West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 1

American Political Philosophy

Edited by Matt Taylor, Jim Hanson, and Brian Simmonds Written and Researched by Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, Sarah Stone

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 2

Edited by Brian Simmonds, Matt Taylor, and Jim Hanson Written and Researched by
Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, and Sarah Stone
About this Handbook The Philosopher and Value Handbook introduces you to arguments, values and philosophers. This volume focuses on American thinkers in philosophy and political theory who will be useful in Lincoln-Douglas value debates. Each chapter begins with an essay explaining the life, work, and ideas of each thinker. It concludes with evidence quotations that attack and defend the philosopher's ideas. Using the arguments in this Handbook We encourage you to read the briefs you will use. Highlight (underline) the key lines you will use in the evidence. Cut out our evidence, incorporate your and others¶ research and analysis and make new arguments. File the materials so that you can easily retrieve them for debate rounds. Practice reading the evidence outloud. Practice applying the arguments to your opponents¶ positions. Practice defending your arguments in rebuttal speeches. Use West Coast Handbooks as a Beginning We hope you enjoy our handbook and find it useful. In saying this, we want to make a strong statement that we make when we coach and that we believe is vitally important to your success: DO NOT USE THIS HANDBOOK AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR YOUR OWN RESEARCH. Instead, let it serve as a beginning. Let it inform you of important arguments, of how to tag and organize your arguments, and to offer citations for further research. Don¶t stagnate in briefs--build upon them by doing your own research. Use the essays to brainstorm research areas and use the evidence and bibliographies as a starting point for your exploration. In doing so, you¶ll use our handbook to become a better debater. Photocopying West Coast Handbooks Our policy gives you the freedom to use the handbook for educational purposes without violating the hard work that we put into the handbook. You can photocopy this handbook under the following circumstances: 1. You can make multiple copies of up to five pages of each West Coast handbook for a class handout. 2. You can make multiple copies of briefs that include evidence from this handbook as long as these photocopied briefs are significantly different from the ones in this handbook and include a significant number of pieces of evidence from sources other than a West Coast handbook. You may not electronically share or distribute this handbook with anyone other than those on your team. For other situations, you can also e-mail us at wcdebate@aol.com and seek our consent.

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JAMES MADISON ................................................................................................................................. 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 10 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE ..................... 11 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT ........................................ 12 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY ...................... 13 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS .......... 14 ALEXANDER HAMILTON................................................................................................................. 15 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 19 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED ................ 20 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD................................................................................ 21 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY.................................................................................. 22 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST ........................................................................................ 23 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS ................................................................................................................. 24 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 29 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR.............................. 30 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION...................................... 31 AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE....................... 32 FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS .................................. 33 RALPH WALDO EMERSON .............................................................................................................. 34 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 39 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE ..................................................................................................... 40 POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR......................................................................... 40 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT................................................................................. 41 CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE, TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ............................. 41 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION.................... 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE ................... 43 JOHN DEWEY ..................................................................................................................................... 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 49 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING ....................................................................................... 50 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS ........................................................................ 51 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY .......................................... 52 DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED ...................................................... 53 DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY ....................... 53 WOODROW WILSON......................................................................................................................... 54 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 59 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS................................................................ 60 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE............................................ 61 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM ........................................ 62 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE, BUT REPRESSIVE ............................. 63 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT .................................................................................................................. 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 68 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT .............................................................. 69 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT .................................................................................. 70 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY, PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION .................. 71 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE ........................................................ 72 TOM HAYDEN..................................................................................................................................... 73 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 77 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE......................................................... 78 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM .............. 79 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE ................. 80 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE, BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE ............................. 81

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129 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN .................. 82 BIBLIOGRAPHY ..........................................................................................................................................West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 127 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED ............................................................................. 131 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 148 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD ....................... 147 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD .................................................................................................... 98 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG ................................................................. 89 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED ................................................................................................................................................................... 99 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED ...................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 128 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE ............................................................................................. 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........... ...................com ................................................................................................................................................ 96 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY ............................................................ 118 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY ............................................................................... 145 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM ..... 91 JOSEPH NYE....................................................................................................................................................................... 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................. 110 LANI GUINIER .............. 135 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE ...................wcdebate...................................................................................................... 126 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD ............................................................................................................................................................ 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE ...................................................................................................... 146 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL ...................................................................................... 139 PETER SINGER ............. 136 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST . 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................................................................................................... JR....................................................... 149 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www........................... 138 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY.......................................................... 87 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED ........................................................................................................................... 90 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS ................. 97 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING ............................................................................................ 129 MATERNALISM IS FLAWED ...................................................................... 130 bell hooks........................... 100 RALPH NADER ............................................................................ 120 THEDA SKOCPOL .............. Volume 9 Page 4 HOWARD ZINN......................................................................................................................................................... 117 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY ................................................................................................ 111 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................... 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 109 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE .................................................................................................................................................. 107 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS ............................................................................. 116 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM ............................... 108 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY..................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 106 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST .... 137 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE .............................................................. 88 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE .................................

As COMMENTARY MAGAZINE¶s Gary Rosen put it: Every academic field has its schemes of classification. president. like the other leading figures of his generation. James Madison. anti-Federalist. Madison was an important figure in the early political life of the country. and then discuss the ideas he brought to the table.wcdebate. James Madison. Interestingly enough. one of the youngest. including George Clinton. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. Seriously. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. standing 5" 4" and weighing about 100 pounds. When the Articles of Confederation began to fail.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Madison was original thinker given to philosophy. who died in office in 1812. As a result. reasons of enlightened men crafting a document in the best interests of all. and scholarship on the American founding is no different. even if just temporarily. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. which he identified in THE FEDERALIST PAPERS as factionalism. and the structure of representative government remain influential.com .S. or Democratic-Republican) of the time. Without a predominant concern for the nation as a whole. Most importantly.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." The example to follow. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights. showing his freedom from dogmatism. Reports that Madison and Clinton invented ³The Funk Bomb´ to contribute to the national defense are unverified. The problem as he saw it was too great a regional identification. Though he was a co-author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. A Constitutional Convention was necessary ± but not for the reasons you might suspect. We¶ll begin by examining the manner in which Madison busted onto the nation scene in 1780. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. Madison scholars agree today ± what Madison and the boys wanted to do was (in Rosen¶s words) ³to circumvent the people. as opposed to a myopic concern for individual states and localities. when he served on the Virginia delegation in the Continental Congress. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. and scholarship on the American founding is no different. was that of ancient lawgivers like Solon and Lycurgus. Madison was much younger than many of the other founders. THE LIFE OF MADISON It is with this problem that James Madison enters the picture. Volume 9 Page 5 JAMES MADISON Every academic field has its schemes of classification. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. Madison wondered how a more effective national government might take shape. Madison feared no effective national government could be formed. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. Madison didn¶t adhere devoutly to the party line of any of the three major factions (Federalist. Madison eventually concluded that constitutional conventions were a necessary device for allowing those like himself--those whom he called 'the most enlightened and influential patriots'--to escape from the hold of democratic institutions. is often placed into one or another ideological box. As a result. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. Not easily categorizable. the avoidance of oppression. both of his vice presidents passed on in office. in fact. is often placed into one or another ideological box. he often split with co-author Alexander Hamilton on the issues of the day. His idea on the separation of church and state. though. though: Madison was the smallest U. Indeed. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. No. men of "preeminent wisdom and approved integrity" who nonetheless were compelled to act outside the bounds of regular authority. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights. like the other leading figures of his generation. He stepped onto the political scene in 1780. he suggests in Federalist 38.James Madison was a unique member of the group known as the Founding Fathers.

This does happen in politics all the time. Madison seems to have concluded that America would get a sound. The majority voting bloc is probably not going to be together in unanimity until the end of time. In organizing a republican democracy. Thus. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. or will merely have the power to make life miserable for the people who made their lives miserable over the past however many years. As a skillful politician. You often see a good soldier get rewarded with a plum position when his or her party takes power. This might cause problems where the majority runs roughshod over the rights of the minority ± hence. needs and desires. MADISON ON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM As an author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. MADISON ON THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Madison worried about the overarching power of a powerful mass of people. Hence. where the House of Representatives is thought to represent the masses and the Senate the landed elite.´ Reciprocity is the notion that what one group does to another is reciprocal ± what goes around comes around. Let¶s not belabor the point. one must take care to build in safeguards against this. The idea is that they might use their power to stifle the rights of others. he was able to get what he wanted for that state. Volume 9 Page 6 ³Paradoxical as it may sound.com . the majority is inherently self-interested. Let¶s just say ³it worked´ and move on. and hence have the power to govern. the majority will look to the long-term. The safeguards are based on what Madison termed ³the principle of reciprocity." He did so through placing both substantive and procedural limits on democratic majority rule of the country. ³Tyranny of the Majority.´ But here¶s where Madison¶s principle of reciprocity comes in: the majority might be self-interested. While he was hardly alone in this viewpoint ± Hamilton was another who worried about the majority of people rallying against the few who were elected to govern them ± Madison put the most effort into thinking about the philosophical implications. We¶ll examine the criticisms of Madison below.) What does the principle of reciprocity say? Let¶s get into that when we discuss the notion of majority tyranny itself before getting into what Madison thought that this condition might cause. especially if that mass had coincident interests. even though that person is unqualified and unworthy of the job. What might that mean? Well.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. getting ahead of myself ± but I couldn¶t help it. Either they will become the next majority. the self-interested majority worries that the minority may attract defectors from the majority and become the next governing majority itself.wcdebate. but they aren¶t blind. republican Constitution only by means of an aristocratic coup of sorts´ writes Rosen ± a charge that Madison¶s critics then and now would jump all over. like John Ashcroft. People will vote to actualize their own wants. Madison is famous for his advocacy of a federal system with checks and balances to provide stability and satisfy most all interest groups. after all. This includes the existence of the electoral college and the bicameral legislature system. As a philosophically inclined individual. Madison is famous for having sought to avoid "the tyranny of the majority. he had ideas about what the ideal state would look like. Majority group members will worry that the minority may attract defectors from the majority group. Madison's theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity´ as a means of dealing with the unwashed heathen masses pillaging the rich. (Sorry.

did best when it was unencumbered from the mandates of a state apparatus. Madison reasoned." In the most famous of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. The church. Could it "be a sufficient restraint? It is not pretended to be such on men individually considered. with Jefferson considering Madison an aristocrat) and men like Patrick Henry and his supporters on the other.wcdebate. Power is to be kept as separated as possible among interest groups and even elected officials. this is part of the logic of the federal system. While his father was an Episcopalian. He wrote in a pamphlet called MEMORIAL AND REMONSTRANCE a defense of these decisions. is celebrated by Madison¶s acolytes as "the most powerful defense of religious liberty ever written in America. The document. written in June 1785. and Madison had a key role to play in it all. Even Madison¶s own words at the time provide a pretty damning indictment. The politician always has to be on the lookout ± just ask Bill Clinton. Knowing that most Americans didn¶t support granting the delegates to the Constitutional Convention the power to make a new government. 1787. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals and lose their efficiency in proportion to the number combined together. with Jefferson and Madison on one side (though they split on many other issues. he warned that it might become "a motive to persecution and oppression. They¶ll be voting on tons of issues (road building bills. he had this to say: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. who warned of the deadly nature of a ³priest-ridden culture. a prominent issue in public life then as now was the role of religion.´ wasn¶t as pessimistic about the social utility of the church. Will its effects be greater on them considered in an aggregate view? Quite the reverse. If power is temporary and fluid. Again. he believed that separating the two institutions served religion best as well. 1787. published November 22." The debate raged on. In a memorandum entitled "Vices of the Political System" (1787) he express skepticism that religion could prevent oppression under a system of republican governance. minority preference laws) that may either alienate their political support base ± or attract minority members." Madison wrote. The struggle continues to this day. who betrayed his core constituency with Republican style policies to the tune of sweet re-election." Even Jefferson. he wrote "that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. In fact. This helps to explain his support for what we today call the separation of church and state. Indeed. he kept his religious beliefs largely private. then the potential for abuse is minimized. Their charges have serious merit.com . organic food labeling laws. Speaking of potential for abuse. This viewpoint manifested itself in 1784-85. MADISON ON RELIGION Madison had serious doubts about the role religion played in public life. Volume 9 Page 7 So winning candidates don¶t have to ONLY pay attention to the majority. He consistently repeated these views in speeches of the time.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. including one given at the Federal Convention on June 6. where he argued that there was "little to be expected" from religion in a positive way. CRITICS OF MADISON People who criticize Madison (and generally Hamilton) do so on one basis: that he was an elitist who was interested in preserving the rights of wealthy white landowners and not much of anybody else. Was the church a positive or a pernicious influence? How best to adapt to its power? The answers to these questions led to the modern notion of two separate spheres for church and state. Number 10. as Madison consistently rejected tax support for religious institutions.

When Madison said ³tyranny of the majority. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. including the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798." Jefferson would fight Madison on many policies over which they differed based on these principles. which John Marshall¶s Supreme Court seemed destined to enforce. and its practical influence on his conduct. IN CONCLUSION Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. while this doctrine effectively gave the governing bodies power to do whatever they thought was best. Jefferson said that if the federal government was to violate its own laws. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. When the examples. are antient as well as numerous. which Jefferson (and every sane person) thought were unconstitutional. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. Madison reasoned. the government must continue to go about its business as usual. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. the third author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS: ³the people who own the country ought to govern it. the people must not be allowed or required to challenge every decision made by the ³better class of men´ ruling them. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. In a nation of philosophers. the people possessed a "natural right" to reject the acts. is contained in FEDERALIST PAPER NUMBER 49: As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government.wcdebate. And in every other nation. Jefferson asked his colleague "Whether one generation of men has a right to bind another?" He concluded. the people Jefferson feared and mistrusted.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ he meant that the majority of Americans (still rural farmers. they are known to have a double effect. this consideration ought to be disregarded. the powerful. like man himself is timid and cautious. not particularly wealthy) might gang up and plunder the rich.´ Jefferson was a staunch critic of this viewpoint. having witnessed the first events of the French Revolution. In order to stay away from factionalism and prevent the people from losing faith in government. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. and that bypassing that consent was unjust. which fortify opinion. and the summation of his argument. Perhaps the defining quotation from this period and this viewpoint comes from John Jay. His final shot at Jefferson. which should be declared "void and of no force. Jefferson believed that the federal government ought only have the powers expressly granted by the people. Volume 9 Page 8 We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. Jefferson wrote a letter to Madison in 1789 as Jefferson was preparing to return to the United States after four years as ambassador to France.´ Jefferson also battled with Madison and Hamilton over the ³implied powers´ doctrine. that "no such obligation can be so transmitted. and attacked both Madison and Hamilton for it. Madison replies? In order to promote stability of government. A reverence for the laws. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. Jefferson¶s first principles included the idea that government was only just with the consent of the governed. The reason of man. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. the mass of American people. . and acquires firmness and confidence. This "unreflecting multitude´ was. . and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. when left alone.com . . A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. in Madison¶s view. Madison wanted to deliver power into the hands of a ³better sort´ of people ± the rich. which time bestows on everything.

would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. In a nation of philosophers.wcdebate. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability.com . His FEDERALIST PAPERS are the most philosophical. whose populist ideas lost out in the long run to Madison¶s aristocratic notions. A reverence for the laws. they are known to have a double effect. and the most passionately argued. the most based in a sense of ethics.´ The youngest of the founding fathers. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. . like man himself is timid and cautious. which time bestows on everything. . But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The reason of man. As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. they¶re worth checking out. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. he had more influence than most any of them ± even Jefferson.We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. And in every other nation. Even if you disagree with their ultimate conclusions. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. When the examples. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. and acquires firmness and confidence. which fortify opinion. are antient as well as numerous. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. this consideration ought to be disregarded. Volume 9 Page 9 James Madison should be known for a lot more than being a short guy who had a wife named ³Dolley. . and its practical influence on his conduct. when left alone.

John.loc. Hanover.loc.com/federalist10.H. Library of Congress. David.com. Smith. Beard. Kans. Richard K. 1995. http://www. James.loc.´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM.html. http://federalistpapers. November 15.. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.com .gov/loc/madison/banning-paper. 1941-61. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. Rosen. http://www. 1995. Irving. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. Gary. FEDERALIST PAPER No.html. March 16. Madison.loc. Lance. 2001. Chomsky. Brant.. THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS: THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN JEFFERSON AND MADISON.html.html and http://www. accessed April 22. 1997). Charles historian.wcdebate. March 16. Volume 9 Page 10 BIBLIOGRAPHY Banning.html and http://www. Marvin.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper. 2000. 1787. March 16. Meyers. IF MEN WERE ANGELS: JAMES MADISON AND THE HEARTLESS EMPIRE OF REASON: Lawrence.loc..gov/loc/madison/symposium. under the name Publius. Hutson. THE MIND OF THE FOUNDER: SOURCES OF THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF JAMES MADISON. "James Madison and the Social Utility of Religion: Risks vs. November 22.gov/loc/madison/rosen-paper. Va. THE LIFE OF JAMES MADISON: Indianapolis. COMMENTARY MAGAZINE. University of Kentucky. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. Banning. Mattern.loc. June 1997. 1995. N.. http://www.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper. ³James Madison: Federalist.cato.html and http://www. 1780-l792: Ithaca. N. 1776-1826: New York. 1912.html.loc. 1981.gov/loc/madison/symposium.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Matthews. 2002. Samples.gov/loc/madison/symposium. http://www.. James Madison's "Advice to My Country" (Charlottesville. Rewards. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Z MAGAZINE.org/dailys/11-15-00. Noam. 2001. ed. Lancej. James Morton." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM.. All of Madison¶s FEDERALIST PAPERS are available at http://federalistpapers. ed. ³Was James Madison an Original Thinker?´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. 10. James.html and http://www. 2001. THE SACRED FIRE OF LIBERTY: JAMES MADISON AND THE CREATION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC.html.Y.

or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community. at the same time. Volume 9 Page 11 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE 1. that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments. As Madison knew. 2002. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. indeed. on a candid review of our situation. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate.html. none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. accessed April 22. as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. both ancient and modern. to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side. We should stick with Madison's idea of a federal republic and preserve the Electoral College. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation. November 22. Hillary Rodham Clinton. if not wholly. But that philosophy contravenes the spirit of our Constitution as expressed by its primary author. p. http://federalistpapers. November 15. particularly. that our governments are too unstable. accessed April 22. effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations. Among the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union.wcdebate. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models. for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements.com . and alarm for private rights. without violating the principles to which he is attached. that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties. Clinton more credit than that. the evidence.cato. as was wished and expected. been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished. and of public and personal liberty.html. is the latest convert to this cause. but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. cannot certainly be too much admired. adversed to the rights of other citizens. equally the friends of public and private faith. and. 10. as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. He found that fair given the influence of large states in other areas. 2. have. I give Ms. who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion. this amalgamation gave small and medium-sized states more leverage in presidential elections than they would have in a popular vote. FEDERALIST PAPER No. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. However the election turns out. to set a due value on any plan which. These must be chiefly. np. in truth.cato. that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes. whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole. or of interest. I understand a number of citizens. Sen. Her opposition to the Electoral College is entirely in step with her underlying philosophy of government: centralizing liberalism. therefore. THE ³FEDERAL WILL´ IS MANIFESTED BY THE AMERICAN ELECTORAL COLLEGE John Samples. It will be found. and confusion introduced into the public councils.com/federalist10. provides a proper cure for it. 3.org/dailys/11-15-00. np. Some will say Ms. 2002. James Madison. and that measures are too often decided. http://www. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens. 1787. By that he meant that the Electoral College included both the will of the nation as expressed in the popular vote and the will of the states in a federal system (every state large or small gets two electors). director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true.org/dailys/11-15-00. What about the Electoral College? Madison thought it embodied the "federal will" of the nation. He will not fail. MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS THE BEST GOVERNMENTAL POLICY John Samples.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Clinton opposes the Electoral College only because Al Gore might lose the presidency despite getting a plurality of the popular vote. http://www. which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other.html. By a faction. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC CONTROLS FACTIONALISM AND VIOLENCE James Madison. The instability. not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party. November 15. but it will be found. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. injustice. proponents of pure democracy will call for the abolition of the Electoral College. but it would be an unwarrantable partiality. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2000. 2002. 2000. accessed April 22. Washington's newest celebrity. p.

3. their opinions. 10. again. and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual. November 22. against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the Union. 1787." 2. 10. p. we will make it harder for the states to provide this essential defense of liberty. November 22.org/dailys/11-15-00. the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage. that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. increase this security. A common passion or interest will.html. have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property.html. ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists. be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions. In the extent and proper structure of the Union. in almost every case. BECAUSE THE ENLIGHTENED WON¶T ALWAYS RULE. http://federalistpapers. it clearly appears. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. at the same time. 2002. http://www. 2002. November 15. 2002. 4. FEDERALIST PAPER No. It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests. November 22.com/federalist10.cato. Theoretic politicians. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. that the CAUSES of faction cannot be removed. who assemble and administer the government in person. Madison's point about federalism is also well taken.com/federalist10.html. Nor. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention. in controlling the effects of faction. 1787.com/federalist10. http://federalistpapers. in many cases. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. FEDERALISM IS BEST James Madison. accessed April 22. consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here. can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. PURE DEMOCRACY WOULD BE DIVISIVE AND FRACTIOUS: FEDERALISM IS BETTER James Madison. a communication and concert result from the form of government itself. have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights. and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. accessed April 22. can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations. From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy. in fine. they would.wcdebate. -. which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole.com . 2000. If we abolish the Electoral College. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans. is enjoyed by a large over a small republic. np. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties. and they hoped strong states would limit an expansive central government. who have patronized this species of government. MADISONIAN FEDERALISM SOLVES FOR BETTER DEMOCRACY John Samples. and their passions. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm.is enjoyed by the Union over the States composing it. by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS MUCH BETTER THAN A DEMOCRACY James Madison. Does it. p. and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its EFFECTS. The inference to which we are brought is. FEDERALIST PAPER No. np. Volume 9 Page 12 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT 1. Hence. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the Union will be most likely to possess these requisite endowments. accessed April 22. 2002. And we will do so just as bold policy successes in the states have shown the value of these "laboratories of democracy. p. np. 1787. The Founders feared the arbitrary exercise of political power. be felt by a majority of the whole. np. http://federalistpapers.html. p. 10. and render them all subservient to the public good. therefore. FEDERALIST PAPER No. accessed April 22.

1912. No agrarian attempts have yet been made in this country. 1912. historian. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. p. he added. but without any other sort of property. -. then was the main object of government. the force. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. having such coexistent passion or interest. who urged that "the government ought to possess. but second. 1912. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. 31." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. historian.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. An accurate view of the matter.. they will become the tools of opulence and ambition. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government. under the influence of their common situation." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." and Mr.. but symptoms of a levelling spirit. was the great object to which their inquiries had been directed. They were anxious above everything else to safeguard the rights of private property against any leveling tendencies on the part of the propertyless masses. the mind or sense of the people at large. King also agreed that "property was the primary object of society. in support of the argument for a property qualification on voters. as we have understood have sufficiently appeared. According to the equal laws of suffrage. nevertheless.. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority.in which case the rights of property and the public liberty will not be secure in their hands." While these extreme doctrines were somewhat counterbalanced by the democratic principles of Mr. certainly it ought to be one measure of the influence due to those who were to be affected by the government. MADISON WANTED ARISTOCRACY. p.com . MADISON ADMITTED FAVORING INEQUALITY Charles Beard. Governor Morris. in which case there will be equal danger on another side. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. These may in time outnumber those who are placed above the feelings of indigence. and in his opinion. Governor Morris wanted to check the "precipitancy. 31. Madison warned the convention that in framing a system which they wished to last for ages they must not lose sight of the changes which the ages would produce in the forms and distribution of property. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. in speaking on the problem of apportioning representatives. in a certain quarter. hence. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. 31. the power will slide into the hands of the former. In the tenth number of The Federalist. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION." Madison doubtless summed up in a brief sentence the general opinion of the convention when he said that to secure private rights against minority factions.. NOT DEMOCRACY Charles Beard. changeableness. historian. a great majority of the people will not only be without land. in concluding this splendid piece of logic.aristocracy. not only first. These will either combine." And again. he described these impending changes: "An increase in the population will of necessity increase the proportion of those who will labor under all the hardships of life and secretly sigh for a more equitable distribution of its blessings. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. he contended.Such an aristocratic body will keep down the turbulence of democracy. men who from pride will support consistency and permanency.wcdebate. what is more probable. 2. to give notice of the future danger. Volume 9 Page 13 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY 1. Wilson." 3.or. In advocating a long term in order to give independence and firmness to the Senate. NOT PEOPLE Charles Beard. Mr.If property. would prove that property was the main object of society. p. and excess" of the representatives of the people by the ability and virtue of men" of great and established property -. and at the same time to preserve the spirit and form of popular government. -. Madison urged: "In future times. correctly stated the sound historical fact when he declared: "Life and liberty were generally said to be of more value than property. MADISON¶S VIEW PROTECTED PROPERTY. from which the rights of property originated. "the majority." Mr.

``to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority.'' ``one of [the] favorite maxims'' of Madison's influential colleague John Jay. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. 2. partnership. p.'' These conclusions are often qualified by the observation that Madison.'' To achieve this goal. association. p. offered only limited public participation in the political arena.wcdebate. and anti-capitalist in spirit. The system that he and his associates were designing must prevent such injustice. Z MAGAZINE. there is a consensus that ``The Constitution was intrinsically an aristocratic document designed to check the democratic tendencies of the period.'' a concept that doubtless would have shocked Madison and others with intellectual roots in the Enlightenment and classical liberalism -. typically material property. 3.'' which are property rights. Z MAGAZINE. A CONSENSUS OF MADISONIAN SCHOLARS AGREES HE WAS AN ELITIST Noam Chomsky. if elections ``were open to all classes of people. and ``secure the permanent interests of the country. estate. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Madison declared. James Madison. Z MAGAZINE.'' delivering power to a ``better sort'' of people and excluding ``those who were not rich. When Madison spoke of ``rights of persons. MADISON WANTED TO PROTECT THE RICH MINORITY AGAINST THE MAJORITY Noam Chomsky. June 1997. Property has no rights. ```Person' is broadly defined to include any individual. Among Madisonian scholars.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. sought to balance the rights of persons against the rights of property.pre-capitalist. his biographer observes. the native population driven out or exterminated. associated group. When the facts are stated clearly. But the growth of the industrial economy. One may argue. Volume 9 Page 14 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS 1. well born.'' while the rest are marginalized and fragmented. CAPITALISM HAS SIGNIFICANTLY ALTERED THE WAY WE SHOULD SEE MADISON Noam Chomsky. and the constitutional system generally.'' he meant humans.'' men who would ``sympathize sufficiently'' with property rights and ``be safe depositories of power over them.com . p. Whatever one's assessment of those years. that these principles lost their force as the national territory was conquered and settled. whose views largely prevailed. 8. by the late 19th century the founding doctrines took on a new and much more oppressive form. or prominent from exercising political power. led to a completely new meaning of the term. the leading Framer of the constitutional system was an astute and lucid political thinker. 8. political power must rest in the hands of ``the wealth of the nation. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. and the rise of corporate forms of economic enterprise. June 1997. and is crucially different from others in that one person's possession of such rights deprives another of them. In the debates on the Constitution. In both principle and practice. we can appreciate the force of the doctrine that ``the people who own the country ought to govern it. An agrarian law would soon take place. 8. as some historians do. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he urged. a personal right which must be privileged above all others.'' giving land to the landless. But the formulation is misleading. or any government entity. trust. the phrase ``rights of property'' means the right to property. branch. corporation or other organization (whether or not organized under the laws of any State). In a current official document. Madison pointed out that in England. It is the responsibility of government. Furthermore. the property of landed proprietors would be insecure. June 1997.

He would hold to this model in large measure for all his life. While Jefferson was not necessarily a states¶ rights proponent in the way we understand these terms today. Hamilton signed the new American Constitution for his state. He was the only delegate from New York to support the ratification of the constitution ± but he did so vociferously. While Hamilton intended to closely control distribution of his missive. Either way. talked to cabinet members in attempts to undermine Adams¶s policy. making it available to the general public. After Washington died.com . He saw centralization of authority as necessary to protect essential functions. blackening Hamtilon¶s eye and ratcheting up tension between Hamilton and Adams ± not to mention Hamilton and Burr. He served as a Lieutenant Colonel under George Washington for four years during the Revolutionary War. he was an influential figure in the early days of this country who is too often overlooked today. making one legendary speech where he attacked the states¶ rights ideas of William Paterson. rebuke and scandal. Much of this is forgotten today. HIS IDEAS Hamilton. his political rival Aaron Burr secured a copy for himself. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he also offered a life of tragedy. But of all the political ideas and economic philosophy that Hamilton offered to the world. Hamilton wrote a scathing letter attacking Adams. then his ideas. the letter contained some confidential cabinet information. an anti-federalist who would scrap mightily over those issues with Hamilton throughout their lives. Hamilton cited the British government as the best model for the new government -. as an aristocrat. After Adams was elected President. Hamilton first began to press the ideas that became extremely important in the formulation of the union ± he believed in a strong central government and a strong national bank. Hamilton constantly rebuked him in public. This is one of many issues that he and Thomas Jefferson would clash on. Due to Hamilton¶s inside connections. famously serving as a delegate at the Constitutional Convention and encouraging the advance of federal power. centralized union that would be a representative republic. Volume 9 Page 15 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Alexander Hamilton is probably best known as one of the authors of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. coercive. Shortly before the presidential election of 1800.wcdebate. This model would have devices that would protect class and property interests. THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. or the fact that he was killed by political rival Aaron Burr in a duel. and generally made himself a pain. he did argue that the American government was being divided into a struggle between the ³aristocrats´ who fear and mistrust the people and the ³democrats´ who trust the people and consider them the most trustworthy repository of the national interest. When the Constitutional Convention was convened. THE LIFE OF HAMILTON Hamilton started his career with military action during the revolt against British colonialism. Let¶s start the process of remembrance with an exploration of his life. Hamilton was politically active throughout his life.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. were extremely important during the early days of the United States.an aristocratic. which Hamilton published (along with John Jay and James Madison) under the name Publius. In those papers. Either that. an influential series of pamphlets arguing for a federal constitution to replace the Articles of Confederation. the leadership of the Federalist Party split between Hamilton and John Adams. Burr then PUBLISHED a copy of it. One of those actions was to inflame Hamilton¶s feud with Aaron Burr as well. was vocally against states¶ rights. opinions that broke strongly from one notable politician of the era ± Thomas Jefferson.

it could be interpreted under on of the more broad clauses of the constitution ± such as the clause that says it¶s the job of the national government to ³promote the general welfare. His REPORT ON MANUFACTURERS (1791) was the first major departure from Adam Smith¶s WEALTH OF NATIONS (1776). they became relatively widespread in the early days of the United States. who always mistrusted the financier set (and the federal government). the legacy of Britain. the means are authorized." one could think of him as one of the first ³big government liberals." Washington passed the Bank Bill in February of 1791. The Swiss economic historian Paul Bairoch (in his book ECONOMICS AND WORLD HISTORY) has argued that this shows America does not have its roots in so-called ³free trade. he claims. every particular power necessary for doing it is included.´ Because Hamilton¶s economic ideas were so influential. They probably would not have agreed to the constitution if they had known some of the things he had in mind. As early as 1776. he suggested the direct collection of federal taxes by federal agents ± a fairly radical stance in such an anti-tax climate. wherever a general power to do a thing is given. Hamilton had to work magic ± in the form of his now famous Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bank ± in order to convince his longtime friend. "implied powers. This is perhaps the most concrete consequence of Hamilton¶s idea of implied powers. opposed the project and intended to veto the bill. One of Hamilton¶s lasting legacies is the creation of a national bank. Madison (with strict constructionist logic) claimed that the national bank was unconstitutional since the constitution did not explicitly approve such an institution.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Jefferson. The Opinion sees Hamilton flesh out his view of the implied powers of the constitution. America probably would not have successfully industrialized at all if not for Hamiltonian policies of protective tariffs. In fact. In 1781 he promoted the idea that a nonexcessive public debt would be a good thing. Because he advocated the constitutional doctrines of liberal construction. (no. Jefferson was considered a Democratic-Republican. duties and other legislation designed to shelter fledgling industries. This was also one of the most controversial agendas he advanced. and which are not precluded by restrictions & exceptions specified in the constitution. Hamilton¶s logic: "[the government has] a right to employ all the means requisite. Hamilton¶s basic argument is a qualified version of one used by Madison himself in the Federalist. allowing it to do things that many of the anti-Federalists opposed.´ which argues that the federal government only gets to do what the constitution EXPLICITLY says it gets to do. HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS His economic ideas were no less radical. and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power. or not immoral.´ as is often claimed.´ This kind of liberal constructionism is deeply at odds with what is called ³strict constructionism. Hamilton¶s interpretation opens up the federal government¶s role considerably. 44) that "wherever the end is required. shortened to Republican. Hamilton was the Federalist¶s Federalist.com . The document argued for a system of protective duties designed to promote the interests of American businessmen and manufacturers. He wanted to protect the working classes against what he saw as the onset of aristocracy and monarchy. Today. impressive or important. Even then-President George Washington. Volume 9 Page 16 As labels of the day went.´ These ideas were later codified in the decisions of Supreme Court Justice John Marshall." and the "general welfare. was a vocal opponent of the national bank.wcdebate. or not contrary to the essential ends of political society. These doctrines meant that even if a role for the federal government was not explicitly stated. we would call this viewpoint ³protectionism." Ironically. Hamilton¶s staunch ally. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.

that¶s a price I¶m willing to pay. At least he admitted it and didn't overtly destabilize the government. that men should be deemed corrupt & criminal for becoming proprietors in the funds of their Country." Hamilton¶s ideas seemed to Jefferson to be a lot closer to King George III than to any American thinker. And we¶re just going to get richer as the country grows. has been awarded him by a suffrage now universal. which the urban elite would benefit). he pardoned all of those convicted. Volume 9 Page 17 Jefferson hated these economic ideas. and everyone else knew it too. as should be clear. There are a lot of Hamiltonians still around in American politics. Hamilton¶s response: "It is a strange perversion of ideas. These laws were mostly used to silence dissent. More on that in our final section. by a subdivision.) Hamilton constantly disputed Jefferson¶s claim that the general public should control government. which is democracy. here¶s a translation: yeah. scandalous and malicious writing. Aaron Burr had been a political rival of Hamilton¶s since at least 1777. and the moral qualities of integrity and honor in a captivating degree." He referred (in his last letter on politics) to democracy as a ³disease. will only be more concentrated in each part. "Men. Allegedly. saying this behavior ³nourishes in our citizens vice & idleness instead of industry & morality." Again. and as novel as it is extraordinary.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Perhaps his sternest rebuke to Hamilton came based on Jefferson¶s moral objections investment speculation. If some farmers lose out on their land and enterprises so that my friends and I can run the country. editor of the Philadelphia DemocratRepublican Aurora. and many other things. Jefferson considered rich men who used their capital to invest in enterprises not their own (who we might today call venture capitalists) to be the lowest forms of life on earth. punishable by fine and imprisonment. DENOUMENT We know about the scandal that ended up killing Hamilton. I know he was smart. His morals -. "are reasoning rather than reasonable animals. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. confronting Washington with a list of 21 objections to Hamilton¶s proposed policies." This shows his opinion of the average American. (When Jefferson was elected." he said. the poison of which.´ saying that "a clear sacrifice of great positive advantages. compared to Jefferson¶s continued desire to trust the public. when Burr sent a contemptuous letter to Washington about Hamilton. as much due to his belief in free speech as to his desire to stick his thumb in Hamilton¶s eye. accusing him of engaging in a monarchical conspiracy. Even sometime allies recognized the elitist tendency in Hamilton. Madison¶s final assessment of Hamilton was written in 1831: "That he possessed intellectual powers of the first order.well. That culminated in the elections season of 1804. administering no relief to our real disease. and consequently the more virulent." For those of you that don¶t speak Old Uptight American.com . more centralized government. Twenty-five men were arrested and their newspapers forced to shut down as a result of this legislation ± including Benjamin Franklin's grandson. at least he had SOME integrity and honor about him. This is best evidenced by his warm support for the final form of the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798. then his closest aide. disputed the geographical distribution of the benefits (Jefferson thought farmers would get screwed. These acts made illegal the publication of "any false. HAMILTON¶S OPPRESSIVE IDEAS Hamilton¶s notion of a strong national government did err on the side of oppression at times. my friends and I are rich. Jefferson decried Hamilton¶s desire to increase the public debt. Benjamin Franklin Bache. so get over it. his customary colleague. the translation from Old Uptight American: Hamilton preferred a more robust. and the greater merit of co-operating faithfully in maturing and supporting a system which was not his choice." Such publications were made high misdemeanors. Perhaps the most balanced view came from Madison. without any counterbalancing good. where Hamilton repeatedly ripped Burr in public speeches. If his theory of government deviated from the republican standard he had the candour to avow it.

They apparently did. but a BRIBE. Burr challenged Hamilton to a duel and killed him. when a pamphlet was published with the allegations. both saw their records tarnished by stunning sex scandals. written directly before the duel with Burr. Reynolds said that Hamilton could continue the affair so long as the money kept coming. Volume 9 Page 18 But he crossed the line when he said (at an event attended by a Burr supporter. and agreed to keep it quiet. he did not intend to fire at Burr. And the money wasn¶t for speculation (though that is apparently how Reynolds used it ± proving Jefferson¶s maxim about the moral character of speculators). went to Hamilton's office to confront him. Maria. At that point. the public could be kept in the dark no longer. not the government's. without sacrifices which would have rendered me unworthy of your esteem.wcdebate. until July 1797.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. natural politicians.. al. As historian Lisa Marie de Carolis noted. you get the impression that they were these morally upstanding men of a bygone era where honor was protected at all costs. CONCLUSION When you learn about the so-called ³Founding Fathers´ in school. Reynolds had evidence.Adieu best of wives and best of Women. and Frederick Muhlenberg ± thought they had found evidence that Hamilton was misappropriating government funds. in Sports Center parlance. Hamilton admitted he had given James Reynolds money -. a still more despicable opinion" of Burr. the three congressmen were satisfied by Hamilton¶s explanation. Hamilton was technically born illegitimate. he had more dirt on him that he wouldn¶t dish just yet. that though he held "despicable" opinions of Burr. When Reynolds found out he demanded ³satisfaction´ .´ Amazingly. Hamilton actually followed through with physical violence against a political rival. it was on. and sexually predatory as the ones we see today. And. As I hope this essay makes clear. a shady character currently in jail. . Monroe et. too." No word on whether he penned a similar missive to James Reynolds¶ wife. motivated. Reynolds was a clever pimp who was now harboring some very destructive information on one of the highest officials in the country. and by the press). was bragging that Hamilton had given him money out of the treasury to play the stock market. James Reynolds. But the Burr scandal wasn¶t the only hot water Hamilton found himself embroiled in. Abraham Venable. is the final record from his life: "If it had been possible for me to have avoided the interview.money. It wasn¶t even the juiciest. One could make a strong case for Hamilton as the Bill Clinton of his day: both were extremely intelligent. when Hamilton headed up the Treasury Department. Some Hamilton apologists insist that.com . my love for you and my precious children would have been alone a decisive motive. while Clinton was the child of a single mother. Three congressmen -. It gets better. ³Mr. Hamilton was having an affair Hamilton with Reynolds' wife. greedy. and while Clinton merely threatened to bash William Safire in the nose. That¶s when it got weird.. it just ain¶t so ± and it¶s somewhat comforting that the politicians of days past were just as sleazy. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. That happened in 1792. . . Hamilton¶s note to his wife.but he said it was his own money. But it was not possible. though he showed up to the duel and took a pistol. That money had changed hands.James Monroe. A journalist reported to the country that Hamilton "could detail .

