory of the State. which continued to be reproduced not only by experts on children and the family. not the idea of child care as public service to all. THE WELFARE STATE IS AN INSTITUTION OF EXPLOITATION THAT CAN'T BE REFORMED Steven Wineman. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.in the interests of the corporate order.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. Terrance C. New York: Routledge. in both class and state. Volume 9 Page 129 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE 1. Adjunct Professor of Sociology. maternalism can also cast public child care as peculiarly unstable enterprise with a self-divided and self-defeating sense of purpose. 1993. reliance on industrial production which poisons the planet. 1999. Senior Research Fellow. 307." MOTHERS OF A NEW WORLD (ed. If the true agenda of the conservative program is to serve the interests of big business. liberal human services leave basic elements of the political economy in tact: structural unemployment. after the turn of the century maternalist ideology began to weaken as parent education and other fields challenged the notion of maternal instinct and called for training and professionalization for those who dealt with children. but he criticizes Skocpol and other state theorists for failing to comprehend law's autonomy: "In asserting the autonomy of the state. it is also good enough to take seriously the autonomy of law. It is a mistake to view the welfare state policies as representing a qualitatively different system from the conservative program. p.

PhD. not merely a neutral or benign difference. Gordon is able to underscore that men and women were holding similar visions of the economic structure of the proper family in which the welfare state took its form. often called the two-track welfare system.male and female welfare reformers worked within substantially the same gender system. with the exception of the structural differences mentioned above. Women's activism was as much as men's. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. The absence of such a specification and definition is a result of her failure to ground her concept of gender in questions of male and female power. SKOCPOL'S GENDER ANALYSIS IS SIMPLISTIC AND INCOMPLETE Eirinn Larsen. researcher at European University Institute.. "Specifically. PhD. To Gordon. without directly expressing the distinctions between the two concepts. in a context of male domination. Gender is.wcdebate. However. By not employing gender as a male/female opposition. determined by class as much as by gender. 1996. and thus the concepts of paternalism/maternalism refer to an inequity of power in relation to both gender and generation.com . In the entire book there is no discussion of male power in general or in its specifics -or. SKOCPOL'S ESSENTIALISM REINFORCES A DESTRUCTIVE GENDER BINARY. Volume 9 Page 130 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN 1. NORWAY. .The maternalist strategy was after all a result of women's lack of political power. np. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. Gordon indicates that Skocpol's analysis is not matched by familiarity with scholarly debates on gender. Skocpol uses maternalism as an opposition to paternalism. after all. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Spring. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. In other words..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. in order to maintain the family wage system. it is a difference. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY.PHILOL. 2. p. they were anything but universal: "they expressed a dominant outlook. in the way Gordon sees it. Clearly. and Gordon claims that "she produces an entirely celebratory account of the women's organizations she studies. to put it inversely. but one that did not fit the needs and understandings of many less privileged citizens". Gender means "female" for Skocpol. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. but Skocpol identifies these commonalties no more than their differences.PHILOL. Gordon continues: "This failure exemplifies ways in which Skocpol's approach to the influence of gender is undeveloped in relation to the theoretical level of much scholarly gender analysis today". Eirinn Larsen. of the fact that the forms of political power with which Skocpol is so concerned are shaped by their maleness. was. The stratification of the American welfare system into the social insurance and public assistance program. researcher at European University Institute. Gordon thinks it is false to believe that a kind of unity among women was present at this time. NORWAY. np. p. says Gordon. or rather a set of meanings culturally constructed around sexual difference." Gordon continues: She [Skocpol] generalizes about these "maternalists" as if they were manifestations of some universal female principle. 1996. the problems in Skocpol's interpretations are already present in the outset of the book: she fails to produce any adequate definitions of what she means by "paternalist" and "maternalist". the same set of assumptions about proper family life and the proper sphere for men and women. while these gendered assumptions did not necessarily express antagonism between men and women. to be sure. says Gordon. They did share some fundamental beliefs and assumptions about proper role of government and the proper construction of families. this supposed unity denies that women's agency also derives from other aspects of their social position. a result of gender values shared by both men and women. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. Spring. She has no critique of maternalism".

She has been extremely successful in applying her personal experiences in feminism. there are many aspects of his work that have nurturing qualities for hooks and she feels justified in overlooking the sexist tendency. Despite this realization hooks continues her practice because she feels the accessibility of her work to those outside of the scholarly community is more important. This is part of her attempt to decolonize her mind and the minds of other colonized people. Kentucky. sexism and classism. Growing up hooks was taught that men did not like to be with smart girls and if she ever wanted to marry. her writing style functions as a critical tool that breaks down accepted notions of proper and improper in academic scholarship. racism and classism. She points out that. In her reading hooks found one author who she had a particular connection with. She knew there was something else out there for her. Despite the fact the many feminist critics. At the university she found herself further away from individuals expecting girls to seek out married life but the sex discrimination was not gone. from the University of California in Santa Cruz. which allows the author to combine reflex and action. as it might be today.´ Determined to overcome these notions. she found a hostile reaction toward discussions of ³feminism. Volume 9 Page 131 bell hooks bell hooks is the name chosen by Gloria Watkins as her pseudonym. Paulo Friere. Like everything hooks does. highly knowledgeable in a variety of areas including literature. which was supposed to be the primary goal in every girl¶s mind. Though hooks will make reference in her works to scholars who have influenced her work. This is accomplished in most of hooks' work through the contribution of her own life experience. She could often be found curled up on her bed on a mental escape in a good book. that too much reading would change her life. especially Friere. hooks continued writing and went on to Yale after graduating. She follows his model because it is participatory and employs the notion of praxis. Her father feared. race and gender studies but she more often chooses to write from her experiences and to adopt a more narrative style regardless of the type of work she is composing. She uses her own experience to help others understand the hierarchy that exists in American society. Friere's work has served as a model of critical consciousness. She chooses to use this particular name in honor of her great-grandmother who she sees as a powerful. hooks was born in 1952 in Hopkinsville. For her. perceived as a productive activity for a young girl to be engaged in.D. She later returned to California to obtain her Ph. self-actualized woman who survived harsh racism. she does not generally conform to rules of source citation or footnoting. In the period from 1980 to 1998 she produced sixteen books as well as numerous articles and speeches. and the destructive effects of sexism. Unfortunately she realizes that it is this choice that often causes her work to be passed over for use in institutions of higher learning. In her classes. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. including hooks. The desire to marry was not something bell hooks chose to focus on. correctly it turned out. Hooks describes her grandmother as: bell hooks is a prolific author. politics. generally taught by white males. This interest in books was not.com . it was simply recreated in new ways. hooks argues that her choice to avoid particular citation formatting of her work is not careless writing but rather a conscious choice to make her writing more accessible.wcdebate. From the age of ten she was sure she wanted to become a writer. WRITING STYLE bell hooks is a scholar. She earned her bachelor¶s degree from Stanford University where she expected to find a more enlightened view on the role of reading and education in a woman¶s life. have indicted Friere as "partially blinded by sexism"(Women Writing Culture 106).West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. academia and her southern upbringing to a criticism of society that speaks to readers among a variety of audiences. she would have to avoid excessive involvement in books.

hooks explains that the mass media plays an enormous role in the construction of images that construct America¶s social reality. Patriarchy is the privileging of males over females. She indicts institutions and promotes a multitude of values. representations of their value structures and a devaluing of non-white people further marginalizes those groups. they just got up in the morning and went.com . sex or class. Because of this values conveyed by television play themselves out in everyday life. The prominent group controlling American mass media are white males. capitalist culture that uses racist. FEMINISM "Feminist politics is losing momentum because feminist movement has lost clear definitions. She remembers getting up in the earliest hours of the morning so that she could make the long bus ride she always noticed as they passed the white school those student appeared well rested because they lived in the area where their school was located. (KILLING RAGE) There are five major angles from which hooks chooses to analyze white supremacist tendencies in society: American nationalism. Even the smallest elements of bell hooks¶ work are purposeful. Classism creates an elite group. in a capitalist society it is those with the most money. Frequently the media represents black people in subordinate roles to whites and fails to represent their reality or daily concerns. hooks has written so much and had such an effect on so many lives that her name is highly noted but she hope that the lower case letters at least cause people to consider what it is they have attached themselves to. Her argument is that we live in a patriarchal. The letters at the beginning of her first and last name are lower case to how that the person is not as important as the message and in hopes that people would become more connected to her words than simply attaching themselves to a name. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. racism within feminism.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. sexist. she argues. Let's reclaim them. which was obvious to her as she took the long bus ride to her all-black school. Volume 9 Page 132 She often feels free to alter the structure or grammar of her writing depending on the audience. which seek to create a more open society free of oppression on the basis of race. in a white supremacist society white individuals have the highest concentration of power thus white people are seen as superior to any other racial group. It is experiences like these that cause her to point out that the ³world is more a home for white folks than it is for anyone else«´ (BONE BLACK 31). hooks argues that this acts as a barrier to self actualization by creating a false consciousness. this essay will deal with her general theoretical arguments and the literature on those subjects. This process. There are a few terms that are frequently used in criticisms of the structure hooks describes. and classist educational policies. hooks deals with issues that are important in the lives of everyday people. hooks discusses pictures in her all-black school that portrayed black people as primitive savages in loin cloths. no bussing. RACISM Growing up hooks attended segregated elementary schools. social movements and educational biases. after gaining a better understanding of bell hooks¶ thoughts on society it would be beneficial for debaters to examine the literature in her books or online dealing with any variety of issues in society from education to politics and medicine. Let's start over. and it privileges that group over disenfranchised peoples. Racism privileges one group of people over another based on racial classification. The lower case letters were an attempt to avoid the status of icon but the name remains one regardless. No one ever informed her that she was living in a white-supremacist nation.wcdebate. white supremacist. Mass media is generally seen as a mechanism for entertainment but with the frequency that it is viewed in American society there is a tendency for individuals to accept those things consistently seen on television as normal. Vernacular is another tool she uses to maintain connection with her roots as well as connections to her audience. We have those definitions. hooks articulates the impact of white supremacist media influence as socialization and colonization of the mind. No matter your debate topic hooks has probably written something that applies. The bus riding process seems minor but it was one major example of the racist dehumanization young black children like bell hooks were forced to endure. She argues white supremacist values continue to develop in society even today. not very different from anything the students could relate to. Let's share them. also occurs in the classroom where students are presented with white heritage and values but not called upon to consider the history of any other cultures and when those cultures are presented they are generally shown as they are perceived by the white historians. legitimating standard English.

These structures are mutually reinforcing and dependent. It is broad and able to include institutionalized sexism. or their critics. Occasionally an author. Issues of who perpetuates sexism or whom it is directed toward are irrelevant.´ She argues that most women became involved in women¶s rights movements as a result of their efforts to create change in a cultural setting.´ This lead women to begin working on things that most affected them. RACISM DIVIDING FEMINISM Earlier it was said that there are a variety of definitions of feminism. like hooks. about women becoming equal to men and she indicts the notion that feminism is anti-male. While it is important that feminism address all of the structures that support oppression they have decreased some of their power by dividing on particular issues. hooks identifies this as the most destructive force in current feminist ideology. She argues that feminists are made. and that individuals who choose to advocate feminist ideals do so as a result of a conscious choice that comes from consciousness raising. and oppression. She argues that in order to rectify the problem we must. Work on personal issues have caused feminists to group together based on their lifestyle."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 1). However. hooks argues against the impression that feminism is only. ads everywhere and billboards. hooks¶ argument is that these groups need to come to this realization and reunite to regain power for social change. have often felt marginalized. In her book. Let the movement begin again. bell hooks is in the business of consciousness raising. "a movement to end sexism. men are not the sole reason there is sexism in society and feminists had to eventually learn to fight the oppressive structures through sisterhood. We can share the simple yet powerful message that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression. is the heart of the matter. Feminists who are recognized by the media and the American culture are generally white women and black women in the movement. When talking about a particular feminist position it is important to clarify what the author's point of view is on the subject so that everyone is functioning in the same conceptual framework. Let's start there. Sexism."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 6) Often people will refer to the feminist movement as a collective whole and while they do tend to come together on many issues each major feminist thinker in American society has their own take on the definition and qualities of feminism. She points out that when feminist politics can be divided and connected only to equality with elite white males it prevents society from recognizing the need for revolutionary change and allows small gestures toward equality to pacify people. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. The goal of her writing is consciousness raising in order to overturn the ³white supremacist patriarchal system. As women identified structures that were hindering their self-actualization they looked to their own lives and realized that nearly all structures in American society were part of hooks¶ ³white supremacist patriarchal system.com . may even create a new type of feminism for the ideas presented in their work. Though hooks advocates unity among feminists she realizes that the prevalence of racism even in the roots of the movement itself create a problem. and always. not division in the movement. In FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY she points out: This is the reason many early feminists lashed out at men. hooks¶ version of feminism is one that goes beyond traditional notions of a feminist movement that only deals with women¶s issues to include race. Volume 9 Page 133 postcards and hip hop music. The white supremacist culture has less difficulty recognizing upper class white women¶s experience then the experience of those generally excluded from this grouping. At the core of her feminist theory is the assumption that racism and sexism are intimately intertwined forms of oppression. not born. they perceived them as the problem and the reason for the perpetuation of a sexist structure that allowed them to be dominant. ³acknowledge the ways politics of difference have created exploitative and oppressive power relations between women that must be contested and changed´(SKIN DEEP 272). bell hooks sees feminism as. not only on feminist issues but a variety of social concerns. television and radio commercials. she argues. sexist exploitation. Because of this a more beneficial definition of the feminist movement is the one used above by hooks that provides cohesion. She believes that this is a good definition of the feminism because it does not imply that men are an enemy of the movement. The women¶s movement has fractured into multiple movements based on the area certain women are most concerned with. and all manner of printed material that tells the world about feminism.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY.