ALEXANDER HAMILTON. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE POLITICAL ORDER. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE IDEA OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. ed. Noam. New York. January 1995. Mellon Lecture.com . THE AGE OF FEDERALISM. 1964.let. University of Groningen. 13. Lisa Marie.zmag. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Stanley and Eric McKitrick. 1982. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Cooke. senior editor. October 19. 1912. THE PAPERS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2002. Morton J. Chicago. New York: The Free Press. Charles. historian. 1985.html. 1991. 1961--79. New York: Harper & Brothers. ALEXANDER HAMILTON: PORTRAIT IN PARADOX. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. Volume 9 Page 19 BIBLIOGRAPHY Beard. Noam.2002. Chomsky. Jacob E. accessed April 29. Elkins. Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America.org/chomsky/talks/9410-education. Frisch. Brookhiser. accessed May 1. 1959.. 1970. 1997. 1999. p. John C. de Carolis. Stourzh. SELECTED WRITINGS AND SPEECHES OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON.htm. Charles Scribner's Sons. NATIONAL REVIEW. 1993. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. Gerald. Morton J. Loyola University.. 1994 http://www.wcdebate. http://odur. Frisch. THE REPORTS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Chomsky. New York and London: Columbia University Press. New York: Harper & Row. Department of Alfa-informatica. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. ed. ed. Syrett. Jacob E. Cooke. Z MAGAZINE.rug. Richard. Harold C. AMERICAN.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Miller. Washington/London: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research.

in the event of disunion. if these States should either be wholly disunited. WE NEED A STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT Alexander Hamilton. http://federalistpapers. For the Independent Journal. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. would revive this dispute. was subjected to the jurisdiction of the king of Great Britain. vindictive. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. either by actual possession.html.com/federalist6. the subdivisions into which they might be thrown would have frequent and violent contests with each other. November 14. p. by prevailing upon the States to make cessions to the United States for the benefit of the whole. and the dissolution of the Union would lay a foundation for similar claims between them all. TERRITORIAL DISPUTES CAUSE STRIFE: STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENT IS NEEDED Alexander Hamilton. STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED BECAUSE HUMANS ARE VINDICTIVE Alexander Hamilton. accessed May 2. np. BECAUSE THE WORLD ISN¶T PERFECT. whose situations have borne the nearest resemblance to our own. This. or through the submission of the Indian proprietors.wcdebate. in a state of separation? Have we not already seen enough of the fallacy and extravagance of those idle theories which have amused us with promises of an exemption from the imperfections. From this summary of what has taken place in other countries. UNION IS THE ANTIDOTE TO HOSTILITY BETWEEN NATIONS Alexander Hamilton. Perhaps the greatest proportion of wars that have desolated the earth have sprung from this origin. accessed May 2. under a continuation of the Union. To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent. till it was relinquished in the treaty of peace. 2002. November 14. p.com/federalist6. The States within the limits of whose colonial governments they were comprised have claimed them as their property.com/federalist6. There still are discordant and undecided claims between several of them. For the Independent Journal. accessed May 2. 2002.html. was at all events an acquisition to the Confederacy by compact with a foreign power. For the Independent Journal.html. FEDERALIST PAPER # 7. the others have contended that the rights of the crown in this article devolved upon the Union. especially as to all that part of the Western territory which. Volume 9 Page 20 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED 1. http://federalistpapers.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. November 15. weaknesses and evils incident to society in every shape? 3. and their constitution prevents the differences that neighborhood occasions. would be to disregard the uniform course of human events. however. p. November 14. what reason can we have to confide in those reveries which would seduce us into an expectation of peace and cordiality between the members of the present confederacy. Territorial disputes have at all times been found one of the most fertile sources of hostility among nations. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. would be to forget that men are ambitious. It is well known that they have heretofore had serious and animated discussion concerning the rights to the lands which were ungranted at the time of the Revolution. A dismemberment of the Confederacy." 4. extinguishing that secret jealousy which disposes all states to aggrandize themselves at the expense of their neighbors. 1787. and which usually went under the name of crown lands. To presume a want of motives for such contests as an argument against their existence. So far is the general sense of mankind from corresponding with the tenets of those who endeavor to lull asleep our apprehensions of discord and hostility between the States. This has been so far accomplished as. 2002. that it has from long observation of the progress of society become a sort of axiom in politics. unconnected sovereignties in the same neighborhood. 1787. An intelligent writer expresses himself on this subject to this effect: "NEIGHBORING NATIONS (says he) are naturally enemies of each other unless their common weakness forces them to league in a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC. 2002.html. 2. np. For the Independent Journal.com/federalist7. it has been said. np. accessed May 2. http://federalistpapers. It has been the prudent policy of Congress to appease this controversy. 1787.com . or only united in partial confederacies. that vicinity or nearness of situation. constitutes nations natural enemies. We have a vast tract of unsettled territory within the boundaries of the United States. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. to afford a decided prospect of an amicable termination of the dispute. This cause would exist among us in full force. 1787. and would create others on the same subject. A man must be far gone in Utopian speculations who can seriously doubt that. http://federalistpapers. and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages. and rapacious.

The accumulation of wealth was not Hamilton's goal. University of Dallas. represented by the Virginia opposition.¶ This they said and this meant. np. They believed that everyone had an equal right to exercise his individual abilities to acquire property. he wanted to encourage the use of private wealth for beneficial enterprises.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.2002. although not necessarily equitable. The Founders¶ attachment to economic freedom was in no way. Hamilton reasoned. HAMILTON¶S NATIONAL BANK WAS AN ENGINE OF PROSPERITY Lisa Marie de Carolis." 2. NOT FORCED EQUITY David Upham. provide a uniform currency. p.let. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. 1997. and loan the government money in times of emergency. was limiting and limited. accessed May 1. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in the Directors of a Bank. and that it would unavoidably result from that very liberty itself. in their understanding. They defined with tolerable distinctiveness. regulate banking practices around the country. accessed May 1." Moreover. Private ownership. http://www. The "authors of that notable instrument." Hamilton explained that a national bank would provide a safe depository for government funds. in what respects they did considered all men created equal²equal in µcertain unalienable rights.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. The bank proposed by Hamilton would be a national institution run by a private board of directors. Hamilton envisioned a strong economy in which everyone could participate and profit. This was Hamilton's most controversial position about which he was quite frank.did not mean to say all were equal in. and opened up wider vistas in international trade and domestic industrialization. Hamilton was. Landed wealth. not only did the Founders¶ understanding of equality not include all kinds of equality (such as the equality of economic condition championed by the Progressives).. as it were. thus creating more jobs and income sources for a burgeoning population. University of Groningen. As Alexander Hamilton stated in the constitutional convention: "It is certainly true that nothing like an equality of property existed: that an inequality would exist as long as liberty existed. accessed May 1.. http://odur. among which are life.org/tii/students/GarveyEssay97Upham. and the pursuit of happiness. pointing invariably to its true pole. HAMILTON¶S SUPPORT OF THE WEALTHY DIDN¶T INTEND TO CREATE ARISTOCRACY Lisa Marie de Carolis. Department of Alfa-informatica.independent..htm.com . would prevent the corruption which might result if the bank were run by government officials as was the Bank of England. Department of Alfa-informatica.html. simply drawing on realities that he felt. as usual.let. "The Primacy of Property Rights and the American Founding. University of Groningen.rug. Industry would diversify labor. the prosperity of the institution . magnetic sense. 3. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton.wcdebate. 2002. and.rug. Securing the support of the wealthy was only a first step in his complete economic picture. provide capital for investments and industry.intellect. Department of Politics. 1997. HAMILTON BELIEVED IN EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY. as proprietors. opposed to the principle of equality.. moral developments. Hamilton's vision was dynamic and made use of all the possibilities of a young nation with unlimited resources and boundless potential. . He explained: "The keen. As Lincoln repeatedly emphasized. and which would incite fierce protest on the part of those who feared that Hamilton aimed to create an aristocracy. and that the equal right to employ unequal talents would necessarily lead to economic inequality. . the equality proclaimed in the Declaration is not an equality in all respects. of their own interest. 1997. abilities which were by nature unequal. Hamilton saw it as no less than an engine of national prosperity and a necessary ancillary to his overall plan. their conception of human equality necessarily excluded equality of condition." Independent Institute Website. http://odur. steady.htm. whereas paper wealth was fluid. liberty. or social capacity. would benefit the nation as a whole in the long run.2002. Volume 9 Page 21 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD 1.

safeguarded on the one hand against the possibilities of despotism and on the other against the onslaught of majorities. as he believed the Bolsheviks intended. Restating the Doctrine without equivocation." and he confessed that while he was still republican. every page of the laconic record of the proceedings of the convention. Z MAGAZINE. HAMILTON THOUGHT THE ³WELL BORN´ SHOULD RUN THE COUNTRY Charles Beard. HAMILTON BELIEVED DEMOCRACY WAS A GREAT BEAST. He said there was the idea that your people are a great beast and that the real disease is democracy. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. as Jefferson's fears and Bakunin's predictions were increasingly realised. of course. The basic attitudes coming into this century were expressed very clearly by Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of State. preserved to posterity by Mr. that fear of democracy and freedom has always been one of the factors motivating the terror and sometimes outright aggression undertaken to eliminate "rotten apples" that might "spoil the barrel" and "viruses" that might "infect others. These ideas have become ever more entrenched in educated circles. HAMILTON SOUGHT TO PRESERVE THE POWER OF THE RICH Noam Chomsky. The beast may not yet be tamed. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Gerry. Randolph. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. p. sometimes in chains of dogma and deceit. That's Hamilton. but it is being caged. That's the hysterical and utterly erroneous reaction that's pretty standard among people who feel that their power is threatened. shows conclusively that the members of that assembly were not seeking to realize any fine notions about democracy and equality. Volume 9 Page 22 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY 1. rolling back the threat posed by the "great beast" that keeps trying "to plunder the rich" (Alexander Hamilton and John Foster Dulles. historian. Madison. The architects of policy can move on to establish a utopia of the masters based on the values of greed and power. 13. in advocating a life term for Senators. observed "that the general object was to provide a cure for the evils under which the United States labored. perhaps rightly. 2002. which destroyed labour and independent thought for a decade. It therefore became necessary to renew with much greater intensity the constant campaign to tame and cage that "great beast. HAMILTON FEARED DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM Noam Chomsky. 1912. http://www. the evils they had experienced flowed "from the excess of democracy. an important victory. in offering to the consideration of the convention his plan of government. The first are the rich and well born and the other the mass of the people who seldom judge or determine right. whatever cast it takes. that some check therefore was to be sought for against this tendency of our governments. but now perceive that they can do better. January 1995. 13. accessed April 29." as Alexander Hamilton termed the "people" with horror and indignation as he was laying the foundations for state-guided industrial democracy. Indeed.wcdebate. Robert Lansing. Mellon Lecture. that. COMMON PEOPLE A MENACE Noam Chomsky.the main concern. but were striving with all the resources of political wisdom at their command to set up a system of government that would be stable and efficient. urged that "all communities divide themselves into the few and the many. np." in the terminology favored by leading planners -. Hamilton. 2. attitudes that led to Wilson's Red Scare. that they can dismantle the social contract that has been in some measure achieved.html. sometimes quite literally. Loyola University. in passing. he "had been taught by experience the danger of the levelling spirit. p. January 1995.zmag. In the mind of Mr. Z MAGAZINE." or even influential. 31. 1994.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." 4. in tracing these evils to their origin. p. speaking for a host of others). Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. every man had found it in the turbulence and follies of democracy.org/chomsky/talks/9410education. and that a good Senate seemed most likely to answer the purpose. 3.com . being independence. Lansing warned of the danger of allowing the "ignorant and incapable mass of humanity" to become "dominant in the earth. as it was called. p. Chicago. They feel. Professor of Linguistics at MIT." Mr. the masters have long sought to contain popular struggles to expand the range of meaningful democracy and human rights. We may recall. in which privilege is enhanced by state power and the general population lack rights apart from what they can salvage on a (highly flexible) labor market. Eighty years earlier Alexander Hamilton had put it clearly. October 19." Mr.

was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. np. the convention safeguarded the interests of property against attacks by majorities. HAMILTON RELIED ON THE WEALTHY ALLYING THEMSELVES WITH STATE POWER Lisa Marie de Carolis. which in turn makes commodities cheaper and easier to procure. the continuing vitality of the British economy was enough to prove the efficacy of their system. He wrote in 1780: "The only plan that can preserve the currency is one that will make it to the immediate interest of the monied men to cooperate with the government in its support. Hume in particular was cautionary about the British system.rug. np. warning that a funded debt necessitates oppressive taxes to pay the interest. 1997. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression".. "the majority.let. In order to stimulate the economy. HAMILTON¶S GOVERNMENT IDEAS FOCUSED ON PROTECTING THE RICH Charles Beard. Hamilton based his program primarily on the British model. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government. 31." Uniformity of interests throughout the state." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. http://odur. p. p. accessed May 1. provide ready capital with the value and function of specie. and a more diverse economy. Hume contended. Hamilton pointed out. historian. The support and capital of the nation's wealthiest citizens would provide the foundation and security of his system. Mr. indebts the nation to foreign powers. University of Groningen. accessed May 1.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. he added.htm. and in his opinion. Hamilton needed big investors. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. the "invigorating principle" which would infuse the United States with the energy and international respectability he had envisioned. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. 2002.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. In the tenth number of The Federalist. but pointed out some advantages to a credit-based economy. http://odur. The House of Representatives. Public credit was to become the pillar of Hamilton's fiscal reform package. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. whereas paper capital fosters a more international mentality. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. 2. and renders the stock holders largely idle and useless for everything but playing the market.. he contended.wcdebate. and thus helps spread "arts and industry throughout the whole society. Hume observed. p. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. 1912.let.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. Hume felt that the evils greatly outweighed the advantages. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. Securities. Department of Alfa-informatica. makes "country gentlemen" out of wealthy merchants." Landed wealth.htm. creates dangerous disparities in wealth. 2002." 3.rug. HAMILTON IGNORED HUME¶S WARNINGS ABOUT THE SYSTEM HE FAVORED Lisa Marie de Carolis.com . the availability of which enables merchants to engage in more extensive trade enterprises. Mr. Nevertheless. having such coexistent passion or interest. hence. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority. by the system of checks and balances placed in the government. Hamilton dismissed Hume's warnings and instead focused on the positive aspects of national credit. Volume 9 Page 23 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST 1.No plan could succeed which does not unite the interest and credit of rich individuals with that of the state." while the Senate was to preserve the rights of property and the interests of the minority against the demands of the majority. However. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. 1997. . Hume emphasized the many evils of a credit-based economy. University of Groningen. "was so formed as to render it particularly the guardian of the poorer orders of citizens. with variations more suited to the United States' unique characteristics. Department of Alfa-informatica. from which the rights of property originated.

the Anti-Federalists were not as organized in their publications. many called for some kind of reform. who did which paper (Hamilton. These papers. Given their position in history as one of the main political groups at the time of the crafting of the Constitution. all connected to the desire to have independence from the tyrannical rule of the British monarchy. amending the Articles required unanimity among the states. This federalist camp by and large supported the proposed Constitution that was being debated at the Conventions. Viewing these and many other aspects of the Articles as deep flaws. The Anti-Federalists also used pseudonyms borrowed from past figures from Rome (as well as other names). it is important to keep in mind that terminology changes. but it is not always conclusive which actual person lies behind what name. and partially to the fact that history has not glorified their accomplishments as it has the Federalists. seemed to the Federalists a clear signal that a new Constitution was needed. the Anti-Federalists are no mere moment in history. Although the new Constitution was passed largely the way that the Federalists hoped it would be. Even though the Federalist Papers bore the same pen name. or Madison) is well documented.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Although far from universally read at the time ± the pamphlets were mostly published in New York ± a group of 85 documents which came to be known as the Federalist Papers came to be the most famous articulation of Federalist views. James Madison.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. some of the major figures behind the movement. HISTORICAL CONTEXT The driving issues in early American political theory arose as a response to the treatment of the original colonies by Great Britain. The inability of the federal government to take care of a lot of problems. notably the Shays Rebellion that occurred in Massachusetts for half a year before it could be quelled. Anti-Federalist differ from the Federalist Papers in a few significant ways. The first attempt was guided by the Articles of Confederation. given that in today¶s lexicon ³federalism´ refers to the doctrine that the federal government should not encroach upon the proper powers of the states. there is not an established number to each document or speech that constituted Anti-Federalist contributions to the political debate. However. The contingent of people who felt that the proposed Constitution had too strong of a Central government were known as the Anti-Federalists. They felt that the essence of democracy could only be carried out on a small scale. support for it was by no means unanimous. There have been a variety of different approaches to that question over the years. or a great many other things that are matter of course for the federal government today. Moreover. written by Alexander Hamilton. Jay. Therefore the issue of liberty was foremost in the minds of Americans when considering how to craft a government of their own. supported a more direct democracy. a great deal of writing was done by various political figures that advocated different positions on what direction the country ought to take.com . therefore. The Confederation could not collect taxes. and John Jay under the pseudonym ³Publius. and the various potential pros and cons to such a political system. This is partially due to the less organized nature of the Anti-Federalists. which established a very limited central government with strong powers left to the individual states. The American Revolution came about for a myriad of reasons. During the time of various Constitutional Conventions. but instead have had a profound influence upon the entirety of American politics. regulate commerce. This essay will explore the context surrounding the Anti-Federalists. the benefits of which were lost in such a massive government. Secondly. Volume 9 Page 24 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS Perhaps the greatest question that American political theory has struggled with is to what extent the power of the federal government should be limited. Contemporary readers might feel as if these terms are backwards. First. the identity of the authors of the Anti-Federalist papers is not always known. Anti-federalists. as opposed to the republican government that connected to the citizens only via mediating representatives.´ advocated a much stronger central government than what the Articles provided. with that of the Anti-Federalists being one of the most extreme. and back at the time of the signing of the Constitution the Anti-Federalists were those opposed to it on the grounds that it gave too much power to the federal government.

there is no way for Representatives to actually know the desires of the people they are voting for. One such person is Patrick Henry. Volume 9 Page 25 WHO THEY WERE While the issue of which Anti-Federalist authors were behind the works of pseudonyms such as ³Brutus. ideas. George Clinton was the first governor of New York during the ratification of the Constitution. To understand Anti-Federalists merely in terms of modern-day states-rights discourse would be in a sense misleading. This is because when a regime is in control over a large enough populace. Henry associated the Federalist supporters with the kind of aristocracy that the Revolutionary War was meant to free America from. There are a great many other important Anti-Federalist thinkers: James Winthrop. Today what we have is a republic. while they share some of the same beliefs. Samuel Bryan. This is democracy at its most tenuous. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. but when it was approved by the requisite nine states at the Convention in his very own state. but they would also stress that said governing body has to be concerned with a vastly smaller area than the US currently is. But what liberties are being shoved aside in the current system? The premise behind AntiFederalism goes deeper than knee-jerk mistrust of the federal government. This ensures that oftentimes the majority opinion does not even constitute over half of the population.´ ³Old Whig.com . or amount of control. which the Bill of Rights provided (to some extent). but took the post after his own Presidential ambitions were dashed. When the words ³big´ or ³small´ are used to describe governments today. And it is true that Anti-Federalists would argue for a less massive government. not the one in the Funkadelic Parliament. the thread running through them all was a mistrust of too massive a government. that the government has. THE CASE FOR THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS So what is it that is positive about the theory of Anti-Federalism? The primary emphasis is upon promoting liberty and freedom. The closest way to understanding the will of the electorate ± polling ± is remarkably inaccurate. it becomes all the more difficult for any group to get the policy they want. Henry did not support the Constitution that was eventually passed in 1787. Another prominent Anti-Federalist was George Clinton. making most of the people¶s wishes going unheeded. Since potential actions to be taken by Congress are almost never a black and white issue. Even were polling perfectly accurate. some of the more important figures in the theory are well known. it was promised to be included by Congress shortly thereafter. No. one of his greatest criticisms of it was the lack of any explicit limitations upon the powers of the federal government. Ironically he ended up Vice-President to Madison. and later would become Vice President for both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. Clinton despised Madison. The inclusion of a Bill of Rights into the Constitution is owed in part to Patrick Henry. Clinton acquiesced. For one. While of course they all had minor differences. one of the authors of the Federalist Papers. while he never supported the Constitution. it is typically meant to designate the bureaucracy. Clinton authored some of the Anti-Federalist papers that were published under the name ³Cato.wcdebate. where representatives are elected with the supposed task of voicing the opinions of all of the people in Congress. cultures. While his famous quotation in which he prefers liberty to life became one of the central rallying cries of the Revolution. There would be no way for common individuals to stroll onto the floor of Capitol Hill any time they wished and have a real voice in crafting national legislation. direct democracy becomes simply unfeasible. Especially given the US¶s self-proclaimed status as a melting pot of races. Direct democracy of that sort is appealing to Anti-Federalists because it makes up for the myriad of shortcomings in the current system of ³representation´.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the problem of majority tyranny arises. Robert Yates. and only samples a small part of the population. and others.´ or ³Federal Farmer´ may be an ongoing debate. Richard Henry Lee. Anti-Federalism is an entirely different view of what government means than is considered in contemporary political discourse. The first major premise in Anti-Federalism is that true government is only possible on a small scale. and so on. there are a host of different possible options to be argued for.´ Clinton did his best to block ratification of the Constitution. While the Bill of Rights was not included in the initial signing of the Constitution.

The lowest is that of labor. Once all private demands are met. How can a rich white Senator born into privilege know how difficult it is to be poor? It becomes difficult for any interest aside from the elite¶s to be advanced in government. and Senators and Representatives were somehow able to represent the wishes of their constituents completely accurately. Therefore. such as food and shelter. Volume 9 Page 26 Part of the problem stems from the type of people that are going to be the Representatives in a large republic. But even if all of the things above were not true. Even if every state kept standing militias. there is no way a national army Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Anti-Federalists desired the smaller town-hall type governments were individual could have a say and come to some consensus about issues that affected them and their town. Anti-Federalism dovetails nicely with one of the main tenets of Hannah Arendt¶s belief on the nature of politics. be achieved. say. one would have to not be tied to any sort of private concerns that would distract from that goal. Therefore the most glory came from being an honored statesman in the city-state. She draws upon Greek culture in her book THE HUMAN CONDITION to explain the various degrees of human activity. and similar pursuits. But even if stringent campaign finance reform measures were to pass. No one struggling to earn enough money to survive. The Anti-Federalists argued that a result of that type of government would be that only the elite would have the capability to run for office. First and foremost is a problem with security from threats both internal and external. Finally.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and therefore used slavery to divest themselves of the need to do tasks that they consider menial. Indeed. interestingly enough. THE CASE AGAINST THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS As pretty of a picture of an idyllic small town democracy this paints. whereby one toils to take care of private necessities. people tend to be only concerned with issues such as representation insofar as they get what they want. have the time and resources to become a serious politician. the arts. which encompasses crafts. the political sphere and one¶s own relationship to it can be safely ignored. Christopher Duncan explains why it is that Anti-Federalists place intrinsic value upon direct democracy. This is not to suggest that the Anti-Federalists merely wanted to copy the Greeks. an important political theorist from this century. Arendt. contends that the highest form of human existence lies in the participation in politics. there would still be cultural and economic barriers that would make it extremely difficult for anyone but the elite class to realize the goal of playing a role in the public sector. In fact. and therefore be happy and free. but instead that understanding the rationale behind the Greek priority of action in the public realm sheds light on why AntiFederalists find value in pure democracy. The same problems that were apparent at the time of the Articles of the Confederation are still present in a system that devolves a great deal of authority. The ancient Greeks despised labor.wcdebate. Anti-Federalists would still have a large problem with the massive republic that we live in today. To achieve enough public recognition to get elected. many Anti-Federalists charged that it was elite interests that motivated the structure of the government set up in the Constitution. In other words. but it is often still private in nature.com . many of the Anti-Federalists papers make explicit reference to Greek and Roman societies ± before they developed strong tyrannical central governments ± as being ideals insofar as democracy is concerned. Only that way can the desire to life a public life. find that situation lacking. The incapability of internal uprisings and the like to be dealt with a weak central government was arguably shown back as early as Shay¶s Rebellion. AntiFederalists. What is to stop one state from deciding to use aggressive force against another to take. on the other hand. this is often not the case. Provided that a Senator votes the way someone theoretically would want them to. precisely because they see participation in politics as an end to itself. There is the possibility of public appreciation of work. let alone the middle class who spend a great deal of time working to (for example) put their kids through college. one can readily find fault with such a small-scale system of government. While it is certainly possible for a person of a different station to understand the situation of a common person. the highest type of human activity is what Arendt says the Greeks considered true ³action´: politics. then one can spend their time caring for the polis (city). The current controversy over money spent in campaigns is telling. it would seem difficult to coordinate efforts. some economic resources? Threats from other countries are even more frightening. The difference lies in the fact that our conception of politics is as a means to an end. The reason for this is because. and without a strong federal ability to tax. the type of person who is elected into office will never be the same type of person that she or he is supposed to represent. This problem has gotten even more out of control given the importance of self-advertisement during campaigns. The next highest is work.

it is very possible that their mistrust of a strong central government was not merely reactionary fear stemming from their dealings with Great Britain. Many authors claim that the federal government has proven to be selflimiting in such a fashion so as to avoid the pitfalls the Anti-Federalists predicted. A strong central government seems to be a prerequisite of peace and order. With regard to the security issue. Volume 9 Page 27 could be built and maintained that would comport to the standards necessary to be competitive. schools wouldn¶t allow blacks the same educational opportunities. The 50 states retain a massive amount of control over criminal laws. wars tend to start due to tensions over disagreements. This case was but the most visible of a massive effort by the federal government to outlaw a host of racist policies held by many States. internal commerce. countries would no longer have cause to resent the US throwing its superpower weight around world affairs. Having a national bank system. Until the Supreme Court decision of Brown versus the Board of Education of Topeka. economic prosperity seems to be a direct result of a strong federal government. While the fundamental motivation for the Anti-Federalists was the protection of liberty through democracy. and the government. and so forth.wcdebate. but it is a huge issue now. Would the technological and cultural progress that has been made in the past two hundred years be possible in a country with decentralized governments? Yet another goal that has become of more importance in recent years that seems impractical without a strong central government is the protection of the environment. but there is less reason to believe such events would be a matter of course without a powerful federal government. one might question the incentive for other countries to attack the United States if it were more decentralized. environmental theory has taught that those situations are dangerous given the transitory nature of pollution. is it not obvious that life and peace are more important? Being free from one¶s own government is hardly a concern when another country is invading. One of the revolutions in the past hundred years has been the increasing role of the federal government as the protector of individual rights from state discrimination. Few would call the powers that the federal government claims right to now ³tyrannical´ by any means. This picture of rights flips on its head the problem envisioned by the Anti-Federalists of a tyrannical national government. The most famous example of this comes with the controversy concerning segregation in the South. with those citizens lacking any method of recourse. it is natural that uprisings like the Shay¶s Rebellion would occur during a country¶s birth pangs.com . rights. Countries don¶t just go around attacking each other for land nowadays. issuing bonds. the Federal Reserve ± all are functions that are distinctly national in character. Strict laws governing the states are needed to keep them accountable for their environmental damage. Nor is there a complete disregard for the rights and powers of the states even within this system.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. such as funding of the sciences and arts. Environmental disputes were not much of a problem back in colonial times when the majority of the United States had yet to even be charted by European settlers. The negative effects of industry in one county or state could most directly affect another area completely. As for internal problems. There might not be any way to have stopped that discrimination throughout the country in the system promoted by the Anti-Federalists. Many authors specifically respond to some of these criticisms and explain why they might not seem as problematic as they seem. Power over such things as taxation has certainly not spiraled into overwhelming tyranny. None could be performed during the Articles of Confederation. a brand new turn is taken in the relationship between individuals. While the Anti-Federalists sought to organize small like-minded communities. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In addition to security. In that sense there likelihood of an attack against the US might decrease. there are a variety of important tasks that can only be performed by the national government that seem integral to maintaining a healthy economy. These protections against discrimination apply to sexism and other forms of oppression through the Equal Protection amendment. A thriving economy is a necessary condition for a lot of other things. By passing amendments that protect rights not merely through limiting the power of the federal government but instead positively restricting certain behavior of the states and local governments. Even if there is some sacrifice of liberties in order to make those things possible. RESPONSES TO SOME OF THE ATTACKS ON THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS While this list of problems might seem difficult for the Anti-Federalists to overcome. hope is not lost yet. Given how complex the economic system is today.

or to help argue for or against other political objectives that would affect the balance of power between the people and their state. True happiness is found in one¶s civic existence. Money alone cannot produce happiness. Perhaps the widespread depression exhibited in American society today is a result of the alienation felt towards one¶s fellow humans. as well as a few other modifications to it are distinctly Anti-Federalist in nature. The most skillful use of it will be to argue for a particular type of democracy that actually involves people. As the lower class gets larger and poorer. such as greater states rights in a particular area. Instead.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but its inclusion of a Bill of Rights. The American political tradition has always been a product of the dialectic of both of those movements. Truly understanding the various twists and turns of American politics requires a grasp upon its roots in both the Federalist as well as Anti-Federalist traditions.com . the Constitution may have been promoted mainly by Federalists. can be much more fundamental to human happiness than amassing material wealth. and it can even create tensions in a society where the wealth is increasingly becoming concentrated in a small percentage of the population. no political system is wholly comprised of one ideology or another. CONCLUSION Anti-Federalism. Volume 9 Page 28 Issues such as the environment and minority rights could be dealt with in a collective fashion. Participation in a public democracy. It can be used in its specific historical context to criticize or justify the Constitution. its principles of maintaining a genuine democracy can be utilized to argue in favor of smaller changes. and therefore in direct democracy. local. as a political theory taken in general. One thing that is important to keep in mind for the purpose of utilizing this theory in a debate round is that one does not necessarily have to advocate every thing that the Anti-Federalists would.wcdebate. it is natural to question just how successful the country is economically. It is certain that the country would be less economically prosperous if it had developed more along AntiFederalist lines. federal governments. no matter what the Gross Domestic Product statistics say. it is logical that even without things like strong Supreme Court decisions it is still plausible that those problems would be voluntary dealt with by the states. has many potential benefits and downfalls. Even if the federal government has not proven to turn into a tyranny. there is little denying that politics in this country has become an affair of the rich and elite. Moreover. Just because power would be devolved to a large degree does not mean that national laws would not work pending the acceptance of the majority of states. but economic might is not necessarily the highest aim for a country. The Federalist model did establish an effective system for pursuing one¶s private wishes. instead of merely a republic where no one¶s interests but the very powerful are furthered. Given the swing in opinion towards protecting the environment and ending discrimination. but those are nothing more than glorified necessities taken too far. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Both theories have strong advantages and disadvantages that can be used to shed light on a variety of political issues in our own day and age. as Hannah Arendt suspects. excluding most people from participating in it in any meaningful way.

WHAT THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS WERE FOR. Gordon. Herbert. 1958. THE COMPLETE ANTI-FEDERALIST. 1993. Sinopoli. 1986. 1992.com . Bernard. AND LETTERS DURING THE STRUGGLE OVER RATIFICATION. Simon & Schuster. Duncan. Northern Illinois University Press. THE RADICALISM OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Harvard University Press. THE HUMAN CONDITION. Dry. Penguin. Dolbeare. Herbert. John Wiley & Sons.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Storing. ARTICLES. 1981. University of Chicago Press. Ketcham. Hoffer. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. Walter.wcdebate. 1981. 1987. FROM MANY. 1995. Hannah. University of Colorado Press. Murray. 1992. Robert. THE ANTI-FEDERALIST PAPERS AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION DEBATES. Bruce. 1992. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. 1969. inc. University of Chicago Press. Georgetown Press. WE THE PEOPLE: FOUNDATIONS. and Storing. 1997. Bailyn. Kenneth. Volume 9 Page 29 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ackerman. Berns. Library of America. DIRECTIONS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. Alfred Knopf. THE DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION: FEDERALIST AND ANTIFEDERALIST SPEECHES. Richard. TAKING THE CONSTITUTION SERIOUSLY. A POLITICS OF TENSION: THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND AMERICAN POLITICAL IDEAS. Wood. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Ralph. Arendt. University of Chicago Press. Christopher.

Both of these. FROM MANY. Agrippa¶s claims that ³freedom is necessary for industry´ and that ³in absolute governments. in process of time. better understood. the manners. The productions of the different parts of the union are very variant. 3. be the climate what it may be. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. there will be a constant clashing of opinions. and demand of them that they mind their own private business. that their governments were changed from that of free governments to those of the most tyrannical that ever existed in the world. and their sentiments are by no means coincident. In a republic. This will retard the operations of government. in the words of Hannah Arendt. Political participation for the Anti-Federalists became an end to be pursued as well as a means. SMALLER SCALE POLITICS ALLOW FOR HAPPINESS VIA A GENUINE PUBLIC SPHERE Christopher Duncan. p. In a large republic. and depends on accidents. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. ultimately disempowering. diverse. it is true. it was an opportunity to transform themselves and expand their circle of concerns while encouraging others to do the same. so also was that of the Romans. IT IS EMPIRICALLY SHOWN THAT ONLY SMALL GOVERNMENTS AVOID CORRUPTION Brutus. that it will ultimately. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. any thing like the extent of the United States. If we apply this remark to the condition of the United States. The question the Anti-Federalists worried about was not how we organize our polity for order and greatness but how we organize our polity for public happiness and political salvation. of consequence. cowardly. In a large republic there are men of large fortunes. 2. and interests of the people should be similar. would not be too numerous to act with any care or decision. extended their conquests over large territories of country. 1997. and without virtue there can be no happiness. 170-171. we shall be convinced that it forbids that we should be one government. it is subordinate to exceptions. and consequently of less moderation. as would constantly be contending with each other. Volume 9 Page 30 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR 1.´ This would certainly be a torturous existence for a people who believed their individual chance for redemption was tied intimately to their shared public life. and the representatives of one part will be continually striving against those of the other. the interest of the public is easier perceived. and of course are less protected. he soon begins to think that he may be happy. and their interests. very diverse. p. abuses are of less extent. The laws and customs of the several states are.com . Anti-Federalist Writer. GOVERNMENTS THAT RULE OVER SIMILAR PEOPLE OPERATE MORE EFFICIENTLY Brutus. 37. p. and prevent such conclusions as will promote the public good.wcdebate. he has interest of his own. It is the notion that the Constitution as a centralizing.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The Grecian republics were of small extent. 1995. there are trusts too great to be placed in any single subject. each would be in favor of its own interests and customs. Professor of Political Science. FROM MANY. The United States includes a variety of climates. by oppressing his fellow citizens. the people. a legislature. and. of consequence. great and glorious. 1997. If this be not the case. the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views. are in general lazy. and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country. turbulent. Their manners and habits differ as much as their climates and productions. formed of representatives from the respective parts. document will leave them bereft of their power to save themselves. Self-government for the Anti-Federalists was not just a mechanistic device to ensure the safety of their fortunes. in many respects. and in some opposite. but would be composed of such heterogenous and discordant principles. and the consequence was. and vicious to an extreme´ are but his way of saying that without the sense of attachment and empowerment that comes with public participation. In a small one. Anti-Federalist Writer. ³banish the citizens from the public realm into the privacy of their households.´ History furnishes no example of a free republic. there can be no virtue. and more within the reach of every citizen. 38. sentiments. This is the theoretical thread that ties Anti²Federalist thought together.

and the equality of the manners. Associate Professor of Law. FROM MANY. and to work together. to whose contumely you will continually be an object²you must risque much. there was a series of particular ³welfares´ that could only be considered general when in fact the question at issue was one of mutual concern as determined by the state itself. 2. Professor of Political Science. consists in security. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. This moderation in governments.wcdebate. that transcended the local community and its own particular determinations about right and wrong. or the opinion. Thus the mode of operation was consensual rather than majoritarian or adversarial. Mr. and the complication of interests. The distinction here is once again of critical importance from a theoretical perspective. LOYOLA JOURNAL OF PUBLIC INTEREST LAW. is best obtained in moderate governments. the science of government will become intricate and perplexed. not on questions of the general welfare but on questions of mutual and general welfare. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. other than those basic natural laws (but these. either limited or despotic. and any attempt to conflate the judgments of those independent entities had to be agreed to by them and the like associations involved in order to be legitimate. where the mildness of the laws. ANTI-FEDERALISM STOPS RACIAL DISCRIMINATION James Etienne Viator. Loyola University New Orleans School of Law. Furthermore. which accounts for the nine-vote decisionmaking threshold and the provisions for unanimity with regard to amendment that marked the Articles. or the opinion." ONLY ANTI-FEDERALIST POLITICS ALLOW TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE MULTIPLICITY OF INTERESTS Christopher Duncan. If that latter clause is read correctly.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.the compelling interest of solving racial problems through representation in Congress by those who share a commitment to this unique interest in political liberty on account of their membership in the historically "raced" community. and by which you are to be conducted into a monarchy. and observe. shared racial experience and the legacy of white hostility and bigotry constitute the compelling reason for majority-black districts as a necessary means to effectuate the Anti-Federalist insight that in order to guarantee liberty "like best represents like. too. which results in the continuing existence of white bloc voting. what can you promise yourselves. into one government²impracticability in the just exercise of it²your freedom insecure²even this form of government limited in its continuance²the employments of your country disposed of to the opulent. in that under the Articles of Confederation there was no ³truth or Platonic form. and too mysterious for you to understand. Communal welfare and justice were both the products of local political conversations. 2000." Thus. connected with their political distribution. nor compact. on the score of consolidation of the United States. Spring. 1997. and this racially biased voting excludes blacks from the fair and equal representation recommended both by the Anti-Federalists and Section 2 of the VRA. 37-8. it should be clear that there was no such thing as the general welfare of the country. and this security therefore. rather. they have agreed to protect each other from external dangers to their collective²not individual²liberties. by indispensably placing trusts of the greatest magnitude. From this picture. the great Montesquieu again observes. p. Anti-Federalist Writer. In other words. 42. Political liberty. It is this stubborn persistence of racially polarized voting that confirms the enduring wisdom of and necessity for the Anti-Federalist view that representatives should be "made of the same stuff collectively as their constituents. ONLY SMALLER LIMITED GOVERNMENTS ALLOW LIBERTY Cato. and aggrandizement. beget a confidence in the people. Keith Reeves demonstrated the continued presence of bigoted attitudes among white voters. or at least in the opinion we have of security. Locke remarks. useful or not. whose ambition for power. 1995. Using an innovative mixture of campaign news stories and public opinion surveys of voters. from the vast extent of your territory. 78. depends in a great measure on their limits. will oppress and grind you²where. which produces this security. the phenomenon of white bloc voting makes race-conscious districting a properly narrow means to further the "compelling interest" in full freedom for black Americans -. is a government derived from neither nature.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. Volume 9 Page 31 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION 1. the latter. were open to a good deal of ³relative´ interpretation). p. into the hands of individuals.