even worse. in this area she not only has a vast array of works dealing with expression but also mass media and she attempts to come to grips with what society can do to move away from destructive expression without censoring out groups who are already marginalized by the dominant culture. debaters tend to want the information accessible on the computer as well.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Not only can you find her work but when you sit down to read it you will not be lost. even her publishing company has made parts of the book FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY available on their website for free. Freedom of expression is another great area to use hooks¶ work.wcdebate. Combined with knowledge of social realities and academic subjects hooks is an author many audiences can relate to. she even writes interesting children¶s books! Bookstores often carry a sampling of hooks¶ major works as well. The key is finding the appropriate discussions to have with particular audiences in order to raise consciousness. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. This critical approach may seem most accessible for a debater on the negative who wants to critique the dominant stance of the affirmative case. Her criticisms apply to every conceivable area of American life because she critiques the fundamental structures in which we live. hooks will generally have something to criticize because even when someone is conscious to avoid racism and sexism they often don¶t recognize the critical role class plays in the assumptions we make about the way society functions. Finally. White feminists also have been known to express connection with black women¶s experiences while completely missing their point of view all together. using hooks¶ work debaters should be able to uncover the problems with assumptions made in the case construction process.com . One of the most important issues for hooks as an author is a student¶s ability to read. it silences their voices out of the movement further denying self actualization to this group of people. That makes her a good person to refer to when constructing cases as well. Let¶s face it though. She provides a unique perspective for creating practical approaches to societal issues. The wonderful thing about hooks for debaters is that she does not simply critique. Not only is her work easy to locate but it is simple to read. While white supremacist sexist society guarantees a devaluing of women¶s experiences and their bodies white women will always be better off on this structure than black women because of their race. Having the dominant culture speak for black women in the movement is not only damaging because it creates misunderstanding but. She may criticize the educational process in America but her books also discuss what can be done to alleviate detrimental effects of a problematic educational system. She wants to make her work something that everyone can understand the issues that are important to her. Volume 9 Page 134 White women often speak for black women without fully understanding their experience and thus complicating the problem with increased racist assumptions under the guise of positive social change. one of the most important parts of winning a debate is the ability to persuade your audience that the stance you have taken is correct. media and the academy. Manifestations of this racism can be seen in schools as well as in the workforce. A careful deployment of hooks¶ work can bring audiences to your side. The next great thing about bell hooks is her accessibility. LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE bell hooks is a wonderful resource for debaters because of her application to a wide variety of concerns. When faced with a case that advocates a particular ideology. Whatever the flaw. Her use of personal experience allows her work o be passionate and compelling. She looks at issues of poverty and class and discusses the ways that a feminist perspective addresses those issues. Because she is so interesting people want to provide information on her. Her theories work well to indict any affirmative case that does not question its own underlying assumptions. Type the name bell hooks into internet search engines and you will find tons of information. Type her name into any library data base and you are bound to find something written by this author. These are only a few of the many areas bell hooks has chosen to write about.

hooks. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. 1995 hooks. New York: Henry Holt and Company. 1990. 1998. Albany: State University of New York Press. New York: Henry Holt. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Marita and Susan Richards Shreeve. New York: W. 2000. Golden. New York: Henry Holt. Norton & Company. bell.´ LIFE NOTES (ed. 1999. hooks. 1995. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. hooks. Volume 9 Page 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY Florence. bell.wcdebate. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY. hooks. ³Black Woman Artist Becoming. bell. 1995. bell. WOUNDS OF PASSION: A WRITING LIFE. Boston: South End Press. YEARNING: RACE GENDER AND CULTURAL POLITICS.com . Olsen. BONE BLACK:MEMORIES OF CHILDHOOD. and Elizabeth Hirsh. WOMEN WRITING CULTURE. Gary A. bell. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. Patricia Bell-Scott). 1994. bell.W. SKIN DEEP: BLACK WOMEN & WHITE WOMEN WRITE ABOUT RACE. hooks. Cambridge: South End Press.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1996. New York: Doubleday. Namulundah.

1996). in America. Critical. 1994. However. My concern about the process of assimilation has deepened as I hear black students express pain and hurt. p.com . educational. and political structures that primarily served the interests of the colonizers . 2. This strategy of colonialism needed no country. Insisting on the primacy of racial discrimination. white supremacy could be effectively maintained by the institutionalization of social apartheid and by creating a philosophy of racial inferiority that would be taught for everyone. While assimilation is seen as an approach that ensures the successful entry of black people into the mainstream. this very effort promotes and fosters serious psychological stress and even severe mental illness. and practices are engrained in social policies and norms serving as basic criteria for social and economic mobility. 1992.. groups such as African Americans. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. since we who are black can never be white. but threaten their very existence. Students from marginalized cultures find their primary cultural values and traditions inadequately represented and/or denied. AMERICAN CULTURAL BIAS IS ROOTED IN COLONIZATION Namulundah Florence. 11. Namulundah Florence. can come into being. Nelson et al. Chinese Americans. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. McNaught. colonization of the continent led to the institution of economic. these values and traditions are racial. a ³white´ self. unlike Northern and Western European immigrants. and class specific. 1998. feeling and knowing as the norm. just as racism overshadowed any bonding between black women and white women on the basis of sex. (1981.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.58). feminist and multicultural critics highlight the fallacy behind mainstream norms and practices. Embedded in the logic of assimilation is the white-supremacist assumption that blackness must be eradicated so that a new self. 1996). 1988. Boston: South End Press. at its very core it is dehumanizing. Essentially. In the United States. hooks succinctly states: In the beginning black folks were most effectively colonized via the structure of ownership. In a white supremacist society. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. The subordination of one group¶s cultural traits and characteristics has significant impact in marginalized students¶ experiences of schools and/or incorporation of official curricula.122) 3. and Mexican Americans faced greater challenges in trying to assimilate as a result of possessing different cultural traits and characteristics from the mainstream (Banks. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. 1989. p. 1995. THINKING BLACK. AMERICAN SOCIETY HAS A WHITE SUPREMACIST CULTURE. 1998. for the space it sought to own and conquer was the minds of blacks (1995. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. White people¶s values. in this case. hooks contends: Racism took precedence over sexual alliances in both the white world¶s interaction with Native Americans and African Americans. Anglo-Saxon sociocultural traditions functioned as a ³prerequsite to social acceptability and access to the political structure´ (Banks 1988. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. It is argued that a pervasive false consciousness is reinforced in society due to the sanctioning of exclusive ways of being.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 136 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE 1. Once slavery ended. Historically.109). TALKING BACK: THINKING FEMINIST. ASSIMILATION HAS A DESTRUCTIVE EFFECT ON BLACK STUDENTS bell hooks. 14. p. hooks. p. Of course. p. as I observe them suffer in ways that not only inhibit their ability t perform academically. gender. traditions. currently policy makers(Banks. 1988. p. 67.