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AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE 1. AN ANTI-FEDERALIST SYSTEM WOULD BE VULNERABLE TO FOREIGN ATTACK Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 9. The first of the advantages is the increased safety from foreign attack that comes with Union. ³Among the many objects to which a wise and free people find it necessary to direct their attention that of providing for their safety seems to be the first.´ Other nations must be prevented from having just causes for warring with the Americans and they must also be discouraged from attacking injustly on the pretext of trumped up charges. With the Union the Americans will be less likely to present just causes for war to foreign nations because there will be a single interpretation of the law of nations and of treaties. That single interpretation will not be dominated by the unjust desires of any part of the Union. Moreover, should the national government provide a just cause for war to a foreign nation it is far more likely that the dispute will be settled without recourse to war with one large nation than it would be with several smaller confederacies. Publius notes the reality that ³acknowledgements, explanations, and compensations are often accepted as satisfactory from a strong united nation´ when they would not be accepted from a weaker power. 2. THE ORDER THAT COMES FROM A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT OUTWEIGHS LIBERTY Thomas E. Baker, Director of the Constitutional Resource Center, BYU JOURNAL OF PUBLIC LAW, 1999, p. 76. In any civilized society the most important task is achieving a proper balance between freedom and order. In wartime, reason and history both suggest that this balance shifts to some degree in favor of order - in favor of the government's ability to deal with conditions that threaten the national well-being. It simply cannot be said, therefore, that in every conflict between individual liberty and governmental authority the former should prevail. And if we feel free to criticize court decisions that curtail civil liberty, we must also feel free to look critically at decisions favorable to civil liberty. To conclude his historical exegesis, the Chief Justice brings us back one last time to Lincoln's dilemma to ask and answer rhetorically, "Should he, to paraphrase his own words, have risked losing the Union that gave life to the Constitution because that charter denied him the necessary authority to preserve the Union? Cast in these terms, it is difficult to quarrel with his decision." 3. ADVANCES IN CULTURE AND TECHNOLOGY MAKE ANTI-FEDERALISM IMPRACTICAL Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 291-292. The specific limits of federal power envisaged by the Founders in 1789 are gone, and any effort to roll back federal power to what it meant at the Founding would be foolish as well as utterly impractical. Even the harshest critics of New Deal jurisprudence acknowledge that changes in society, culture, and the economy require a different kind of national authority today, both practically and as an interpretive matter. Hence, notwithstanding any purported claims of fidelity to original intent, the limits on Congress proposed by today's advocates of judicially-enforced federalism in fact look nothing like any limits that existed when the Constitution was adopted. The question thus becomes, which process should determine the appropriate revised allocation of authority between the federal government and the states: constitutional politics or judicial edict? Mesmerized by the mantra "our Federal government is one of limited powers," the Justices assume that it necessarily falls on them to define new limits - some limits, any limits, even if those limits bear no resemblance to anything imagined by the Founders or observed in the past. But imposing novel judiciallydefined limits just for the sake of having judicially-defined limits is an ill-conceived formalism. In a world of global markets and cultural, economic, and political interdependency, the proper reach of federal power is necessarily fluid, and it may well be that it is best defined through politics. Certainly, as we have seen, this is more consistent with the original design than the Court's new made-up limits-for-the-sake-of-limits. Embracing the hurly-burly of politics while paying attention to how states protect themselves in that domain is a much "truer" interpretation of our Constitution.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 33
FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS 1. STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT IS SELF-RESTRAINING Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 252-3. North Carolina lawyer-planter Archibald Maclaine, writing as Publicola, made the charge of Anti-Federalist duplicity even more explicitly: I find some people are so strangely infatuated, as to think that Congress can, and therefore will, usurp powers not given them by the states, and do any thing, however oppressive and tyrannical. I know no good grounds for such a supposition, but this, that the legislative and judicial powers of the state have too often stepped over the bounds prescribed for them by the constitution; and yet, strange to tell, few of those, whose arguments I am now considering, think such measures censurable - The conclusion to be drawn here is obvious - The objectors hope to enjoy the same latitude of doing evil with impunity, and they are fearful of being restricted, if an efficient government takes place. 2. A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT ENSURES PROSPERITY AND INCLUSION OF MINORITIES Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 7-8. Publius¶ original argument about how a people can secure the advantage and avoid the disadvantage of majority rule rests upon a distinction between species of popular government. In a pure democracy, where people gather to rule themselves directly, he writes, the danger of majority faction is unavoidable. Such a form of government can exist with only a small territory, and in a small community it is virtually certain that there will be a majority with the same partial interest. In a republic, however, the problem can be avoided. The difference between a pure democracy and a republic is that in the latter the people do not rule directly, but through representatives. Representation yields a number of happy advantages for Publius, but the decisive one is size. A republic can be very much larger than a pure democracy, and because it is larger it can include a great variety of people with many different kinds of economic activities and, hence, a multiplicity of interests. The existence of many distinct interests means the existence of many interest groups or factions. The existence of many factions rather than merely two makes it likely that there will be no majority faction. All factions will be minority factions and each faction will be prevented from using the government unjustly by the fact of majority rule. ³Extend the sphere,´ Publius writes, ³and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens.´ 3. A FEDERALIST THEORY OF LEGAL RIGHTS STOPS DISCRIMINATION Daan Braveman, Dean and Professor of Law, Syracuse University College of Law, THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY, February, 2002, p. 619. Perhaps the most significant breakthrough in the transformation process occurred in Brown v. Board of Education. In striking down state segregation, the Supreme Court dramatically altered the relations between the states and the national government, and made the federal courts the primary guardians of federal rights. In the years following Brown, the lower federal courts became the litigation forum for state school segregation cases, as well as actions challenging a wide range of other state activities, including zoning, reapportionment, police misconduct, and prison conditions. Notably, Brown was not decided in isolation but rather at a time when the world outside the courtroom was changing dramatically. The other branches of the federal government had a national and international agenda, which included the expansion of federal rights and a federal interest in protecting those rights from state deprivation. "A new spirit of nationalism" replaced the isolationism of the turn of the century and, as Judge Gibbons stated: "In the global village, deference to local solutions for problems that transcend local interests is a quaint anachronism." By the 1960s, the structure envisioned during Reconstruction was firmly established. Individuals had federal rights, federal remedies, and a federal forum to challenge state conduct that violated federal law.

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"It is one soul that animates all men." -Ralph Waldo Emerson INTRODUCTION Ralph Waldo Emerson surely epitomizes the uniqueness of 19th century American philosophy. Emerging at a time when American thought was struggling to forge its own identity, reflective of both the optimism and the cynicism of the American political experience, Emerson¶s transcendentalism is a spiritual and philosophical reflection of his time. But it is also an inspiring statement of the universality of human experience. By painting humans with broad brushstrokes as half-animal and half-divine, and by attempting to chronicle humanity¶s relation to the ³absolute,´ Emerson is the American Hegel. Emerson¶s work included poetry and personal essays as well as philosophy, and there is a heavy religious element in all of his writing. Nevertheless, his work contains important implications for political philosophy. In this essay I will attempt to explain his philosophy as a whole, but I will also pay special attention to the political implications of Emerson¶s work, along with the way in which these political elements can be used in value debate. EMERSON¶S LIFE AND TIMES Ralph Waldo Emerson was born in Boston, Massachusetts in 1803, into a family whose male members were typically clergymen. He studied divinity at Harvard. Well-educated and taught to embrace open-mindedness as well as religion, Emerson was ordained a Unitarian minister in 1929. He was a good speaker, delivered a good sermon or two, but something was missing. ³He would begin his sermons with words from the Bible, but would gradually find himself discussing the unfathomable ideals found in nature,´ or abstract philosophy. He had problems trying to find ³his way back into the Bible to close the speeches.´ Although some of his parishioners liked his style, others did not. ³Stumbling for appropriate words at the bedside of a dying veteran of the American Revolution,´ the dying man reportedly told Emerson: ³Young man, if you don¶t know your business, you had better go home´ (www.litkicks.com). Although he had entered into the ministry with high hopes (and Unitarianism has always been a liberal and progressive religion, even back then), Emerson resigned from ministry and journeyed to England in 1832 following the death of his first wife, Ellen Tucker. She had died of tuberculosis after they had been married only eighteen months. This broke Emerson¶s heart and caused a deep spiritual crisis. His time in England was spent cultivating friendships and intellectual associations with people like William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, John Stuart Mill, and Thomas Carlyle. Needless to say, by the time he returned to America, Emerson had a newfound optimism, as well as a greater understanding of philosophy. He returned to America in 1834, but tragedy would strike at his optimism once again. That same year, Ralph Waldo¶s brother Edward died. To make matters worse, his brother Charles died in 1836. Emerson would be a haunted man the rest of his days. His writings and lectures contained dark clouds even in his most arduous attempts to celebrate the glory of humanity. By the time Charles had died, Emerson had remarried (his second wife was named Lydia Jackson), settled in Concord, and begun to publish essays about the human spirit, freedom and independence, and the undesirability of following tradition. Among these early essays was one of his greatest, ³Self-Reliance,´ a polemic about the necessity of complete individual freedom (http://www.pbs.org/wnet/ihas/poet/emerson.html, www.litkicks.com). Emerson co-founded a journal, and collected a group of fellow writers (both male and female; like his friend John Stuart Mill, Emerson believed in women¶s emancipation), and started a tradition known as the New England Transcendentalists. Expanding outside that small circle of colleagues, Emerson discovered one of the most influential thinkers of the 19th century, when he met and wrote a letter of recommendation for Henry David Thoreau. Two decades later, Emerson would again contribute to the intellectual history of America by promoting the work of poet Walt Whitman. Along the way, he promoted Buddhism and other eastern religions, opposed slavery, fought for women¶s equality, and remained a dedicated, if cynical, proponent of democracy.

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they could only contemplate it. he had his house burn down. 2000. Emerson. a continent perhaps more ready for it that Europe had ever been.. living entities died. However. This mystical trust in human transcendence led many of Emerson¶s contemporaries to view him less as a philosopher than a divine seer of sorts. and lived through the Civil War. academic science of modernist philosophy. and politics. Plato believed that the realm of "being" was absolute. Brown. seemed to de-value understanding in favor of heavenly emotions. unchanging. p." In this section I will argue that it is possible to trace several complimentary (if sometimes contradictory) ideas in Emerson¶s writings. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. two brothers.com .. Plato. Philosophers usually seek some kind of analytic understanding. Even to call it ³transcendentalism´ seems a stretch. in contrast. In this sense. But he remained. inspired civil disobedience advocates from Ghandi to Martin Luther King.. Today.A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds. and incorruptible. To understand transcendentalism. however. and have great potential for debates over morality. Ordinary humans could contemplate this world of spirit provided they shed their worldly concerns and concentrate only on philosophical ideals." Things changed. optimistic about humanity. who he saw as intrinsically tied to the transcendent and divine. 1882. Spring. 669). Plato envisioned a realm of "perfect forms. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. EMERSON¶S IDEAS "Whosoever would be a man. his differences from Plato (especially in Emerson¶s faith in humanity and democracy).To be great is to be misunderstood. removed from day-to-day history. in doing so. He influenced Henry David Thoreau and." where the things and ideas we contemplate exist in a state of unchanging consistency. while the realm of "becoming. since ³-isms´ are usually systems. a child. And his marriage of philosophy. he was even more a mystic than Plato. at least in principle. and Emerson was as anti-systemic as they come. one must first and foremost understand its derivation from Platonism. Emerson had a habit of characterizing important figures of his time as somehow transcendent. he lost a spouse. theology and poetry brought romanticism to America. But humans could never really reach such a world. values." where matter. must be a nonconformist. immaterial..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. people and history existed. I will describe his Platonic conception of spirit as primary and matter as secondary.wcdebate. non-linear thinking as an alternative to the dry. Volume 9 Page 35 Ralph Waldo Emerson died of pneumonia on April 27. This paradoxical figure would influence a certain strain of American thought well into the 20th century. one of the most influential thinkers in the history of Western civilization. Emerson was the first major thinker in America to offer up non-Western. certain major themes stand out in his writings. it is impossible to systematize or categorize Emerson¶s thinking. He held Daniel Webster in such high esteem for Webster¶s opposition to slavery that he identified Webster as ³representative of the American continent´ (Thomas J. and his mystical vision of ³feeling´ or ³mood´ over logic as the basis of human understanding. and perfection was unattainable. As George Santayana characterizes him: Similarly. His life had never been as peaceful and content as his privileged New England upbringing might have predicted. was a degraded and corrupt reflection of "being. even as they sought to reform the conditions of the time. was the first major figure to posit a distinction between spirit and matter.

Emerson trusted instinct and emotion. "the clangor and jangle of contrary tendencies" (CW3: 36). Since that connectedness is more real than the analytic separateness of individual thinking. Whereas Plato ultimately appealed to reason and a kind of logic to govern philosophical thought. This way of thinking has been called Emerson¶s ³epistemology of moods. This serves as a useful transition into Emerson¶s belief in the connectedness of all creatures and things. it would make sense that a transcendentalist would value the ³spirit´ of emotion more than the analysis of individual thoughts. whilst you rise from your bed. and in turn viewed the divine as an aggregate reflection of all creatures and things. It was fortunate that Emerson believed history and human interaction were important." he writes that he is "only an experimenter«with no Past at my back" (CW2: 188). there is nothing stable to be responsible to: "every moment is new. as the basis of genuine knowledge." including emotions such as love. That is why.´ Like the German and British Romantics. in this respect." But the idea that we are all joined by one common soul has immediate and important political implications that give a strong metaphysical basis to the American political ideal of equality. Emerson viewed emotion as the emanation of the divine. or doctrines.´ 2. politics and the like. He wrote: "Our spontaneous action is always the best. a system of government Plato categorically rejected. higher understanding. Emerson did not believe history or human interaction were irrelevant. Emerson combined this idea of the essential unity of all things and creatures with a belief in the innate goodness of humanity. the coming only is sacred" (CW2: 189) (http://plato. Like Hegel. Emerson and the other transcendentalists turned toward the mystical world of the Romantics. with your best deliberation and heed. the past is always swallowed and forgotten. unlike Plato.stanford. In the world of flux that he depicts in that essay. He was very close. Emerson¶s "epistemology of moods" is an attempt to construct a framework for encompassing what might otherwise seem contradictory outlooks. It is instructive to note that Emerson differed from Plato in a few important ways: 1. As mentioned. Emerson believed contradictory premises were simply stepping-stones to a higher. holds that all living creatures and things of the earth are united as something mystically higher and more whole than the sum of their parts. This is apparent in Emerson's position against slavery. which he saw as our connection to the divine. Volume 9 Page 36 Emerson's transcendentalism was an optimistic version of Plato's distinction between spirit and matter. Emerson put forth a mystical sense of "vision. Emerson. Transcendentalism. at the end of "Circles. believed it impossible "to extricate oneself from the questions in which your age is involved.edu/entries/emerson/). Emerson believed that it was possible to ³think too much.´ and in doing so lose the spontaneous connection to creation and nature that Romantics saw as vital to a higher kind of understanding. transcends the old Aristotelian maxim that things cannot be both true and false. the notion of a "unitary soul" uniting all humankind seems more "Eastern" than "Western. "Intellect"). or walk abroad in the morning after meditating the matter before sleep on the previous night" (Emerson.wcdebate. You cannot. Emerson really means to "accept. because. I wish to concentrate on this last point a little more. Plato rejected human matters. Emerson believed human beings and human endeavors were innately good. Like many of transcendentalism's central themes. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." as he puts it. as its name implies. as corruptible facets of the realm of becoming. more than he trusted logic and analytic thought. history. on the other hand.com . 3. He means to be irresponsible to all that holds him back from his self-development. to being a pantheist.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. viewpoints. come so close to any question as your spontaneous glance shall bring you. being and becoming. After all. based more on feeling than analysis. comprehensive understanding. as we shall see. he did believe that a mystical spirit-reality existed and was the true inspiration for human greatness. Although. In other words. This was reflected in Emerson¶s faith in democracy.

Because of this. ³self-reliance´ is valuable to Emerson because he sees ³power´ as something that makes us human. Because he held an almost Nietzschian awe of power. Those arguing against Emerson can gain a great deal of ground by citing the numerous instances where his thoughts lead to mystical pronouncements instead of solid and warranted conclusions. critics fault Emerson on two levels: Inconsistency and lack of coherent foundation: Emerson was as much a mystic and poet as he was a philosopher. and dependence on others as a natural indictment of that power. Brown. In his essay ³Self-Reliance. Emerson¶s philosophy makes a very optimistic statement about human nature. OBJECTIONS TO EMERSON As already noted. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. First. and it inspired Henry David Thoreau¶s entire essay ³Civil Disobedience.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Spring. through Nature. "the otherest. 2000. p. 669). Emerson was a strong supporter of civil disobedience against unjust laws. divine virtue (which Emerson also calls ³beauty´). George Santayana among them. explains his opposition to slavery and his position in favor of women¶s emancipation. Implications for Debate First. This. This is true of every human being.´ he declared) problematized his political stance against oppression. of course. the necessity of self-reliance. Emerson¶s philosophy strongly supports civil disobedience and the refusal to follow unjust laws. Emerson is part Plato (humans must understand the transcendent world in order to be good) and part Aristotle (humans must actually practice virtuous behavior to be in tune with the divine). since governments are not the ultimate source of morality. Insofar as human beings embrace their connection to transcendent. he also extolled the virtues of capitalism. presumably. In ³The American Scholar´ he argues that institutions and books do not reveal truth as well as can be revealed through our personal relationships with the divine² mediated. democracy offered a variation of the process by which other individuals act as "lenses through which we read our own minds.wcdebate. This is the most well-known of Emerson¶s philosophies. Volume 9 Page 37 For Emerson. democracy. and the notion of morality transcending states and governments Second." Like friendship and reading. and for thoughts. was a method by which human beings could serve as "lenses through which we read our own minds. In this way. Emerson refused to see distinctions based on skin color or national origin as being more important than the common humanity that unites Black and white. This is another instance of the inconsistency cited earlier. however imperfect. Obsession with power: As much as Emerson extolled the sins of slavery and patriarchy. doubt that it¶s even proper to call Emerson a philosopher.com . but it also reflects Emerson¶s desire to be a truly ³American´ thinker at a time when Americans were confronting and conquering ³the frontier. Second.´ Emerson argues that Nature reveals moral truth. such as rapid industrialization or capitalist exploitation. they will perform virtuously. Some critics." As each person searches for the perfectly fitted lens.´ Emerson¶s embrace of civil disobedience comes from two areas of his philosophy: antimajoritarianism. This obsession with power has long been a rallying point against Emerson. morality is more important than obeying the law.' ´ (Thomas J. There are two more important political implications found in Emerson." some geniuses manage to serve large groups because they 'stand for facts. critics sometimes contend that he glosses over many injustices that are on par with slavery. or other distinct groups.´ The problem is that Emerson never really comes to terms with how his pronouncements on power (³Life is a search after power. and the power of individual action.

because it is a reflection of transcendent beauty and goodness. In this way. and his powerful statements against human bondage and majoritarianism. while utilitarian ethics mandates an exclusive focus on consequences.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. However. it may be reasonably replied that Emerson simply believes seemingly miserable situations (such as poverty) will ultimately culminate in human growth and transcendence. Debaters interested in incorporating Emerson into their arguments should be cautioned that he is far from a systematic thinker. his stance often seems anti-foundationalist and anti-analytic. For example. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. meaning that there will be a certain awkwardness involved in using his ideas for the sometimes-binaristic world of debate. Emerson takes virtuous behavior to be among the highest ethical goods. Emerson is like John Stuart Mill (who believed capitalism would evolve into a just economic system) or G.wcdebate. Transcendentalist ethics. exploitative systems (such as ruthless capitalism). Third.F. Hegel (who believed all bad states of affairs would transcend into good things). would probably call for a unity of intentions and consequences. It serves as an intrinsic justification for moral behavior. These ethical codes arguably allow one to escape from various moral responsibilities by assigning greater and lesser values to respective moral commands. deontological ethics mandates the disregard of consequences. on the other hand. his optimism about humanity and democracy. compensate for his imperfect attempt to do justice to the paradoxical nature of human existence. As noted above.com . Volume 9 Page 38 Although critics accuse Emerson of justifying evil. It may even be an alternative to deontological or utilitarian modes of ethics. This may be among Emerson¶s most ³Platonic´ philosophical notions. since all phenomena and actions are linked in some way. Emerson¶s eloquence.W.

Stephen E. Volume 9 Page 39 BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen. Emerson. 1995). EMERSON ON EDUCATION: SELECTIONS (New York: Teachers College Press. Mifflin. NAPOLEAN. Emerson. Emerson. J. EMERSON¶S ANTISLAVERY WRITINGS (New Haven: Yale University Press. FORTUNE OF THE REPUBLIC (Boston: Hougton. Gay Wilson. eds. Gordon Sherman. 1978). and Ferguson. Porte. Smith. 1954). Ralph Waldo. 1978). NATURAL HISTORY OF INTELLECT.wcdebate. POEMS. EMERSON AND THE PROBLEM OF WAR AND PEACE (Iowa City: The University Press. 1959). N. Ralph Waldo. Ralph Waldo. APOSTLE OF CULTURE: EMERSON AS PREACHER AND LECTURER (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press... Ralph Waldo. 1903). eds. Ralph Waldo.. N.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1968). WEALTH (New York: Scott-Thaw. 1982). Konvitz. ADDRESSES (New York: W. Osgood and Company. YOUNG EMERSON SPEAKS: UNPUBLISHED DISCOURSES ON MANY SUBJECTS (Port Washington. William Allen. ed.Y. Emerson. Len and Myerson. Ralph Waldo. Emerson. THE BEST OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON: ESSAYS. David. 1966). Robinson. Gougeon. THE EARLY LECTURES OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. eds. 1981). 1969). 1878). GROWTH. AND OTHER PAPERS (Boston: Houghton. Emerson. WITH ANTI-SLAVERY AND REFORM PAPERS (Boston. McGiffert. 1900). A YANKEE IN CANADA. THE CONDUCT OF LIFE: NINE ESSAYS ON FATE. Black. 1990) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. INDIAN SUPERSTITION (Hanover. RALPH WALDO EMERSON: A BIOGRAPHY (New York: Viking Press. Milton R. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS (Westport: Greenwood Press.com . Alfred R. Huggard. Ralph Waldo.: Friends of the Dartmouth Library.: Kennikat Press. Arthur Cushman Jr. MEANING (New York: Dodd. Joel. POWER. 1866). Susan Sutton. EMERSON¶S NATURE: ORIGIN. ed. 1938).. Haight.H. Merton M. Mead. Ticknor and Fields. REPRESENTATIVE MAN: RALPH WALDO EMERSON IN HIS TIME (New York: Oxford University Press. ed. 1947) Emerson. 1941). Sealts Jr. OR THE MAN OF THE WORLD (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. and Whicher. Joel. THE TOPICAL NOTEBOOKS OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Columbia: University of Missouri Press.

Pindar. is one expression for the universe. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. p. BEAUTY IS THE ULTIMATE END OF THE UNIVERSE AND ALL ACTIVITY Ralph Waldo Emerson. VIRTUOUS ACTS PLACE US IN UNISON WITH THE POWER OF NATURE Ralph Waldo Emerson. 1986. A virtuous man is in unison with her works. 2000.--the persons. and beauty. namely. Nature stretches out her arms to embrace man. And any one who will steadily observe his own experience will I think become convinced. of the spiritual element is essential to its perfection. 15. that it to say. WE DERIVE POWER FROM BEING VIRTUOUS AND HONEST Ralph Waldo Emerson. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. every departure from his own convictions. and goodness. he may creep into a corner. VIRTUOUS ACTS ARE BEAUTIFUL AND EXPRESSES THE RATIONALITY OF THE UNIVERSE Ralph Waldo Emerson.com . The high and divine beauty which can be loved without effeminacy. 1986. and makes the central figure of the visible sphere. and abdicate his kingdom. Volume 9 Page 40 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE 1.wcdebate. if he will. and the day. American transcendentalist philosopher. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. No reason can be asked or given why the soul seeks beauty. as most men do. Every natural action is graceful. Every rational creature has all nature for his dowry and estate. God is the all-fair. 12. Socrates. and this knowledge must inevitably determine his respect. p. among sordid objects. are but different faces of the same All. Only let his thoughts be of equal scope. This element I call an ultimate end. Truth. Willingly does she follow his steps with the rose and the violet. Beauty is the mark God sets upon virtue. and causes the place and the bystanders to shine. And in common life whosoever has seen a person of powerful character and happy genius will have remarked how easily he took all things along with him. Every heroic act is also decent. For every man knows whether he has been accustomed to receive truth or falsehood² valuable opinions or foolish talking²from his brother. 15. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. the opinions. We are taught by great actions that the universe is the property of every individual in it. Phocion. in its largest and profoundest sense. and the frame will suit the picture. p. American transcendentalist philosopher. POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR 1. out of deference to others has been a sacrifice of a certain amount of his power over other men. The presence of a higher. In private places. The world thus exists to the soul to satisfy the desire of beauty. American transcendentalist philosopher. He may divest himself of it. and bend her lines of grandeur and grace to the decoration of her darling child. American transcendentalist philosopher. Beauty. an act of truth or heroism seems at once to draw to itself the sky as its temple. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. It is his. the sun as its candle. 2. One measure of a man¶s character is his effect upon his fellow-men. only let his thoughts be of equal greatness. but he is entitled to the world by his constitution. 2. associate themselves fitly in our memory with the geography and climate of Greece. The visible heavens and earth sympathize with Jesus. is that which is found in combination with the human will. 13. that every false word he has uttered. Homer. 1986. and nature became ancillary to a man.

when a bad act of Congress finds a willing commissioner? 2. 1986. pp. It is not skill in iron locomotives that marks so fine civility as the jealousy of liberty. out of space. An immoral law makes it a man¶s duty to break it. a sure sign of the shallowness of our intellect. 72-73. interact. They elude our persevering thought.wcdebate. if a hurricane of party feeling and a combination of monied interests can beat them to the ground? What is the use of courts. principles that astonish. American transcendentalist philosopher. love. LAWS WITHOUT TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ARE USELESS Ralph Waldo Emerson. p. 73. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. American transcendentalist philosopher. and not subject to circumstance. These laws execute themselves. and God. 2000. 361. that an immoral contract is void. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. What is the use of admirable law-forms and political forms. but are simply declatory of a right which already existed. Volume 9 Page 41 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT 1. They are out of time.com . man. The sentiment of virtue is a reverence and delight in the presence of certain divine laws. at every hazard. I cannot accept the railroad and the telegraph in exchange for reason and clarity. appetite. THE TRUE SOURCE OF MORALITY IS IN THE UNWRITTEN LAWS OF HUMANITY¶S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE UNIVERSE AND EACH OTHER Ralph Waldo Emerson. 362. or recurs to first principles? What is the use of a Federal Bench. it is not to be presumed that they can so stultify themselves as to command injustice. justice. These laws refuse to be adequately stated. CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE. gravity. I question the value of our civilization. The child amidst his baubles is learning the action of light. The intuition of the moral sentiment is an insight of the perfection of the laws of the soul. yet we read them hourly in each other¶s faces. He who does a good deed is instantly ennobled. if its opinions are the political breath of the hour? And what is the use of constitutions. Thus in the soul of man there is a justice whose retributions are instant and entire. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE 1. motion. For virtue is the very self of every man. p. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. in each other¶s actions. muscular force. It perceives that this homely game of life we play. I cannot think the most judicious tubing a compensation for metaphysical debility. if all the guarantees provided by the jealousy of ages for the protection of liberty are made of no effect. when I see that the public mind has never less hold of the strongest of all truths. 2. The sense of injustice is blunted. under what seem foolish details. 2000.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. if judges only quote authorities. p. covers. and in the game of human life. It is therefore a principle of law. or spoken by the tongue. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. and that an immoral statute is void. American transcendentalist philosopher. WE HAVE A DUTY TO BREAK IMMORAL LAWS Ralph Waldo Emerson. They will not be written out on paper. TRANSCENDENT MORAL LAWS EXIST IN HUMAN INTUITION Ralph Waldo Emerson. and no judge exerts original jurisdiction. for. 1986. American transcendentalist philosopher. in our own remorse. fear. as laws do not make right.

EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES UNCHECKED CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION Robert Milder. and to conspire with the new works of new days. which alone permits and authorizes amelioration in mankind. 68-69. ³The Young American´ (1844)²Emerson¶s ³battle cry for the new era of industrial expansion and manifest destiny. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS.wcdebate. ³marry Right to Might. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. ³Power´ and ³Wealth. but to watch the uprise of successive mornings. 68. The difference is that where Adams the ironist would dwell on multiplicity and a vertiginous acceleration of energies without immanent purpose or foreseeable end.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 90. Emerson was not only synchronizing the predatory practices of the entrepreneur with the harmony of the universe and permitting merchants (as Bronson Alcott shrewdly said) to ³find a refuge from their own duplicity under his broad shield´. In these essays and elsewhere. who convert ³the sap and juices of the planet to the incarnation and nutriment of their design. information (and) science. Volume 9 Page 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION 1. 3.´ 2. Emerson was not ³co-opted´ by liberal capitalism so much as he hastened to join it. Emerson the seeker of unity is at pains to assimilate the new forces to a cosmic and social teleology²to survey history for the perspective of the ³over-god´ of the Channing ode and.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ are unconsciously fulfilling the plan of a benevolent providence. since aligning himself with the divinely empowered forces of the age was always the condition for a living philosophy. he was also outlining a code of behavior that the superior man must follow. By emphasizing the ³anti-feudal power´ of trade.´ Implicit in his words are the notion that the civic world is part of nature and subject to its processes and that advancement occurs by cooperating with these processes rather than directing them toward immediate human ends.´ Emerson can associate capitalism with ³amelioration in nature. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. combination. The political corollary to this belief is an almost unmitigated laissez-faire: ³Trade is an instrument of that friendly Power which works for us in our own despite«Our part is plainly not to throw ourselves across the track. ³Life is a search after power. 1999. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. Emerson¶s respect for power and its achievements is even more glowingly expressed in two others essays. and the successful men who understand the laws of Nature and respond to the godhead within themselves. and sketching the ideal political economy under which the superman might best exercise his uncommon talents. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. 1999.´ Here he reiterates his preference for the ³bruisers´ and ³pirates. in doing so.´ as his editors call it²is therefore less an apology for Laissez-faire capitalism than an attempt like Henry Adams¶s sixty years later to plot the lines of force that were remaking contemporary society. EMERSON GLORIFIED POWER AND ELITISM Daniel Aron. and sit till we are stone. in its room.´ the ³men of the right Caesarian pattern´ who transcend the pettiness of ³talkers´ and ³clerks´ and dominate the world by sheer force of character. p. not to block improvement. 1962. p.´ he announces. philosopher. EMERSON SAW CAPITALIST IMPERIALISM AS THE UNFOLDING OF DIVINE WILL Robert Milder. which displaces the ³physical strength´ of kings and aristocrats and ³installs´ the enlightened forces of ³computation.com . pp.

in his 1888 essay.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. or even of a definite conception of ultimate truth. so constantly on his lips. For James.´ It was no surprise. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. almost exclusively in the moral world. like the ³New England (of) fifty years ago. an island above the extremes of common human experience. Mysticism will be satisfied only with the absolute. At bottom he had no doctrine at all. and the consciousness of that incapacity was so lively within him that he never attempted to give articulation to his philosophy. ³enacted a series of experiments in the void. to associate Emerson with the ³terrible paucity of alternatives. p. could be ³condensed into the single word Concord. As every new category.´ he recalled. philosopher. For if the understanding is rejected because it cannot grasp the absolute. and having there beheld the transfigured reality. 2. Boston existed serenely. is the surrender of a category of thought because we divine its relativity.com . worship²must presently be rejected for the same reason. and conscience must follow after: for all these are human and relative.´ James concludes. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS.´ Emerson¶s ³special capacity for moral experience´²which for James meant Emerson¶s ³ripe unconscious of evil. The deeper he went and the more he tried to grapple with fundamental conceptions. Did he know what he meant by Spirit or the ³Over-Soul´? Could he say what he understood by the terms. dogma. as we have said. it must be approached through the abandonment of all.´ ³We get the impression. ³Emerson¶s personal history. the imagination thus prepares its own destructing. that his eyes were ³thickly bandaged´ to all ³sense of the dark. for God. as he thinks. Far from it. As far as James was concerned. p. Professor of English at Michigan State University. 31. with something of the movement of the gills of a landed fish. EMERSON AND POWER. 35. 1996. so that the end of his purification is the atrophy of his whole nature. the poetic and moral categories no less than the physical. perpetually untested by the ³beguilements and prizes´ of experience. He was not a prophet who had once for all climbed his Sinai or his Tabor. the vaguer and more elusive they became in his hands. or Beauty? He could not. and all the condensation in the world will not make it look rich. philosopher. as Matthiessen notes. 4. p. the mystic is obliged in the end to give them all up. Professor of English at Michigan State University. God. Benefit. 1996. Empty. 1962. by its very definition.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. This effect was by no means due to the possession on the part of Emerson of the secret of the universe.´ sealed off.´ and no surprise that there was ³a certain inadequacy and thinness in (Emerson¶s) enumerations´ and ³quaint animadversions. Emerson¶s limited moral world was. Mysticism. James writes (and he means Boston to stand for Emerson). 1962. panting for sensations. the emptying of his whole heart and mind to make room.´ his inability ³to look at anything but the soul´²was the result of his coming to maturity in a community that ³had to seek its entertainment. ³like a ministry without an opposition. EMERSON AND POWER.´ He continued. EMERSONIAN MYSTICISM VOIDS ALL REASON AND UNDERSTANDING George Santayana.´ The ³decidedly lean Boston´ of Emerson¶s day was self-enclosed. descended again to make authoritative report of it to the world. and as the absolute. p. however. By attacking the authority of the understanding as the organon of knowledge. its rewards and consolations. by substituting itself for it as the herald of a deeper truth. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LACKS ANY SPECIFIC CONTENT OR DEFINITION George Santayana. ³of a conscience gasping in the void. 32-33. the base. Law. then. must share this reproach. vacant²the image is invoked repeatedly in Henry James¶s and Santayana¶s portrayals of Emerson. the whole ³Concord school´ had. 32. Nature. Common sense and poetry must both go by the board. the imagination and all its works²art. TRANSCENDENTALISM PLACES ITSELF ABOVE ORDINARY HUMAN EXPERIENCE Michael Lopez.´ the ³achromatic picture´ his environment presented him. the foul. Emerson¶s memory evoked an unforgettable series of ³impressions´ of New England¶s cultural barrenness. Volume 9 Page 43 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE 1. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IGNORES THE EVILS OF THE REAL WORLD Michael Lopez.´ 3. is not representable by any specific faculty.

From a very early age. Not surprisingly. and received an appointment from the University of Michigan to teach philosophy and psychology. rather than seeing them as defects to be corrected or workers to be trained. as some critics have charged. What makes Dewey uniquely American is his pragmatism. 1859. and expected to regurgitate them faithfully. A brief synopsis of some general objections of Dewey follows. There seemed to be different "tracks" for different students. After examining Dewey¶s interesting life. the son of a grocer. These early teaching experiences no doubt forced Dewey to realize that something was not quite right with the education system in America. Two years later. as well as countless teachers and educational theorists. saw students as valuable in and of themselves. because they have waited upon some power external to themselves and to nature to do the work they are responsible for doing. In the fall of 1882. Students were herded in and out of classrooms. taught to memorize proofs and facts and histories. and grow accordingly. and the belief that humans can progress and improve themselves over time. and Dewey grew up listening to local customers at the store discuss politics and culture. At the same time. I will attempt to explain both the philosophy of pragmatism and Dewey¶s educational philosophy. Vermont. Both of these philosophies stem from particular assumptions such as the vitality of experience and usefulness. In 1894. and these divisions were often based on students' economic circumstances rather than any useful distinctions. He was beginning to realize that what separated these extremes was not so much the "natural talent" of students as the philosophical commitments of the instructors and administrators. John Dewey witnessed the kind of community participation that would inspire his views on society. most students would take advantage of the opportunities afforded them. For Dewey. he received his PhD. in philosophy. Maryland. a distinctively American pragmatist philosopher. from base "vocational" education to higher forms of learning. Dewey possessed an unreasonable utopian trust in communities. Dewey has influenced famous contemporary thinkers such as Richard Rorty and Donald Davidson in the area of philosophy. Dewey stayed in Burlington after graduating from the public schools. Dewey left public school teaching in favor of exploring the alternatives that might be available. from the naive provincialism of small town public schools to the progressive possibilities of advanced study in philosophy. the young scholar had experienced a wide range of educational models. the primacy of collective and community activity over individual reflection. Burlington possessed paradoxical traits (and in many ways. and taught high school for three years. and enrolled at the University of Vermont." ²John Dewey INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the life and thought of John Dewey.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . Dewey held that transcendent ³truths´ were not as important as the collective experience of ordinary human beings. the ultimate test of a theory or idea was whether it ³worked´ for ordinary people applying the theory or idea. He would come to understand that if teachers and administrators believed in students. LIFE AND WORK John Dewey was born in Burlington. it may very well have been his youth in Burlington that inspired that trust. Dewey enrolled in the philosophy graduate program at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. It was at Chicago where Dewey would begin experimenting with Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. By now. Volume 9 Page 44 JOHN DEWEY "Men have never fully used [their] powers to advance the good in life. politics and education. at the age of twenty. He graduated in 1879. Dewey was appointed professor of philosophy and chair of the department of philosophy. psychology and pedagogy at the University of Chicago. If. still does): It was both a local intellectual center and a community of simple farming and trade. Dewey would come to reject the small town provincialism of Burlington in favor of the changing and growing national community that characterized the second half of the 19th century. on October 20. along with some ideas about how Dewey can be used in value debate. Dewey's father owned a general store in the small Vermont community.wcdebate.

"Truth" for pragmatists is not determined in reference to absolute metaphysical principles. He influenced teachers and educational theorists all over the world.wcdebate. brought national fame to the young man from Burlington. However. and least known. This will become important later. The fact that he could share such honest and sincere humor with one of the most dogmatic ideologues of the 20th century underscores Dewey's commitment to pluralism. the experiments and the progressive thinking also brought Dewey directly into conflict with University of Chicago President William Rainey Harper. A collection of anti-Stalinist left activists and anti-capitalist figures asked Dewey to chair the commission because.shtml). www. reach near-certainty about theories or ideas. Dewey believes that history and experience are collective as well as individual. Ziniewicz. Dewey and Trotsky shared a laugh when Trotsky reportedly said "If more liberals were like you. This explains why. and these experiments." in theory or practice. engaged to the child by teachers who visibly value the child. also have a history of change. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and sees nature as constantly changing. He believed that shared experiences were always more important than ideological doctrines. when we see how strongly Dewey believes in cooperation instead of competition. Pragmatism holds that there is no such thing as "absolute certainty. No other 20th century American philosopher has enjoyed a greater impact on the day-to-day workings of the system." and Dewey replied "If more socialists were like you. His writings and experiments enjoyed free reign and institutional encouragement. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF PRAGMATISM Dewey's metaphysical assumptions naturally lead to an embrace of the kind of pragmatism advocated in the 19th century by William James (1842-1910) and Charles Saunders Peirce (1839-1914). I might be a liberal. and that history is lived experience (Gordon L. and education. At a gathering of Trotsky's defenders. but rather in reference to what "works. Dewey believes that what constitutes "human nature" is a history of experience. removed from everyday experience. politics. who by all accounts represented exactly the kind of "old school" traditionalism Dewey opposed.htm) Perhaps one of the most significant." This exchange speaks volumes about Dewey's philosophy and politics. 1952. and concerned with social justice. Humans may.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." and what coheres with the genuine experience of living subjects. of Dewey's achievements came in 1937 when he chaired the "Dewey Commission. This near-certainty results not from an abstract examination of a theory or idea. and allow the child to participate in his or her own education. Dewey left the University of Chicago to become a professor of philosophy at Columbia University in New York City. he offered a notion that was both politically radical and educationally sound: Education must occur through real. I might be a socialist. To them. as part of nature.fred. or appeals to the truth of scripture. Dewey sees mental reflection as part of the sum of human experience). "A thing is its history" for Dewey. but through a contemplation of the consequences of behaving as if the theory or idea were true. ethics. In 1904. which did not stop Stalin's agents from assassinating Trotsky in Mexico a short time later (wsws. along with his prolific and rigorous essays in philosophy and psychology.net/tzaka/deweynew. Similarly. Humans. Dewey's role in vindicating Trotsky is important because it shows how his concern for justice and solidarity overrode his differences with the communists. genuine experience.augie. Like existentialists. But unlike existentialists. James and Peirce believed that theoretical soundness was not a matter of adherence to some kind of transcendent logic. concerning the philosophy of religion. William James was more concerned about people's personal religious experiences than with the various logical "proofs" for God's existence.org/history/1997/may1997/dewey.html). both as a race and as individuals. impartial. through experience and reflection (in fact. John Dewey would stay at Columbia for the next 47 years. and despite this impact. although Dewey was no socialist. (http://inst. John Dewey died on June 1. and he would produce a body of work nearly unmatched in the history of American philosophy. few philosophers are more misunderstood.edu/~mafjerke/dewey. Dewey sees humans as part of nature. he was viewed by leftists as fair." an effort to clear Soviet revolutionary leader Leon Trotsky of Josef Stalin's charges that Trotsky was a counterrevolutionary sabuteur.com . He wrote essays and books about epistemology. Dewey's commission cleared Trotsky of all of Stalin's charges. Volume 9 Page 45 his progressive theories of education.

and the knowledge that is the object of inquiry is.com/entry/551811) Finally. Thus. we achieve more cooperating with others than we achieve on our own. and so on. Abstract principles are only valuable insofar as they cohere to our experiences of and in this ever-changing natural world. rigorous meditation on ideas and things. because my teachers warn me about it. the example shows that theories and ideas change. I am part of the world). the self-correcting method of experimentally testing hypotheses created and refined from our previous experience. Part of this experience is our membership in a community. I fail. Finally. IBID) Many scholars refer to these pragmatic ideas as John Dewey¶s ³instrumentalism. I hold something true as long as my experience verifies it. until the inevitable time that my last-minute miracle doesn't happen. Dewey insisted. I no longer have sound reason to hold it true. as already stated. What is required in all cases is the application of intelligent inquiry. Moreover. his collectivism stems directly from his belief in the universality of experience as the arbiter of knowledge.xrefer. My lived experience tells me that it is okay to procrastinate. Rather. Second. I do not learn things merely by self-reflection. For Dewey. experience is not (as it was for the empiricists). When my experience no longer verifies it. I may have this idea because my parents kept pounding it into my head. Dewey is a strong proponent of collectivism and cooperation.but in all cases there is a social context. In summary. indeterminate situation into one that is sufficiently unified to enable warranted assertion or coherent action. Dewey supports community ideals because. in legislation that changes some functions of a government . the simple reception and contemplation of external data. however. where we learn from and with other people. "community ideals" are those ideas and principles that a community develops over time. test. This explains Dewey's strong support of schools and progressive education. They experiment. It may even include mystical. then they are valuable parts of the way I know things. my teacher tells me it's obvious I wrote it the night before. or religious experience. My experiences include the stories and experiences of other people. as there is no absolute certainty: Dewey's 'instrumentalism' defined inquiry as the transformation of a puzzling. (http://www. instrumentalism holds that humans encounter problems and exercise mental inquiry to solve those problems.com . What counts as 'testing' may vary with the 'felt difficulty' in need of resolution-testing may occur in a chemistry laboratory. As long as those things add to my understanding of the way the world works (and remember. This example illustrates two important aspects of Dewey's pragmatism. in imaginative rehearsal of conflicting habits of action. my lived experience is more important than logic or metaphysics in determining the truth or falsity of a claim. and includes reflection as well as interaction. which we'll examine in the next section. At that point. The best political world is one that maximizes the strength of communities.wcdebate. experience can be active or passive. and through trial and error reach a higher stage of understanding. just as available in matters of morals and politics as in matters of physics and chemistry. My assignment is poorly written. propose and oppose. and being in turn transformed by the inquiry. Dewey's philosophy is an affirmation of humans as part of an ever-changing natural world. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 46 For example. I reconsider the original idea. emotional. There are many reasons for this beyond mere progressive political sentiment.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. as a result of collective experience. I could never consider it "true.´ In sum. At least. I may be talented enough to pull off last-minute miracles. that I should adhere to my schedule and not put things off until the last minute. It includes long-term. my experience may contradict the advice of my parents and teachers. I may work well under the pressure of the last minute." In fact. mediating both the terms of the initial problem and its solution. pragmatically speaking. But unless the "procrastination is bad" idea is validated by my lived experience. The journey to higher levels of understanding has no end. I may have the idea that procrastination is an undesirable character trait. to the maximum benefit of all participants. First. and begin to think that procrastination might be bad after all. (Ziniewicz.