Often this condescension merely masks the allegiance to sexism and patriarchal thinking in black life. girls women. p. for boys to be active and girls to be passive.com . CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE INTERSECTIONS OF RACE AND SEX IS KEY bell hooks. 1995.75. active and passive. New York: Henry Holt. it is clear that we cannot create a cultural climate where these conditions exist without first committing ourselves to a feminist agenda that is specific to black life. that concerns itself with ending sexism and sexist oppression in our diverse communities. a strengthened when black males and females participate as equals in daily life and struggle. to assume that black females are incapable of embracing revolutionary feminism in ways that would enhance rather than diminish black liberation. Associate Professor of English and Women¶s Studies at Oberlin College.´ CONFLICTS IN FEMINISM. and anthropologically how we see one another and why it has been so hard or us to change how we see one another. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. sociologically. Certainly as a group white males have been more oppressive to black women. and all our efforts at self-determination.. New York: Henry Holt. And I would say vice versa as well. however relative. Volume 9 Page 137 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST 1.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In this case both groups are acting to protect and maintain the privileges. Rather than defining manhood in relation to sexuality. social critic. We need to do more work examining the reasons white women and black women of all classes view one another with suspicion. the labeling of black women who engage in feminist thinking as race traitors is meant to prevent us From embracing feminist politics as surely as white power feminism acts to exclude our voices and silence our critiques. 1995. 69. If we start with the premise that black liberation struggle. 2. I don¶t think we really understand either historically or in terms of contemporary circumstances why we view each other in such incredibly negative terms. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1990. author. author. New York: Routledge. yet black women don¶t unequivocally view white males in the hostile. 3. What do you do when you are not privileged and have contact with a privileged woman of any race? Or when there is race and class difference? What gives us a space to bond? These are questions we have had trouble answering. that they receive in the existing social structure. particularly sexist black men. FEMINISM ALLOWS THE BREAKDOWN THE RACIAL DIVISIONS AMONG WOMEN bell hooks. np. This would mean no longer thinking that it is ³natural´ for boys to be strong and girls to be weak. etc. particularly sexist black men. we would need to recognize biological differences without seeing them as markers of specific gender traits. To advance this agenda we would need to rethink our notions of manhood and womanhood. p. Women seem to be particularly threatened when our differences are marked by class privilege. professor. Feminist theory needs to study historically. to be capable of being both strong and weak. INCORPORATION OF FEMINISM IS NECESSARY FOR BLACK LIBERATION bell hooks. and Mary Childers. to assume that black folks. with the understanding that both categories are synonymous with selfhood. professor. we would acknowledge it in relation to biology: boys become men. I want to privilege political commitment because in this culture we do not emphasize enough that you can choose to be politically committed in ways that change your behavior and action. thinking we are trying to take something from each other (whether it is the privileged white woman who thinking that a black woman is trying to take some of her power from her or to make herself more powerful or it is black women feeling like thee are these white women who have everything and want more). Ours task in parenting and in education would be to encourage in both females and males the capacity to be holistic. ³A Conversation About Race and Class.wcdebate. Certainly. suspicious ways that we often view white women. social critic. despite the continued overt racism and racist agendas of those groups of white women who can most easily lay claim to the term ³feminism´ and project their conservative and reactionary agendas. Surely it is patriarchal condescension that leads black folks. with different ³inherent´ characteristics. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. in response to specific contexts. Rather than continuing to see them as opposites.

ads everywhere and billboards.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but in 123 pages she never gets around to explaining what "ending sexist oppression" means. ³For bell. and Better Off Financially. B1. Hook's interview actually reinforces white-male-dominated patriarchal ideas she built her career fighting." hooks is equally disdainful of what she calls "lifestyle feminism. she has gone mainstream . Reformist feminism became their route to class mobility. and all manner of printed material that tells the world that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression." in which "the politics was slowly removed from feminism. Hooks was an important player in developing Black feminist theory. 50. NATIONAL REVIEW vol. An unreconstructed black radical feminist. 3/14/98. television and radio commercials. Her follow-up works equally impressed me. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and postcards and hip-hop music. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. like the older civil rights generation. co-author (with Linda Waite) of The Case for Marriage: Why Married People Are Happier. 53. Buppiedom and Big Houses. empowering article for Black women. p. Maybe. lulled into a more "comfortable" and "middle class" existence.her passion lost. hooks (who insists on the lowercase letters) has nothing but disdain for "reformists" like Estrich who sought only to claim the "class privilege" their brothers enjoyed. love goes the way of BMW's.wcdebate." 2. I was surprised by what I read. Black people and especially artists are often pigeonholed. In the past hooks has defended this move by arguing she should be allowed to "grow" and should not be pigeonholed. I was impressed with her passion in telling the historical oppression of Black women in America.´ MICHIGAN CITIZEN. HOOKS' FASCINATION WITH POP CULTURE WEAKENS HER CRITIQUE Catharine R. Bell Hooks and her BMW have disappointed me for the last time.com . yet at one point. staff writer. "While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces. Posing as a "feminist author" Bell Hooks' interview with Jada Pinkett in the March issue of Essence magazine falls short of her used-to-be scathing critiques of dominant culture. Yes." I wish I could tell you in more detail what hook¶s revolution might look like.Bell Hooks interviewing Jada Pinkett for Essence . in recent year Hooks' work seems to have gone the direction of pop culture rather than a critique of dominant culture. p. I read Hooks' first book as a young women in college. aside from abortion on demand and contraceptives for all. Equally hard to explain is her naive idea that all that prevents the triumph of radical feminism is bad marketing: "Let's start over. Which is exactly bell hook¶s complaint. Kelly.a potentially informing. HOOKS FAILS TO PROVIDE AN ADEQUATE ALTERNATIVE VISION Maggie Gallagher. She began Ain't I a Woman in college. Like Jada. It is clear from her Essence interview the "rage of youth" in Ain't I a Woman is gone. 1/22/2001. Healthier. Volume 9 Page 138 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE 1. I was initially excited by the cover story . However.

288-290. Yale Law School. the positioning of progressive movements as oppositional and conflicting forces.. rather than as separate and mutually exclusive systems of domination.. 309-310." Multidimensionality posits that the various forms of identity and oppression are "inextricably and forever intertwined" and that essentialist equality theories "invariably reflect the experiences of class-and race-privileged" individuals.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. rather than as potential alliances and coalitions.D.com . Southern Methodist University School of Law. Yale Law School. single-issue politics and have proposed reforms in a variety of doctrinal and policy contexts.. have challenged the patriarchy and heterosexism of law and sexuality and feminist theorists. and other scholars have utilized the intersectional model in order to counter essentialism in feminism. Spring 2001. The intersectionality scholarship has inspired helpful analyses in areas outside of the contexts of feminism and antiracism. OPPOSITIONAL STRUCTURES OF RACE AND SEX BECOME BARRIERS TO COALITIONS Lennard Hutchinson. patriarchy. The HRC endorsement controversy reflects broader. structural problems in antisubordination theory: the embrace of essentialist politics. The feminist of color critiques of feminism and antiracism provided the earliest framework for analyzing oppression in complex terms. race-sexuality critics. and heterosexism. the "post-intersectionality" theorists have offered several improvements to the intersectionality model.wcdebate. heterosexism.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. B.´ ³Multidimensionality. and the failure to recognize the multidimensional and complex nature of subordination. law and sexuality. p. Feminists of color and other critical scholars have examined racism and patriarchy as "intersecting" phenomena.´ ³Multidimensionality.A.. University of Pennsylvania. patriarchy. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. B. critical scholars have offered persuasive arguments against traditional. Lesbian feminists.D." Multidimensionality "recognizes the inherent complexity of systems of oppression . and. a growing intellectual movement has emerged that responds to racism within gay and lesbian circles and heterosexism within antiracist activism.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW. phenomena. MULTIDIMENSIONALITY ALLOWS THE EXAMINATION OF MULTIPLE INTERSECTIONS Lennard Hutchinson. The powerful intersectionality model has also inspired many other avenues of critical engagement. 2. are currently developing a sizeable body of scholarship that extends intersectionality theory into new substantive and conceptual terrains. gays and lesbians of color. Assistant Professor. and poverty studies. University of Pennsylvania. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. Volume 9 Page 139 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY 1. recently. Multidimensionality.. Spring 2001. These scholars. Although heavily influenced by intersectional analysis. I have examined the relationships among racism. arises out of and is informed by intersectionality theory. and the social identity categories around which social power and disempowerment are distributed. Lesbian-feminist theorists.A. p. have also examined the experiences of persons who suffer from intersecting forms of marginalization and have proposed policies to address the reality of complex subordination. Assistant Professor. whose work examines the relationships among racism. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. respectively. J. class domination. J.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW. These "postintersectionality" scholars are collectively pushing jurists and progressive theorists to examine forms of subordination as interrelated. Southern Methodist University School of Law. therefore. In a series of articles.. In particular. While essentialism remains a prominent feature of progressive social movements. critical race theory. Their work on the intersectionality of subordination has encouraged some judges and progressive scholars to discard the "separate spheres" analysis of race and gender. like the intersectionality theorists. for example. rather than conflicting. and class oppression utilizing a model I refer to as "multidimensionality.