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DEWEY¶S VIEWS ON EDUCATION ³Education is not a preparation for life; Education is life itself.´ ²John Dewey As might be suggested by his pragmatism, John Dewey believed education must be informed by genuine experience, constant interaction, and community values. Although he did not reject the notion that some individuals may be more motivated than others to learn, he nevertheless believed that one's environment was a huge determining factor in one's educational development. In many ways, then, Dewey's theory of education was a direct result of his pragmatist philosophical perspective. (www.infed.org/thinkers/et-dewey.htm) One of the most significant differences between traditional educational approaches and Dewey's "progressive" views of education was his perspective on the role of teachers. Dewey did not view instructors as absolute authorities imposing ideas and practices on students. Rather, he saw teachers as facilitators, guiding students through the learning process, and he believed this ought to be done as democratically as possible. Contrary to the picture some critics have painted of Dewey, he did not believe in some kind of simplistic (and utopian) democracy where students have as much authority as teachers. He simply believed that much more democracy was possible in the classroom; that students could be taught the virtues of democracy by learning to participate, in feasible ways, in their own educational experiences. Dewey rejected the "checklist" rigor of individual assignments and isolated studies in favor of group learning, discussion, and genuine experiences. If students are learning about agriculture, Dewey would rather students visit a farm and share in some of the farm work than just read about farms in a book. If the subject was politics and government, Dewey would prefer that students form their own governments and raise issues and solicit votes than merely listen to a lecture on how governments function in a democracy. OBJECTIONS TO DEWEY Critics of John Dewey¶s philosophy include both philosophers opposed to pragmatism, and political activists opposed to the soft, utopian ³liberalism´ of Dewey¶s political positions. Objections to pragmatism usually come in the form of metaphysical assertions that the truth of a claim is not dependent upon the experiential validation of that claim. To cite the example I used in the section on pragmatism, those opposed to Dewey would argue that the statement ³You should not procrastinate´ has a truth-value independent of my verification of that statement with my own experience. However, more strongly worded objections come from the political side. Primarily, Dewey is charged with having utopian aspirations regarding cooperation and progressivism, but at the same time ignoring real-world barriers to his utopia. Conservatives, for example, charge that Dewey believes all citizens (and particularly students, in regards to his educational philosophy) have the same basic abilities, or the same potential for genius; that Dewey seems to believe that all differences come from the environment. Conservatives believe that people have different abilities, and that perceived ³inequalities´ in society are really just the result of the cold, hard fact that some people are more talented and industrious than others. More criticism comes from those to the political left of Dewey, such as Marxists. For them, Dewey is a ³liberal´ in the negative sense of the term. He believes everyone can ³get along,´ even though Marxists believe that there can be no reconciliation between the ruling class and the working class. Thus, Dewey offers a vision of universal enlightenment and progressive, community virtues, but offers no material means of getting to such a world. The desire that we all get along and progress together is not enough.

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IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE Dewey¶s educational philosophy is in a class by itself, and any value debate topic dealing with education should inspire a great deal of research on Dewey¶s ideas. But in this section I will concern myself only with his general philosophy. The following main points suggest ways in which debaters can incorporate the ideas of John Dewey: Democracy: Obviously, Dewey is a strong proponent of democracy, for unique reasons. Dewey believes that we learn, both individually and collectively, through experimentation and the consideration of all ideas and possibilities. For Dewey, the clash of ideas and approaches found in a healthy democracy is the paradigm example of a progressive society. Necessity of Experience rather than Idealism: Dewey provides a solid answer to philosophers such as Plato, Hegel, Ayn Rand, Leo Strauss, and other thinkers who believe that the ³Truth´ is a transcendent set of principles simply waiting to be discovered. Rather, Dewey believes, we ³make the truth,´ not in some relativistic sense, but through genuine human experience. Moreover, Dewey would accuse these idealist and objectivist philosophers of being foundationally anti-democratic. A natural conclusion to Dewey¶s philosophy is that our collective notions of truth ought to be decided democratically. The idea that ³Truth´ emanates from on high is contrary to the notions of progressive, participatory democracy. Cooperation versus Conflict: Obviously, Dewey believes that we learn more together than we do apart, and that we achieve more when we unite around common goals than when we compete with one another. He rejected the notion of competition in academics and embraced the idea that we can learn cooperatively, helping each other out, learning from common struggles. CONCLUSION John Dewey represents something very important about American philosophy. Instead of being concerned about what is ideally true, metaphysically true, logically true or mathematically true, Dewey was concerned about the truth of what works for people in their everyday lives. This is radically democratizing, and wholly appropriate to a people who, at least in principle, rejected the divine right of kings and the assumptions of aristocracy. It is appropriate to an experiment in democracy amidst pluralism and uncertainty. Debaters wishing to incorporate Dewey's ideas ought to research both the foundations of his pragmatism, and the implications of his pragmatism on his educational theories. Although these two aspects of his philosophy are intimately related, the literature is divided rather distinctively. Debaters might also contemplate the fact that, as they search the library for Dewey's works, they might well be using the Dewey Decimal System, devised by John Dewey to catalogue books in libraries. In many ways, Dewey would be a strong advocate of academic debate. Like the participatory models of education he advocated, debate is an exercise in empowering, involved activity. It is student-centered and relies on the students experimenting, succeeding and failing, and learning from each exchange. In fact, understanding why debate is educational for you can help you understand exactly the kind of education that Dewey wanted for students. At the same time, debaters should be aware that objections to pragmatism are important. Dewey and his followers talk about the importance of democracy and participation, but they seem unable to suggest ways to dismantle the very real power structures that block these possibilities. Perhaps creative debaters can synthesize Deweyan pragmatism with effective political strategies for actually opening up the real, material possibility of change in a world where, despite Dewey's efforts, elitism still remains.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Baker, Melvin C. FOUNDATIONS OF JOHN DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORY (New York: Atherton Press, 1966). Campbell, James. UNDERSTANDING JOHN DEWEY: NATURE AND COOPERATIVE INTELLIGENCE (Chicago: Open Court, 1995). Dewey, John and James Hayden Tufts. ETHICS (New York: H. Holt, 1936). Dewey, John. A COMMON FAITH (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960). Dewey, John. ART AS EXPERIENCE (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1934). Dewey, John. ESSAYS IN EXPERIMENTAL LOGIC (New York: Dover Publications, 1953) Dewey, John. EXPERIENCE AND NATURE (La Salle, IL: Open Court Publishing Company, 1958). Dewey, John. FREEDOM AND CULTURE (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1939). Dewey, John. HOW WE THINK (Boston: D.C. Heath, 1910). Dewey, John. INDIVIDUALISM OLD AND NEW (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1930). Dewey, John. LECTURES IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1899). Dewey, John. LECTURES ON ETHICS, 1900-1901 (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991). Dewey, John. LIBERALISM AND SOCIAL ACTION (New York: Capricorn Books, 1963). Dewey, John. THE CHILD AND THE CURRICULUM, AND SCHOOL AND SOCIETY (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). Dewey, John. THEORY OF THE MORAL LIFE (New York: Irvington Publishers, 1980). Dewey, John. DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (New York: The Macmillan company, 1916). Gavin, W. J. CONTEXT OVER FOUNDATION: DEWEY AND MARX (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988). Haskins, Casey, and Seiple, David I.. DEWEY RECONFIGURED: ESSAYS ON DEWEYAN PRAGMATISM (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999). Nissen, Lowell. JOHN DEWEY¶S THEORY OF INQUIRY AND TRUTH (The Hague: Mouton, 1966). Popp, Jerome A. NATURALIZING PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION: JOHN DEWEY IN THE POSTANALYTIC PERIOD (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1998). Schilpp, Paul Arthur. THE PHILOSOPHY OF JOHN DEWEY (La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1951). Soneson, Jerome Paul. PRAGMATISM AND PLURALISM: JOHN DEWEY¶S SIGNIFICANCE FOR THEOLOGY (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993).

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but a necessary factor in coming to be effectively that which we have the capacity to grow into. not abstract knowledge and abstract thought. like mathematics. Make it not merely an identity in conception but in action. 3. It is complete only in its possibilities. Thinking.´ are not a hindrance to freedom. Few would perhaps defend this doctrine thus boldly stated.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. political and moral matters is a gift of God. It requires favorable objective conditions. between the natural self and the ideal self. For these take effect in making preference. 298. and that the gift operates by a kind of spontaneous combustion. LECTURES ON ETHICS. Volume 9 Page 50 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING 1. But we appear to assume that ability to think effectively in social. brushes. 296. the element of tension or resistance between the two is perhaps the more emphasized. just as the art of painting requires paint. That is the basis of responsibility. because open and moving toward a new future. We take for granted the necessity of special opportunity and prolonged education to secure ability to think in a special calling. desire and purpose more flexible. The actual self is not complete as long as it is stated simply as given. In the idea of responsibility that unity of the natural and the ideal self (that it is the business of the natural self to become the ideal self and of the ideal self to be realized in the natural self) is the prominent thing. In other words. The most important problem in freedom of thinking is whether social conditions obstruct the development of judgment and insight or effectively promote it. ADAPTING TO SOCIAL CONDITIONS DETERMINES OUR ABILITY TO THINK WELL John Dewey. In its reality. 1991. p. and you have freedom. In obligation. alert. the explicit thing. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. but upon the whole we act as if that were true. is the most difficult occupation in which man engages. 89. 1968. Freedom has too long been thought of as an indeterminate power operating in a closed and ended world. No more than any other art is it developed internally. 2. But the necessary unity between the two is involved. p. but power of vision and reflection. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Judgment or responsibility depends upon the balance between the subject and the predicate. If the other arts have to be acquired through ordered apprenticeship. Carry that identity farther. freedom is a resolute will operating in a world in some respects indeterminate. and resolute. abstract possibility but is the possibility of the actual self. PRODUCING CHANGING CONCEPTIONS OF MORALITY John Dewey. SOCIAL CONDITIONS INTERACT WITH INDIVIDUALS. and canvas. American pragmatist philosopher.com . the possible self does not represent a remote.wcdebate. American pragmatist philosopher. Freedom is the equivalent of the reality of growth. and the emphasis is on the other side of the identity between the two. the power to think requires even more conscious and consecutive attention. American pragmatist philosopher. The point of simple tension between the two has been passed. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. 1968. however. p. FREEDOM CONSISTS IN RECOGNIZING AND ADAPTING TO CHANGE John Dewey. Social conditions interact with the preferences of an individual (that are his individuality) in a way favorable to actualizing freedom only when they develop intelligence. Constant and uniform relations in change and a knowledge of them in ³laws.

I sum up by saying that the possibility of freedom is deeply grounded in our very beings. ABSTRACT FREEDOM IS NOT ENOUGH: WE NEED THE MATERIAL AND ECONOMIC MEANS TO BE FREE John Dewey. We are all children who saw ³really and truly. The movement of emancipation expressed itself in principles of liberty in use of property. which we want or are after. that is. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. it can only be actualized through interaction with objective conditions. Since it is a certain kind of object which we want. p. things which are good for what they lay claim to in the way of consequences. MORAL AND LEGAL RULES ARE NOT FIXED AND TRANSCENDENT. Failure to recognize that general legal rules and principles are working hypotheses. which were embodied in a mass of legal decisions. It lacks the hallmark of value. 2.com . while it is. is not good reality. 139. needing to be constantly tested by the way in which they work out in application to concrete situations. The question of political and economic freedom is not an addendum or afterthought. in the problem of personal freedom. 1968. The notion that men are equally free to act if only the same legal arrangements apply equally to all² irrespective of differences in education. BUT CHANGE IN RESPONSE TO HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. MATERIAL MEANS TO ATTAIN CHOICE John Dewey. existentially speaking. and the control of the social environment which is furnished by the institution of property²is a pure absurdity. this identification of truth and ³reality´ is sound and reasonable: rationalistically. But the absolutistic logic of rigid syllogistic forms infected these ideas. much less a deviation or excrescence. whether moral or psychological. The latter merely liberates force and ability as that happens to be distributed by past accidents of history. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. pp. For ordinary purposes. the true kind. FREEDOM REQUIRES THE OBJECTIVE. it leads to the notion of the duplicate versions of reality. 1968. 48-49. in command of capital.´ 2. perfectly real. which for us monopolizes the title of reality. the other phenomenal and kept continually on the jump because otherwise its own inherent nothingness would lead to its total annihilation. American pragmatist philosopher. the truth and the realness of things are synonymous. our being uniquely what we are and not imitators and parasites of others. pp. and are not found in the original and isolated constitution of human nature. 1968. American pragmatist philosopher.wcdebate. There was a time in the eighteenth century when the great social need was emancipation of industry and trade from a multitude of restrictions which held over from the feudal estate of Europe. mere elimination of obstructions is not enough. FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY REQUIRE MATERIAL EQUALITY 1. Since it is only genuine and sincere things. use of coal and steam. this possibility has to be actualized. it is this kind. one which will be as favorable as possible to a consistent and liberal or growing functioning. VALUES ARE DEPENDENT UPON REAL WORLD CONSEQUENCES AND CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. rights and demands are products of interactions. explains the otherwise paradoxical fact that the slogans of the liberalism of one period often become the bulwarks of reaction in a subsequent era.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. p. But like all other possibilities. Since actual. they became hindrances and annoyances as the effects of new methods. one absolute and static because exhausted. Adapted well enough to the localized and fixed conditions of that earlier age. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. as facts have demonstrated. teleologically.´ A reality which is taken in organic response so as to lead to subsequent reactions that are off the track and aside from the mark. Volume 9 Page 51 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS 1. 297-98. Pragmatically. 281. morally they alone are ³real. It is one with our individuality. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. like all others. effective. emerged. 1968. For the conditions that form political and economic liberty are required in order to realize the potentiality of freedom each of us carries with him in his very structure. American pragmatist philosopher. that is for practical purposes. and freedom of contract. American pragmatist philosopher. and.

´ A teacher is not just a leader in a game. should have done no less. If ³democracy´ is to include. an authority on some aspect of the culture. However. at least in broad outline. Deweyism has been caught off guard and overwhelmed by the sweep of events. with a too limited view of what he called ³the social medium. Peters. This disparity between teacher and taught²especially in the primary school²makes talk of ³democracy in education´ problematic. In a game most of the participants know how to play. Volume 9 Page 52 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY 1. 256.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. we are then confronted with current tensions underlying the question of how much ³participation´ is compatible with the freedom and authority of the teacher.´ This led him to oversimplify the dualism between what he called ³internal conditions´ and what is the result of social influences. Peters. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY HAS BEEN DISPROVEN BY 20TH CENTURY HISTORY George Novack. for sociologists have catalogued the vast disparities that exist between homes in this respect. 114. the growth and outbreak of these upheavals. p. unless ³democracy´ is watered down to mean just multiplying shared experiences and openness of communication. and thereby to have helped influence the course of events in a progressive direction. Any philosophy which had not lost contact with the realities of social life should have been able to foresee. 2. who is society¶s agent for the transmission and development of its cultural heritage. some suggestion of participation in decisionmaking. so moral judgments have no verifiable value or weight in advance of their results in action. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. 2. Just as ideas have no validity before all the returns are in but must be tested afresh in each instance. for it slurs over the dualism between the teacher¶s position as an authority and the legitimate demand for ³participation. p. The most it can offer is a reasonable assumption or hopeful expectation that this way may be better than that. 1975. p. as I have reiterated. and he or she is meant to be. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Dewey¶s view of the teacher. Instrumentalist morality goes from case to case and from one step to the next without reaching any general standards of right or wrong and what makes them so. to have interpreted their meaning. as by Dewey.S. as it usually does. 1977. but pupils come to a teacher because they are ignorant. DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORIES IGNORED SOCIAL CONDITIONS R. Marxist philosopher and activist. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. 1977. Instead of playing a directing role. DEWEY¶S MORAL PHILOSOPHY HAS NO OBJECTIVE BASIS George Novack. But he did not ask the questions ³which home?´ and ³which local community?´. 115. which was almost as idealistic as his conception of democracy. its adherents have been towed along in the wake of the more aggressive and dominant forces of plutocratic reaction. Dewey was impressed. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. 1975. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. the record shows that at every critical turn of American history in the twentieth century. is also unsatisfactory. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. for it combined a conception of the child. by the informal learning that went on in the home and in the local community and wanted to forge a link between this sort of learning and learning at school. Certainly a philosophy like instrumentalism.com . JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. like a football captain.wcdebate. which claims to be so realistic and practical. Marxist philosopher and activist. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION IS FLAWED 1. Dewey¶s theory of ethics suffers from the same faults as his theory of knowledge. without examining the requisite objective grounds for the hypothetical belief.S. to some extent. p. 251. Dewey¶s treatment of the psychological principle was equally unsatisfactory. it has been duplicated in every serious crisis convulsing the United States since that time. to have prepared and equipped people to cope with them. DEWEY FAILS SYNTHESIZE THE TEACHER¶S ROLES AS PARTICIPANT AND AUTHORITY R. Their perplexity and powerlessness was first exhibited in the First World War.

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DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED 1. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF DEMOCRACY IS MYSTICAL AND IMPRACTICAL R.S. Peters, professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, pp. 114-115. Dewey himself never paid much attention to institutional issues. This was not just because he lived before the days when ³participation´ became an issue. It was also because his attitude towards the democratic way of life was semi-mystical. ³When the emotional force, the mystical force, one might say, of the miracles of the shared life and shared experience is spontaneously felt, the hardness and concreteness of contemporary life will be bathed in a light that never was on land or sea.´ I wonder if he always felt like this about sitting on committees! 2. DEWEY¶S BELIEF IN DEMOCRACY IS BASED ON MYSTICAL, RELIGIOUS NOTIONS George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, p. 291. Dewey derived his basic stance toward democracy not, as he contended, from a scientific investigation of the history of society and a realistic analysis of American conditions, but rather from a tradition that was rooted in the mystical equality promised by the Christians. He accused the dualistic idealist philosophers of Greek and modern times of ³operating with ideal fancies´ instead of dealing with the given facts. Yet he committed the same error of metaphysical abstraction in the pivotal question of his whole philosophy: the origin, meaning, and application of democracy. He approached democracy not in its concrete manifestations throughout class society, but as an abstraction to be stuffed with the content he preferred to give it. Democracy to him was less a historical phenomenon than a secular religion. DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY 1. DEWEY IGNORES NATURAL DIFFERENCES AND INEQUALITIES Anthony Flew, professor of philosophy at the University of Reading, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, p. 87. But even if we do concede that this opposite tendency really is implicit in the original insistence upon maximum ³interplay with other forms of association,´ there is no getting away from the truth of Bantock¶s contention that ³there are strong pressures of equality of outcome in the work of John Dewey;´ for if associations are good and democratic in so far as their members share numerous and varied interests, and if education for democracy is to be a matter of concentrating on the development of various but always shared interests, then the variety of those shared interests, and the scope for independent individual development, necessarily must be limited correspondingly. It must, that is to say, be limited by and to whatever happens to be the maximum attainable either by the least richly talented or by the modal majority. Maybe Dewey himself would have been unhappy about the full force of these implications. But he never comes to terms in this context with the truth that people vary enormously in all natural endowments. 2. DEWEY IGNORES CLASS CONFLICT George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, pp. 250-51. Dewey refused to believe that class conflict arises from deep-seated, compelling, and ineradicable causes in the capitalist system. It was an occasional and subordinate phenomenon that could be overcome by joint effort, good will, mutual give and take. He therefore looked to different agencies and means than the Marxists for achieving the desirable ends of a better life. He wrote: ³That work can be done only by the resolute, patient, cooperative activities of men and women of good will, drawn from every useful calling, over an indefinitely long period.´ In other words, class collaboration is the preferable means of social reformation, political action, and moral improvement. Class struggle goes in the wrong direction and gives disastrous results.

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When most of us think of Woodrow Wilson, we don¶t necessarily think ³philosopher´ -- but that¶s what this visionary president of the United States was. Best remembered as the progenitor of the League of Nations (the precursor to today¶s United Nations) and of the fourteen point program for peace, Wilson¶s name is also invoked by students of international relations theory today in the context of so-called ³Wilsonian idealism´ -- the notion that an interventionist American foreign policy can spawn positive changes in other countries and cultures. This, for better or for worse, is the former president¶s predominant legacy: the liberal internationalism that continues to inform American foreign policy under most Democratic presidents (and some Republicans, such as the first George Bush). Like most historic ³truths´, these simple summations contain quite a bit of accuracy and a little sleight-ofhand. The veracity of these statements depend on one¶s political perspective, on one¶s position in the world, and various other factors. I will try to present diverse perspectives on the life, work and thoughts of this embattled and interesting president. Though perspectives differ on his ideas -- and the efficacy of those views in a swift and fierce world -- it cannot be denied that those views have had a major impact on American and global visions of justice. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born in 1856 in Staunton, Virginia, and grew up during and immediately following the Civil War. His father was a Presbyterian minister, and at times taught college courses. He was inspired by his father¶s religion and love of education. Young Woodrow Wilson first went to Davidson College in North Carolina, but was forced to withdraw due to illness. He graduated what was then the College of New Jersey (and what later became Princeton University) and went on to get his law degree from the University of Virginia in 1879-80 and passed the Georgia bar in 1882. His law practice floundered, though, prompting a career change into government and politics. He returned to school in 1883, studying government and history at Johns Hopkins University. His book Congressional Government was accepted as his dissertation in 1885, and led to his receipt of the Ph.D. degree in political science from Johns Hopkins. To this day, Wilson is the only U.S. president to hold a Ph.D. proving that most presidents just aren¶t too smart. But Wilson was, teaching at Bryn Mawr College, Wesleyan University and Princeton University. After an accomplished career as an author and essayist, he was named president of Princeton University in 1902. From there, politics was a natural step. In 1910, Wilson won the Democratic nomination for governor of New Jersey, subsequently winning the election by a wide margin. His agenda was a progressive one: he focused on preventing the public¶s exploitation by monopolies and trusts. This earned him serious popularity with the masses, and just two years later he accepted the Democratic nomination for president. Wilson called his platform the "New Freedom" platform, and gave keen attention to stimulating the American economy. Again, he earned a landslide victory, winning the presidency with 435 electoral votes out of a possible 531. His brother wasn¶t a governor, and he did not have to cheat to win. True to his word, Wilson followed through on a domestic agenda based on busting corrupt trusts. To this end, he created a dramatic array of economic reforms. He pushed through the Underwood Act (which reformed tariffs and instituted a progressive income tax) and the Federal Reserve Bill (which established our modern banking system, creating new currency and establishing the twelve Federal Reserve banks and their board of governors) in 1913. Yes, we can partially blame Alan Greenspan on Wilson. He also established the Federal Trade Commission in 1914 to restrict "unfair" trade practices.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 55

These economic reforms show Wilson¶s brand of liberalism: create reforms that stabilize a functioning market economy and offer marginal protections for the poor, while promoting international trade to enrich the wealthy. You can see the economic legacy of Wilson in today¶s New Democrats. THE WAR YEARS Some of the controversy surrounding Wilson¶s ³idealism´ involves the way he handled American involvement in World War I, which began in 1914. Wilson, despite growing pressure from allies like Britain (who were losing an entire generation of young men), resisted American involvement in Europe¶s war. In fact, he ran for reelection in 1916 with the slogans "he kept us out of war" and ³peace without victory.´ Conventional wisdom holds that escalation of submarine warfare by Germany forced Wilson¶s hand in declaring war -- the sinking of the passenger liner Lusitania is often cited. It may be, however, that these events came at the same time a revolution in Wilson¶s thinking was brewing --a revolution that would inspire his ideas on how to make peace. Some critics believe that Wilson, despite his public pronouncements, had already decided to enter the fray. They point to that fact that he created the U.S. government¶s first major state propaganda agency (the Committee on Public Information, also called the Creel Commission). The population of the U.S. didn¶t favor war at the time, and the theory goes that Wilson intended to change their minds. At any rate, he asked Congress for a declaration of war in April 1917. This turn of events led the United States into the fight, and led to Wilson¶s famous efforts at peace -- culminating in the Fourteen Points Address of 1918, which we¶ll discuss below. The critics on the right accused Wilson of thinking wrongly that the United States owes an obligation to the rest of the world -- that instead of intervening to help other nations, we should tend to our own business. The critics on the left had then and have now a radically different take: that not only are their few if any places where American intervention can help the rest of the world, the impulse to intervene is itself a pernicious manifestation of liberal internationalism that desires to control the rest of the human community. This type of thinking reveals itself at home, too, when people opposing governmental policies must also be controlled through imprisonment. Historians such as Howard Zinn point to the Sedition Acts that were used to jail opponents of the war. He criticizes the administration for passing such legislation and the Supreme Court for failing to challenge it on a constitutional basis: This shows the irony of liberalism: Wilson supported many progressive social agendas (women received the right to vote when he was in office, for example), but when one¶s own power and decision-making are challenged, that commitment to social progress sometimes flies out the nearest window. Domestic policy aside -- and it was not an insignificant part of Wilson¶s presidency -- most people remember Wilson for his foreign policy, specifically the role he played in the ending of World War I. Let¶s turn to his ideas on that front now.

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the removal of all economic barriers to trade. an international regime managing trade. after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.´ One can see in these first several points the framework for establishing what we would call today a ³neoliberal´ economic order -. Wilson had this to say about the end of the ³war to end all wars´: ³We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. IV. the Versailles Treaty was signed with Germany during the Paris Peace Conference.´ Wilson said. and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas. we see the ideas he held most dear in both promotion of peace and economic justice. Before presenting the fourteen points themselves. however. and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. a new Republican Congress in the United States rejected the peace negotiated under Wilson. What we demand in this war. wishes to live its own life. be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. alike in peace and in war. like our own. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in. ³I. V. A free. III.´ That doesn¶t mean. open-minded. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest. Volume 9 Page 56 THE IDEAS OF WOODROW WILSON In 1919. outside territorial waters. and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which. therefore. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. There.com . and a colonial system that would provide raw materials and labor for the trading system) and an international market that today we might call globalized. The removal. openly arrived at.wcdebate. How to establish justice? The first five points hold up remarkably well in today¶s political climate. they might have been written after the Gulf War by George Bush or Bill Clinton.he was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize. where he promoted his plan for peace in Europe. determine its own institutions. A separate peace had to be negotiated between the United States and Germany.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. that the ideas behind the league have lost their relevance. Open covenants of peace.one largely supported by both political parties in the United States. In fact. The prime points of this neoliberal order include free trade (absolute freedom of navigation. the Europeans considered Wilson a key factor in making peace -. Why was the peace negotiated by Wilson so controversial at home? Many of his ideas were quite ahead of their time. so far as possible. unilaterist school of ³diplomacy. II. except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. Still. including the internationalist tendencies favoring collective security that are even today rejected by many Republicans who favor the big-stick. FOURTEEN POINTS The best single summary of Woodrow Wilson¶s political philosophy came in his Fourteen Points Address to Congress. skeptical of the League of Nations. However. is nothing peculiar to ourselves. based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.

this vision is what¶s behind today¶s U.com . was quoted in a Cato publication as concluding: Of course.) From another right-wing perspective. solve disputes. etc.a collective body for the nations of the world to gather and discuss problems.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Many left-wing thinkers have taken a similar angle. stabilized the economy with numerous reforms that foreshadowed big-government liberalism. Others see him as a man who wanted to bring ³peace´ to rich nations and rich men living within them. Some see him as a man who naively believed one powerful country could bring peace to the world. Not even the mainstream right takes him seriously. It is better.wcdebate. to see Wilson at once as overly idealistic and overly cynical. As the far-right author David Horowitz wrote this February: (Of course. why blunt the focus of American foreign policy by taking on multiple ³humanitarian´ missions? This kind of misguided internationalism. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. it¶s overly simplistic to say that only the right favors this line of analysis. As long as the United States can protect itself with the most powerful military in the world. the nation-building activities have bad tradeoffs. where Wilson once refused to acknowledge non-democratic governments. This shows that he believed in government as a positive force for change in economics as in foreign policy.N. they would argue. groups like the Cato institute toe a more isolationist line. both in domestic and foreign policy. a ³consensus´ to Horowitz means something different than what it does to the rest of the world. It is possible. and arguably the one with the most historic staying power: ³XIV.´ which mean different things to different people. is Wilson¶s legacy. One scholar on inter-American affairs. given the myriad factors at play in the formation of one¶s thinking. But the fourteenth point was the most controversial to the Republican Congress Wilson faced at home. then. and even if we can. The right has a somewhat different slant.´ As we¶ve talked about. Points six through thirteen establish the territorial settlements following the conflict. A more concrete term we can grab onto might be ³liberalism´: the belief that government economic or social interventions are necessary to build a just world. Abraham F. to examine the policies Wilson favored rather than muddy the water with simple labels like ³idealism. they argue. Wilson would argue that promoting ³justice´ (through institutions like American democracy) abroad is the best way to get peace. and work together toward common goals. Lowenthal. Wilson is important to understand as a precursor to today¶s modern liberal politicians. for example). These thinkers claim that it¶s a fallacy to presume we can effectively promote those institutions worldwide. preferring to think of Wilson as a meddlesome tinkerer who bumbled into trouble by trying to do too much good overseas. including evacuation of conquered lands. in my estimation. Take the example of Latin America. while maintaining other kinds of dominance (economic. -. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he sought to promote trade as a path to peace. but made more of these policies¶ effects on the nations in question rather than the impact they had on the United States. and established the progressive income tax. Volume 9 Page 57 View this in the context of his domestic economic policy: Wilson established the Federal Reserve Bank. Overseas. the establishment of an independent Polish state. His ideas have impacted today¶s Democratic party in at least two major ways. We¶ve talked a bit about the left¶s criticism of Wilson as a Machiavellian liberal who wanted to build a world he and his country could control. DEBATE APPLICATION Motives are a difficult thing to ascertain in any human being. But that¶s another story.

He passed the Family Leave Act as a domestic reform to marginally benefit working Americans while vigorously pursuing free trade agreements abroad. After this effort. D. Volume 9 Page 58 Economic policy: unlike his Republican successors such as Calvin Coolidge. He believed the government should take an active role in stimulating the economy through establishing necessary regulations at home.the defense of a nation from an attack by an autocratic and oppressive neighbor (though Wilson wouldn¶t have been a fan of Kuwait¶s oppressive monarchy. This can be explained by the American public¶s marked opposition to the war: he knew from polls what a winning election issue would be.000 miles by rail around the country.C. for example. Wilson didn¶t believe in ³laissezfaire´ (let it be) economics.com . James M. One can see Bill Clinton¶s economic policy¶s roots in Wilson. Cox took the Democratic nomination and was beaten by Warren G. despite his initial reluctance to get involved in World War I.wcdebate. it is possible to see both Bush¶s and Clinton¶s attacks on Iraq. where he died in 1924. He never saw most of the impact his ideas would have on the world. he backed the free trade policies that modern Democrats fall over themselves to back. his dogged pursuit of the Versailles Treaty necessitated traveling 8. Foreign policy: Wilson. Wilson retired to Washington.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF WOODROW WILSON When Wilson was president. Since Wilson was unable to campaign for the presidency. For these reasons. either). but then pursued his own policies after employing substantial spin from his propaganda agency.. Harding in 1920. was interventionist by nature. Overseas. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. as Wilsonian in nature -. he fell ill and never fully recovered.

Arthur. Daniels. Gilderhus. accessed May 1. accessed April 22. WOODROW WILSON AND THE POLITICS OF MORALITY.html. Noam. Louis. p. WOODROW WILSON: A LIFE FOR WORLD PEACE. TO END ALL WARS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE QUEST FOR A NEW WORLD ORDER. 2. Princeton University Press. Vol. 2002. Warren and Lynne Dunn. Howard.zmag. 1920-1939. Cambridge University Press. University of Arizona Press. Greenwood Publishing Group. WOODROW WILSON AND THE AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC TRADITION: THE TREATY FIGHT IN PERSPECTIVE. http://web. Princeton University Press. November 1994. 2000. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Lloyd. 2001. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. 1913-1921. Viking Press. WOODROW WILSON AND WORLD POLITICS. Thomas. Volume 9 Page 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adar. 1998 Chomsky. 1997 Levin.africa. Josephus. No. PAN AMERICAN VISIONS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. Herbert. 2. AMERICA'S RESPONSE TO WAR AND REVOLUTION.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. Kent State University Press. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. http://www. accessed April 22. Rhodes University. WOODROW WILSON: A PENGUIN LIFE. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY.htm. South Africa. 1998. John Morton. Norman Gordon. Ambrosius. Korwa G. University of California Press. Arthur. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology.wcdebate. 2002. KEEPING THE COVENANT: AMERICAN INTERNATIONALISTS AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. 1980 Link. May 7.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. 1965 Link.htm. 1986 Knock. Addison-Wesley Pub Co. 1991 Zinn. Z MAGAZINE. Political Studies Department. Auchincloss. CAMPAIGNS FOR PROGRESSIVISM AND PEACE. 2002. PBS documentary. Blum. 10.ufl. Princeton University Press. THE NEW FREEDOM. 1971. Mark. 1956 Rowen. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON.com . available online at http://www. 1995 Kuehl.pbs. 1990 AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. 2000.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Oxford University Press.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

BUT THE COLD WAR. PBS documentary. The direct election of United States senators.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. np.africa. Adar.pbs. Wilson matters as the first modern president.com .edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. prohibition. Historian. Historian. emerging American national interests became defined in terms of combatting communism in Africa and other parts of the world. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. np. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Historian.htm. 2001. I see Wilson's life as tragic in the sense that he obviously lost on the League. No. as well as presidential ambition. 2. IT WASN¶T WILSONIANISM. Volume 9 Page 60 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS 1.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. The period of his presidency was a period therefore of extraordinary new assertion of governmental capacity in the United States. WILSON¶S LEGACY INCLUDES MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson. In the spirit of Wilsonianism. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Wilson's also important as the president who presided over a number of major constitutional changes. Mulder. accessed May 1..ufl. available online at http://www. Vol. The Wilsonian concepts of how political power should be used on behalf of social justice are still defining assumptions for twentieth century American political life. Rhodes University. http://web. South Africa. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. with Cold War prism taking a centre stage. Indeed. 2002. and women¶s suffrage.html. PBS documentary. accessed April 22. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the US welcomed decolonization and independence in Africa in the 1960s. Wilson matters as the person who led the United States into global geopolitics. p. However. Political Studies Department. 2002. 2001.wcdebate.could well prove to be the decisive factor between the forces of freedom and international communism". accessed May 1.html. np. He's not tragic however in the larger scope of American history because what he did was to help us understand the complexity of power both domestically and internationally in ways that we are still working with. 3. 4.. 2001. p. 2. available online at http://www. p. p.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. available online at http://www. accessed May 1. PBS documentary.html. Vice-President Nixon in his report to Eisenhower explained that "the course of Africa's development. such concerns were evident even prior to much of Africa's independence. 1998. some of which had to wait a long time to come back. After his visit to Africa. WILSON¶S CONCEPTS OF POWER AND SOCIAL JUSTICE ARE STILL USEFUL John M. THAT PROMOTED COLONIALISM Korwa G. 2002. WILSON SUPPORTED MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. 2002. Wilson matters as someone who followed a progressive political agenda and who established a model for subsequent possibilities. 2.pbs.pbs. np.

WILSONIAN PHILOSOPHY HELPED CREATE THE U. Wilsonianism not only challenged dictatorial and authoritarian systems worldwide but it also helped oppressed people become aware of their rights. In his view. 2002. South Africa.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. p.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. It isn¶t the League of Nations but the importance of thinking through a way to the control the potential anarchy and the relations of states. Historian. The idea of universal morality was central for Wilson. 2001. 2. p. p. Rhodes University. Adar. limited government. 2002. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. PBS documentary. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. No. Vol. The results of Roosevelt's Commission were the establishment of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its corollaries the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic.com . PBS documentary. np. Thus. He left his stamp upon the way in which American foreign policy has been formulated throughout the 20th Century and the paradox is that a man whose vision was repudiated by the political leadership of his time managed to achieve a way of framing the language of American foreign policy throughout the 80 years since his death. to involve himself in great affairs and to try to find ways in which to work out the problems created by those great affairs. 4. Rhodes University. he argued.ufl. What Wilson was capable of was as a president. I see it at least more in terms of a process than I do in terms of a product.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Political Studies Department. No. It was within this philosophical context that he advocated for the need to make the world safe for democracy.html. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. np. South Africa. http://web. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.pbs. Although the United States did not become a contracting party to the League. accessed May 1. WILSONIAN THINKING HELPED PAVE THE WAY FOR DECOLONIZATION OF AFRICA Korwa G. One of the central concerns at the time was how to avoid war and conflict in general. 2002. The UN system tangibly paved the way for the process of decolonization in Africa through the UN General Assembly resolutions. 3. 1998. Wilsonianism was not only internationalised but also institutionalised.wcdebate. For the colonized peoples of Africa.africa.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. Such thinking would go on to inform the founding fathers of the United Nations. Adar. 2. accessed April 22.ufl. the realization of individual freedom. AND HAD A GLOBAL IMPACT Korwa G. the momentum on the issues of democracy and human rights was evidenced with the appointment of Eleanor Roosevelt to Chair a Commission on Human Rights. If one wants to talk about Wilson¶s legacy. with African countries which were independent at the time as well as India and the socialist countries taking the lead. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. accessed April 22. This. Wilsonianism emerged as a distinct policy philosophy at the end of the First World War. the crucial priority was the need to establish people-oriented internal and international democratic institutions that would act as the custodians of democracy and human rights as conceptualised within the general rubric of self-determination.N. Vol. 2002. np.html. he was never evasive in that way. accessed May 1. 2001. In his foreign policy pronouncements vis-a-vis the European colonial powers President Woodrow Wilson advocated for the pursuit of democracy and human rights conceptualized within the context of selfdetermination for the colonized peoples.htm. WILSON¶S IDEAS WERE VICTORIOUS EVEN THOUGH HIS POLICIES WEREN¶T Jay Winter. Volume 9 Page 61 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE 1. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. In this respect. 2. Wilsonianism had a global impact. available online at http://www.africa. 2. and legitimacy of power held the key to both international peace and the emancipation of humanity from injustice. http://web. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. For Wilson. p. 1998. np. would promote America's long term interests.pbs. Moreover. Wilson¶s ideas were victorious even if his policies weren¶t. 2. Historian. Social and Cultural Rights. available online at http://www. Political Studies Department.htm. WILSON¶S IDEAS HELP CONTROL POTENTIAL INTERNATIONAL ANARCHY John Morton Blum. democracy and human rights (or self-determination in general) was equated with the absence of colonialism. This idealism culminated in the formation of the League of Nations in 1919.

and to accept the rule of private power. has taught people to abandon hope for freedom and democracy. or by its traditional master. As discussed here in July. The Europeans knew this.pbs. It hasn't been easy. despite its rhetoric of democracy. the things that Americans had evolved over threehundred years and incidentally in the process of which we had killed six hundred thousand of each other in the Civil War because it hadn¶t worked too well. Washington director of the Inter-American dialogue. To evaluate what lies ahead.who could teach some lessons to their kindly tutors about what was meant by "democracy" in days when the term was still taken seriously. well-informed about the hemisphere and far from a ranting ideologue." so the New York Times reported on the eve of the invasion. This was one of the successes of the educational program designed for the "doctrinaire monomaniac. on a par with "Wilsonian idealism. PBS documentary. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. They were proven right. The Haitian military. The generals continued their resistance to a diplomatic settlement. Hakim observes. If he is. Volume 9 Page 62 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM 1. trusting that "the United States. and have been kept in power by U. available online at http://www. It seems to me that Wilson failed because he tried to apply American principles to the world. The Europeans knew that Wilson¶s principles had problems." It is true enough that from the southern cone to Central America and the Caribbean. Z MAGAZINE. was its friend and protector. rejecting Aristide's plea to reduce them along lines that had proven successful in Costa Rica. and the world did not want the American principles. unlike the U. Consider Peter Hakim. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. np. witness the case of Guatemala.html. much of it organized right where Hakim speaks. Hakim also surely knows the nature of the "consensus" at home. He still keeps his allegiance to the general population and their organizations -. the consensus is "broadly based" in the sense that sustained terror and degradation. November 1994. and Canada.. revealed by the belief of half the population that the political system is so rotten that both parties should be disbanded. the phrase conceals a grain of truth. 2001.wcdebate. p. accessed May 1. but Administration officials said they persuaded him to accept them. WILSON FAILED BECAUSE HE TRIED TO APPLY AMERICAN PRINCIPLES TO THE WORLD Walter LaFeber. Father Aristide resisted having so many former soldiers in the police force. 10.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. WILSON¶S ³IDEALISM´ CONTINUES TO JUSTIFY HORRIBLE TRAGEDIES IN HAITI Noam Chomsky. As the matter is now rephrased. 2. Historian. It is intriguing to watch the process at work. was ambivalent about that power shift" to popular elements represented by Aristide. Martin observed. France. p. we should look carefully at the plans for the security forces and the economy. "in most Latin American countries. open trade. Aristide has been unwilling to shift power to the "enlightened" sectors of foreign and domestic Civil Society and their security forces. And he knows full well what efforts are made to broaden government to include authentic representatives of the overwhelming majority of the population in Latin America.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. "At first.N. Whether Aristide is allowed to return in some fashion is anyone's guess at the time of writing. That is to continue. it will be under conditions designed to discredit him and further demoralize those who hoped that democracy might be tolerated in Haiti. the one partial exception to the array of horror chambers that Washington has maintained in the region. reported in Foreign Policy that negotiations had stalled because of Washington's insistence on maintaining the power of the security forces.com . He took a kind of an American liberalism and essentially tried to create a form of world institutions: self-determination. domestic and foreign." Like many other mindless propaganda slogans. just now attaining the proper broad consensus after many years of education. movement from authoritarianism to democracy tends to reflect a more broadly based consensus than is currently the case in Haiti.S.S. recognized that the U. the head of the OAS/UN mission through December 1993. While Aristide was elected by a two-thirds majority. aid and training for that purpose since. The military and police forces were established during Woodrow Wilson's invasion as an instrument to control the population. 2002. Ian Martin."Aristide's unwillingness to "broaden the political base" has become a kind of mantra.