the decision was met with much enthusiasm and controversy. what makes an individual or creature a ³person. Even careful readers of his works will disagree. Singer was a professor at the Center for Human Bioethics. the Director of the Center for Human Bioethics. IN DEFENCE OF ANIMALS in 1985. whereas a man cannot physically require an abortion and so does not have this right. TEST-TUBE BABIES: A GUIDE TO MORAL QUESTIONS.or ways of avoiding thinking -. La Trobe University. Instead. PRACTICAL ETHICS in 1979. He also reminds us that for a long period of time. with what he has to say or will reject some of the premises upon which he bases his arguments. Women were given the Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ 2 SINGER AND HISTORICAL OPPRESSION Singer uses a comparison of ³speciesism´ to the historical concepts of racism and sexism. he was given a professorship at Princeton University amid much controversy. He explains that conceding the differences in beings does not mean they are unworthy of equality. MARX in 1980. At age 30. a woman can claim that she has a right to an abortion. and co-director of the Institute for Ethics and Public Policy. Peter Singer¶s educational experiences include a BA with honors from the University of Melbourne in 1967. it was widely criticized as absurd. INDIVIDUALS. A COMPANION TO ETHICS in 1991. ETHICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES IN GUARDIANSHIP OPTIONS FOR INTELLECTUALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE (co-author with Terry Carney) in 1986. His writings include discussion of issues like animal rights. He believes that society has become far too complacent. Singer understands that extending rights to animals seems a bit far-fetched. liberation movements for minorities and women seemed far-fetched. Volume 9 Page 140 PETER SINGER Peter Singer was born in Melbourne. and a BA in philosophy from the University of Oxford in 1971. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS in 1975. instead of classifying those of other races or women as less deserving of rights. New York University. but that society has since realized its mistake. HEGEL in 1982. He has lectured at Radcliff. 1 When he was hired at Princeton University.about them.wcdebate. PRESENT TECHNIQUES. Now. ANIMAL RIGHTS AND HUMAN OBLIGATIONS: AN ANTHOLOGY in 1976. ANIMAL FACTORIES (co-author with James Mason) in 1980. He was awarded a fellowship by the Academy of Humanities and the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia. we classify members of other species as undeserving.com . 3 The barrier that causes society to not extend rights to animals is their view that these species are fundamentally different. EMBRYO EXPERIMENTATION in 1990. sometimes quite vehemently. he began his teaching career and has been teaching and writing since. When Mary Wollstonecraft published her VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN in 1792. Monash University. His works have appeared in nineteen languages. In 1998.´ and democracy. an MA from the University of Melbourne in 1969. and thinks that they have gotten rid of the last form of discrimination. For example. 1946. RETHINKING LIFE AND DEATH: THE COLLAPSE OF OUR TRADITIONAL ETHICS in 1994. HOW ARE WE TO LIVE? ETHICS IN AN AGE OF SELF-INTEREST in 1995. He is the author of the major article on ethics in the current edition of the ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA. He was a senior scholar in the Fullbright Program. and Princeton University (where he currently is a professor). and again turns to the women¶s rights movement as an example. AND FUTURE POSSIBILITIES in 1982. As the President of the University noted. While at Monash University. SHOULD THE BABY LIVE? THE PROBLEM OF HANDICAPPED INFANTS (co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1985. Australia on July 6. His works include DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE in 1973. they merely need different considerations. and ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT in 1998. But Singer explains that equality can be extended with attention paid to detail. THE REPRODUCTION REVOLUTION: NEW WAYS OF MAKING BABIES (co-author with Deane Wells) in 1984. and was awarded the National Book Council of Australia Banjo Award for non-fiction in 1995. HUMANS AND PERSONS: QUESTIONS OF LIFE AND DEATH (Co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1994.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ³But some of the controversy arises from the fact that he works on difficult and provocative topics and in many cases challenges long-established ways of thinking -.

wear them. His critics claim that the reason why infants should be included in the criteria of intelligence and reasoning is because they have the potential to develop those things. if harming one animal in tests could save thousands. and the second is if they have interests. the determining factor is the capacity to suffer or experience happiness. CRITERIA FOR EXTENSION OF EQUALITY Critics of Peter Singer often offer criteria that attempts to include all of humanity and exclude non-human animals. we will never give equal consideration. Dogs. ³Humans come in different in different shapes and sizes. they come with differing moral capacities.´ 7 These differences make it nearly impossible to create a criteria that encompasses all of humanity. 8 There are a few other arguments that Singer answers. is equality of consideration for different beings may lead to different treatment and different rights. The proposed criterion are ways to determine who is worth of having equality extended to them. But if a creature can suffer. or other matters. Others have proposed differing criterion that Singer responds to. do not have that same capability and should not be allowed the right to vote. differing amounts of benevolent feeling and sensitivity to the needs of others. would that be ok? Singer responds with another hypothetical situation: would the experimenter be prepared to conduct the study using a human infant? If he is not. and explains how it is not necessary for a healthy diet. differing intellectual abilities. Fundamentally.wcdebate. Singer notes that. Another proposed criterion to decide upon the extension of equality is intelligence or the capability to reason. however. a new criteria becomes necessary. If a creature cannot suffer. 6 This consideration is based on two things. according to Singer. He poses the hypothetical situation of an experiment that needs testing. and a decision can cause that suffering. is not descriptive of they way beings are. After noting the similarity this principle holds with the racist and sexist policies of the past. We eat them. It would also mean that Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. differing abilities to communicate effectively. rather. Singer notes how much money and resources it requires to raise animals for food. and differing capacities to experience pleasure and pain. Singer¶s notion of equality is that it is a moral ideal. but that does not mean that the basic principle of extending equality to non-human animals is invalid. Singer. THE DEFINITION OF EQUALITY Before we can explore the ways in which Singer believes equality should be extended. Thus. strength. Furthermore. Because the notion of basing equality on a fact. creates divisions between humanity. A difference in ability documented in fact does not justify any difference in the consideration we give them.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. as noted above. points out that all of the proposed criterion exclude some of humanity while including some non-human animals. But because we believe our interests are always in conflict. This would mean that individuals with mental defects still would not be included. and use them to do our labor. Equality. I shall argue. That is. is sentience. factual equality comes with no guarantee that the abilities and capacities that humans have are distributed evenly throughout the population. His critics often ask. Perhaps the conflict of interests is not real. Singer offers the following definition: ³The basic principle of equality. Singer is quick to explain the problem with this criterion: it necessarily excludes humans who are infants and those who have mental defects. Singer explains that if fails since our interests are constructed to always be in conflict with other species.´ 5 This helps to further clarify the notion that equality does not mean an extension of the exact same rights. their interests must be given equal consideration to human interests or any other animal¶s interest. The first is the ability of a being to suffer. it is a prescription of the way beings should be treated. then it is simple discrimination. moral capacity.com . and not merely an assertion of fact. Volume 9 Page 141 right to vote because they are capable of rational decision making just like men are. In his All Animals are Equal. like intelligence. The criteria agreed upon by Singer. Singer¶s ideas here begin with the notion that not all human beings are the same. we must first have a clear understanding of how he defines equality. 4 Singer concedes that there exist important differences between animals and people. The first idea that Singer deconstructs is the notion that equal consideration should hold until there is a clash between the interests of humans and nonhuman animals. however. a criteria based on equality only in certain circumstances fails. then they cannot have interests.