He saw democracy as a tool for creating harmony. sent an occupation army into Haiti and the Dominican Republic.com .ufl. but it is a novelty to see Napoleon's invasion. His greatest contradiction from my point of view. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. to say nothing about their weapons" -. np. accessed April 22. WILSONIAN POLICIES AREN¶T IDEALISTIC: JUST THE SAME OLD REALPOLITIK Korwa G. and put anti-war protesters in prison. 2. np. Vol. Adar. W." One takes for granted that the vicious terror and racism of the Wilson administration and its successors will be transmuted to sweet charity as it reaches the educated classes." he wrote. themes within the rhetoric of American foreign policy toward Africa since the end of World War II. p.pbs. p. Z MAGAZINE. "Like the French in the 19th century. 3.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.htm. As for Woodrow Wilson. has been an altogether different story. leaving concerns for democracy and human rights aside. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit.which the homicidal maniacs in the slums have cleverly concealed. accessed April 22. civilized mediation. Rhodes University. No. shouldn't we remind his admirers that he insisted on racial segregation in federal buildings.html. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. one of those Wilson sent to prison.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. BUT REPRESSIVE 1. BUT HIS SOCIAL POLICIES WEREN¶T Victoria Bissell Brown. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. p. p. http://www. like the Marines who occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934.zmag. Political Studies Department. The linking of such Wilsonian precepts with foreign policy practice. May 7. Backers of President Aristide. WILSON¶S PHILOSOPHY INCLUDED RACISM AND WAR-MONGERING Howard Zinn. if at times secondary. Historian AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. brought our country into the hell of World War I. is that his rhetoric was pro-democratic. In the current era. however. np. who fearlessly spoke out against the war? 3. 2002. WILSON¶S IDEAS JUSTIFY VICIOUS COLONIALISM Noam Chomsky. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY.africa. 2002. Volume 9 Page 63 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE. or Helen Keller. He wasn¶t always comfortable with the fact that democracy is a noisy and messy business. We might understand this as another small contribution to the broader project of revising the history of Western colonialism so as to justify the next phase. accessed May 1. but his behavior was often very paternalistic.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. "Perspective" on what is taking place was provided in the New York Times by R. 1998. one of the most hideous crimes of an era not known for its gentleness. very unsympathetic with and having very little patience for the messiness of democracy. available online at http://www. "For two centuries. 2. US policy makers consistently followed the dictates of realpolitik in the era of the Cold War.htm. Apple. The principles of democracy and human rights have been persistent. the question emerges as to the resonance of such Wilsonian principles in US foreign policy towards Africa. 2. 2000. portrayed in the same light. WILSON¶S RHETORIC WAS PRO-DEMOCRATIC. PBS documentary. conditions are now in place for the tangible and coherent pursuit of an American foreign policy based on democracy and human rights. Should we not bring forward as a national hero Emma Goldman. South Africa. "political opponents in Haiti have routinely slaughtered each other. November 1994. http://web. 2002. 10. the American forces who are trying to impose a new order will confront a complex and violent society with no history of democracy. the noise of democracy.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. very controlling. that he bombarded the Mexican coast. followers of General Cedras and the former Tontons Macoute retain their homicidal tendencies. also occupying an important place in the pantheon of American liberalism. who reviewed the lessons of history.wcdebate. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. 2001.

according to Gentile standards. which proved that private industry isn¶t the only way to create jobs.not a bad record for a man who left office nearly 70 years ago. though. from right to left to centrist. Whatever the roots of the anti-FDR sentiment. Even today. a bone thrown to the masses who demanded an alternative to the capitalism that was starving them in droves (in their view). Historians. FDR nevertheless rose to great heights as a statesman. anti-Semitism.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.but there are certainly things we can all now (hopefully) agree on as grievous acts on FDR¶s part. All this should tell you that Roosevelt had a monumental impact on American life. What is legitimate depends on what side of the political discourse you come down on. Roosevelt isn¶t just the man who pulled the country out of the Great Depression. Debilitated by a youthful bout with polio. perhaps none (even including Richard Nixon or Bill Clinton) has inspired such virulent criticism and simultaneously vociferous defense as Franklin Delano Roosevelt. the charming and affable voice behind the Fireside Chats. He wasn¶t -. If one can inspire vitriol of this nature from both sides of the American political spectrum. anyway. This isn¶t to say that there aren¶t legitimate criticisms of FDR. you¶ll see conspiracy theorist websites devoted to decrying Roosevelt¶s influence on the country -. but the threat of a good example of liberalism is still pretty threatening to these people.and academic articles from scholars and think tank employees slathering over why the New Deal was unconstitutional. Why the hatred from the right wing? After all. I say with a smirk. FDR is feted by liberals and reviled by conservatives to this day -. ROOSEVELT¶S IMPORTANCE As I said above. said that ³The presidency as we know it today begins with Franklin Delano Roosevelt. It wasn¶t. That¶s not to say the left doesn¶t have problems with FDR. The New Deal included massive government spending to create jobs and the creation of the Civilian Conservation Corps." (Told you so about the anti-Semitism). and it happened 70 years ago. one has doubtless done something right. except Werner von Braun. and was generally beloved by the public. at the Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University. the first president to truly take his case directly to the people. So what¶s up with the bitterness? Well. Volume 9 Page 64 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT Of all the former presidents the United States has seen leave office in the past 100 years. Only recently has there been mass outcry about this mass violation of human rights. but we¶ll get to that below.but no one accused the far right of being rocket scientists. (³But I didn¶t know FDR was Jewish!´ you say.wcdebate. Many saw the New Deal as a cop-out. a horrific violation of civil liberties and a betrayal of what would appear to be FDR¶s own principles. of course -. Another element is that most American of traits.) We¶ll discuss how that applies in a bit.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. popularly known as FDR. In fact. the majority of it is due to the success of FDR¶s liberal social programs. William E. It also says something about the limits of mainstream liberalism. which tells you we have a ways to go yet in this country. it is certainly remarkable that the enmity exists more than two generations later in this country. The best example: the massive internment of Japanese Americans in concentration camps. neither the left nor the right felt they had to restrain themselves when criticizing FDR: FDR was "carrying out more thoroughly and brutally than even Hoover the capitalist attack against the masses. Leuchtenburg. He passed important legislation. while American fascist William Dudley Pelley called him the "lowest form of human worm ." according to Communist leader Earl Browder. The architect of the New Deal. he was perhaps the living embodiment of that ³rugged individualism´ and ³pulling yourself up by your bootstraps´ stuff that conservatives like to bluster about. agree on this.com . He was elected to an unprecedented four terms. There¶s no way to anger a political opponent than by passing popular and effective legislation. even people that hate Roosevelt acknowledge his importance.

you¶re a lot more susceptible to someone preaching overthrow of the existing system than. This is not quite true. or at the very least an advocate of disarmament. In his famour ³Four Freedoms´ speech. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He figured if America as we knew it was to survive intact. ROOSEVELT¶S IDEAS Much is made of Roosevelt¶s social and economic reforms. Unlike most every other president. the government had no rhetorical or actual commitment to the average working person. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. This is also why the right sees him as a betrayer of unfettered capitalism -.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The right see him as having betrayed capitalism for a more socialist model. someone making a union-won family wage who can provide for his or her family and even be a little bit comfortable. The four freedoms which give the famous speech its name are listed here: One would think that this made FDR a pacifist.began with FDR and his legislative ideas. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The preservation of civil liberties for all. Security for those who need it. The thing they both agree on is that a fundamental shift occurred during his time in office. He noted ³so powerful an impression did FDR leave on the office that in the most recent survey of historians he was ranked as the second greatest president in our history. he included economic rights in that list.com . say." But believe it or not.´ This did not stop some of his contemporaries from referring to FDR as "that megalomaniac cripple in the White House. The inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.where significantly more power rests in the hands of the executive branch -. it is important to understand the ideology behind them. as failing to meet the needs of the public. Leuchtenberg continued. from his leadership in World War II to his economic ideas to his intangible inspirational qualities. someone had to do something fast to preserve the positive aspects of the old order. the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. foregoing more revolutionary change for institutional reform. as we will see later. In order to understand these. and perhaps they are right. too. FDR laid out exactly to what he thought humans ought to be entitled: Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. They are: Equality of opportunity for youth and for others. sewing clothes for 16 hours a day for pennies a day (due to no child labor laws and no minimum wage). some of that sentiment stems from the same root.wcdebate. FDR recognized this. The ending of special privilege for the few. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. Volume 9 Page 65 There are many reasons for this. This is why the left sees Roosevelt as a betrayer of social revolution.and perhaps they are right. Many believe that today¶s so-called ³imperial presidency´ -. ECONOMIC POLICY: THE DEFENDERS The left saw FDR as a sellout who saved capitalism as we know it when it was on the brink of collapse. He also thought there were certain fundamental rights to which humans were entitled. and you have to put your 10-year-old to work in a factory. Before. Perhaps the best manifestation of these ideas came from the man himself. If you¶re starving. surpassed only by the legendary Abraham Lincoln. FDR saw the economic system of the early 20th century as too harsh. Jobs for those who can work. These are the simple.

the Social Security Administration. who was president when the Great Depression started in 1929. 3). no one looms larger than FDR. Nope. and the blind.´ He does not say this as a compliment. FDR emphasized his commitment to social security this way: "I see no reason why every child. the conservative economic theorist. He explained his rationale in the Four Freedoms speech: ECONOMIC POLICY: THE CRITICS As I mentioned.instead.wcdebate. Sure. and the blind are not beneficent ideas designed to make the functioning of government and economy more humane. the National Labor Relations Board. the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. and labor relations to prevent market failures and offer governmental support of certain businesses in danger of failure.Barber says he was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" -. All of these were first established under Franklin Roosevelt. he was a man with certain values (expressed above) that was willing to listen to professional economists about how to achieve those values. One of them is Robert Higgs. the aged poor. Things we take for granted today include: relief programs for the unemployed. were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. the aged poor. finance. these policies are a power grab by liberal economists! Of course. 2). FDR is best known for promoting what is known as ³the welfare state. historians have taken a positive view of the New Deal´ -. but no one heard it from the President before then. and labor relations.com . from the day he is born. such programs as massive relief programs for the unemployed. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. Higgs and the like paint FDR as a big-government liberal who created federal agencies for their own sake and no other. and the creation of Social Security with its old-age pensions. unemployment insurance and aid to families with dependent children. there are lots of people that won¶t let 70-year-old policies go. Volume 9 Page 66 In January 1935. the Federal Housing Administration. The FDR years. the physically handicapped. Higgs writes. pensions for the elderly. ³with few exceptions. unemployment insurance. He had his own ideas -. the Securities and Exchange Commission. He points to such agencies as the Export-Import Bank.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ This imprecise term covers a variety of reforms that constitute a safety net for the poor and otherwise disadvantaged. industry. It¶s also pretty interesting how he skips over free-market conservative Herbert Hoover. He also promoted expanded federal regulation of agriculture. and was arguing in the 1950s and 1960s along with Joe McCarthy that Communists were infiltrating the American government. the Rural Utility Service (formerly the Rural Electrification Administration). he doesn¶t mention that Kershner was a paranoid. the Farm Credit Administration. wrote William Barber in his book DESIGN WITHOUT DISORDER. the expanded federal regulation of agriculture. to him. Higgs breaks out the organizational chart of the federal government.but. shouldn't be a member of the social security system. who admits that ³In the construction of the American regulatory and welfare state. the FDR experimentation resulted in an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which relied on government stimulation of private industry.from the cradle to the grave they ought to be in a social insurance system. and income supplements for dependent children in single-parent families. Cradle to the grave . the physically handicapped. As evidence. industry. when voters unceremoniously dumped him in favor of FDR. Aside from the governmental influx of capital to boost the economy. finance. Specifically. Social Security. The reason was not that Roosevelt was revolutionary economic thinker himself -. the Rural Development Administration (formerly the Farmers Home Administration). pathological anti-communist who saw such things as laws against child labor as a sign of the creeping red tide. and who continued to adopt laissez-faire policies that deepened the depression until 1932. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.but he was more a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. the establishment of a legal minimum wage." You may have heard this ³cradle to the grave´ rhetoric before.

The legal precedent that justified this vile act. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ playing to racist notions of wealthy Jews running the government.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. which consigned over 100. narratives end with perfect poetic justice. each renders the economy less productive than it could be-and all in the service of one special interest or another. United States. being a victim of race-baiting himself. Volume 9 Page 67 and the Tennessee Valley Authority as ³the offspring of the New Deal´ and argues that they are pernicious in their effects. isn¶t it a good rather than a bad thing that farmers get subsidies that help family farms stay afloat. ³Each in its own fashion. say. This nonsense about Roosevelt and about Jews continues to this day among the racist right. it seems the argument here is that NO federal agency is EVER justified in helping to stimulate the economy or to ameliorate the effects on a market collapse on average people. It also helps to explain the hatred of FDR by the anti-Semitic right.wcdebate. Considering that this made him alone not only among the political leaders of the world. Korematsu v. but virtually alone among prominent Americans (many of whom. Charming. FDR was the first (and. Love him or give in to insane and illogical hatred of him. and didn¶t think Roosevelt should be sticking his nose in Hitler¶s business as the German leader committed the most horrific act of the 20th century. was at war with them. though the U. who didn¶t see the murder of European Jews as any of out business. that students have their college loans federally provided. this was not the case. insuring. vanden Heuvel argues.S. Even if you¶ve got a problem with. his wife ran off with a traveling salesman. the Export-Import Bank. that old people with no family can rely on Social Security checks rather than cat food in order to eat? WAR POLICY It¶s unfortunate that we have to sum up FDR¶s World War II actions in so short a space. Their property was seized. was upheld by the Supreme Court and stands a valid legal precedent to this day. One would think. too. ³interferes with the effective operation of the free market. Famously. and one can certainly debate about the impacts of some of them. only sometimes. including Holocaust deniers like David Irving and his ilk. The nutty right spread rumors that Roosevelt¶s real name was ³Rosenfeld. (Which he was there.´ and called his policies ³the Jew Deal. No similar policies were enacted for Americans of German or Italian descent. and thereby diverting resources from the uses most valued by consumers. this much is undeniable. By subsidizing. by the way. told by William E. And what about all those that got their jollies in hating Roosevelt? My favorite story is this one. William J. so even (gasp!) the middle class and below can attend universities.)´ Sometimes. The vast majority of it was never returned. FDR would have seen the folly in his most shameful act of the war. financing.´ he writes.000 loyal Americans of Japanese descent to prison camps for years. FDR signed Executive Order 9066. To his credit. vanden Heuvel has noted. it certainly serves as a major mark in Roosevelt¶s favor. the ONLY) political leader to stand against Hitler from the very beginning. who praised Hitler and continued to trade with Nazi Germany AFTER World War II began). No act of espionage by any Japanese American was ever proven.com . CONCLUSION FDR might be the most important president of the 20th century. regulating.´ Regardless of how one feels about each of these individual agencies. including Henry Ford. Leuchtenberg: ³In Kansas a man went down into his cyclone cellar and announced he would not emerge until Roosevelt was out of office. but that¶s the way it is. Sadly.

2002. Warren F.net/bookreviews/library/0024. Davis. 1992. Robert. September 1998. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1933. 1932-1945..independent. 1970.washingtonpost. 17. Dallek. July 1997. 1979. Leuchtenburg. 1986. http://www. University of Mississippi . Jr. THE COMING OF THE NEW DEAL. New York: Random House Publishing. http://www. ROOSEVELT: THE SOLDIER OF FREEDOM. New York: Dodd.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. accessed May 9. Higgs. Mead and Company Publishers. Franklin Delano. Chomsky. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. THE FREEMAN. July 24. ROOSEVELT AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3.htm. Noam. accessed May 10.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears.wcdebate. Boston: South End Press. http://newdeal. 1985.org/wgbh/amex/presidents/nf/resource/fdr/primdocs/socsecspeech. Michael V. accessed May 02. Volume 9 Page 68 BIBLIOGRAPHY Burns. DETERRING DEMOCRACY.1987.´ Jan. ³A Message to the Congress on Social Security. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. 2002. Gallagher. FDR: THE NEW DEAL YEARS 1933-1937.html. THE JUGGLER: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT AS WARTIME STATESMAN. Kenneth S. ³Purposes and Foundations of the Recovery (Fireside Chat)´. accessed May 5.html. Roosevelt. 2002. Robert. EH. 2002.org/chat/chat03. William E. Oxford University Press.htm. FDR'S SPLENDID DECEPTION. 1959. accessed May 1. Franklin Delano. Department of History. Schlesinger. Roosevelt. 1935.ECONOMIC HISTORY.pbs. http://www.shtml. Hugh Gregory. James MacGregor. 2002.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. 1991.NET BOOK REVIEW .feri. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. FRANKLIN D.com . Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. Arthur M. Namorato.eh. Kimball. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. http://www.

In this sense.washingtonpost.shtml.wcdebate. Leuchtenburg. Starting in the spectacular First Hundred Days. University of Mississippi .htm. Roosevelt brought the Welfare State to America.NET BOOK REVIEW . "but anywhere seems better than where they have been. He provided those with more learning and understanding of economic matters an opportunity to develop their ideas. Leuchtenburg. not least those who are disadvantaged. 1). Namorato.. 2. EH.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy.eh. where trading resumed on March 15. Roosevelt himself. After much experimentation. Barber believes that professional economists had a president who was willing to listen to them and who was a "consumer" of what they had to offer. the end result was an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which became part and parcel of governmental policy by the end of the 1930s. It was not just for the day as it was in Cambridge. In the homes on the streets. Similar to his earlier study. years after it had become a fixture in other lands.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.. one eyewitness later remembered. 2002. in short. Gone was the torpor of the Hoover years. Volume 9 Page 69 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT 1. gone. without which the New Deal would indeed have been mindless and devious. Roosevelt listened to and responded to their suggestions. Overnight. Patterson.1987. his opportunism was grounded in social concern and conscience.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. in the offices there is a feeling of hope reborn. the stock ticker ended the day with the merry message: "Goodnite." noted one business journal. FDR WAS KEY TO SOCIAL JUSTICE FOR THE DISADVANTAGED William E. Washington seemed like Cambridge on the morning of the Harvard-Yale game: "All the shops were on display. in Barber's opinion.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. http://www. http://www.just where they are going.washingtonpost. Department of History. In the case of Franklin Roosevelt. responding to left-wing critiques of FDR. FDR REPRESENTED A WATERSHED IN ECONOMIC THINKING Michael V. 2). accessed May 5. FDR TRANSFORMED THE NATION¶S ECONOMIC OUTLOOK William E. p. July 1997. 2002. Although not a great economic thinker.1987. IN JUST A FEW WEEKS. p. the political paralysis. crowds moved excitedly." On the New York Curb Exchange.com .Happy days are here again. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. has written: ³Roosevelt was no hard-eyed merchandiser. the Rooseveltian years were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. http://www.net/bookreviews/library/0024. Roosevelt rested his legislative program on the assumption that government should actively seek social justice for all Americans. Designs Within Disorder concentrates on what economists were saying during the New Deal. 2002. observers resorted to the imagery of darkness and light to characterize the transformation from the Stygian gloom of Hoover's final winter to the bright springtime of the First Hundred Days. and the ultimate impact these economic thinkers had on long-term federal economic policy. np. too.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. accessed May 1. np. was a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. Only a few weeks after Roosevelt took office." 3. accessed May 5. np. the notion of the State got little attention in America before FDR.htm. 3).. and in the New Deal that continued throughout. .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the spirit of the country seemed markedly changed. p. "The people aren't sure..ECONOMIC HISTORY. The historian James T. Roosevelt's Washington. Although European theorists had been talking about der Staat for decades. everyone was joyous. was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" (p. There was something in the air that had not been there before. how Franklin D." Again and again.

Vol. 2. Leuchtenburg. and. President Wilson's global campaign as the champion for the silent majority also set the stage for a United States democracy and human rights foreign policy in the twentieth century. can now escape from the compelling fact that if it is not framed with reference to the world. FDR¶S INTERNATIONAL ROLE WAS FIRST-RATE William E. p. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. No. "He overcame both his own and the nation's isolationist inclination to bring a united America into the coalition that saved the world from the danger of totalitarian conquest. although promulgated by Franklin D.1987. 2002. http://www. 2. FDR¶S LEGACY IS THE ABOLITION OF INTERNATIONAL ISOLATIONISM William E. 2002. "His role in insuring the downfall of Adolf Hitler is alone enough to earn him a respected place in history. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. np.africa." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. So far had America come by the end of the Roosevelt era that Henry Stimson was to say that the United States could never again "be an island to herself. Roosevelt's high place rests also on his role in leading the nation to accept the far-ranging responsibilities of world power.washingtonpost. providing aid to the Allies and leading the nation toward active involvement in World War II. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy.htm." 3. Denied by Congress the discretionary authority he sought.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. given the nature of nuclear weapons. Roosevelt made full use of his executive power in recognizing the USSR.htm. accessed April 22.washingtonpost. Roosevelt not only supervised the mobilization of men and resources against the Axis but also made a significant contribution to fashioning a postwar settlement and creating the structure of the United Nations. the United States was firmly committed to isolationism.com . 2002. crafting the Good Neighbor Policy. in any sector of our national life. np. Rhodes University. Volume 9 Page 70 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT 1. a position he was said to prefer to all others.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. As a wartime president. Roosevelt had wide latitude to demonstrate his executive leadership by guiding the country through a victorious struggle against the fascist powers.htm. 2. it is framed with perfect futility. 1998. accessed May 5. p. No private program and no public policy.1987.ufl. Roosevelt. np.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. As commander-in-chief. South Africa. Leuchtenburg. Political Studies Department. http://web. it had refused to participate in either the League of Nations or the World Court. FDR HELPED PROMOTE SOVEREIGNTY FOR COLONIZED PEOPLES Korwa G. http://www. Wilson's intellectual heir. Never before had a president been given the opportunity to lead his people to a triumph of these global dimensions. Adar." Robert Divine has concluded. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. manifestly indicated US dissatisfaction with the lack of sovereignty for colonised peoples. that such a circumstance will ever arise again. p. and it seems improbable.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. Wilsonian precepts resonated clearly in the messsage of the Atlantic Charter which. accessed May 5. When he took office. late in his second term.

FDR and Congress. In fact. September 1998. and hence overall private economic activity. p. 2002. Rather. no economy can grow. With its bewildering. accessed May 02.wcdebate. Despite its economic illogic and incoherence.´ and eventually ³no political boss could compete with him in any county in America in the distribution of money and jobs. ³it was always easy to interest him in a plan which would confer some special benefit upon some special class in the population in exchange for their votes.independent. subsidies. But for all his undeniable political prowess. September 1998. especially during the congressional sessions of 1933 and 1935. PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION 1. never recovered enough to restore the high levels of production and employment enjoyed in the 1920s. Had Roosevelt only kept his inoffensive campaign promises of 1932²cut federal spending. the New Deal served as a massive vote-buying scheme. THE FREEMAN. http://www.html. Coming into power at a time of widespread destitution.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. uncertainty. the root cause of the prevailing malaise was the continuation of the depression. THE NEW DEAL WAS A MASSIVE VOTE-BUYING SCHEME Robert Higgs. regulations. the New Deal did prolong the depression.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. Flynn said of FDR. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. September 1998. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. But however significant his legacies. http://www. p.html. As John T. he prolonged the depression and fastened on the country a bloated. p. he was an exceptionally resourceful political opportunist who harnessed the extraordinary potential for personal and party aggrandizement inherent in a uniquely troubled and turbulent period of American history. Between 1929 and 1939 the economy sacrificed an entire decade of normal economic growth. http://www.´ 4. accessed May 02. as many observers claimed at the time. stop bureaucratic centralization in Washington²the depression might have passed into history before his next campaign in 1936. np. by ranting against "economic royalists" and posturing as the friend of the common man. which would have increased the national income 30 to 40 percent. 3. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. the New Dealers had a method.independent.independent.html. FDR¶S POLICIES ACTUALLY PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs. incoherent mass of new expenditures. accessed May 02. http://www. 2002. np.1 billion. Volume 9 Page 71 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY. In the face of the interventionist onslaught. and business failures. np. by taxing and spending. and direct government participation in productive activities. The irony is that even if Roosevelt did help to lift the spirits of the American people in the depths of the depression-an uplift for which no compelling documentation exists-this achievement only led the public to labor under an illusion. September 1998. THE FREEMAN. the New Deal created so much confusion.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. he got himself elected time after time. But instead. accessed May 02. After all. The government¶s own greatly enlarged economic activity did not compensate for the private shortfall.2 Without capital accumulation. balance the budget. THE FREEMAN. the Roosevelt administration recognized that the president and his Democratic allies in Congress could appropriate unprecedented sums of money and channel them into the hands of recipients who would respond by giving political support to their benefactors.com . maintain a sound currency. 2002. Roosevelt deserves no reverence.html.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. intrusive government that has been trampling on the people¶s liberties ever since. THE FREEMAN. and hostility among businessmen and investors that private investment. ROOSEVELT¶S LEGACY IS TO TRAMPLE ON LIBERTY Robert Higgs. the American economy between 1930 and 1940 failed to add anything to its capital stock: net private investment for that eleven-year period totaled minus $3. p. high unemployment. embraced interventionist policies on a wide front.independent. fear. THE NEW DEAL PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. np. taxes. He was no hero. By wheeling and dealing. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. 2002. In this madness.

net/bookreviews/library/0024." and met the great crisis in their lives." He left us with "nostalgia" that is "aching. no less analyzed in terms of his own thinking on what these economists were telling him and his close advisors... how the president barely tolerated Thurman Arnold and his anti-trust movement. In the end. and the immediate post-war era. Chapter 2. Keynesianism took hold after 1945 only after it had infiltrated the universities (p. Department of History. Franklin Delano Roosevelt attained similar heights among large sectors of the population. http://www. 2002." whatever the record of economic reform and civil rights may show.." etc.shtml.. DETERRING DEMOCRACY. Department of History. Barber credits Roosevelt with so much in terms of providing economists with an opportunity to influence policy. a secret love affair. by Noel Annan... Barber details how Hopkins brought in young academics sympathetic to this approach. Barber takes his argument through the later 1930s. Roosevelt is lost amidst the intellectual environment that Barber has created. Volume 9 Page 72 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE 1. individuals like Galbraith left the New Deal. who placed their trust in him.owing to his engraving upon the public consciousness the sense that men were indeed equal.. accessed May 1.eh. Those of us who were born to circumstances less assured tend to think of. Roosevelt took such complete command that he "left social inquiry. however. The important fact is that Roosevelt brought us "comfort. accessed May 1. In fact. 2002.net/bookreviews/library/0024. Seeing Harry Hopkins' appointment as Secretary of Commerce as a turning point towards official acceptance of Keynesianism. accessed May 1. indeed revere. Galbraith in the Office of Price Administration helped to mobilize America's wartime economy. the spinners of fantasy could not even approach such heights in the Reagan era.html. but the president himself is seldom even mentioned. left-liberal social critic Murray Kempton describes the "majesty" of Roosevelt's smile as "he beamed from those great heights that lie beyond the taking of offense. DIDN¶T ADDRESS INEQUITY Noam Chomsky. Reviewing a laudatory book on FDR by Joseph Alsop in the New York Review of Books. 3. July 1997. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.. including many of the poor and working class." Try as they might. and how people like John K.wcdebate.NET BOOK REVIEW . who praised "the encomium that Murray Kempton justly bestowed on Roosevelt. FDR SHOULD NOT GET CREDIT FOR KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS Michael V. "in the grandest style. EH. 2..com .eh.a wasteland. [His blend of elegance with compassion] adds up to true majesty..ECONOMIC HISTORY. There was one published reaction." His "enormous bulk" stands between us "and all prior history. Still. 2002..org/chomsky/dd/dd-c02s03. NOT FDR Michael V." "That Roosevelt was the democrat that great gentlemen always are in no way abated his grandeur." so much so that "ten years went by before a Commerce Department economist grew curious about the distribution of income and was surprised to discover that its inequality had persisted almost unchanged from Hoover. Finally. Namorato..splendidly eternal for romance. [We are] as homesick as Alsop for a time when America was ruled by gentlemen and ladies.." Roosevelt and Lucy Mercer "were persons even grander on the domestic stage than they would end up being on the cosmic one. DESPITE ESTABLISHMENT HISTORIANS. THE ECONOMISTS SHOULD GET THE CREDIT. FDR. in his last chapters. Namorato. through Roosevelt and Truman.endearingly exalted.. 1992. http://www. http://www.. Finally. Barber concluded that the Full Employment Act was more of a victory for the opponents of the Keynesian approach than one would have suspected. 171). World War II. University of Mississippi . EH.zmag.." But that is only the carping of trivial minds. University of Mississippi . etc. The aura of sanctity remains among intellectuals who worship at the shrine. this demeanor as the aristocratic style. Somehow.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.ECONOMIC HISTORY.. July 1997.shtml.NET BOOK REVIEW .

Basically. Hayden -. ³he was regarded warily as an invader and outlaw by his fellow lawmakers. TOM HAYDEN¶S LIFE Regardless of your opinion of Hayden as an activist or as a person.it is possible to sum up the academic debate surrounding them.and when he was elected as a state assemblyman 20 years ago. in order to answer that question. Hayden decided to run for elected office. he was best known for his 16-year marriage to actress Jane Fonda. Who is right? Well. Nicholas Lemann. which he sees as necessary for a rich and stable intellectual culture. He later served as a ³freedom rider. including Froines and Weiner. There are those who consider them to be heroic protestors.Jerry Rubin. with that said.wcdebate. All the defendants. and whether some of the political movements of the time were benevolent or detrimental."´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he has lived in Los Angeles since 1971. Volume 9 Page 73 TOM HAYDEN It says a great deal about American academic thinking that we are still arguing about the 1960s. Born December 11. though. As some former radicals did. Together. The other defendants. So. Students for a Democratic Society.does not shy away from nor roll his eyes at debates on the impact of the 1960s. It wouldn¶t hurt to have a gander at what they have continued to do in the ensuing decades. Along with four other defendants -. Rennie Davis and David Dellinger -. Abbie Hoffman. the 7th U. had a charismatic and thoughtful leader named Tom Hayden who has continued (as an activist and as a California state legislator) to work for change in the American political arena. were acquitted of additional conspiracy charges.and those who consider them to be troublemaking. wrote the national correspondent of The Atlantic. he was a prominent defendant in the Chicago Seven trial. In 1968.´ The freedom riders were a group of mostly white students from the north who traveled to the American south in efforts to assist racial desegregation the South.the issues they tackled ranged from the war in Vietnam to racial injustice to anti-nuclear politics to American economic inequity -. In 1969 and 1970. Later. they participated in many controversial events demonstrating their opposition to the Vietnam War. challengers of the status quo and defenders of the downtrodden -. anti-American louts who have frayed the fabric of the blue jeans of American life. District Judge Julius Hoffman. his ideas. he was arrested as a member of the "Chicago Seven" for inciting a riot at the Democratic National Convention.com) admits. the Los Angeles Times reported. That court based its decision on procedural errors by U.S. even those ³intent to riot´ convictions were overturned by a federal appeals court. As his own website (www.S.committed to the Socratic and Platonic tradition of logic and rhetoric -. who were not convicted. And unlike me. you¶ve gotta admit he¶s led a pretty interesting life so far. we¶ll have to take a look at Hayden. some of whom even tried to expel him from the Legislature as a "traitor. One of those movements. his life. Hayden continued with his activism.tomhayden. and what he and those inspired by him did during the 1960s. 1939. "Tom Hayden changed America". While it¶s certainly impossible to sum up either the SDS or Hayden in just a few pages -.Hayden was convicted of intent to riot at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. He was elected to the state Assembly in 1982 -. were John Froines and Lee Weiner. there are two camps that feel strongly as regards Hayden and SDS. Undaunted by his legal trouble. Circuit Court of Appeals.com . Far from it: Hayden welcomes the dialogue.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. let¶s examine one of the most fascinating periods of recent American history.

hailed by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for his civil rights achievements. It¶s been a tumultuous ride for Hayden. too. In fact. wrote Sacramento Bee columnist Dan Walters.remember. He has an infant son with Williams. But mainstream groups honored him. and other activists of various stripes. he was "the conscience of the (California State) Senate". Indeed. That includes student groups. convict. Activist. Even in his youth. husband of actress. He is currently married to the actress Barbara Williams. the SDS had socialist leanings -. Like many of the so-called New Left groups of the time. anti-sweatshop legislation -which you might expect of a former 1960s radical. the culmination of seven consecutive electoral victories representing the west side of Los Angeles and the San Fernando Valley. African-Americans and Latinos and Holocaust survivors. politician. he credits that issue as one of the factors inspiring the SDS movement: SDS moved from a mere problem identification mode to a serious institutional analysis of American politics. While he didn¶t pass much legislation -. workers. presidential assistant Richard Goodwin.com . At least one prominent political figure. Hardly a single issue activist or politician. as he was elected to the state Senate in 1992. He backed pro-labor. Unlike many of his fellow radicals. the SDS got its name from a desire for what they termed ³true democracy. and on and on. even when he wasn¶t married to Barbarella.his radical views often polarized even friendly legislators -. Until he was forced out by term limits. fought for reform of the K-12 educational system. and more.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. his tenure as a state senator was not the first time Hayden had influenced legislative agendas. convict with his sentence overturned. Hayden wrote the Port Huron Statement while a student at The University of Wisconsin. author. Hayden recognized that power could not truly be challenged without alliances between various progressive groups.´ using rhetoric reminiscent of early American rabble rousers such as Thomas Paine. Hayden fought against university tuition increases. While a state legislator.wcdebate. The conclusion of the Port Huron Declaration reads: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. of course. the founding document of Students for a Democratic Society. including legislation on behalf of women. and decried the prominence of special interest waste and abuse of power in California politics. he was given kudos by the Sierra Club and the California League Conservation Voters for backing protection of endangered species and proenvironment record. Hayden was called the "legislator of the year" by the American Lung Association for taking on the tobacco industry. the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was still two years away -. again husband of different actress. to take action. but a general desire for leveling the economic playing field in the United States. which was written by Tom Hayden in 1962. Hayden also has two grown children from his earlier marriage to Fonda. Then statement encouraged other students to research and understand the world at large. IDEAS OF TOM HAYDEN Perhaps the most important item to read in studying the ideology of this and other radical organizations is the Port Huron Statement. Hayden never decried the existence of the political system as such. Volume 9 Page 74 This didn¶t stop him. (Look it up. Recognizing that this would require revolutionary change.he sponsored numerous bills. kids). lots of different kinds. activist.Hayden decried the injustice of the discrepancy in material wealth and economic opportunity between the white and black communities. What kind of action? Well. has said that Hayden ³created the blueprint for the Great Society programs´ of Lyndon Baines Johnson during his tenure as an advocate for the working poor. praised by the Jewish National Fund for his support of Israel.not necessarily the hard Marxist leaning of various communist groups. former husband of actress. As one might expect given the racial intolerance prevalent in America at the time -.

Hayden might say. it is certainly possible to decide based on his activist priorities which are the most important to him. on the failure of the university to stand as a critical institution representing inquiry.´ It seems. brought awareness that we ourselves. The 1960s radicals were not defending Vietnamese (or Chinese. HAYDEN: Bloom has it backwards. and indeed the 1960s in its entirety. insists Hayden to this day. The editorials I wrote from 1957 to 1961 in the Michigan Daily were based on Cardinal Newman's concept of the university as a community of scholars. ³the enclosing fact of the Cold War.or contaminated by. doesn¶t mean there isn¶t a moral system behind it. Like many of his vintage. when the current preoccupations of a democratic society become the primary concerns of the university. that the United States should not engage in what the SDS felt were immoral activities.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. It is not Plato's cave. on the remoteness of the curriculum from the real dilemmas of life. of course. symbolized by the presence of the Bomb.. As a result..wcdebate. And. the Vietnam War provided his activist awakening. that Hayden and SDS defended a multidisciplinary activism that recognized the need for progressive groups of all stripes to come together toward overlapping goals. the SDS. We live in an economy and a culture where ideas are not separate from improving productivity.com . Thus. this was actually the mirror image of the moral absolutism that Bloom and his allies defended. Pursuit of knowledge is then eclipsed by the needs of the moment and the opinion of the masses. Just because it isn¶t your morality. When he was interviewed by the journal NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY.they were defending their own brand of moral claims. the university loses the critical detachment necessary to preserve and pass on the core values of Western civilization. as long as we have a US Constitution there will be the possibility of strikes or Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. one would hardly be given to support any of the prevailing agendas that Hayden or his allies would. then. at least in the United States. and millions of abstract "others" we knew more directly because of our common peril.Hayden sees as merely a shift in morals. Especially because of the nuclear age. depending on how we view it American society. pacifism and the avoidance of war were a pressing concern for Hayden: as he wrote then. Quite the opposite is true. higher education is not separate from democracy. Naturally. Volume 9 Page 75 While Hayden has never focused on one issue to the exclusion of all others. Let us turn to the latter group now.of turning a blind eye to oppression if it suits their political ends. Higher education is fully integrated into . might die at any time. It's an institution that is a full participant in our democratic society. but it seems difficult for him to comprehend that. if one is not progressive at all. and our friends. for example. there was tension in this: many labor groups distrust environmentalists because of perceived inattention to the cause of workers. improving cultural literacy or improving the quality of life. Hayden expanded upon this defense of his philosophy: NPQ: In Bloom's mind. on the cowardly silence of the intellectual community in the 50s. or Soviet) communism -. even people that consider themselves ³progressive´ on one or more issues might not be given to the kind of movement-building that SDS advocated. Rather than moral relativism. Bloom continuously asserts that higher education has failed democracy.they argue that the student movements essentially defended the right of societies to choose communism -. He responds to the charges of people such as Allan Bloom and David Horowitz thusly: What Bloom and others see as moral relativism -. and some of the charges they have levied against Hayden. THE CHARGE OF MORAL AND CULTURAL RELATIVISM Conservative academics interesting in revising history have tried to give a black eye to the 1960s student movements by accusing them of moral and cultural relativism -. This man who makes so much of being able to distinguish between shadow and substance in Plato's cave becomes blind to the fact that the anguished cry of the students in the 60s was not so very different from Bloom's own lament.

others maintain that Hayden and SDS were supporters of violent groups. who refused to rule out violence as a political tactic.not unlike many members of the debate community. Nevertheless.and the vexing corollarly question.HAYDEN AND DEBATE If there is one thing that we can say about Tom Hayden. Critics cite Hayden¶s speech to the radical group The Weathermen. OTHER CRITICISMS OF HAYDEN Even if individuals agreed with the goals of the SDS. it¶s this: he isn't afraid to change with the times. Many say that the riot was something the SDS planned all along -. According to observers. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now. philosophies and ideas -. CONCLUSION -. However. Hayden told the group: "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. Because of the overturned conviction. He is unafraid of a vigorous and public discussion on policies.com . it is worth reporting and considering that Hayden and SDS were certainly on the edge of the debate. Volume 9 Page 76 other disruptive activity any time the component members of an institution are treated like numbers or feel their point of view is not represented.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. whether it is justified in an advanced democracy which generally protects freedom of speech -. even if they weren¶t violent themselves. The question of whether violence is justified as a political tactic -. at the Weathermen¶s Days of Rage gathering.such as a willingness to riot at the Democratic National Convention.is not something we will concern ourselves with here. this is far from undisputed. that was the basis of the government¶s case against the Chicago Seven." This would seem to be at least a tacit endorsement of the group¶s tactics. they might be criticized for methods -.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.certainly.