fellow humans are not eager to disagree with the view that they are members of the highest order. Singer maintains that this idea only holds up when it goes unquestioned and assumed. however. After all. Singer writes. Singer goes on to add that by the logic of those who advocate looking to plant¶s interests. Volume 9 Page 142 sperm and eggs would also have to garner equal treatment as a full-grown being. and more specifically. who details that every living organism has a will to live. Singer dismantles this position by noting that a plant doesn¶t have a choice as to whether or not it grows toward the light for its own interest. Singer argues that you would conduct environmental policy with regards to the interest of those who are granted the status of person. those with significant mental retardation. interpretations of these references is varied and controversial. INTERPRETATIONS OF SINGER¶S CRITERIA While Singer does frequently make reference to the fact that most proposed criterion would include some animals but exclude infants and those with mental defects. However. and that even plants are pursuing their own good. He also explains. . ³"When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. like dogs and bears. He supports his idea with the thoughts of Paul Taylor.´10 This leads many beings to not get classified as persons. Those who advocate this position. Again. too focused on people. Critics of Singer say that his criteria for declaring someone a person are ³rationality and self awareness over time. such as ³the intrinsic dignity of the human individual. and runs through Judeo-Christian doctrines.com . SINGER AND BIOCENTRISM Holmes Rolston III and some green philosophers argue that Singer¶s position is detrimental to biocentrism.´12 The implications of this view outlined by Rolston are those of an anthropocentric society. The loss of the happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second.´9 This dates back to the ideals of the Renaissance and humanists. Here Singer enters territory that offends many and has helped to create a feeling of hatred towards him. those with some forms of psychosis. and fish. . 13 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. would be considered persons. It leaves us searching for the characteristic that all humans possess and other animals don¶t that would qualify them for intrinsic dignity. to plants. chickens.´ or that ³humans are ends in themselves. However. that ³Singer has proven himself blind to the still larger effort in environmental ethics to value life at all its ranges and levels. an environmental ethic that is based on human needs does not often differ in policy recommendations from an environmental ethic based on the biosphere as its center.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. but cannot articulate why their criteria of intelligence and reasoning apply. indeed to care for a biospheric Earth. Singer notes that this is couched in many elegant phrasings. therefore. critics of Singer argue that those with mental defects should still be extended equality. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed. Since those persons depend on the environment. if the killing of the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others it would . Once we ask the question as to why all humans have this worth we are only taken back to the previous issue. many animals. human fetuses. and a river is seeking its own good to reach the sea. In PRACTICAL ETHICS. Rolston concedes that our views regarding ethics prior to Singer were too humanist." 11 While many people disagree with Singer¶s position. rather it is just what the plant does and cannot be anything else. Rolston says value comes from having a respect for life. Singer questions this criticism by pondering how we assign value if not based on sentience. be right to kill him. This would include brain-damaged people. The final argument Singer addresses is that humans have an intrinsic dignity. few are able to articulate a standard that includes all types of humanity and excludes all non-human animals. human embryos. and therefore be seen as unworthy of equality. find themselves in a precarious situation without the ability to distinguish a defining characteristic. Therefore. the good of a missile is to blow up and should be considered. policy decisions would be made to protect the environment in the interest of persons.

Many philosophers and their positions seem to invite action. Complacently allowing death to happen is just as morally and ethically wrong as dong the killing yourself. 16 Singer feels that a discussion of an argument. but few have gone so far as Singer in making it a primary goal explicitly explained to his readers and audiences. Practical ethics have three primary characteristics. Most importantly. it would still not justify the use of the creatures as a means to an end. Singer explains how philosophy should be accessible to everyone by noting. so breeding a new existence is not some sort of net gain for the animal. in order for an action against an animal to be wrong. an understanding of a position. SINGER IN DEBATE Singer¶s framework is particularly useful for calling into question the underlying assumptions of your opponent.´ 14 Singer answers this claim on several levels. he notes that mere existence is not in itself a benefit.M. PRACTICAL ETHICS The philosophy of Singer is based on the idea of practical ethics. We cannot compare what an animal would have in nature to what they would have in a farm. that is. Any advocacy of valuing progress. the absence of a benefit is not harm. Singer argues that allowing death is as bad as causing death. ³As the subject of this book is one that concerns not only those studying or teaching political philosophy in universities but also any citizens. Here. Singer claims that proximity. The implications of the distinction between causing a death and allowing a death carry over from the realm of non-human animals into the world of humanity as well. who find themselves faced with a law they oppose.´ 15 Singer¶s view of accessibility extends to the way people use philosophy. Singer discusses the ideas of our responsibility in world famine. does raising animals for food cause more benefit than harm? R. facts matter. humanity. is irrelevant and uninteresting unless it calls for an action in a way that individuals can have power. This position is initially weakened by the fact that it ignores the entire premise that killing animals in any way could be simply wrong. He says. Volume 9 Page 143 ³THE GOOD OF THE ANIMAL´ Some have argued (and attempted to use Singer¶s utilitarian framework to do so) that raising animals to eat is not causing them to suffer. The second is that in Singer¶s work. From a utilitarian perspective. If humans simply took advantage of the fact that animals died. A third is that there is an assumption that individual action can make a difference.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. that is. why he tries to make his work easy to read and applicable to individuals. even if it is a short one. will most likely rest on the assumption that humans are inherently more valuable than non-human animals. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. but to change it.wcdebate. Singer notes that the way animal production works within the system does not take into account animal suffering. however. The creature would be allowed to live without human interference. Second. whether is causes more benefit than harm. An understanding of the way things are is necessary to determine the way things should be. a counter-advocacy of a value that encompasses all those considered ³persons´ would be more beneficial. ³For it is better for an animal to live a happy life. its purpose is to not merely explain the world and the way it works. However.com . The question then becomes. The confinement that these animals endure. the disease and filthy living conditions. especially citizens of a democracy. Hare takes the position that it is not. etc. even if the benefit that this existence creates is good. the painful ways in which they are killed. is no justification for a lack of action. the way we should strive to make things. it must cause suffering. growth. engaging the argument still yields some debate. This perception that philosophy is not just for the academically inclined and is not to be merely kept in books and the classroom helps to distinguish Singer from not only his contemporaries but philosophers throughout history. I have tried to write throughout to write in a way that can easily be understood by those who have never studied philosophy. or the distance between an individual and a famine. than no life at all. In Democracy and Disobedience. This is why Singer discusses action as well as right and wrong. all suggest a lack of concern for the animals. The first is that it is revisionary. He first alludes to the notion that philosophy and ethics should entail action in the introduction to a book that developed from his thesis project at Oxford. Unless your opponent can identify why that belief is justified. First.