Horowitz. Tom. Rinehart and Winston. May/June 1997. http://www. 2002. 1999.htm. Fall 1987. Chicago: Holt. November 27. p.msu. Hayden. accessed May 1. 2002. 1966 (pb New York: Signet. #4. New York: International Publishers. Tom. Ronald. Herbert with prefaces by Staughton Lynd and Tom Hayden. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. Hayden. p. 1962. 1966.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2001. New York: Random House. 20. activist and former California state legislator. 2002.theamericanenterprise. http://www. activist and former California state legislator.frontpagemag. Port Huron Statement. Tom. MISSION TO HANOI. B1. REUNION: A MEMOIR. http://coursesa. Tom Hayden.htm. THE LOVE OF POSSESSION IS A DISEASE WITH THEM. activist. The Other Side. Hayden. Tom. Staughton & Thomas Hayden. Lynd.html. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. 1967).matrix.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. 1988. the New Left and the Leftover Left.org/taemj97s.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left. Hayden. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. New York: New American Library. accessed May 2. WASHINGTON POST. December 5. Volume 4. 1972. Volume 9 Page 77 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aptheker. accessed May 2. Radosh.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01. former radical. David.

B1.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise.wcdebate. Fall 1987. 1999. not that of their opponents. Comparisons between the World Trade Organization protests here and the protest movements of the '60s became a media micro-industry last week. others today. 4. 5. B1. But we are a minority . np. the government? It is to this latter yearning. at once the spark and engine of change. 3. activist.the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally-functional parts. that we direct our present appeal. only one was about Viet Nam. WE MUST CONTINUE TO EXPERIMENT TOWARD TRUE DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. we hope.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. Volume 9 Page 78 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE 1. http://coursesa. 1962. activist. 2. Volume 4. activist. Based on five days of joining in protests. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present. yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present. Port Huron Statement. calling on us not to be "good Germans. p. One reporter even asked me. http://coursesa. and to this day I am astounded by the fact that of nearly 1000 academic articles written for leading political science journals during the 60s. We were spending $30 billion a year on death and destruction. AND HAVE MORE IMPACT Tom Hayden.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the patriotism of the corporate globalizers is in question. Professors at Columbia and Berkeley were among the intellectual architects of that war.matrix. do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present. WASHINGTON POST. being gassed myself. hundreds of Americans per week were coming home in body bags.msu. marching. on the contrary. They were. activist and former California state legislator. is the pepper spray helping you relive your youth? My response was that it beats taking Viagra. Port Huron Statement. 20. December 5. accessed May 2. that something can be done to change circumstances in the school. I have to say I am glad to have lived long enough to see a new generation of rebels accomplish something bigger here in 1999 than we accomplished in Chicago in 1968 with our disruptive protests at the Democratic National Convention. Our world is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living.but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply-felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed influence to human affairs. p.. THE NEW MOVEMENTS ARE LIKE THE NEW BOSTON TEA PARTY Tom Hayden. Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity . They are the exact opposite of Nazi storm troopers. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY." That's what Bloom doesn't understand. and a commitment to social experimentation with them.html. and consolidating the irresponsible power of military and business interests. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE NEW MOVEMENTS CONTINUE THE LEGACY OF THE 60s. WASHINGTON POST. My serious take on the question might surprise you. p. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM ISN¶T REALLY DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. and those who did so should be blessed in our history. In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency. December 5. one can argue that the finest moment of the university was when students and faculty stopped the university's business-as-usual during a time of national crisis. accessed May 2. paralyzing policy discussion. 1962. Seattle '99 was more like the Boston Tea Party than the days of rage we knew in the late '60s.msu. p. environmental protection and human rights? Are American democratic values and middle-class interests secondary to those of transnational corporations? As a grass-roots movement seeking the overthrow of what it sees as an oppressive system. the workplaces. activist. Do the Clinton administration's investor-based trade priorities benefit America's interest in highwage jobs. In actuality it frustrates democracy by confusing the individual citizen.com .. On the contrary. 2002. #4. THE 1960s WERE THE UNIVERSTIES¶ FINEST MOMENT Tom Hayden. 2002. The American political system is not the democratic model of which its glorifiers speak.matrix. 1999. sitting on cold pavements and hard floors. p.html.. the bureaucracies. one which moves us and. For the first time in memory. It was honorable to protest that situation. np.

activist and former California state legislator. At my university. They spent an entire week involved in the process of lobbying the government to terminate the war. That was the University of Michigan in 1960. the president of Yale. in the 60s. how should we regard the official claim that the US was in Viet Nam to stop Chinese communism? Speaking of moral relativism. What would Bloom make of that situation? His focus is so confused because he chooses his events so selectively. p. 20.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. to be much more accurate about the 60s than Bloom. 20. #4. #4. That administrative behavior deserved a revolt. And it did. If there has been an erosion of general education. 20. thinking stopped with the moral indignation over the Vietnam War and racial injustice. Volume 4. NPQ: Bloom argues that. Furthermore. Volume 9 Page 79 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM 1. activist and former California state legislator. If we accept Bloom's Platonic model . #4. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY.wcdebate. Fall 1987. One week after the Kent State shootings. Fall 1987. How was that caused by the 60s? Those attitudes obviously result from the drive of the marketplace and the tendency of the university to provide for the immediate professional needs of society. Volume 4. Wright Mills and Albert Camus rather than Allan Bloom's prescriptions is wrong. #4. The 60s were an intellectual and intensely introspective decade. led one thousand Yale students to Washington in protest. Did that damage Yale? Did it morally and intellectually cripple the thousand students who participated? I think not. Was that a worthy undertaking by a university leader? Absolutely. p. the most traditional US Secretary of Education we have ever had. He complains that students become economics majors prematurely and they all go to university with fantasies about becoming millionaires. I'll give another example. ALLAN BLOOM¶S FOCUS IS CONFUSED: HE SELECTS THE WRONG ISSUES Tom Hayden. the whitest universities elitists could want and the income base of the people attending our universities is safely affluent. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. p. but it can't improve on a black admission rate of 5% or 6%. that erosion comes from turning the university to the specialized uses of society. how are we to interpret Edward Teller's views on limited nuclear war? If academic leaders proclaim that the university is doing the best it can.com . THE 1960s WEREN¶T ABOUT RELATIVISM: THEY INTRODUCED REAL MORALITY Tom Hayden. Speaking of mindlessness. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. and Bloom knows that. 2. the university will unfortunately reap a whirlwind. activist and former California state legislator. That omission is another reason why his book is so baffling. Volume 4.the legitimacy of questioning everything . and it's not anti-intellectual to revolt against those attitudes. But far from being a time which gave birth to moral relativism. 20. Volume 4. and they say those things loudly on the edge of the Oakland ghetto. activist and former California state legislator. or Morningside Heights. Fall 1987.then of course one of the occasional consequences will be rebellious behavior. 3. BLOOM IS WRONG ± HIS IDEA OF THE UNIVERSITY HASN¶T EXISTED FOR CENTURIES Tom Hayden. but it's confused because the cloistered community of scholars Bloom describes has not existed for many centuries. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Kingman Brewster. Fall 1987. 4. HAYDEN¶S CRITICS HAVE MANY MORE MORAL PROBLEMS THAN HE DOES Tom Hayden. To view the 60s as mindless because many of us followed C. p. We have the most conservative president we have ever had. Does Bloom have a point? Hayden: Of course he has a point. She was deploying a network of informants who notified parents of the white girls who were seen socializing with black men in the student union. the Dean of Women was not encouraging reading in Greek tragedy. the 60s introduced morality into an amoral society and a materialistic university. let's also not forget the 60s are over.

May/June 1997. http://www. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.org/taemj97s. May/June 1997. destroyed the presidential chances of Hubert Humphrey and moved the Democratic party dramatically to the left. This fit with the general strategy Hayden had laid out in private discussions with me.wcdebate. which soon became the largest student organization of the New Left. former radical. former radical. As principal architect of the Port Huron Statement in 1962.theamericanenterprise.htm.htm. http://www. Hayden¶s plans attracted only two or three thousand people to Lincoln Park. http://www. including the Black Panthers¶ Bobby Seale. former radical. accessed May 1.theamericanenterprise. it "radicalizes them.org/taemj97s. But that was enough to generate trouble²Hayden¶s real agenda. HAYDEN PROPELLED THE LEFT WING DEMOCRATS INTO POWER David Horowitz. 2. HAYDEN LURED PEOPLE TO CHICAGO FOR THE EXPRESS PURPOSE OF RIOTING David Horowitz. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE.org/taemj97s. and the chaos on the convention floor. Because of such considerations. admitted a decade later that the organizers had lured activists to Chicago hoping to create the riot that eventually took place. everybody knew it meant a confrontation with the Chicago police that could prove bloody.theamericanenterprise." as Mao¶s Red Guards had done during the cultural revolution in China. When he called for a demonstration at the 1968 Democratic national convention to protest the Vietnam War. One of the conspirators. 3. the defendants created a near-riot in the courtroom itself. HAYDEN AND SDS ONLY WANTED TO STIR UP TROUBLE David Horowitz. During the trial. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. Volume 9 Page 80 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE 1. he said more than once. 2002. When people¶s heads are cracked by police.com . Tom Hayden had helped launch Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Jerry Rubin. Seale was so obstructive that the judge ordered him bound and gagged. May/June 1997.htm. Chicago¶s Mayor Daley had recently ordered his police to shoot looters. Four years later.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. When the dust cleared in Chicago. 2002. The picture of a black man in chains was a made-to-order script for the radical melodrama. Ramparts editor-in-chief Warren Hinckle decided to participate by publishing a "wall paper. were indicted for conspiring to create a riot. A radical street protest would put people¶s lives at risk. During the riots that followed the assassination of Martin Luther King. The ensuing melee changed the shape of American politics. Hayden and the protesters provided the push and the party rule changes that pushed the antiwar candidacy of George McGovern and propelled the party¶s left wing into power. Hayden and seven other radicals. The now-famous pictures of demonstrators being bloodied by police. 2002. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. accessed May 1. accessed May 1." The trick was to maneuver the idealistic and unsuspecting into situations that would achieve this result.

" Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and Saturday. 5. At the event. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE.org/taemj97s.htm.wcdebate.frontpagemag.com . We are so often told by Gitlin and others that Tom Hayden. that he expected 25 people to die.htm. a group organized by Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin. assuring everyone that his intentions were nonviolent. Wednesday. 2002. Thursday. showed the possibility of a true democratic radicalism. BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE 1.theamericanenterprise. causing the radical historian Staughton Lynd to comment that "on Monday. who wrote the famed SDS Port Huron statement in the movement¶s early days. Sid Peck. 2001.htm. Todd Gitlin. Hayden defiantly incited the crowd to "make sure that if blood is going to flow. We¶re gonna barbecue us some pork!" Once the violence started. Hayden then went to the most radical elements in the Left²those who actively advocated violence as a political tactic²and proposed that they provoke a conflict with the police who would be at the demonstration. he«was on the left wing of the Democratic party. he warned one group in New York that "they should come to Chicago prepared to shed their blood. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left.org/taemj97s." 4. HAYDEN TRIED TO MAKE BLOOD FLOW ALL OVER THE CITY David Horowitz. May/June 1997.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. later told me with somebitterness that Hayden had been "extremely deceptive" in outlining his agenda for the gathering. the New Left and the Leftover Left. May/June 1997. and you check around and you got your piece.theamericanenterprise. it will flow all over the city. According to Hayden¶s own retrospective account. former radical. Hayden gave Bobby Seale a platform in Lincoln Park. and on Tuesday. 2002. accessed May 1. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. Hayden also met before the convention with the Weatherman faction of sds. Some would like to separate the rest of the so-called moderate New Left from the Weatherman. 3. Having secured pacifist cover. has condemned Ayers as a "failed terrorist.htm. you got to down that pig in defense of yourself. but it gives the lie to those who argue that there is simply no connection between the early humanist New Left and the later Weathermen. accessed May 1. Hayden proposed to them that "It might be useful if someone were to fire-bomb police cars. 2002. HAYDEN REALLY ADVOCATED FIREBOMBING COP CARS David Horowitz.theamericanenterprise. and Seale addressed the crowd with the suggestive exhortation that "If a pig comes up to us and starts swinging a billy club. former radical. accessed May 1. November 27. http://www. It is therefore good that Ayers reminds us of Hayden¶s speech to the Weatherman at their Days of Rage. who alarmed Chicago officials by immediately threatening to put lsd in the Chicago water supply. Volume 9 Page 81 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE. a member of mobe. May/June 1997. As one of the Weather leaders told me later. Hayden¶s duplicity continued throughout the event. former radical. HAYDEN WAS A GUERILLA BOMBTHROWER David Horowitz." You won¶t find this in Hayden¶s own memoir. Hayden gave the New Left the alternative of entering into the nation¶s democratic political structure and waging a serious political fight for left-wing social policies within the two-party system. and Friday [Hayden] was a National Liberation Front guerrilla. Rennie Davis." Anyone who knew Tom knew that the bombthrower was the real Hayden.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01." and he told his co-organizer. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now. one of SDS¶s first leaders. http://www." and accuses him of responsibility for destroying what he saw as becoming a mass democratic Left. 2002. http://www. the pacifist group that issued the call to the Chicago demonstration. accessed May 2. when Hayden told the rioters "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. which had issued a call for "armed struggle" in American cities. He recruited the Yippies. http://www. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. PREACHING PACIFISM. HAYDEN ADVOCATED VIOLENCE Ronald Radosh.org/taemj97s.

2 One of Zinn¶s primary arguments against this approach is that the disinterested and ³rational´ approach to history facilitates a distance between the historian and the subject matter that leads to complicity with evils in history: It is precisely by describing the brutality of war. ³Zinn and the Art of History. These are that writing should be disinterested. 506 4 Zinn.. revolutionized the way history is told. has sold more than 800.html Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. objective.´5 This is due. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 503-506 3 Zinn.e. the character flaws of our leaders. p. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. Volume 9 Page 82 HOWARD ZINN Howard Zinn is a historian and activist to take note of by any measure. His progressive history text. that is. In contrast. he actively engages it. scientific (i.htm 2 Howard Zinn. Zinn is not only prolific but is considered one of the most accessible modern historical writers. I will address each of these in turn.18. either nationally or in terms of his own life. Because many of them are framed in terms of their historical context.org/index23. from the perspective of those who have been disempowered throughout each era. and an autobiographical commentary on politics and history. History has traditionally been told as though there was an objective truth waiting to be discovered and written. This is particularly the case in texts that claim to be at all comprehensive. but almost universally accepted. he integrates the concepts of historiography with activism. accessed May 11. no date. In his essay ³The Uses of Scholarship. such as history textbooks used in schools.000 copies. [and] popular leaders.com . p.1 In addition to his historical writing. it makes them appear more credible and authoritative than their competitors. and the lies propagated by ³politicians.´ Zinn critiques what he sees as the sometimes unspoken. April 18-24 1996. 507 5 Zack Stenz. rather than shying away from controversy. and rational (unemotional).96/books9616. THE ZINN READER. spoken word CDs. He received his Doctorate in history from Columbia and is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. Howard Zinn takes an entirely different approach to the writing of history. that students can be taught to think critically about the world that they live in.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. There are a number of different values and philosophical arguments that Zinn writes about. rules for ³good´ scholarship. 2002. 1997.´4 for example. this essay will engage each of these values in the context he provides. accessed May 12. neutral). THE ZINN READER. p. np.wcdebate. p. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Most United States history is told from a perspective that puts the government and politicians at the center. CRITIQUES OF HISTORIOGRAPHY Zinn¶s seminal text. he tells the narrative of history from the bottom up. These books have a vested interest in making their version of history appear definitive. 2002. from the author¶s perspective. http://howardzinn. The author of more than 15 books.metroactive. within the context of history.com/papers/sonoma/04. narrowly tailored to one academic discipline. the church.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. the mass media. because. The second way that Zinn¶s historical methodology challenges the dominant orthodoxy is that it describes history from the standpoint of the oppressed. he has authored several plays. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. to Zinn¶s personal background 1 Interview of Howard Zinn by Robert Birnbaum. and ignores the daily lives of ordinary citizens. in part. ³Zinn is a champion of the notion that historical change occurs more through mass movements of ordinary people than through the wisdom and insight of so-called Great Men. http://www. There are four ways in particular that Zinn¶s historical methodology radically different from the norm: he recognizes (and even embraces) the bias in perspective that is a natural part of historiography.

and closely related to the last point. This is the perspective of much of his historical writing (A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES includes lots of infrequently taught labor union history) as well as the chapter of his memoir called ³Growing Up Class Conscious´ from YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN. np. Some of these fallacies are specific to the role of the court system in ensuring justice. and anti-fascist writers. accessed May 12. Despite the benefits of that job. his youth heavily influenced his perspective on class in the United States: ³If you look at the laws passed in the United States from the very beginning of the [A]merican republic down to the present day.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. he won a New Deal job as an apprentice shipfitter. but extends to all of his writing. Instead. in part because of his commitment to stirring up controversy. However. 8 Howard Zinn. each of which refutes one of the primary arguments made by opponents of civil disobedience. a ³Negro college´ in a deeply segregated area. and ³when 6 7 Stenz. Georgia. anarchist. Zinn explained: ³I could see history being made before my eyes by ordinary people who are never written about in the history books. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. and prohibited union membership. such as his retelling of the colonization of North America from the perspective of indigenous peoples.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In 1956 Zinn moved his wife and children to Atlanta. Zinn argues that if one is punished for breaking an unjust law. AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES Zinn writes extensively. 2002. np.´7 In addition to these issues of racism. MOTHER JONES. and others.´8 Despite being someone who might be described as having ³pulled himself up by his bootstraps´ to raise from a working class background to a famous intellectual. Third. and he confesses that he isn't surprised«. YOU MUST ACCEPT PUNISHMENT IF YOU COMMIT CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE This fallacy derives from the glorification of Socrates¶ decision to accept his unjust death sentence.com . however. Zinn is well known for integrating his own personal advocacy and activism with his writing. he is a proponent of progressive social and economic policy."Whenever you introduce a new view of historical events.org/index23. from his role as a professor. ³[D]espite his popularity. and various communist. which was painful.wcdebate. the role socioeconomic class played throughout history greatly effected Zinn.´6 His perspective is that revolutionary and even utopian ideas are crucial for shaking up the stronghold conservatives have over academia. lived in tenements. Zinn's brand of "bottom-up" history has been reviled by political conservatives. in nearly all of his books. particularly the United States. Z MAG. 1998. Inspired by his students. during the depression. which favors the rich. This makes him simultaneously one of the most loved and hated historians of this era. You'll find huge subsidies to corporations all through [A]merican history. Finally.htm Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p." Zinn says. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Zinn does not shy away from controversy in either his historical writing or his commentary on modern political events in magazines such as THE PROGRESSIVE. At age eighteen. Upton Sinclair. Volume 9 Page 83 with the civil rights movement and the labor movement. the guardians of the old order will spring to the attack. http://howardzinn. particularly former Supreme Court Associate Justice Abe Fortas. Stenz. and at a young age was influenced by the writing of Charles Dickens. you'll find that most of the legislation passed is class legislation which favors the elite. he participated in extensive protest with his students. This stems. about the role of social protest and civil disobedience within democratic societies. to take a position as the chair of the history and social sciences department at Spelman College. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. is focused specifically on this topic. but I will focus on those concerning the role of the social protester. One of his lesser known books. then the punishment itself is unjust. who were engaged in non-violent civil disobedience. to a great degree. and his next job as an Air Force bomber. physically demanding. John Stienbeck. and as a result eventually wrote the book DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY (his treatise on civil disobedience). Marx. he does not identify with those who argue that hard work is all that is needed to get ahead. December 3. Zinn came from a working class background. The book is organized into nine sections. as well as many essays about his specific experience at Spelman. p. NONVIOLENCE.

Zinn distinguishes between different levels of violence. Zinn points out. This principle would also proscribe any solution to injustice resulting not from unjust laws. and progress generally. in the course of a protest. blocking streets.. 48 10 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he sees the ultimate end of civil disobedience. One virtue of Zinn¶s writing is that he does not explicitly encourage violence. the reason this principle is invalid is that it fails to distinguish between important and trivial laws in the context of preventing massive injustice. but instead finds a middle ground between violence and nonviolence. Volume 9 Page 84 unjust decisions are accepted. In any humanist philosophy. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. injustice is sanctioned and perpetuated. nonviolence is better than violence..wcdebate. the more it is aimed carefully at either a foreign controlling power. 1968.´ which Zinn argues are taken out of context when they are characterized as arguing that protesters must accept the punishment for their acts of civil disobedience. but the failure of the government to enforce just laws (e. Unfortunately. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. On the one hand.´9 In fact. p. in his essay ³Letter From A Birmingham Jail. In a theoretical sense. 29 Howard Zinn.11 9 Howard Zinn. a massive amount of violence for a small or dubious reason would be harder to justify than a small amount of violence for an important and a clear reason. Zinn writes. it treats protest like a game to argue that protesters should accept the penalty for losing instead of continuing their protest to the end. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE LIMITED TO LAWS WHICH ARE THEMSELVES WRONG Statists argue that violating laws other than those which are directly unfair is unjustified. may be morally defensible. desegregation). most of the people who respond to this argument are people²such as Malcom X and Ward Churchill²who explicitly espouse levels of violence that may be difficult to defend. This would include violating curfews. On the other hand.com . 1968. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE ABSOLUTELY NONVIOLENT There are a plethora of excellent theorists²including Gandhi. for example. Zinn outlines several situations which demonstrate the inanity of this principle. a distinction must be drawn between violence against people and violence against property. p. by Zinn. 45 11 Howard Zinn. Planned acts of violence in an enormously important cause (the resistance against Hitler may be an example) could be justifiable. as being a nonviolent world. when the segregation was not a public law but a decision by a private business owner. p. Perhaps the most obvious example were the ³sit ins´ in the segregated South which violated laws against trespassing. and Thoreau²who argue for the benefits of nonviolence. This argument. is useful in answering quotations from Martin Luther King Jr.´10 The litmus test for determining the legitimacy of violence in civil disobedience has to do with the degree to which it is discriminating: Violence might be justifiable as it approaches the focusing and control of surgery. Generally. Martin Luther King Jr. or a local tyrannical elite. Furthermore. Revolutionary warfare. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. because it is counterviolence directed only at a perpetrator of violence«. even thinkers like Gandhi and Thoreau at times defended the use of violence when no other option was available. Zinn argues that all things being equal.g. 1968. Self-defense is by its nature focused. etc. Moreover. he points out that the severity of the protest must be weighed against the severity of the injustice: ³Would not any reasonable code have to weigh the degree of violence used in any case against the importance of the issue at stake? Thus.

But stability and order are not the only desirable conditions social life. Absolute obedience to law may bring order temporarily. when there are no other viable means of successful protest. as when it forbids rape and murder or requires a school to admit all students regardless of race or nationality.metroactive. 2002. Zinn¶s argument is that limited violence is justified when the oppression being fought is extreme. Chaos and violence are not.¶´ 15 This demonstrates the fundamental distinction Zinn draws between how conservatives define patriotism and how he defines it.com/papers/sonoma/04. as Zinn writes: ³The law may serve justice. THE ZINN READER. as we have seen throughout history. thus making civil disobedience unjustified.´14 It is in these instances that civil disobedience is justified. I take a very positive view toward the mass movements of people in America who have fought to make the country a better place. in various terms. and when the target of the violence is directly responsible for the oppression. Zinn argues that there is a substantial difference between loyalty to the government of a country and loyalty to the country itself. social. Many conservative historians.¶ Zinn says. and she sees no other effective method. the majority denies basic principles of justice to the minority for the sake of the majority¶s benefit.18. and will therefore be just. p. and order are desirable.´12 The most important question then becomes: when the law does not serve the cause of justice. The first of these arguments is that regardless of whether the laws are just or unjust. There are two primary differences First. but it may not bring justice. 370-371 Zinn. when an individual sees injustice in the world around her. There is also justice«. be it material. then law and justice are opposed to one another. This is certainly true at times. and must therefore be followed. is that law is created by the people. April 18-24 1996. THE ZINN READER. do citizens have a greater obligation to ensure lawfulness or justice? Zinn writes: Thus. they maintain peace and stability. Thus. stability. 370-371 15 Zack Stenz. µBut«while it's true that I take a very critical view of the United States government in history. The second justification for the argument that the law (at least in a democracy) has intrinsic value. Zinn argued that ³the great writers could see through the fog of what was called µpatriotism. the minority is structurally precluded from using the law to advance their rights. peace. Often. she is justified in violating laws²even if that lawlessness leads to social instability²to fight to stop the injustice. accessed May 11. civil disobedience may be the only possible method for fighting for justice. it will protect whatever the majority sees as just. or anything else. and in these cases it is irrefutable that the law ought be followed. have ³µcharacterized A People's History as a ³Hate America´ book. THE ZINN READER. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent.html 13 12 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. It is too simplistic to argue that because democracy is majoritarian.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. even civil disobedience that has good intentions is unjust. therefore.com . thus represents the common sentiment of what is just. http://www. But when it sends young men to war.¶ what was considered Zinn. Volume 9 Page 85 In essence. when it protects the rich and punishes the poor. particularly for a United States historian. The problem with this view is that it places stability at a premium while ignoring the price of that stability: ³Surely. Nevertheless. There is no better example of such a case than in the civil rights movement in the United States. p. p. It is hard to imagine how anyone could read Zinn¶s articles or book chapters about the civil rights or labor movements without sensing the strong sense of pride he feels in American people. 371 14 Zinn. RULE OF LAW HAS INTRINSIC VALUE / DEMOCRACY MAKES PROTEST UNNECESSARY There are two primary justifications for the argument that the law has intrinsic value and that. PATRIOTISM AND OPTIMISM Zinn is frequently criticized for not being sufficiently patriotic. In these situations.96/books9616.

http://www. April 18-24 1996. attempt to describe a world of oppressive futility. Zinn is not purely critical of the United States government and its leaders.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Howard Zinn. he quoted from the satire A CONNECTICUT YANKEE IN KING ARTHUR'S COURT. 2002. far from being unpatriotic. Thus. His optimism leads him to take a more balanced approach: ³the left hasn't balanced its act very well«. As he argues in his examination of civil disobedience. 2002. The second aspect of Zinn¶s redefinition of patriotism is his insistence that criticizing the government. http://www. eternal part of what makes America America is not the government. to show people in the present day that they can fight back and win. ³Artists of Resistency. by Mark Twain: Similarly. However. July 2001. but they haven't shown what people have done to resist these policies. accessed May 11. ³Artists of Resistency.¶´ 16 To demonstrate the distinction. July 2001.progressive. accessed May 11. is actually one of the best ways of being a patriot.´ THE PROGRESSIVE. And that's a critical thing to do.org/zinn0701.org/zinn0701.html 17 Howard Zinn. in which the government is overwhelmingly bad and cannot be resisted. Only by exercizing the right (and duty) to protest do we as individuals truly participate in democracy.´ THE PROGRESSIVE. Volume 9 Page 86 loyalty.com/papers/sonoma/04.metroactive. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent.com . he writes history from a perspective which demonstrates the gains that have been made by social movements since the government was established. accessed May 11.html 16 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in contrast to the perception of his critics. Instead.´18 One important aspect of Zinn¶s writing is that it does not. but the people and the social movements that have fought for justice for all people. challenging unjust governmental policies is an integral part of being a citizen of a democracy. Zinn feels that the real.96/books9616.18.html 18 Zack Stenz. 2002.progressive. http://www. often successfully.wcdebate. They've done a very good job of illuminating the various bad policies of the American government. by protesting we strengthen and engage in the true democratic spirit of America.

freespeech.org/evolution/articles. Howard. HOWARD ZINN: ON HISTORY. Abe. 2001 Zinn. New York: Signet Books. 2002 Zinn.org/ HOWARD ZINN¶S ZNET HOMEPAGE. 2000 Zinn. Accessed May 17.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2002. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Publishing. A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES: 1492 TO PRESENT. New York: Vintage Books. 2002. Howard. HOWARD ZINN ON WAR. AND THE FIGHTING SPIRIT OF LABOR'S LAST CENTURY. 1994 Zinn. 2001 Zinn. Howard. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY.cfm?authorID=97 Zinn.zmag. http://free. Accessed May 17.htm HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. Boston: Beacon Press. New York: Harper Perennial. New York: Seven Stories Press. 1991 Zinn. YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN: A PERSONAL HISTORY OF OUR TIMES. Howard. TERRORISM AND WAR (OPEN MEDIA PAMPHLET SERIES). 1968 Zinn. Accessed May 17. New York: Seven Stories Press. Howard. DECLARATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE : CROSS-EXAMINING AMERICAN IDEOLOGY. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. Volume 9 Page 87 BIBLIOGRAPHY Churchill.wcdebate. 1964 FREESPEECH. New York: Seven Stories Press. New York: Harper Perennial. 2002. New York: Seven Stories Press. 1997 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. MUSICIANS. Boston: Beacon Press. THREE STRIKES: MINERS. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY : REFLECTIONS ON THE ROLE OF ARMED STRUGGLE IN NORTH AMERICA. Howard. Ward.ORG. http://www. 1999 Fortas.org/bios/homepage. et al.howardzinn. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES ON LAW AND ORDER. Howard.com . http://www. 2000 Zinn. Howard. SALESGIRLS. Howard.

and indiscriminate violence turns people (rightly) away. What it does do is refuse the universal principle that you must always obey the law. that has not been done by the three branches of government that are always paraded before junior high school students and high school students as the essence of democracy. white people. The other is the reason of effectiveness: The purpose of civil disobedience is to communicate to others. And what it does is declare a willingness to decide when laws are consonant with morality and when laws are immoral and support terrible things like war or racism or sexism.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. And so laws that sustain injustice should be disobeyed. The Fugitive Slave Act required the federal government to aid southern slave owners in bringing escaped slaves back to the South. Volume 9 Page 88 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED 1. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. they gathered together in committees. when they were brought up on charges and put on trial. Well people in the North. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DENIES THAT LAWS ARE ALWAYS MORAL OR CORRECT Howard Zinn. escaped slaves. accessed May 12. to overt violence: it would have to guarded. It's always taken the actions of citizens and actions of civil disobedience to bring these issues to national attention and finally force the President and Congress and the Supreme Court to begin to move. One is the moral reason: that violence is in itself an evil. There are two reasons for such criteria.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. to disorder. 2002. limited. accessed May 12. you'll see that it wasn't Lincoln who caused the anti-slavery sentiment in the country to grow. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.org/index23. 1998. And they used certainly acts of civil disobedience. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS NECESSARY FOR JUSTICE Howard Zinn. And in the 1850s. 2002. Lincoln was reacting to the growth of the movement that became stronger and stronger from the 1830s to the outbreak of the civil war. may move from mild actions. But the idea of civil disobedience is that Law is not sacrosanct. 1998.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. They broke into courthouses and into jailhouses to rescue escaped slaves. free black people. http://howardzinn. It hasn't been Congress or the President or the Supreme Court who have initiated acts to remedy racial inequality or tho do something about the government going to war or about economic injustice. or in) self-defense. Because juries recognized the morality of what they were doing even though they had broken the law. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY BE JUSTIFIED BY SPECIFIC CRITERIA Howard Zinn. 2.org/index23.htm I think that the history of the United States indicates that when we have had to redress serious grievances.wcdebate. 1968. and preferably directed against property rather than people. 3. And in a number of cases. If you go back a hundred and fifty years ago to the middle of the nineteenth century. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. December 3. All this is to suggest what criteria need to be kept in mind whenever civil disobedience. and other means have been exhausted. injustices of all sorts. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. You were talking about this going on for hundreds of years. juries acquitted them. sometimes the law that is disobeyed is a law against trespassing or a law against picketing and people will commit civil disobedience and trespass as the sitdown strikers did in the United States in the 1930s when they took over factories or as the black protesters did in the civil rights movement in the United States when they sat down in lunch counters and refused to move. Sometimes though it's the law itself that's disobeyed. December 3. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. to the 1850s. 48-49. and so can only be justified in those circumstances where it is a last resort in eliminating a greater evil.htm The principle of civil disobedience doesn't state as a universal that you must always disobey the law (laughter).com . p. in situations of urgency where very vital issues are at stake. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. aimed carefully at the source of injustice. black people. http://howardzinn. manifested itself in many acts of civil disobedience against the Fugitive Slave Act that had been passed in 1850.

DEMOCRATIC LAW IS NOT SACROSANCT. it is obedience to governments.com . 2. she responded quietly. the representative takes over (as Rousseau. and justice. their calls for war. we have found it necessary to go outside ³the proper channels´ at certain pivotal times in our history. freedom. Or perhaps we should say ³ignore man-made law. and again during the sit-down strikes of the 1930¶s. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. when Dan went underground. Victor Considerant pointed out) and we have lost our freedom.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Historically. by the very government that condemned John Brown to death for seeking a less costly means of emancipating the slave. for the most part nonviolent. 65-66. we have freedom to speak.. that is responsible for the terrible violence of our century. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University.htm So the Law should not be given the holy deference which we are all taught to give it when we grow up and go to school. Kennedy Campaigning). has been directed to stopping the violence of war. So to me the idea of civil dissobedience is to really enhance democracy. ³It¶s not God¶s law.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE.wcdebate. once referred to the biblical Genesis of the human race and the bite into the forbidden apple: ³Human history began with an act of disobedience and it is not unlikely that it will be terminated by an act of obedience. Surely. thinking about nuclear war. Undemocratic because it divests you as an individual and the right to make a decision yourself about what is right or wrong and it gives all of that power to that small band of legislators who have decided for themselves what is right and what is wrong. We forget that the information on which the public depends for judging public issues is in the hands of the wealthiest sections of the (true. ironically. The disobedience of conscientious citizens. We have been naive in America about the efficacy of the ballot box and representative government to rectify injustice. Slavery probably could not he ended without either a series of revolts by blacks. December 3.that wealth dominates the electoral process (see Murray Levin¶s meticulous study. a devastating war waged. 2002. The feeling is justified. And the rights of even a portion of the laboring population were secured only by extra-legal uprisings in a wave of violent labor struggles from 1877 to 1914. 400-401. We forget (hence all the emphasis in recent years on voting rights for the Negro) how inadequate is the ballot. (Daniel Berrigan¶s elderly mother was asked by a reporter. accessed May 12. the principles of peace. that the moment we have cast our ballots. that the two-party system is_only slightly less tyrannical than the one-party system. 1998. p. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. PROTEST IS NECESSARY WHEN VOTING FAILS TO PROMOTE JUSTICE Howard Zinn. Volume 9 Page 89 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE 1. and before him. 3. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ENHANCES DEMOCRACY Howard Zinn. the law of the politicians´ to obey the higher law²what Reverend Coffin and Father Berrigan would call ³the law of God´ and what others might call the law of human rights. The psychologist Erich Fromm. in their appeals to patriotism. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY.org/index23. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. 1968. or finally. but how much of an audience we can speak to depends on how much money we have). how she felt about her son defying the law. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University.´) The truth is so often the total reverse of what has been told us by our culture that we cannot turn our heads far enough around to see it. p. and it's a profoundly undemocratic idea to say that you should judge what you do according to what the law says. for Michels¶ ³iron law of oligarchy´ operates to keep us at the mercy of powerful politicos in both parties. IT MAY BE VIOLATED ON BEHALF OF JUSTICE Howard Zinn. http://howardzinn. We forget what the history of American politics has shown repeatedly: that there is only the vaguest connection between the issues debated in an election campaign and those ultimately decided by the government.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The result of all this is that most of us²when we are honest with ourselves²feel utterly helpless to affect public policy by the orthodox channels. 1997.

p. This is true in many instances of refusal to submit to induction. and at the same time claim a right in himself to break it by lawless conduct. Frequently. It is the state¶s duty to arrest and punish those who violate the laws designed to protect private safety and public order. 70-71. who refused to pay withholding taxes because she thought they were unlawful and she wanted to protest the invasion of her freedom as a capitalist and citizen. 1968. He may. indeed. Especially if the civil disobedience involves violence or a breach of public order prohibited by statute or ordinance.com . and as a matter of good sense. An enormous degree of self-control and discipline are required on both sides. so that it can be conducted without paralyzing the city¶s life. These mass demonstrations. Both of these are essential. However careful both sides may be. This is very different from the kind of civil disobedience which is not engaged in for the purpose of testing the legality of an order within our system of government and laws. The city must perform this duty. it is the city¶s duty under law. persuasion. unless the law is invalid in general or as applied. But at the same time. CITIZENS SHOULD NOT VIOLATE THE RULE OF LAW FOR THE SAKE OF PROTEST Abe Fortas. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. If he is properly arrested. a young man may be advised by counsel that he must refuse to report for induction in order to challenge the constitutionality of the Selective Service Act. Volume 9 Page 90 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED 1. he should be punished by fine or imprisonment. but which is practiced as a technique of warfare in a social and political conflict over other issues. Just as we expect the government to be bound by all laws. as well as practical wisdom.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 62-63. The motive of civil disobedience. free of punishment or penalty. It must be prepared to prevent this by the use of planning. A citizen cannot demand of his government or of other people obedience to the law. p. and any move that they may make toward violence must be quickly countered. civil disobedience is prompted by both motives²by both a desire to make propaganda and to challenge the law. But despite this. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. however noble. however large and inconvenient. police and citizens must be tolerant of mass demonstrations. GOOD MOTIVATIONS FOR CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DO NOT MAKE IT JUSTIFIED Abe Fortas. it is the state¶s duty to arrest the dissident. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. always involve the danger that they may erupt into violence. or both. charged. whatever their object. He cannot pick and choose. ordered. and to provide protection for the demonstrators. We are a government and a people under law. be right in the eyes of history or morality or philosophy. Just as our form of life depends upon the government¶s subordination to law under the Constitution. He may be passionately inspired. Demonstrators must be organized. and convicted. of course. Vivian Kellems. our Constitution and our traditions. 64-65. Law violation or intemperate behavior by one demonstrator may provoke police action. but his essay should not be read as a handbook on political science. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. Agitators and provocateurs. JUSTIFYING ITS RESTRAING Abe Fortas. in accordance with the provisions of law. 1968. 3. and controlled. He may be motivated by the highest moral principles. so each individual is bound by all of the laws under the Constitution.wcdebate. Intemperate or hasty retaliation by a single policeman may provoke disorder. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY SPIRAL OUT OF CONTROL. however peacefully intended by their organizers. must be identified. teach us that city officials. For example. does not confer immunity for law violation. so it also depends upon the individual¶s subservience to the laws duly prescribed. No city should be expected to submit to paralysis or to widespread injury to persons and property brought on by violation of law. and restrained law enforcement. 1968. 2. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. whatever its type. Police must be trained in tact as well as tactics. to make every effort to provide adequate facilities so that the demonstration can be effectively staged. Each of us must live under law. These are not controlling. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. isolated acts of a few persons will overwhelm the restraint of thousands. and civil disobedience may turn into riot. for the rules of law. It was true in the case of Mrs. It is not merely government that must live under law. This is the dangerous potential of mass demonstrations. Thoreau was an inspiring figure and a great writer. He cannot substitute his own judgment or passion. Let me first be clear about a fundamental proposition. there is always danger that individual. p.

it is inadequate on its own. NONVIOLENCE DO NOT CREATE SUSTAINABLE VICTORIES Brian Martin. Bomber pilots show little remorse for the agony caused by their weapons detonating far below. or.e. The new Islamic regime led by Ayatollah Khomeini was just as ruthless as its predecessor in stamping out dissent. NONVIOLENT STRATEGIES ARE UNABLE TO EFFECTUATE CHANGE Ward Churchill. p. Australia. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In every instance. in which case they will likely be largely ignored by the status quo and self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. To make themselves a clear and apparent danger to the state. at least a relative degree of nonviolence). The aftermath of the Iranian revolution was equally disastrous. pseudo-praxis). 2002. Accessed May 17.html It is important to note that not all uses of nonviolent action lead to long-lasting. 2002. The mass suffering that revolution is intended to alleviate will continue as the revolution strangles itself on the altar of ³nonviolence. Perhaps more worrying are the dispiriting aftermaths following some short-term successes of nonviolent action.wcdebate. Associate Professor in Science. and continued repression in following decades. 44 Absurdity clearly abounds when suggesting that the state will refrain from using all necessary physical force to protect against undesired forms of change and threats to its safety. but has little chance when cause and effect are separated. if followed to its logical conclusions. Nonviolent tacticians imply (perhaps unwittingly) that the ³immoral state´ which they seek to transform will somehow exhibit exactly the same sort of superior morality they claim for themselves (i. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM.uow. NONVIOLENCE FAILS IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN CONFLICTS Brian Martin. http://www. the successful nonviolent insurrection against the Martínez dictatorship did not lead to long term improvement for the El Salvadorean people. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong. or even a substantial social reorganization.uow. There was a military coup later in 1944. in practical terms.html The consent theory of power Gandhi approached nonviolent action as a moral issue and. Nonviolent action is not guaranteed to succeed either in the short term or long term.edu. Australia. History is replete with variations on these two subthemes. The 1989 prodemocracy movement in China.´ 2. Associate Professor in Science. p. the induced starvation of whole populations and the like. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong. more appropriately. The fallacy of such a proposition is best demonstrated by the nazi state¶s removal of its ³Jewish threat.edu. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY. in which case they are subject to physical liquidation by the status quo and are self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. was crushed in the Beijing massacre. 2001. As these conditions typically include war. np. Professor of Ethnic Studies and Coordinator of American Indian Studies at University of Colorado. worthwhile change. brought into being on the basis of the principles of pacifism. 2001. leaves its adherents with but two possible outcomes to their line of action: To render themselves perpetually ineffectual (and consequently unthreatening) in the face of state power. Volume 9 Page 91 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS 1.com .au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. but variations do little to alter the crux of the situation: there simply has never been a revolution. http://www. 3. while managers of large international banks have little inkling of the suffering caused by their lending policies in foreign countries. In either event ² mere ineffectuality or suicide ² the objective conditions leading to the necessity for social revolution remain unlikely to be altered by purely pacifist strategies. Pacifist praxis (or. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. after a short flowering. 2001. In El Salvador in 1944. While this approach explains some aspects of the power of nonviolent action. p.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. np. as a means for persuading opponents to change their minds as a result of their witnessing the commitment and willing sacrifice of nonviolent activists.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. pacifism and its attendant sacrifice of life cannot even be rightly said to have substantially impacted the level of evident societal violence. ³ Violent intervention by others divides itself naturally into the two parts represented by Gandhi¶s unsolicited ³windfall´ of massive violence directed against his opponents and King¶s rather more conscious and deliberate utilization of incipient antistate violence as a means of advancing his own pacifist agenda.. violence has been an integral requirement of the process of transforming the state. Accessed May 17. Moral persuasion sometimes works in face-to-face encounters.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Jr. and received his bachelor¶s degree in an interdisciplinary major from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1958.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.D program in government at Harvard. Nye was recruited to join his transition team as a consultant on nuclear proliferation. from the Democratic establishment sources like Strobe Talbott and Madeleine Albright to academics of all kinds. It¶s hard to imagine the left cozying up to him very much. While he is certainly a product of his upbringing and intellectual culture. and his viewpoints are refreshing in their lack of ideological predisposition. bald white establishment guy. those are some big outstretched wings. I wouldn¶t want to wash my car while that seagull is flying overhead. Nye kept up his prolific writing on international security issues. after which he returned to Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government to teach. JR. doing his post-graduate work at Oxford University. Nye grew up on a farm in Northwest New Jersey. you¶d sort of be right. and imagine the wings praising Nye as belonging to some giant bird. You might think that Nye is merely another old. JR. THE LIFE OF JOSEPH NYE. he is at least apparently willing to try to step outside that rigid intellectual framework as he explores the issues of today. And. and Nye¶s likely got it. Joseph Nye. is one of the most influential modern voices in American governance and political science. When Cyrus Vance was appointed secretary of state.com . But the guy is a pretty sharp old. Joseph Nye. If we are to think of American politics in terms of the left wing and the right wing. let¶s look at where Nye has come from in order to understand where he is today. Intellectual chops that are unquestioned? Check.wcdebate. serving as an editorial board member of Foreign Policy and International Security magazines. The further right won¶t like his reluctance to use American power in every situation. Volume 9 Page 92 JOSEPH NYE. However. he asked Nye to serve as deputy undersecretary in charge of Carter's nonproliferation initiatives. Written for the heavy-hitter journals? Check. bald white guy that has worked in the government and worked with universities. Longtime professor? Check. Nye is currently Dean of Harvard University¶s Kennedy School of Government. well. The fact that Nye is neither a lifelong government official nor a lifelong academic may have some influence on his thinking. He has written more than one hundred articles in professional journals. After Jimmy Carter won the 1976 presidential election. Speaking of his upbringing and intellectual culture. He seems decidedly less dogmatic than a great deal of his contemporaries who have spent their entire careers in the Beltway or the Ivory Tower. he is an intriguing thinker who appears to approach each problem as a fresh challenge. He fluttered between governmental work and university work over the next several years. he is also an influential thinker on the domestic scene. Jr. All the while. He is a Rhodes Scholar. Well versed in foreign policy. Name a qualification that holds weight in the policy wonk world. That¶s not to say there is something in Nye for everyone. Just look at the wide variety of sources that have praised his work: from Machiavellian realists like Henry Kissinger to loose cannons like George Soros. to the extent that Nye is reluctant to adopt the ideological fabric of any particular pigeonhole. He stayed on in that capacity from 1977-1979. was born in 1937. and a graduate of the Ph.

then. but it is clearly better than the containment strategy . despite the United States so-called ³war on terrorism.cultural. for example. It¶s only for a truly dramatic event (like the terrorist tragedy on September 11. Nye coined the marvelously efficient phrase ³soft power´ to refer to those non-military forms of exerting influence -.wcdebate. though the Taiwanese don¶t agree) or Japan. He meditates on the differences between soft and hard power in his book THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE. especially in the face of competing and potentially adversarial powers? The answer is a question of containment vs. Bush did by imposing steel tariffs recently) in response." This has not changed since September 11. Nye is not.especially against American allies like Taiwan (an island nation that China considers a part of its country. we aren¶t going to invade them. and I don't have to use a carrot or a stick. does one secure American interests. Engagement is where a nation continues to interact with the adversarial power through trade.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. such an evolution may continue. China will be a force in the new century. then the United States must not isolate china.com . 2002. Nye reasons. An attempt to treat China as a threat. NYE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS While technically Nye falls under the school of ³realism´ in international relations.´ Nye wrote an insightful article with a global focus in the Guardian on March 31. Containment is a more hawkish strategy. particularly in the post Cold War world. engagement. for example. where one uses foreign policy tools to isolate an adversarial power. An emerging power with one billion citizens and a growing economy. Nye is a realist who does seek to advance American interests through the policies he advocates. etc. as should be clear. in fact. given that a weak China would be more given to lash out to shore up its power -. his views of power and global politics is much more nuanced than the big-stick diplomats that dominate the scene today. It would be one of Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. "Soft Power is your ability to attract others to get the outcomes you want. How. might turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. 2001) that will of necessity engender a military response. If we disagree with Japan¶s trade policy. economic. Take. diplomacy and other channels in an attempt to exert influence over the other state. War is an impractical and problematic means of enforcing American interests and desires. That said. Nye¶s idea is that a strong China is better for the world community than a weak China. Volume 9 Page 93 As Nye himself has observed This lack of a fixed plan mirrors his thinking -. Nye is a believer in war as a last resort. But if I get you to want what I want. which included the following: Soft power is an important concept to understand. "Hard power is when I coerce you--if I the use a carrot or a stick to get you to do something you otherwise wouldn't do. That¶s true of most adversaries in addition to traditional allies like Japan. While Bush has been threatening to invade Iraq almost constantly for the last year. a hawk per se." Nye has said.always reacting to emerging situations rather than viewing emerging phenomena through a fixed lens. If that is true. that's hard power. the case of China. Nye is usually an advocate of engagement. We¶re going to either negotiate with them or flex our own economic muscles (as George W. that's the ultimate because it costs me almost nothing but I get the outcomes I want.. ³If China can be brought into a network of rule-based relations.. other measures (such as the multilateral United Nations oil embargo and other sanctions) are really more effective with less of an opportunity cost. considering it a ³solution´ that is often actually creates worse problems. Will this strategy work? No one can be certain.

such as China.´ He sets out a program of action for increasing transparency and democratic accountability for actions at organizations such as the World Bank. As an intellectual who lived through the darkest moments of the Cold War. he at least has attempted to address the flaws in the system some have identified. that might satisfy the majority of the populace and confer a legitimacy on those institutions they haven¶t seen yet.com . it will help allay the fears of most Americans and other world citizens. Nye wrote on ³Globalization's Democratic Deficit: How to Make International Institutions More Accountable. Nye knows what kind of policies led to increased tensions during that period in history. Nye takes the line on globalization that you might expect from an establishment centrist. While Nye recognizes this probably won¶t satisfy everyone. He is keen on avoiding that kind of situation with other powers. It should be noted that this falls right in line with his idea of soft power: the ³big stick´ approach is a counterproductive one. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. especially the radical left. and the World Trade Organization. In an article for FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Volume 9 Page 94 history's tragic ironies if domestic politics leads to an unnecessary Cold War in Asia that will be costly for this and future generations of Americans. NYE ON GLOBALIZATION Neither a demagogue nor a radical. He reasons that if decisions are made out in the open.´ he wrote. even the poor ± he is one of the few mainstream analysts who has attempted to seek out ways to assuage the concerns of protesters.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. an establishment journal that some call the most influential in the world. in his view. and that citizens might have better opportunities to influence those decisions. While he surely agrees with virtually none of their prescribed solutions (calling anti-free trade protesters ³demagogues in the street´). the International Monetary Fund. While himself an advocate of a globalized economy and free trade ± believing that the rising tide of economic growth lifts all boats. Rather than isolating other nations. we should be using our influence in a positive manner.

Take. many take issue with Nye¶s notion of the American national interest -and his assumption that advancing the American national interest is in the interest of the world at large. Critics of this policy. Nye¶s defense of the U. and he continues to write for the most influential periodicals in print and on-line.com . critics say. America keeps itself in the news in a negative manner due to the annual rapes of young Okinawan girls committed by American servicemen.-Japan relationship. on too many fronts. it is possible to sketch out the general precepts that Nye values ± and to watch as his thinking continues to evolve. liberal internationalist thinkers like Nye -. including the Japan Policy Research Institute (headed by the noted Asian scholar Chalmers Johnson) argue that the American military presence is more destabilizing than anything.-Japan arrangement might be just such an example of overstretch. While Nye might say that the United States should continue to maintain a forward presence in Asia in order to prevent a power vacuum in the region. It is more likely. American credibility is diminished. you can be sure this scholar will have something to say about it. and any military utility of these bases is speculative at best. security relationship. Johnson argued in his 2000 book of the same name.who take a broader view of the American national interest -. the JPRI and Johnson claim that the American military presence overseas. people looking for a role for the American military (or even ³soft power´) will probably find an indispensable role for it. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. and that Nye misanalyses available data from polls and opinion surveys. the United States is going to be extending its influence on the world in a manner designed to advance its interests.´ No matter how you slice it. for example. The difference between Nye and his critics is that Nye believes American influence is generally benign or positive. For example. and in Japan particularly. Johnson argues.unintended and unpredictable consequences which threaten security instead of enhancing it. There is no better example of this blowback. This entails both the United States maintaining a military presence in Asia (predominantly on the island of Okinawa) and the United States continuing to exert influence over Japan in international relations. Volume 9 Page 95 CRITICS OF NYE Critics of Nye fall into several different categories. Where there is a foreign policy crisis that affects the United States. However.are still trapped by the paradigm of American imperialism in the view of these critics. Just look at Okinawa. critics say. This lens seeks threats in the world for the United States to solve. critics would say that the lens he uses to evaluate such phenomena is fundamentally corrupted. As the old Chinese proverb goes. thus preventing a war that is damaging to American (and world) interests. if you go looking for enemies. Further left.S. the distinction between soft power and hard power. This type of self-justifying behavior.S. Perhaps there is a reason that Henry Kissinger has praised Nye despite their differences? IN CONCLUSION It¶s always difficult to analyze a scholar¶s impact while that scholar is still producing materials ± especially when that scholar is as prolific as Nye continues to be. not enhanced. than the U. Similarly. even if the ³soft power´ phenomenon is true. you will probably find them.S. serves to perpetuate the hegemonic imperialism of the United States just as much as the more realpolitik theorists. Instead. The American military bases on the island are the subjects of constant protests from the locals. His most recent book was just published this year.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. that the arrangement is contributing to ³imperial overstretch´ rather than ³soft power. They have a common denominator -the term ³power.´ Imperial overstretch is where an empire (like the United States) tries to project power into too many places. Even open-minded. No great radical thought here: everyone from the establishment to Noam Chomsky agrees on that. Nye is a staunch defender of the Japan-U. is engendering a ³blowback´ -. by this unwieldy and counterproductive arrangement. according to Johnson. The mainstream left criticizes Nye¶s optimism about the positive influence of American soft power and the stabilizing character of the American military presence overseas.

Volume 9 Page 96 BIBLIOGRAPHY Japan Policy Research Institute. ³Globalization: What's New? What's Not? (And So What?)´ [co-authored with Robert O. King (Cambridge: Harvard University Press.. co-edited with Philip D.-Feb. January 1998. co-edited with John D.C.00. January 2002) Nye.. (New York: The Free Press.. UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS: AN INTRODUCTION TO THEORY AND HISTORY..html.co. Joseph S. Keohane]. Joseph S.3858. Bound to Lead: THE CHANGING NATURE OF AMERICAN POWER. 1997).. accessed May 5. ³Military Deglobalization?´ FoREIGN POLICY (Jan. http://www. Nye.: Brookings Institution Press. Volume V. 1985). ³The US and Europe: Continental Drift?´ INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (January 2000). BETTER MARKETS (Brookings Institution Press. Jr. FOREIGN POLICY (spring 2000).observer. Nye. Nye. March 31.wcdebate. WHY PEOPLE DON¶T TRUST GOVERNMENT. 2002.. August 2001) Nye. Jr. Jr. Nye. GOVERNANCE IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD.. Jr. Jr. Joseph S. Jr. Nye. 1999) Nye. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Jr. Zelikow and Davic C. Joseph S. http://www. Jr. HAWKS. Joseph S..4384507. JPRI CRITIQUE. Jr. Joseph S. Number 1. 2000. Nye. co-edited with Elaine Ciulla Kamarck (Hollis Publishing. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Joseph S. Nye. D. 2002. coauthored with Graham Allison and Albert Carnesale (New York: Norton.jpri. ³Redefining America's National Interest: The Complexity of Values. Donahue (Washington. accessed May 1. 1990). DOVES AND OWLS: AN AGENDA FOR AVOIDING NUCLEAR WAR. Nye. Jr.´ CURRENT (September 1999).. Jr. Jr.. 1986).com? Governance in A Networked World. 3d ed. (New York: Longman. Nye. democracy.. Joseph S.html. (New York: Basic Books. THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE (New York: Oxford University Press. 2002.com . Joseph S. 2000). THE OBSERVER. 2001)..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Joseph S. Joseph S. Jr.org/jpri/public/crit5. Jr.1. Joseph S. Joseph S.uk/Print/0.. NUCLEAR ETHICS.. GOVERNANCE AMID BIGGER. Nye. Joseph S. Nye.

. Seattle. LIBERALISM.4384507.C. are industrial economies analogous to parts of the West in the mid-twentieth century. These dimensions of power give a strong advantage to the United States and Europe.00.3858. 2002.. and Brazil. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. These protesters are a diverse lot. 3. Quebec City. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. But most of the world does not consist of post-industrial societies. and autonomy. accessed May 1.uk/Print/0.html. 4. March 31.org/articles/Nye0701. Conversely. the Soviet Union lost much of its soft power after it invaded Hungary and Czechoslovakia.observer. economic. Washington. http://www. THE OBSERVER. THE OBSERVER. all three sources of power . The countries that are likely to gain soft power are those closest to global norms of liberalism.uk/Print/0.html. Jr. Soft power is not simply the reflection of hard power. Jr. Some protesters claim to represent poor countries but simultaneously defend agricultural protectionism in wealthy countries. Volume 9 Page 97 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY 1. and soft . 2002. PLURALISM AND AUTONOMY INCREASE SOFT POWER Joseph S. Other countries." For globalization's supporters.observer. 2002. and those whose credibility is enhanced by their domestic and international performance. leadership in the information revolution and soft power will become more important in the mix. Much of Africa and the Middle East remains locked in pre-industrial agricultural societies with weak institutions and authoritarian rulers.co. and their coalition has not always been internally consistent. Nye.4384507. accordingly.foreignaffairs.html. GLOBALIZATION SHOULD BE MORE DEMOCRATIC Joseph S.wcdebate.00..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. if current economic and social trends continue. coming mainly from rich countries. finding some way to address its perceived democratic deficit should become a high priority. 2. They have included trade unionists worried about losing jobs and students who want to help the underdeveloped world gain them.3858. Protest organizers such as Lori Wallach attributed half the success of the Seattle coalition to "the notion that the democracy deficit in the global economy is neither necessary nor acceptable. even though its economic and military resources continued to grow. Of all their complaints.html.. accessed May 2.remain relevant.uk/Print/0. March 31.00.4384507. accessed May 1. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Power in the global information age is becoming less coercive among advanced countries. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. THE OBSERVER. D. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. India. July/August 2001. Jr. The Vatican did not lose its soft power when it lost the Papal States in Italy in the nineteenth century. 2002. Nye. Imperious policies that utilised Soviet hard power actually undercut its soft power.com . http://www.3858. It is becoming difficult for international economic organizations to meet without attracting crowds of protesters decrying globalization.observer. 2002. the Netherlands.. Nye. environmentalists concerned about ecological degradation and anarchists who object to all forms of international regulation. However. Jr. and the Scandinavian states have political clout that is greater than their military and economic weight because of their support for international aid and peace-keeping. SOFT POWER DOESN'T DEPEND ON HARD POWER Joseph S. March 31. Nye. http://www. Prague. SOFT POWER IS MORE IMPORTANT NOW THAN EVER Joseph S. In such a variegated world.co. accessed May 1. those with the most access to multiple channels of communication. and that limits the transformation of power. 2002. And countries like the Canada. 2002. such as China. this last concern is key. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. whereas others accept the benefits of international markets but worry that globalization is destroying democracy. Some reject corporate capitalism.military.co. http://www. pluralism.

A POLICY OF CONTAINMENT SIMPLY WILL NOT WORK Joseph S. Jr. ISOLATING OTHER COUNTRIES IS BAD POLICY Joseph S.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. 4. accessed May 3. Only if China's future behavior becomes more aggressive could such a coalition be formed.´ June 22. only China can produce an effective containment policy. Ever since Thucydides and the ancient Greeks. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. 2002.html. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. I agree.html. Nye. accessed May 3. Jr.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. 2. Nye. http://www. First. Unlike the Soviet Union. New powers can be accommodated if they can be persuaded to define their interests in responsible ways. In an election year. For one thing. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. Isolating other countries is bad policy. historians have known that great wars are often caused by the rise of new powers and the fears such change creates in established powers. particularly given the fact that nationalism is rapidly replacing communism as the dominant ideology among the Chinese people. That is the overarching question the United States faces in its relations with China. Republicans seize on allegations of campaign finance scandals. it exaggerates current and future Chinese strength. p.nyu. Second. http://www. If we treat China as an enemy now.´ June 22. In that sense. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www..nyu. Pessimists about China's future and about America's continuing strength argue for a policy of containment analogous to our response to the Soviet Union after World War II. np. 2002. 1998. he argued that such a course would make the world more dangerous. But it is not true in every case.nyu.wcdebate.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. the House of Representatives rebuked the president over China. America's edge will continue to persist. Jr. 1998. we are guaranteeing ourselves an enemy. Clinton defended his trip in a recent speech..com . Three times in two weeks. np. np. accessed May 3.´ June 22. Nye. accessed May 3. np.. http://www. EVEN IF CHINA RISES AS A GREAT POWER. But the current debate between containment and engagement is too simple.. 2002. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. Democrats looking forward to the year 2000. Containment has three fatal flaws. Volume 9 Page 98 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING 1.nyu. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. 3. which had an expansionist ideology and conventional military superiority in Europe. China's neighbors do not see it as a current threat in the way the Soviet Union's neighbors did during the Cold War. No one knows for certain what China's future will be. It would be a pity if domestic politics caused Americans to lose sight of our long-term strategic interest in East Asia. p. while engagement can be reversed if China changes for the worse. Moreover. and illegal technology transfers to build campaign issues.´ June 22. the United States could not now develop a coalition to contain China even if we tried. p.html. containment is mistaken because it discounts the possibility that China can evolve to define its interests as a responsible power. 1998. but it makes no sense to throw away the more benign possibilities at this point.html. 1998. Washington's current hysteria about China is largely driven by domestic politics. as a quick survey of Asian capitals makes clear. split over how to handle human rights during Clinton's trip. in the new dimensions of military strength in the information age. 2002. CONTAINMENT HAS THREE FATAL FLAWS Joseph S. Jr. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. Disagreeing with those who want to isolate China. Containment is likely to be irreversible. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. Nye. Third. WE CAN ACCOMODATE THEM Joseph S. a crude policy of containment would not work. http://www. China lacks the capacity to project military power much beyond its borders.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye.

the state-sanctioned application of force comes under the definition of µhard¶ power. in his phrase. No. Nye. Mount Allison University. JANUS HEAD Vol. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. http://www.wcdebate. np. Involved as well were competing conceptions of political community. as do the requisite material conditions necessary to sustain this force. and at a greater philosophic remove. 4. 2. JANUS HEAD Vol. µSoft¶ power. (Operation Allied Force. JANUS HEAD Vol. quantifiable and direct while µsoft¶ power was subjective. 2. The first was readily understandable because it spoke to the traditional role of the state which was to provide for security of the person as well as the security of property. Thus µsoft¶ power can work in tandem with µhard¶ power. by contrast. Nye and Owens (1996) examine this from a geopolitical perspective. with coercive measures on one side of the divide and co-operative ones on the other. unquantifiable and indirect.janushead. in areas where there is not an obvious national interest at stake. Fall. In short.janushead. 2. As such it allows for the free play of creative instincts. to the test. http://www. 2. Volume 9 Page 99 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG 1. On the one hand there were those who engaged with the world as it is. 2002. According to Nye. Mount Allison University. np. the strategic balance between µhard¶ and µsoft¶ power has been much commented upon. His concern is with the present and the way in which the future can be brought to the present. Jr. a µparadigm shift¶ as some enthusiasts would have it. NYE¶S VIEW OF SOFT POWER IGNORES HISTORY Wayne Hunt. "a force multiplier in American diplomacy. More ancient still. as did advances in communications technology. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. had given the United States a "dominant battlespace knowledge"-. This assertion rested on the strategic argument that America¶s capacity for accurate. Allied to this was a bifurcated view of the nature of public action. In the study of transnational relations. http://www. as. was tied to the ability to innovate. 1999. it approximates an anglo-American form of capitalism. 2. µSoft¶ power was associated with the relative strength of the American economy in relation to its competitors." Space-based surveillance.janushead.org/2-2/whunt. The second seemed to indicate a larger transformation.) Assumed here was a technologically-driven view of American intervention. The terms originate with Joseph S. and on the other there were those who looked to what ought to be. 2002. 2. p.. accessed May 1. real-time.as Operation Desert Storm and Operation Desert Fox presumably demonstrated. This was observed in the tension between realpolitik and idealism which analysts have long detected in America¶s relations with other powers. it was further assumed..org/2-2/whunt. No. SOFT POWER STILL DEFENDS AMERICAN TECHNOSTRATEGIC INTERVENTION Wayne Hunt.. µhard¶ power was about ends and the bottom-line criteria necessary to achieve those ends while µsoft¶ power was about process and the means to an end. Mainstream Hollywood movies as well as sophisticated advertising techniques came into this category. accessed May 1. Nye clearly sees µsoft¶ power as the way of the future. Mount Allison University. In Nye¶s writings this longer scholarly tradition goes unremarked upon.¶ he argued. or to be more precise. In his view of the world there is a subtle but implicit business orientation in which the notion of µsoft¶ power takes on entrepreneurial boldness.cfm. p.org/2-2/whunt. direct broadcasting and a high speed µsystem of systems. Entrepreneurial dynamism. an idealized version of what this form of capitalism represents. But on closer inspection these categories seemed to take on an older dimension. Included in this first definition are the ethical values which have been injected into the international arena by a number of mediating institutions. 2. Fall.cfm. relies on the force of ideas rather than the force of arms. No. np. by contrast. was the contrast between authority and liberty. He implies that it is superior to µhard¶ power because it relies on uncommanded loyalties.cfm. put many of the beliefs about µsurgical¶ intervention. 1999. Fall 1999. 2002. NYE¶S SOFT POWER JUST SEEKS TO PROJECT CAPITALISM Wayne Hunt. µHard¶ power was objective. situational awareness of military field operations exceeds that of all other nations combined. In this context. accessed May 1.com . The comparative dimension was critically important. insisting that it can be a force for good throughout the world.

S. JPRI CRITIQUE.S.S. 2. NYE SEVERELY MISANALYZES THE DATA ± U. to put the matter bluntly.S. increased Chinese potency. so they say.S. accessed May 5. or simply drifting from one crisis to the next. these books definitely differ. perhaps even a superduper power.1.4% of the Americans want the U. AND JAPAN Japan Policy Research Institute.there are more options for our country to follow and more spokespeople to advocate them. respondents gave the Middle East top billing. While approximately half of both Japanese and U. Most likely. But in working out our strategy. the air surrounding Japan's American bases is decidedly unhealthy.jpri. respondents think that the U. JPRI CRITIQUE. planes.9% of the Japanese and 20. military presence in Asia should be maintained-which Joseph Nye cites as evidence of "the broad public support in both countries for the reaffirmation of the Japan-U. in the U. There is a further statistic that should give both sides pause. Feb. In Japan.S. In some respects. and professors Joseph Nye and Walter Mead have come forward to explicate our condition and prescribe programs of policy.org/jpri/public/crit5. So we get nuggets such as "countries that are well-placed in terms of soft power do better. p. January 1998. one of the principal architects of last year's revised Security Treaty. and a rather bad one. Volume 9 Page 100 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED 1. 69% of the Japanese named the Korean Peninsula. Volume V. In an accompanying article. NYE IS WRONG ABOUT COMMON INTERESTS BETWEEN U.org/jpri/public/crit5. Both make the same basic assumption: The United States is the world's only superpower. accessed May 5. money) but also soft power (what anybody else calls influence) that counts. these books are similar. for failing to make up our mind. our freedom to do just what we want is limited. Confusing situations produce squadrons of deconfusers. respondents believed that the Korean Peninsula posed a military threat. http://www. but despite the immense might that that implies. aspirations that would not surprise any reasonably studious 15-year-old." JPRI's reading of the same statistics is far less sanguine. investment adviser. 2002. 982 responded. 27. uncertain economic trends and many other crosscurrents -. matters are much harder to figure out.com .S. Both authors argue that we cannot retreat from most or all of our present involvements." Throughout the book there are tables that propose desirable projects. NYE¶S EFFORTS AT EXPLAINING THE POST-SEPTEMBER 11 WORLD ARE FEEBLE Joseph Losos. 3. but commentators are notorious hindsight experts. When respondents were asked which nations or regions they believed might pose a military threat to their own country. Volume V. in a world with such diverse developments -Muslim hostility.S." he professed to believe that the poll reveals "Japan and the United States share common interests in the Asia-Pacific region. Today.jpri. Thus.S. he argues that it is not just hard power (guns. That may not have been how it seemed at the time. of course.-JAPAN RELATIONSHIP IS FLAWED Japan Policy Research Institute. mainly over details for implementing new defense cooperation guidelines. and that if security is the air we breathe (to use Professor Nye's tired analogy). 2002. the Yomiuri published the results of an opinion poll it had commissioned from the Gallup organization concerning Japanese and American attitudes toward the Japan-U. ST. These are sizeable percentages. Moreover. it should tell us that we have become an unwelcome army of occupation rather than of liberation. http://www. outvote their 'guests' by two to one in calling for a reduction of troops must tell us something. and the fact that the 'hosts. military presence reduced. Security Treaty. Number 1.. is that Mead has written a valuable book while Nye's effort is feeble. The chief difference. Only 26% of the U.952 people were interviewed.' the Japanese.html.1. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate.S. While he acknowledged "some perception gaps between the two countries on military cooperation. and this is especially so now that we have entered the Age of Terror and anti-terror. The latter's little treatise is long on cliches and short on substance. tried to put a positive spin on the poll's results. Yet we must choose.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. January 1998. Joseph Nye. Last November 30.html. so that this should be taken as the basis for decision. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH. 1. B1. So much for some of those shared common interests. Security relationship"-40. is in itself a choice. 2002. Number 1. whereas 58% of U.

He had to do most of this on his own. and in 1959 published his first article. took issue with the assumption. I will conclude with some thoughts on using Ralph Nader¶s writings in debate rounds. NADER¶S LIFE AND WORK Ralph Nader was born in 1934 to Rose and Nathra Nader.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Nader wanted to study the legal issues involving food production and automobile safety. and like most immigrants they experienced some dissonance upon coming into the country and witnessing both great acts of public good and objectionable acts of elitist exploitation. This essay will explore both the philosophical foundations and the practical political implications of Ralph Nader¶s work and thought. At the time. Ralph Nader is one of a kind. Guided by such values. oppression. resigned himself to studying Chinese and preparing for law school. Lebanese immigrants who owned a restaurant in the small town of Winstead. from the preface to Crashing the Party Among contemporary political figures. Ralph Nader had closely read the classic journalistic muckrakers of his day as well as several years of the Congressional Record. where he would have the opportunity to test his father's enthusiasm for public protest. in a larger sense.000 automobile deaths every year in America. nourished by public enlightenment and civic participation. Such policies strengthen noncommercial values. just as all perpetrators tend to blame the victims. The book contained a theme that. Ralph Nader recalls. he entered Princeton University. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. "The Safe Car You Can't Buy. The automobile industry spent millions in "public service" propaganda blaming "the nut behind the wheel" for auto fatalities. He immediately developed an aversion to the corporate orientation of both the courses and the professors' ideologies. but wishes there were others like him. I will try to explain his philosophy. people who devote their lives to working for reforms and exposing corruption within all power centers." in THE NATION. of course. Connecticut. there were nearly 50. came to the defense of small business owners being abused by larger businesses. and simultaneously brings other radical thought into the mainstream. At age 17. as Harvard Law School didn't offer such courses and the professors were enthusiastically uninterested. and so on. Applied beyond our borders. Nader entered Harvard Law School in 1955. which. Nader. assets and conditions are never for sale. and justified his position with painstaking research and eloquent prose. An excellent student.wcdebate. environmental perils. we can better use our wealth and power to benefit all Americans. and infectious diseases that threaten to jeopardize directly our own national security as well as that of the rest of the world. By 1965. can provide wondrous opportunities to improve our country. illiteracy. Nader believed--and would continue to believe--that car companies simply didn't believe safety was worth the cost. but wishes he were not. is almost uniquely attributable to Nader in American politics: corporations habitually blame consumers for defects in their products. By age 14. He researched automobile safety anyway. and. he had expanded the article into a devastating book. just as the rich blame the poor for being poor. these values can help us astutely wage peace and address the extreme poverty. finding these endeavors unsuccessful. Nader radicalizes the Jeffersonian tradition of democratic participation. Nathra and Rose had strong opinions about democracy. ²Ralph Nader. and more than twice that amount of permanent disabilities incurred in automobile accidents. he wishes that contemporary American politics was full of Ralph Naders. in fact. would encourage patrons at his restaurant to participate in informal political debates. from his student activist days to his two presidential runs. Nathra.com . Volume 9 Page 101 RALPH NADER Great societies must have public policies that declare which rights. He attempted to get the administration to ban the spraying of DDT on campus trees. After exploring his life. and then his political project. UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE. He has been a thorn in the side of corporate power and governmental corruption for nearly forty years.

Throughout the next thirty years. albeit reluctantly." John Gardner. While politicians have now made an art of populist symbolism. indistinguishable from typical liberal democrats. Nader's "Raiders. most contemporary followers of politics identify Nader with his 1996 and 2000 Presidential runs on the Green Party ticket.. It represented a creative attempt to reclaim Jefferson's faith in "the people themselves. the people are the ultimate authorities.html) Nader¶s second philosophical premise is that power tends to corrupt unless it is checked by a wide array of citizens. This is why it is grossly over simplistic to view Nader as merely a proponent of greater government control. First.com . simply a distrust). Nader¶s philosophy can be summed up as ³citizen empowerment. author of the famous Federalist No.. First and most importantly. By campaigning to the "left" of Gore politically. based on their tendency towards theory at the expense of action. Because of UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED. draws upon the American political tradition in much the same way as any social movement. would have a similar idea in 1970. Bush in 2000." But Jefferson. who had written. a good government lobby that focused primarily on procedural reforms such as campaign finance reform and government ethics. (http://www.´ and as such. Why. (http://bostonreview. have predicted how competing special-interest factions might not yield the public good. the highest office is the office of citizen.html) THE PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF NADER¶S POLITICS "In a democracy. Nader took voters away who would have voted for the centrist Democrat Gore. Nader spent the rest of the 1960s expanding his project to include the creation of various task forces and groups of young advocates dedicated to consumer safety and rights. innovative development in American politics at the time.nor most other Democratic Party proponents of change seem to realize is that significant. 10 essay. it is also a contemporary application of Jeffersonian democracy to conditions he and the other founders could not necessarily have foreseen: The inspiration came directly from Thomas Jefferson. Nader has continued to organize grass roots activists against corporate power and irresponsibility. procedural complexities and the brute size of the nation would erode the sinews of government accountability.2/nader. which he exploited in order to launch a career of public service and anti-corporate activism. in mandatory seat belts and air bags). reforms in the Food and Drug Administration.´ despite the best efforts of conservatives and moderates to paint him as such.org/history/bollier_chapter_3. Since the 2000 campaign. "I know of no safer depository of the ultimate powers of society but the people themselves. In fact. Volume 9 Page 102 The book launched the consumer rights movement. Nader believes that ordinary people must make both corporations and governments more accountable. He is also not a ³radical revolutionary. could not have envisioned how moneyed special interests. he seems to have an inherent distrust of academic intellectuals (not a hostility. While other activists dedicated themselves to ending the Vietnam War." ²Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter Ralph Nader is not a philosopher.mit. it is argued. enduring change will require an institutionalized shift of power from corporations and government to ordinary Americans. official secrecy. A statement Nader made in 1993 sums up his political perspective: What neither Clinton.nader. the democratic "experiment" is about checking excessive power. virtually none have a serious agenda to strengthen Americans in their key roles as voters." as they came to be called. then. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. of course. The creation of a citizens' lobby to represent the people as a whole -.wcdebate.edu/BR18. and a plethora of other causes."the public interest" -was a bold. In 1969 he and his comrades formed the Center for Study of Responsive Law. Education and Welfare. Nor could James Madison. This is Jeffersonian democracy at its most extreme. when he founded Common Cause. fought for increased water quality. workers. some decades later. There are two basic philosophical premises behind Nader¶s politics. Many hold him uniquely responsible for Democratic candidate Al Gore's loss to George W. a former Secretary of the Department of Health. contrary to his predictions. taxpayers. as the quotation below explains.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and shareholders. should corporations be held to the same standard as politicians? There are several sensible reasons for this. Congress enacted tougher automobile safety laws (eventually culminating. in a democracy. and General Motors' attempt to discredit Nader assured his fame. consumers. but. Of course.

literally. and increasing public financing of elections. Second. 3. most recently. and since advertising does not normally reveal the truth about the production process. 4. citizens do not have the kind of information that voters in political elections possess. not exist without the collective masses that sustain them. Wealth is not generated through the individual actions of individual innovators. many on the anti-capitalist left see Nader as wanting to "save" corporations and capitalism by forcing reforms that smart corporate executives would favor as a way to make themselves look better. Volume 9 Page 103 Corporations have as much power as. He does not call for the end of corporations or market economies. He is in favor of more accessible voter registration. Reform our corrupt campaign finance system: Nader is a strong proponent of viable campaign finance reform.´ ±Nader. He sees the democratic process as little more than a joke if elections come down to who has the most money. sellers need consumers. who warned about corporate law firms losing their independence to corporate clients by becoming mere adjuncts to the corporation's priorities. Finally. any elected or appointed political leader. we had a joke that at Harvard they teach you how to distort the law of contracts and contract the law of torts. even a Stalinist. They are not heeding the warnings of Justice Louis Brandis and Henry Stimpson and Ella Herue. Little did I know then that in 1999 this very thing would be occurring. which should belong to everyone. and discourage ³career politicians´ who tend to become cynical and greedy. rather. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. and the resources extracted from the earth do not belong to any one individual in some a priori sense. checks must exist on corporate power because the classic individualist metaphors of entrepreneurship and hard work hardly do justice to the corporate juggernauts. Set term limits for Members of Congress: Term limits allow the system to constantly rejuvenate and reinvent itself. literally.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. a communist. All of these reasons provide sound philosophical justification for an increased watchdog role on the part of concerned citizens. Nader is none of these." Aside from the fact that this means people with a million dollars get a million votes. Reclaim the public airwaves: Nader is very concerned that radio and television waves. We are losing the two great pillars of American law. wealth is a social creation: capitalists need laborers. They can make decisions that have far-reaching environmental and economic effects. "above" the laws of most nations. NADER¶S POLITICAL PRINCIPLES ³When I was in law school. Ralph Nader has tended to stress the following points as a political program: 1. to institutionalized. and also increase the number of things people vote for and against. the multinational status of many corporations makes them. torts and contracts. They can control resources and make large-scale decisions about production and distribution. In fact. and frequently more power than. Corporate law firms are composed of lawyers who have forgotten what it means to be a professional and who are themselves losing their independence. 1999. and the use of referendums and initiatives to increase public control over the lawmaking process. limiting the amount of money people can spend on political campaigns. p.com . Some less-than-eloquent critics have.wcdebate. giant corporations. the kinds of "checks" which defenders of corporate power claim exist are not really effective. And. sometimes stretching centuries into the future. are available to the highest bidder. over the past few decades. Term limits would increase opportunity for ordinary citizens to participate in government. Such an argument assumes what many capitalist apologists assume without proof: that citizens possess near-perfect information about public and private transactions and the effects of corporate decisions. 2. So corporations need to be accountable because corporations could. a socialist. The classic argument is that citizens "vote with their dollars. He was instrumental in encouraging ³public access´ laws Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 56 Over the past two presidential races. Facilitate voter initiatives: Nader wants to make it easier to vote. referred to Nader as an anti-capitalist. Since most corporate decisions are made behind closed doors.

as some would say in reference to Bush. higher taxes for corporations. shareholders possess minimal power compared to the day-to-day power of corporate executives. Along the same lines. 5. Create shareholder democracy: Nader wants shareholders in corporations to have greater power over corporate decision-making. Green Party activists say they have learned a lot since 2000. could frustrate Democrats in Wisconsin and around the country even more. many people advocate pollution trading permits rather than strong regulations against pollution. since they alienated the voters who ended up either not voting at all. and more restrictions on what people can do with their money. May 21.´ we end up with nothing (or. and they are planning to run a candidate for every statewide office in Wisconsin. Volume 9 Page 104 requiring cable companies to devote some of their stations to public use. but the Green Party's current plans." In Wisconsin. his ideas clearly include tougher regulations. because people respond better to self-management than hierarchical management. but if they are threatened with punishment. but also that elitism is desirable. Nader supporters responded that the Democrats had themselves to blame for the election loss. we should settle for checks on that drift rather than try to get everything. Although Nader is not simply a pro-government liberal.'' (VILLAGE VOICE. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. at a time when many citizens seem to be drifting to the right. Of course. Regulations fail. they were still comparatively closer to those ideals than were the Republicans and George W. One must assert and prove not only that capitalism is desirable. "the Green Party has a dozen chapters around the state. Bush. It is much more fruitful to concentrate on the pragmatic implications of Nader¶s beliefs than to question whether democracy and citizen empowerment are good things. Democrats respond that." (THE BULLETIN'S FRONTRUNNER.com . 2002) Another source of objection to Nader¶s ideas is found in libertarian philosophies. say Greens end up hurting the very causes that they support by playing the spoiler in many races. especially when they are given a chance to participate in the large-scale affairs that determine so much in their lives. libertarians claim. The idea is that people respond favorably to carrots (rewards). or voting for Nader: Sam Smith is right when he points out that the liberal establishment in the Democratic Party--which includes the current congressional leaders of the party--''yawned as the Clintons disassembled their own cause and became incensed when Ralph Nader dared to defend it. Libertarians generally believe that regulation of the market never yields the results intended. The problem here is not merely one election. including candidate Jim Young for governor. " Ralph Nader's 2000 Green Party presidential run angered many Democrats. as recent events demonstrate: The Capital Times (5/21. Democrats. especially liberal Democrats. to accept some of what we want. At present. worse than nothing!). if successful. only four of which existed before the 2000 election. May 7. This is an ongoing argument. they simply find ways around the tough regulations rather than ways to comply with them. while Gore and the Democrats may not have been as faithful to Nader¶s ideals as the Greens were. Most of these platforms stem from the overarching desire on Ralph Nader¶s part to increase citizen empowerment. and often makes things considerably worse. This is because those people believe that. OBJECTIONS TO NADER To answer Ralph Nader's underlying political philosophy is difficult. He believes that ordinary people are not stupid. many people are angry that Nader¶s dogmatic and ³purist´ run for the presidency in 2000 supposedly cost the Democrats the White House. Steverman) reports. It places in question Nader¶s whole philosophy of stubborn and dogmatic insistence that only his platform is viable and democratic. To begin with.wcdebate. if we hold out for ³everything. He would like to see much more of this. 2002) The argument is that we must be willing to compromise.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Even many non-libertarians favor measures such as tax incentives rather than regulatory schemes to make corporations behave better.