Wesley J. Volume 9 Page 144 Singer¶s advocacy also has implications to any topics that particularly deal with science.com/ 12 Holmes Rolston.and this is already an indication of the failure of philosophy to challenge accepted beliefs. 16 Dale Jamieson. 7 Peter Singer. All Animals are Equal. Peter Singer Gets a Chair. 5 Peter Singer. in moral and political philosophy. These lines of study all rely heavily on the superiority of humanity.wcdebate. 13 Holmes Rolston. 1998 3 Peter Singer. __________________________________________________________________________________ 1 http://www. 15 Peter Singer. Peter Singer Gets a Chair. 10 Smith. 8 Peter Singer. It calls for a justification of the superiority of human beings that does not rely on rhetoric such as. Wesley J. 9 Peter Singer. Singer and the Practical Ethics Movement. ³intrinsic worth of humanity. All Animals are Equal. Hare. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account. http://www.frontpagemag.´ It also calls for a questioning of the basic assumptions of the age.edu/~uchv/index.com . All Animals are Equal Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. All Animals are Equal. 6 Peter Singer. medicine. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Democracy and Disobedience.princeton. 1993.html 2 Princeton Weekly Bulletin. December 7. Counter values that rely on inclusive values of animals and all life are much more preferable. http://www. The effect of this is that the question of the equality of other animals does not confront the philosopher. 4 Peter Singer. and use animals to further human aims. as an issue itself. All Animals are Equal.frontpagemag. All Animals are Equal. 14 R.com/ 11 Smith. or student. 1999. is invariably formulated in terms of human equality. 1999.´ 17 A critical discussion of what makes beings equal must escape the normalcy of an assumption that humans are and animals aren¶t.M. All Animals are Equal. and academics. 1993. 17 Peter Singer. Singer also offers a critique of modern philosophy that can be applied in many ways. 1973. Essays on Bioethics. All Animals are Equal. ³It is the significant problem of equality.

Dale. 2002). Peter. ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE.. (Oxford: Claredon Press. Pojman. ESSAYS ON BIOETHICS.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Singer. Mass: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1998). Singer. IDEALS AND IDEOLOGIES. ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS: READINGS IN THEORY AND APPLICATION.M.wcdebate. (Lanham. Louis J. Jamieson. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. (New York: Longman. Peter. (Belmont. 1994). Volume 9 Page 145 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ball. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS. Peter. 1999). 2nd ed. Terrence and Richard Dagger. Hare. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. (New York: Review/Random House. CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. MD: Rowman and Littlefield. 1993). (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (Malden. 1993). 1973). Peter. 1975). R. Singer. Singer. Peter. ETHICS. Singer. PRACTICAL ETHICS.com . 1997).

In other words. will degenerate into a diffuse and ultimately pointless sentimentality. but in fact it is simply a point about the very concept of experience. The French have already discovered that the blackness of the skin is no reason why a human being should be abandoned without a redress to the caprice of a tormentor. 1999. Solomon. rather. SPECIESISM ATTEMPTS TO LOWER GROUPS JUST AS RACISM DID Colin. are reasons equally insufficient for abandoning a sensitive being to the same fate. to speak of experiences at all is already to assume bearers for them. The danger is that reason. 1999.subjects of experience. But suppose they were otherwise.wcdebate. but rather a kind of kinship or fellow-feeling. If the basis of ethics is personal feeling for those we care about. XVII. called agape. But I want to be equally cautious about premature enthusiasm for those universal feelings of love.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. which have been defended by some of the great (and not-so-great) religious thinkers of the world. Professor of Philosophy at Rutgers University. they necessarily have selves. Philosopher and Jurist. p.. and one that threatens to exclude animal experience from the moral realm. there is the very real danger that. TOO MUCH FOCUS ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS DIVERSITY AS AN IDEAL Robert C.. p.´ Animal minds are not just bundles of subjectless sensations gathered around a single body. the social sense as such.by Frege¶s point. McGinn.) So. then we will not see why it is morally significant. in over-enlarging the circle to include everyone and everything or in turning from the personal to the impersonality of reason . 1789. There is the very familiar danger that such feelings. since the alleged pain is not painful to a subject of awareness. It is not that you bundle some inherently ownerless experiences together and get a self. (This is so whether or not the experiences are conceived to be embodied in an organism. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. What else is it that should trace the insuperable line? Is it the faculty of reason. or the termination of the os sacrum. thus refusing to grant genuine selfhood to animals. animals need to be granted selves if their sensations are to matter morally.An experience always comes with an owner built into it. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Putatively ownerless pain sensations have no moral weight. The day may come when the rest of the animal creation may acquire those rights which never could have been witholden from them but by the hand of tyranny. since animals have experiences. Austin. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. Thus it is wrong to cause them pain. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. which may well produce much caring and many kindnesses but will also provoke rivalry and competition. ch. we will lose precisely that dimension of the personal that produces ethics in the first place. is not so much a particular attitude or emotion as it is a sense of belonging. however noble their object or intent. The basic biological sense we seek. or even a month. what would it avail? The question is not.. as well a more conversable animal. old. Volume 9 Page 146 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM 1. or worse. that form of hypocrisy that 9as has often been said of such ³lovers of humanity´ as Rousseau and Marx) adores the species but deplores almost every individual of it. The point is that we should not think of animal pain as intrinsically ³ownerless. Can they suffer? 2. than an infant of a day. It may one day come to be recognized that the number of legs. If we conceive of animal pain in this subjectless way.com . REALIZATION OF THE FAULT OF RACISM IS LIKE REALIZING THE FAULT OF SPECIESISM Jeremy Bentham. or a week. 152153. instead of building on our natural impulses. the villosity of the skin. since pain matters only because it is pain for someone. in other words.69. as Hume was (partially) inclined to suppose. may instead undermine them. because this will necessarily be pain for a subject of consciousness. The natural sensibility that is at issue here is nothing so lofty as love or even universal care. 3. This may seem like a major provision. or perhaps the faculty or discourse? But a full-grown horse or dog is beyond comparison a more rational. Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. Can they reason? nor Can they talk? but.

Austin. even Darwin himself seems to have erred in giving too much credit here to the role of ³reason´ and not enough to heredity. So. Then Linares puts down the gun and. p. THE DANGEROUS PHILOSOPHER. When Samuel is free of the respirator at last. monkeys fooling one another by uttering a misleading cry to distract the others. Volume 9 Page 147 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL 1.mother birds pretending to have broken wings to lead predators away from the nest. Few people will ever consider infants replaceable in the way that they consider free-range chickens replaceable. 2.wcdebate. Cook County charged Mr.com . A good billiards or pool player simply ³sees´ the shot. gives himself up. A good poker player doesn¶t sit skimming a mathematical odds book on the one hand and a psychology of facial expressions text on the other." That was April 26.the tit-for-tat attitude as such. WHY ARE WE AFRAID OF PETER SINGER?. The Chronicle of Higher Education.must not be so engineered.73. SINGER MAKES STRONG ARGUMENTS. a twenty-three-year-old Chicago housepainter. EVEN THOUGH THEY ARE COUNTER-INTUITIVE Michael Specter. Successful traders and businessmen often claim (truthfully) that they don¶t ³think´ about what they are doing. too. 1999. Solomon. EUTHENASIA ALLOWS GREATER HAPPINESS FOR ALL Jeff Sharlet. death would be more merciful than a life governed by misery. Singer of being cold-hearted.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Yet many of those who would never act on his conclusions still agree that if an infant really had no hope of happiness. according to the total view. They ³just know´ what to do. FOCUSING ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS INTUITION AND DEVALUES IT Robert C. half an hour later. the child dies. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. animals display a remarkable array of strategic behaviors. Therefore. be right to kill him. Critics often accuse Mr. But to him the symbol of the "tragic farce" brought on by an inhumane adherence to the sanctity-of-life principle is "Rudy Linares. 1989. When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. 10 March 2000. weeping. and Singer knows that. p. The New Yorker. she doesn¶t calculate it. keeping nurses at bay with a gun while he disconnects the respirator that for eight months has kept his comatose infant son Samuel alive. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. but to attribute strategic skill to heredity is not to relegate it to merely automatic behavior. but the criminal case was over by May. it would. It is not necessarily thinking or negotiating that are essential here. 1999. Good game players usually describe their own skill in non-intellectual terms. writer. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Linares cradles him in his arms until. one must (to some extent) acquire such skills but it doesn¶t follow that such skills are not also (or may not alternatively be) genetically engineered or that the general capacity for strategic behavior. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed. Of course. The loss of happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second. if killing the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others. In such cases.without any need on our part to postulate Pentagon-like tactical mentality behind their behavior. np. Linares with first-degree murder. a man who measures happiness in numbers and considers love a replaceable resource. standing in a hospital ward. 3. September 6. when a grand jury refused to indict him.

therefore. unable to recognize a fundamental inequality of claims. Not to possess human shape is a disqualifying condition. We say it is unfair to exploit the deficiencies of the imbecile who falls short of the norm. 1999. We respect the interests of men and give them priority over dogs not insofar as they are rational. our breeding patterns. 62ff. It too. it is because we do not see the irrationality of the dog as a deficiency or a handicap.. it would be a monstrous sentimentality to attribute to him interests that could be weighed in an equal balance with those of human beings. 1967. p.wcdebate.. they are not in fact the qualifying conditions for membership. p. 3. Our strange compassion for other species is a ³natural´ projection of our more immediate concerns but something learned and cultivated. by reason of not possessing these characteristics. RATIONALITY DISTINGUISHES SPECIES AND IS ACCEPTED STANDARD Stanley Benn. involves a certain distance. of precisely the same kind as we make on our own behalf. RATIONALITY IS THE HUMAN NORM AND ALLOWS FOR EXCEPTIONS Stanley Benn. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY.if. But although these characteristics may provide the point of the distinction between men and other species. We. 62ff. This is what distinguishes our attitude to animals from our attitude to imbeciles. We are.. is not opposed to but a consequence of reason. are rational. ad aggressive campaigns on the behalf of sensitivity when we become adults. for instance. 69. one had to decide between feeding a hungry baby or a hungy dog. Solomon. just as it would be unfair. as opposed to all the other creatures in nature. RATIONALITY DEFINES A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HUMANITY AND ANIMALS Robert C. 1967. that is. that we should give to the interests of each the same serious consideration as claims to considerations necessary for some standard of well-being that we can recognize and endorse. or the distinguishing criteria of the class of morally considerable persons. as an expression of a certain sentimentality as well as a Christian allegory. and yet not accept it at all. Volume 9 Page 148 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD 1. above the food chain.´ We are able to reflect and choose our food. too. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. we can understand that. As intelligent and sensitive human beings. part of culture rather than nature. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. The characteristics. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. But compassion. our habits. and not just ordinarily dishonest. too. we can acknowledge the harshness of the world. It would be odd to say that we ought to respect equally the dignity or personality of the imbecile and of the rational man. with its own standards of normality. We have what is uncritically called ³free will.com .but there is nothing odd about saying that we should respect their interests equally. As for the saccharine quality of those Christmas greetings and that biblical fantasy. and this is precisely because a man does not become a member of a different species. one could argue. We are not merely at the top of the food chain.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Austin. and therefore claims. If we do not think in this way about dogs. but as normal for the species. to steal from a blind man. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas.. in an important sense. However faithful or intelligent a dog maybe. the result of so many cuddly teddy bears and puppies when we were children. p. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. but because rationality is the human norm. 2. that distinguish the normal man from the normal dog make it intelligible for us to talk of other man having interests and capacities. anyone who chose the dog would generally be reckoned morally defective.

and they might not be sentiments of equality. However. as evidenced by any number of philosophers who simply ³talk a good game. GRANTING ANIMALS EQUALITY HARMS POLITICALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE Lori Gruen. Singer rightly points out that most of us are living examples of speciesism in the same sense that radical Ku Klux Klan's people are racist. The point here is that many of us have some intuitions toward the interests of animals. one might have an experience that is contrary to this position. adds universal principles to the promptings of our biologically inherited feelings.According to Singer.´ Thus.. The notion that Singer will develop in ways that may well be strange and new to us. a need to know about the state of the world and plight of people outside of one¶s own limited domain. is that reason will also leave those feelings behind. As Singer discusses the principle. Suppose one were all the things Singer attacks: a meat eater. Austin. unconcerned with the processes of producing meat for the table. They may not be dominant. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.. or have different abilities than the person engaging in moral deliberation are not considerations that in themselves justify differential treatment.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. AN EMPHASIS ON REASON BY SINGER DESTROYS THE NATURE OF COMPASSION Robert C.wcdebate. In most cases. simply because they are men. on the other hand. seemingly hungry and crying. For example. This requires what many theorists now call ³empathy´ or ³feeling with´ (which Hume and Adam Smith call ³sympathy´ and which might more accurately be called ³fellow-feeling´). according to Singer.com . We would not be absolutely immune to the "interests" of the kitten. on the role of normative ethical theory) underestimates the power of compassion. At the same time. simply because they are humans. WE ALREADY GIVE CONSIDERATION TO ANIMALS Bob Corbett. Many people would be enough moved by the "interests" of the kitten to look for some container to pour the remaining milk into so the kitten might drink it. 75. COMMENTS ON PETER SINGER'S ANALYSIS THAT LEADS TO SPECIESISM. my number three. According to this principle. are not 100% novel. all that is considered in deciding the morally correct course of action is the strength of the interests or preferences and the degree to which the interests and preferences of those affected will be thwarted or advanced. Professor of Philosophy at Stanford University. Reason.. I want to argue that what allows the circle to expand is not reason (in the technical sense of calculation on the basis of abstract principles) but rather knowledge and understanding in the sense of coming to appreciate the situations and the circumstances in which other people and creatures find themselves. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. np. that some people have a different skin color.. 1999.. and it requires care and concern. the emotional sense that what happens to other matters. in a sentence. Professor at Webster University. An adequate sense of ethics requires not only reason but concern and curiosity. 1999. even though our lives as a whole might suggest we were speciesists of the worst sort.Just as Singer¶s substantive impartiality condemns granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of one¶s racial or ethic group. Nonetheless. p. however. Solomon. Suppose one were drinking a large glass of milk and had drunk one's fill. such differences do not provide a rational basis for differences in our ethical considerations or treatment. are of a different gender. perhaps returning to some of those personal sentiments or intuitions might be a good place to go. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. 134-135. it prohibits granting any weight to particular features of a situation. is a theory that violates the principle of equal consideration of interests. is that Singer. a pet owner and so on. a theory which justifies the distribution of goods under which men receive greater benefits and thus have more of their preferences satisfied than women do. in his emphasis on reason (and consequently. 2. p. The danger. p. and they many not compete well with contrary interests toward humans. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. we still often have some positive sentiments and intuitions toward the interests of animals. WE HAVE NO NEED TO GO FURTHER. 1999. 3. My argument. At the same time one noticed a small kitten. Volume 9 Page 149 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD 1. and most people seem to. are from a different country. a zoo goer. most of us are familiar with anti-speciesist sentiments. Let me begin with the easiest one. so does it condemn granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of humans over non-humans. If we have a hard time grasping his view.

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