Ralph Nader advocates the notion of citizen participation and a breaking down of the distinctions between government and people. his stubborn insistence that the people not compromise with those in power cost him a great deal of credibility in 2000. Democracy must be participatory: More than any other idea. Volume 9 Page 105 Overall. IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE In my mind. and that lesson might itself serve as a reminder that alternatives must be pragmatic. Unlike so many of our sources. not merely philosophically. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. debaters might argue that political and economic alternatives exist. One side argues that capitalism is necessary because it maximizes individual freedom. He might also open the door to more radical alternatives to the kind of politics and economics we seem destined to accept in the status quo. and that we should explore those alternatives by broadening the political arena. Nader eschews elitism. Writing about a living person is a lot different than writing about a long-dead philosopher. since such ideas prevent the excesses that fuel the anti-capitalism movement. since it¶s what we have.wcdebate. After all. At the same time. in the strongest democratic traditions. either-or. CONCLUSION Ralph Nader is currently America¶s loudest and most passionate advocate of citizen participation and greater corporate accountability. and not just theoretically attractive. Debaters may even be able to argue that the ideas of people like Nader are essential to capitalism¶s survival. Ralph Nader continues to make news every day. most of the objections to Nader¶s ideas work well within the general framework of libertarianism and belief in a minimal state.com . Nader is no fan of capitalism. Were it up to him. government is the people. However. Greater participation by third parties and citizens¶ movements can help this happen. while the other side emphasizes the problems of selfishness. it would be citizens making the news instead of corporate news agencies. read commentary about him. exploitation and imperialism.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. we should keep it in check. it remains to be seen whether advocates of Nader¶s ideas can articulate the sense in which citizen empowerment differs from traditional advocacy of government intervention. Alternatives to capitalism and globalization can be explored through a widening of the political arena: Conversely. but with many historical examples of the disasterous effects of unchecked power among governments and corporations. Debaters wishing to explore more about Ralph Nader can do many things: read his books. but he argues that. and even update their files with the daily news reports about Nader and his movement. Ralph Nader inspires three main ideas with immediate and far-reaching implications on value debate: Capitalism can exist with checks and balances: Traditional value debates about capitalism and its alternatives tend to be very black-and-white.

Nader. 1972). Volume 9 Page 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY Buckhorn. RULING CONGRESS: A STUDY OF HOW THE HOUSE AND SENATE RULES GOVERN THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS (New York: Grossman Publishers. Nader. Isaac. 1986). 2000). NO CONTEST: CORPORATE LAWYERS AND THE PERVERSION OF JUSTICE IN AMERICA (New York: Random House. Nader. Martin's Press. Gorey. 1972). THE RALPH NADER READER (foreword by Barbara Ehrenreich (New York: Seven Stories Press. 1997). UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE [Expanded ed. THE MADNESS ESTABLISHMENT: RALPH NADER¶S STUDY GROUP REPORT ON THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF MENTAL HEALTH (New York: Grossman Publishers. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK (Chicago: Regnery Gateway. Katherine. CORPORATE POWER IN AMERICA (New York: Grossman. N. Franklin D.J. Nader. Nader. Ralph. Charles.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1976). Burt. Ralph. THE CONSUMER AND CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. 1975). Martin's Press. 1982). Robert F. Ralph. Ralph.com . Dan M. Ralph Nader Congress Project. Ralph. 1996). 1974). Ralph.] (New York: Grossman. 1973). Nader. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Ralph. CRASHING THE PARTY: TAKING ON THE CORPORATE GOVERNMENT IN AN AGE OF SURRENDER (New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. NADER AND THE POWER OF EVERYMAN (New York: Grosset & Dunlap. Chu. RALPH NADER¶S PRACTICING DEMOCRACY 1997: A GUIDE TO STUDENT ACTION (New York: St.wcdebate. Ralph. Nader. 1973). THE BIG BOYS: POWER AND POSITION IN AMERICAN BUSINESS (New York: Pantheon Books. Nader. NADER: THE PEOPLE¶S LAWYER (Englewood Cliffs. Hays. 1975). CITIZEN NADER (New York: Saturday Review Press. 1977). Ralph. TAMING THE GIANT CORPORATION (New York: Norton. 2002). THE MENACE OF ATOMIC ENERGY (New York: Norton.: Prentice-Hall 1972). McCarry. Nader.

If the larger society has a higher expectation level.wcdebate. limiting their ability to deal with reality. and weaken our democracy. Yet. Poor or oppressed persons are often downtrodden . totaling record amounts of consumer debt. and public utilities are in extreme disrepair. Smith¶s ³invisible hand´ of 1776 has been joined two centuries later by the ³invisible atom. CUTTING CORPORATE WELFARE. To introduce more managerial foresight and honesty. CORPORATE POWER THREATENS THE PUBLIC GOOD 1. schools. 521. political activists. subsidize companies ripping minerals from federal lands. and genetic engineering are added to the stresses of conventional chemical. political activist. perpetuate anti-competitive oligopolistic markets. inflation is down. If we were to use the people's yardsticks to report on the state of the economy. Homelessness and poverty are affecting large numbers of families and people than ever before. 56. and marketing technologies. We are then at a point where such a question cannot be answered without a firm understanding of our past.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. loan guarantees. Adam Smith knew that the ideology of the ³invisible hand´ was an idealization quite removed from market reality. Eighty percent of the workers in the bottom eighty percent of the job force have seen their wages decrease since 1973 when adjusted for inflation. When Alan Greenspan reports to Congress every few weeks on the state of the economy. CORPORATE WELFARE SIPHONS FUNDS FROM OTHER PRIORITIES Ralph Nader. enable pharmaceutical companies to gouge consumers. THE BIG BOYS.having accepted their condition and resigned.´ and the ³invisible bureaucrat. If people think more about how major business executives work. political activist. 1999. what Congress hears is that our economy could not be better. p. mass famines. If someone were to ask how much injustice exists in society. production. 2. CAPITALISM REQUIRES CHECKS AND BALANCES Ralph Nader and William Taylor. 13 Corporate welfare²the enormous and myriad subsidies. p. then those executives may think harder about how their work affects people. The need for distance grows more insistent every day²the mounting challenges of doomsday weapons. giveaways. those at the peaks of corporate power need to have their thoughts and actions better known to the public. There are a record number of consumers filing bankruptcies and living beyond their means in order to subsist. 2000. tax loopholes. THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE SHOULD BE THE CONDITION OF THE POOR AND OPPRESSED Ralph Nader.´ the ³invisible currency. 2. bailouts.´ Working at high levels of abstraction. If the oligarchy controls the yardsticks by which we measure progress and justice.´ the ³invisible gene.com . pampered executives can distance themselves from everyday life. injure our national security. then they also control agendas and that is what is happening. he uses oligarchic indicators that imply the economy could hardly be better . discounted insurance and other benefits conferred by government on business²is a function of political corruption. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. then we become very uneasy with the state of affairs. 56. clinics. and unemployment is down. how would you respond? The criteria for analyzing a just society is very primitive and unclear. Corporate welfare programs siphon funds from appropriate public investments. Volume 9 Page 107 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST 1. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. political activist. 1986. we would begin to see that twenty-five percent of children grow up in poverty and that this is the highest in the western world. The data one would use is arguably nonexistent.´ the ³invisible pollutant. ELITE CONTROL OF THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE ENSURES FURTHER INJUSTICE Ralph Nader. debt revocations. p. This is very far from the way modern corporations plan to reduce risks through market power and to get the public to help pay their costs through tax breaks and other subsidies. the stock market is up. p.profits are up. 1999. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. artificial intelligence. I think that the level of injustice in our society is partly a reflection of expectation levels.

political activist. It would cost jobs. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. private interests inevitably prefer secrecy. The megacorporations are not expecting these victories to be gained in town halls. for example. If you do. or even national effort in the United States to demand that corporations pay their fair share of taxes. GLOBALIZATION UNDERMINES HEALTH. safety. in the halls of the U. GLOBAL FREE TRADE UNDERMINES LOCAL. abstruseness. Congress. AND NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY Ralph Nader. the U. 1993. THE ENVIRONMENT.wcdebate. will be met with the refrain. and make workplaces less safe. Volume 9 Page 108 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS 1. called the Uruguay Round. hoping to insert a special tax exemption or subsidy in the dark of night and have it voted on before the public (or even most Congressional representatives) know it exists. p. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. Operating under the deceptive banner of ³free´ trade. state offices. Enactment of the free trade deals virtually ensures that any local. political activist.S.com . 1993. political activist. p. Secrecy.-Mexico-Canada free trade deal (formally known as NAFTA. in a bold and brazen drive to achieve an autocratic far-reaching agenda through two trade agreements. and unaccountability: these are the watchwords of global trade policy-making. 6. The Fortune 200¶s GATT and NAFTA agenda would make the air you breathe dirtier and the water you drink more polluted. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE.S. and environmental protections won by citizen movements across the globe in recent decades. We¶ll have to close down and move to a country that offers us a more hospitable business climate. or limit their pollution of the air. 3. the U. They are looking to circumvent the democratic process altogether. the North American Free Trade Agreement) and an expansion of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). By contrast. The process by which a policy is developed and enacted often yields insights into who stands to benefit from its enactment. and they know all to well from experience that threats of this sort are often carried out. citizenbased initiatives generally succeed only if they generate public debate and receive widespread support. 2. Capitol. AND WORKERS¶ RIGHTS Ralph Nader. ³You can¶t burden us like that. An unprecedented corporate power grab is underway in global negotiations over international trade. It would destroy family farms and undermine consumer protections such as those ensuring that the food you eat is not compromised by unsanitary conditions or higher levels of pesticides and preservatives. Every element of the negotiation. 1993. corporate lobbyists roam the corridors before a budget or tax package is to be voted on. p. provide a decent standard of living to their employees. Narrow. or even at the United Nations. adoption. water. 3. we won¶t be able to compete.´ This sort of threat is extremely powerful²communities already devastated by plant closures and a declining manufacturing base are desperate not to lose more jobs. 1 Citizens beware.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. multinational corporations are working hard to expand their control over the international economy and to undo vital health. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. depress wage levels. STATE. and implementation of the trade agreements is designed to foreclose citizen participation or even awareness. and land. state.S. GLOBALIZATION HURTS DEMOCRACY AND PROMOTES AUTOCRATIC SECRECY Ralph Nader.

Ralph Nader seeks nothing less than a transfer of power in America. It embodies an inherent distrust of traditional political and social organizations to represent the public adequately and to wage the fight for the ³common good. 8. ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ ADVOCACY UNDERMINES DEMOCRACY Dan M. 20 Instead. 135 In place of our system of modified and limited individual choice and private enterprise²we certainly recognize and welcome much of what FDA. employers. on our daily lives. This is a distinct political ideology. In other words. and local governments. 20 What is clear is that Mr. Our diverse. Burt. Nader and his network distrust the current political and economic system in the United States. where more decisions will be made by a few to affect the many. Nader and his groups seek a greater politicization of life in America. They do not put much faith in the democratic process that has been America¶s unique tradition for the past 200 years²that is. away from the individual and into the hands of the government and ³public interest´ groups. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK.´ NADER IS ELITIST AND TOTALITARIAN 1. In some cases. p. President of Capital Legal Foundation. ³Public interest´ advocates would become new power-brokers. professional ³public interest´ advocates would acquire a substantial amount of power to make decisions in both the private and public sectors.S. And it has been and would be a government they run. and seek to change it. the groups elect to fight the issues out before the courts. In sum. America would become a more centrally governed and less free. in turn. a new elite of un-elected. individualistic nation. NADER¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY WOULD CULMINATE IN TOTALITARIANISM Dan M. President of Capital Legal Foundation.´ 2. Burt. But it is a radical departure from U. Volume 9 Page 109 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY 1. political tradition of the last 200 years. de-centralized political. 1982. government would probably become more authoritarian or even totalitarian by encroaching more on our private lives as workers. In this regard. or in the investment markets. Burt. President of Capital Legal Foundation. state. SEC. Testimony is often given on behalf of the ³public interest´ before congressional committees and federal regulatory panels. NADER¶S ADVOCACY DESTROYS INDIVIDUAL CHOICE AND THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS Dan M. and consumers. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. Burt. President of Capital Legal Foundation.´ ³Public interest´ groups seek an alternative means of influencing decision-making in both government and industry. 2. This most often takes the form of intervention in the regulatory processes of the federal. p. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. economic.com . the political votes we cast regularly at the ballot box. at the bank. p. ³Public interest´ advocacy has become one of the signs of our times.wcdebate. 1982. is not considered adequate to achieve the ³public interest´ or the ³common good. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. 1982. and their ideology would have immense impact on political and economic activities and society as a whole. and the economic votes we make every day with our money at the cash register. which has been and remains in vogue in Western thought. Government would have an especially large influence on the functioning of the economy and. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. and it does not square with the common view of the nature of the public interest. with its heavy reliance on individual choice. Mr.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and social system. EPA and similar agencies do²the ³public interest´ groups would appear to want more politicization of life in America. 1982. NADER¶S ADVOCACY TRANSFERS POWER FROM INDIVIDUALS TO ELITES CLAIMING TO SPEAK IN THE ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ Dan M.

" (Most African countries would be delighted to attract a bit of foreign investment. Nader now apparently believes that whatever is good for General Motors. Professor of Economics at MIT. NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE RHETORIC OVERSIMPLIFIES THE ISSUES Paul Krugman. Professor of Economics at MIT. or any corporation. must be bad for the world. But it is less well known that he was equally adamant in opposing a bill removing barriers to Africa's exports -. or Pfizer. To block opportunities for corporate profit he is quite willing to prevent desperately poor nations from selling their goods in U. He complimented rightist politician Patrick Buchanan. C3. July 25. in 1996 he "received nearly 700. concentrated corporate power and the excessive disparities of wealth.it grants corporations some legal status as individuals. July 25. but which Nader denounced because of his fear that African companies would be "run into the ground by multinational corporations moving into local economies. it seems to be not consumer protection but general hostility toward corporations. 3. Ralph Nader published an article attributing those same shootings to -." reads the statement. although limiting his campaign spending to under $5. If you look for a unifying theme in all these causes. A-19. In 2000. he said. The North American Free Trade Association treaty means "we're exporting jobs--probably about 350." Nader will invoke "the message of last year's Seattle demonstrations against the WTO. Cohen. Because multinational corporations go their amoral way.a move that Africans themselves welcomed.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the one that ended apartheid.corporate influence. most prosperous nation in the world. Nader presented his campaign as a "pull to the left" for the Democratic Party." The Green Party's press release states that "Nader's advisors claim that his campaign will help turn out the vote and could assist the Democrats in taking back Congress. in his first major speech after leaving Congress. he blamed liberalism for the Columbine school shootings. A-19.) Similar fears led Nader to condemn South Africa's new constitution. editor of Slate.S. columnist. because chemical companies have to put their gunk somewhere. had it right when he characterized the Nader reason-for-being as "irritating others for the public good. p. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. p. According to the February 21 Green Party news release announcing Nader's bid. because -.000 to 400. Newt Gingrich disgusted many people when. Those demonstrations were led by union officials and liberal and environmental activists. now vying for the Reform Party presidential nomination." At the same time. 2.000 votes and finished in fourth place. Everyone knows about Nader's furious opposition to global trade agreements. 2000. the Nader campaign intends to raise $5 million dollars. 2000. Volume 9 Page 110 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE 1. NADER IGNORES THE CONTRIBUTIONS CORPORATIONS MAKE TO OUR PROSPERITY Laurence D.000" to Mexico.I'm serious -. who put forward economic nationalist slogans that drew favorable comment from Buchanan.like the laws of every market economy -. 2000. 2. That's the problem with Ralph. because insurance companies have to say no to some doctors sometimes." But you can't create a public good until you recognize the reality of a private good. p. At times Nader's hostility to corporations goes completely over the edge. THE HARTFORD COURANT.wcdebate. But several days before Gingrich spoke. THE MILITANT. we are the happiest." The campaign will have similar themes to the effort of four years ago. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. saying he has "learned a lot in the last few years about corporate power. October 22. the product of freedom to acquire and strive and create for personal gain. p. NADER PRACTICES A RHETORIC OF FEAR AND OVERSIMPLIFICATION 1. healthiest. Nader says he will concentrate on "democracy. NADER¶S OPPOSITION TO TRADE AGREEMENTS HURTS DEVELOPING NATIONS Paul Krugman. 2000. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. markets. NADER IS A NATIONALIST WHO EXPLOITS AMERICANS¶ FEAR OF IMMIGRANTS Patrick O¶Neill.com . Michael Kinsley. He isn't like you and me. Nader's 1996 campaign was marked by nationalist themes. columnist.000. prevent patients from getting drugs that might give them a decent life and prevent a moderate who gets along with business from becoming president. March 6.

and publish books.What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? ± we learn that being an insightful critical thinker instead of a partisan demagogue is a sure way to avoid public service at a high level. She examines all kinds of issues relevant to racial politics in this country. the right wing said. In the South (and. As for the second proposition -. they claimed. right? During and prior to the Civil War. Guinier's intellectual honesty made her politically unacceptable. So the first wave of voting rights laws dealt with these Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. And even then and immediately thereafter. Period. That didn¶t stop the hounds once they had been released. places dealt with the issue in a straightforward manner: if you were black. to be fair.´ Guinier continues to teach law at Harvard Law School. a ³quota queen.com . Attorney General for Civil Rights because. As Mark Tushnet has written: ³Guinier's nomination to head the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division foundered because she understood those tensions and her work makes them apparent. can it be said (really) that slaves were living in a functional democracy? How about a non-member of the communist party under the Soviet Union. including slavery. which also had elections? Any democratic theory worth its salt has to acknowledge that an inability to vote equals an inability to call one¶s government a legitimate and functioning democracy. As the woman herself said in a subsequent interview on the topic: ³Because we are in a sound-bite culture.´ Guinier¶s version of affirmative action. she OPPOSED quotas ± they went contrary to her notion of ³confirmative action.wcdebate. many places in the North). the politicians who control the nomination process preferred to keep the tensions under wraps. In fact. We get to watch as one of the best legal minds in America grapples with issues to which there are no easy solution: to what extent does the pact inform today? What kind of remedies are effective for centurieslong discrimination? How can we ensure those remedies don¶t inflame the problem. we get to inspect the ideas of one of the most forward-looking thinkers on race in America. she believed in quotas for minority hiring in order to make up for the problems caused by systematic racism for the past 200 years in this country. It had nothing to do with what I had written. two: Quota Queen. After all. write manifold articles on the subject of race in the United States.´ What do we learn from reading the work of Lani Guinier? What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? To answer the first question. Now. That¶s not just me being partisan. Voting rights are the essential element of a democracy. if you can¶t vote.S.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. or create new forms of discrimination? These are questions without easy answers. it isn¶t a true democracy to you. Volume 9 Page 111 LANI GUINIER Lani Guinier was unjustly passed over in one of the most highly publicized confirmation hearings ever. GUINIER¶S THOUGHT Guinier doesn¶t just talk about affirmative action ± far from it. For understandable political reasons. you didn¶t get to vote. it wasn¶t until the mid-1960s that African Americans had the right to vote. such a right was not truly meaningful. Let¶s start with what white citizens of this country take as a given: voting rights. we define you by no more than three or four words-in my case.´ Just one problem: Guinier had never advocated quota-based hiring. She was. For them. alliterated metaphor that served partisan purposes at the time. but it was a very useful. though. Guinier was unjustly denied her rightful post as Assistant U.

For example. Helms despite the fact that the Black man who keeps running against him. The Voting Rights Act Amendmnts of 1982 recognized that this was a problem. and created a right to select representatives of choice. and a slew of representatives who owe nothing to minority constituents. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 made sure of that. You vote for Jesse Ventura because he says he¶ll battle special interests.discovered techniques that would guarantee the election of some members of racial minorities while actually reducing the chances that the views of those representatives would prevail in the legislature. The result is that you get one minority representative.mostly Republicans -. cracking. Hence. and some guy has a pit bull that snarls at you every time you approach the polls ± do you REALLY have the right to vote? Or. imagine you are a member of a minority group (and maybe you are): are your interests being taken into account? Since white folks are the majority in many places. You sue your vote to elect people who will do the things that you want done. you can guarantee the election of a minority representative by packing as many members of that minority as possible into a single district. Volume 9 Page 112 ³formal exclusions´ from the franchise: they FORCED states to allow Black Americans to vote. is that concentrating minorities in certain districts means that OTHER districts can effectively IGNORE their interests altogether. The thing is. this is far from an issue we¶ve left behind. and they are regularly outvoted. it takes all kinds). your parents (and certainly your grandparents) might remember a time when Black Americans didn¶t even have the lip-service right to vote. whites have gerrymandered districts so that minorities couldn¶t overwhelm the white majority and elect candidates of choice. The only question was how to actualize this? In the past. So. You vote for Jesse Helms because you¶re a psychotic racist (hey. Something between a very bad thing and a disaster. indeed. Particularly as it became easy to use computer technology to draw district lines. and stacking. The techniques are known in the voting rights field as packing. people -. Harvey Gantt. it has another value: an instrumental value. if the right to vote represents full citizenship. Again. and Jeb Bush¶s thuggish state troopers told you to turn around and drive home ± do you really have the right to vote? As you can see. if you go to vote. alternatively. minorities often have a problem electing what voting rights law calls "representatives of their choice.´ The other problem. and you headed to the polls in Florida.com . we ought to defend it for minorities. this ³turned out to be something between a very bad thing and a disaster for racial minorities. the votes of minorities can be trumped by the White Folks Vote.wcdebate. but they have the same result: the legislature has the "right number" of minority representatives. if you¶re one of the 90 percent of African Americans that voted for Al Gore. Plus. of course. You vote for Ralph Nader because he says he¶ll challenge corporate rule. white people keep electing the aforementioned Mr. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. We had to deal with it in the LAST presidential election. is an excellent candidate who is notably NOT insane.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ After all. And depending on how old there are. though. racial minorities are so few in number that candidates can simply disregard them. The problem is that in other districts. What is the solution? Some suggested establishing "majority-minority" districts so that minorities would be assured of candidates that reflected their interests. As Tushnet notes. Cracking and stacking are more complicated.

The second reason is that those are the principles the Republic was founded on. Hence. every vote counts. (³Give us labor provisions in the FTAA bill. or political) ± because they may be the MAJORITY in four years. but because it¶s just as integral to the thinking of Lani Guinier as anything else. Guinier borrows the title of her book from James Madison. the first of which is just logical: if the majority votes to legalize cannibalism ± or to legalize discrimination against homosexuals (as my hometown of Canby. by merely threatening a filibuster on a certain bill or resolution. but there¶s another reason. Volume 9 Page 113 Enter Lani Guinier.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. legislators can get concessions on another. and that includes affirmative action. for one thing. too: voters and politicians have to think about the long term. you see things like former Washington Senator Slade Gorton cozying up to Indian tribes.´ This topic is covered in great detail in the Madison essay. for example. It could provide them a valuable commodity (a small voting block) where they could trade votes in exchange for other favorable legislation. Oregon did in the 1990s) or to do other unconstitutional. There would be problems with identifying these policies. Total majority rule. When you¶re in power. They will vote to advance their own interests. a structural reform might be adopted where passing some policies might require a greater margin than a simple majority ± it might take a two-thirds majority to pass policies that could systematically have a negative effect on minorities. but let¶s review some of the high points here. People are self-interested. For example. there¶s the well-established propaganda system. the tribes Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. not all of which involve modifying affirmative action. what is a filibuster but a minority veto ± enacted by a minority of one. That¶s why we have three branches of government ± to stop excesses and abuses of power by those who reach past their intended authority. whose theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity. of course ± but even requiring a super-majority on all legislation might help minority constituencies. So. Since every vote counts. why don¶t poor people just vote to take all the money from rich people through taxation? Well. SOME OF GUINIER¶S SOLUTIONS We started out discussing voting rights law not just because it¶s an important subject that often gets short shrift. This is especially true in close races or districts where there is an even split in political opinion. or we¶ll filibuster and block the bill which brings the pork barrel project to your district. usually Ted Kennedy? GUINIER AND THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Now.wcdebate. And nice as that sounds. economic. and you¶ll be in big trouble. There are a couple of reasons why. Sound radical? Ever heard of the filibuster in the Senate? That¶s an example of how.´) After all. some might say there is nothing more democratic than majority rule. every interest group is up for schmoozing ± even traditional enemies. you don¶t want to totally ignore the minority (whether racial. Reagan was re-elected primarily with the votes of traditional Democrats. it doesn¶t work that way. This is one major reason both parties talk about bipartisanship: they want to appeal to voters of the other political party.com . That includes people living in a democracy. stupid things. there needs to be some check on that abuse. Guinier has many ideas for transformation of the current situation. Some involve changing the internal decision-making structure of state and local legislatures. Similarly. Just because you¶re in the majority now doesn¶t guarantee that you will ALWAYS be. even though he spent 30 years trying to screw them sideways ± in a close election.

and abrogate their constitutionally guaranteed treaty rights). a left-wing critic of Guinier. This is your basic Ward Connerly school of thought. each institution would. their interests will be better served by legislators. What does confirmative action entail? It entails a merit-based approach that is continually evolving. This is a flaw Guinier finds in traditional affirmative action. You might be surprised. Guinier writes: So a policy of ³confirmative action´ would include economics as a decision calculus. Stephen Steinberg. SOME CRITICS Critics of Guinier fall into basically two categories: the conservative and the liberal. and would include an assessment of what contributions society as a whole can expect from the student or worker after the preference policy assists them. to revamp their admissions policies based on various factors: Practicing confirmative action. That¶s why she¶s so concerned with voting rights reform: if minorities can be represented in fact. Volume 9 Page 114 don¶t want to blast Gorton with both barrels when he¶s in office. There is a reason. try to actively undermine their interests. However.she believes a quota of minorities taken as representatives of the minority races as a whole will not truly give minorities a fair chance. and carry out the criteria that are adopted? Do their decisions support the institution as a public place? Are graduates contributing back to the institution and the society it serves? This continual review process would involve. That means includes continually updating affirmative into new policies that Guinier calls ³Confirmative Action. etc.com . presumably. give feedback on.´ This includes modifying preference policies to consider class ± so minorities that are truly disadvantaged get the most preferences. and neither race nor class should not be a determining factor in discussions. GUINIER AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION As noted above. but many liberals consider Guinier a fairly ³conservative´ (in the sense of being careful and wary to offer wild." Guinier's books and law review articles support only one conclusion -. Guinier asks. has thoughts I feel are worth considering: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and is relatively easy to understand. Guinier recognizes this.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. for example. If admissions policies and employment opportunities are truly to be merit-based. More often. though. because he controls appropriations money for their environmental restoration projects. rather than just in name. seeing what is working and what is not. The conservative critics are relatively easy to understand: we should all be evaluated on an individual basis. people like Gorton just ignore their traditional enemies altogether ± or worse yet. after all. college administrators. Her rationale for these reforms is simple. The best strategy lies in other means. and so poor whites are also considered in programs like jobs and university admissions. regularly review and seek feedback on its admissions program. crush their economic infrastructure. usually. programmatic change) thinker. And it would ask several important questions to guide such efforts: Are admissions processes consistent with the institution's purposes? Do they award opportunity broadly? Do they admit people who demonstrate competence and potential under a range of relevant measures? Are the relevant stakeholders involved in helping formulate. Guinier's political views in no way support her designation as a "quota queen. if you need a 40-hour a week job and/or don¶t get enough to eat. with its specific mission in mind. This doesn¶t always happen that way. health care projects. that Indian tribes hate him so much.wcdebate. (He tried to take away their fishing rights. Hence. we need to admit that those merit-based criteria exclude certain people ± you¶re not going to get as good grades as other kids.

and whether you disagree with her from the left or the right ± you have to admit her ideas are provocative. People that are interested in building a more racially just.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. economically viable future should check out her work.com . Volume 9 Page 115 CONCLUSION Whether you agree or disagree with Lani Guinier¶s ideas -.

com .6/steinberg. 1999. by Robert Richie and Steven Hill. December 200/January 2001. Lani Guinier's Certainty. Guinier. edited by J.mit.html. 1077-1154. No. 2002.edu/BR19. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. "Reframing the Affirmative Action Debate. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. Ward.html. "The Triumph of Tokenism: The Voting Rights Act and the Theory of Black Electoral Success. 1995. http://bostonreview. Guinier.wcdebate. 2002.html. Lani.. Mark.mit. p. December 200/January 2001. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994. p. C. BOSTON REVIEW." In REBELS IN LAW: VOICES IN HISTORY OF BLACK WOMEN LAWYERS. "Don't Scapegoat the Gerrymander. 1998. Lani. Lani.3/tushnet. Boston: Beacon. Foreword to REFLECTING ALL OF US: THE CASE FOR PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION. Steinberg. 1-16. Smith. 1998.edu/BR25. Lani. 2002.6/connerly." MICHIGAN LAW REVIEW. Guinier. 1998. 1994." NEW YORK UNIVERSITY REVIEW OF LAW AND SOCIAL CHANGE 24. Lani. Guinier. LIFT EVERY VOICE: TURNING A CIVIL RIGHTS SETBACK INTO A NEW VISION OF SOCIAL JUSTICE. January 8. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. accessed May 1. Lani.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. March 1991.mit. "Lessons and Challenges of Becoming Gentlemen. New York: Simon & Schuster. Stephen. Jr." THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE. 5. New York: Free Press. Guinier. 89. accessed May 1. 1998. Lani. "President Clinton's Doubt. THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY: FUNDAMENTAL FAIRNESS IN REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY.edu/BR25. Vol. http://bostonreview. p. 36-37. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Tushnet. Volume 9 Page 116 BIBLIOGRAPHY Connerly. Guinier." KENTUCKY LAW JOURNAL 86. accessed May 1. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center. Guinier. Guinier. 505525. Lani. http://bostonreview. p.

" reporter David Margolick wrote -"everyone" including himself. he admitted in an interview with Extra!. Volume 9 Page 117 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM 1. rather than to the political firestorm that raged around them -. THE MEDIA DISTORTS GUINIER¶S VIEWS TO THE EXTREME Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas ." a buzzword that almost killed the 1991 Civil Rights Act. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In sharp contrast to her media caricature as a racial isolationist. "Almost everyone is relying on reconstructions by journalists and partisans." George Will wrote: "The Framers also understood that stable. p." a phrase first used in a Wall Street Journal op-ed (4/30/93) by Clint Bolick.there still was not a single quote from any of her writings. Professor of Law at Harvard University. as it was for Lally Weymouth. 3. about the need sometimes to disaggregate the majority to ensure fair and effective representation for minority interests. so the majority at any moment will be just a transitory coalition of minorities. color-coded ballots. after the nomination had already been killed -. When the New York Times finally devoted an article to her views. CONSERVATIVES ARE HYPOCRITICAL WHEN THEY CHALLENGE GUINIER¶S VIEWS Lani Guinier.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. July/August 1993. EXTRA!. Nor did I write. EXTRA!. 9-10/92) because it "isolates blacks from potential white allies" and "suppresses the potential development of issue-based campaigning and cross-racial coalitions. July/August 1993. In an article in the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review (Spring/89). the woman known as the 'quota queen' claimed she did not believe in quotas. George Will and Lally Weymouth. two votes' remedies. injecting further distortions into the process. How could Guinier's positions be distorted so thoroughly? Part of the problem was simple laziness: Rather than doing research into Guinier's record.a process known as "race-conscious districting." Indeed. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. GUINIER IS THE OPPOSITE OF A ³QUOTA QUEEN´ Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . I wrote instead about the political exclusion of the black minority in local. praising ideas remarkably similar to mine. EXTRA!. The problem is that Guinier is an opponent of quotas to ensure representation of minorities. July/August 1993. 3. tyrannical majorities can best be prevented by the multiplication of minority interests. many journalists preferred to simply repeat the charges of ideologically motivated opponents.com . In the media smear campaign against Lani Guinier. Apparently. she has criticized race-conscious districting (Boston Review. p. One of the most prominent themes of the attack on Guinier was her supposed support for electoral districts shaped to ensure a black majority -. the white minority in South Africa. electoral quotas or 'one black.wcdebate. 3.was based on the premise that Guinier was in favor of "segregating black voters in black-majority districts. who after centuries of racial oppression are still excluded. as George Will did. but in many cases presented as the exact opposite of her actual beliefs." In reality. 3. her views were not only distorted. county and municipal governing bodies in America. p. Lally Weymouth wrote: "There can't be democracy in South Africa without a measure of formal protection for minorities. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. No one who had done their homework seriously questioned the fundamentally democratic nature of "my ideas.Yet these same two journalists and many others condemned me as anti-democratic. The difference is that the minority that I used to illustrate my academic point was not. 4. but we brand as "divisive" and "radical" the idea of providing similar remedies to include black Americans." But once the stereotype was affixed to her. Another media tactic against Guinier was to dub her a "quota queen." In my law review articles I had expressed exactly the same reservations about unfettered majority rule. about the minority of wealthy landlords in New York City. some of us feel comfortable providing special protections for wealthy landlords or white South Africans. EXTRA!. two conservative columnists. Clinton's nominee as assistant attorney general for civil rights.which appeared on the day her nomination was withdrawn (6/3/93) -. there was seemingly no way she could dispel it: "Unbelievably. The racially loaded term combines the "welfare queen" stereotype with the dreaded "quota. Guinier is the most prominent voice in the civil rights community challenging such districting." columnist Ray Kerrison wrote in the New York Post (6/4/93). 3." An entire op-ed in the New York Times -. she stated that "the enforcement of this representational right does not require legislative set-asides. THE MEDIA ADMITS THEY ARE BIASED AGAINST GUINIER Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . July/August 1993. a Reagan-era Justice Department official." 2. both wrote separate columns on the same day in the Washington Post (7/15/93).on June 4. p.

legitimacy and power base is the black community. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. EXTRA!.shtml." But more important.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. even as it demands clarifying and explicitly stating our institutional objectives. and what constitutes fairness for all. ³CONFIRMATIVE ACTION´ IS A COMMITMENT TO DEMOCRACY Lani Guinier. In doing so. we confirm the benefits of affirmative action² but not simply to people of color²by re-casting merit as a practical term that is intimately connected with each institution¶s specific mission. It requires modesty in our beliefs about what we can measure in human beings. in a multiracial democracy. 2. 2002.minerscanary. who carry a commitment to contributing back to those who are less fortunate. Many commentators painted Guinier as a racial polarizer who implies that "only blacks can represent blacks. AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AIDS DEMOCRACY. quantifiable and backwards-looking entity that. Professor. in turn. we must more carefully explore how to measure and what to call merit. Harvard Law School. In other words." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. each of us is then obligated not only to succeed as individuals. June 14. describing it as a "limited empowerment tool. http://www. because it takes lessons from both the testocracy as well as affirmative action to confirm a set of experimental and pragmatic actions that begin to link (ad)mission practices for all students to the broad mission and public character of higher education in a multiracial democracy. accessed May 1. Dynamic merit involves a commitment to distribution of opportunity not only at birth but also through one¶s life. we should seek to reconfirm the democratic role of higher education in a multiracial society by re-connecting admissions processes to the public mission of both public and private schools. 2000. Merit. AND SHOULD INCLUDE POOR WHITES Lani Guinier. 6/14/93).org/mainart/confirmative_action. while keeping firmly in mind the democratic purposes of higher education and the specific mission of most institutions of higher education. I tentatively call this a process of confirmative action. 2002. between claims of individual desert based on past opportunities and individual contributions based on future societal needs. And she was repeatedly charged with believing that only "authentic" blacks counted.com . Volume 9 Page 118 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY 1. 2000. 3. p. July/August 1993. That focus. allows us to reconsider the relationship between individual merit and operational fairness. np. np.´ Merit becomes a forward-looking function of what a democratic society needs and values rather than a fixed. In this fuller accounting of the democratic values of publicly supported institutions. But in a Michigan Law Review article (3/91). Harvard Law School.org/mainart/confirmative_action. 3.wcdebate. It is contextual and resistant to standardized measurement. can be chronicled with the proper instruments. Professor. in other words. June 14. A first step is to view ³merit´ as a functional rather than generic concept. THE CHARGES OF REVERSE RACISM AGAINST GUINIER ARE LUDICROUS Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas .minerscanary. http://www. she was not endorsing the concept of authentic representation. she was critiquing it. becomes future-oriented and dynamic. but to ³lift as we climb." as George Will put it (Newsweek. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. Guinier stated that "authentic representatives need not be black as long as the source of the authority.shtml. which showcase the experience of people of color and many women. If we are to move beyond the present polarization in a manner consistent with the commitments to fairness and equality that both positions endorse. like one¶s family tree or family assets. It is changing and manifests itself differently depending on how you look at it. accessed May 1. p. Our commitment to democratic values benefits from studies like the one at the University of Michigan. p.

people -. In 1970. Volume 9 Page 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY 1. 2002. City College¶s School of Engineering remains one of the best schools in the country. their argument is not at all new. Its efforts to create a student body with the right mix of skin colors have polarized it into two schools. Thus. and that those failures must result from a more deeply-rooted racism than Guinier is willing to acknowledge.that society is not so racially polarized.6/connerly. 2002. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994. it was surprising. 4. December 200/January 2001. City College¶s experiment has failed. All we need to do. octoroon. we ought to believe -. accessed May 1. What is most striking about Guinier's work. The next step in fulfilling America¶s promise is to create a colorblind state. Their prescription of emphasizing race anew merely resurrects the worst of our history. 2.apparently in the face of the failures of public policy -. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.mit.6/connerly. SORTING PEOPLE INTO CATEGORIES AS GUINIER DOES IS RACIST Ward Connerly. given these tensions. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. While the City College administration shared their concerns about racial equality and merit. according to Guinier's optimistic vision.3/tushnet. GUINIER¶S IDEAS LEAD TO RACIAL POLARIZATION Ward Connerly.have mistakenly seen politics as a zero-sum game. Both departments¶ alumni often proceed to top graduate programs in the country. BOSTON REVIEW. Students admitted based on their prior academic performance continue to succeed. 3. to see Susan Sturm and Lani Guinier propose "shift[ing] the terrain of the debate.html. and refreshing. etc. public policy could generate gains for everyone.6/connerly.html. BOSTON REVIEW. Hispanic. she proposes. Caucasian. GUINIER¶S IDEAS WERE TRIED AND FAILED 30 YEARS AGO Ward Connerly.com . December 200/January 2001. in which what one group wins necessarily comes at the expense of another group. http://bostonreview. Indian.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. It is a long and sordid history. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. City College of New York embarked on precisely the same social experiment advocated by Sturm and Guinier today: open admissions.edu/BR19. accessed May 1. Nor do we lack for evidence about how their proposal would work. one for which we should all be ashamed. BOSTON REVIEW. accessed May 1. accessed May 1. The substantive failures of policy can be eliminated by following the indirect strategy of using the right procedures." Sturm and Guinier implicitly concede that preference proponents cannot carry the day while traditional measures of merit prevail.edu/BR25. The English Department is also enjoying a renaissance.html. American governments at all levels have sorted us into categories based on our skin color: slave.perhaps most particularly whites -. the history of City College¶s experiment highlights the inherent problems in sacrificing merit on the altar of race. Unfortunately. is develop procedures which will allow all of us to work together to find the policies which will do that. they mount a frontal assault on the "prevailing selection procedures" of American society: academic standards measured by paper-and-pencil tests. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute.edu/BR25. 2002. December 200/January 2001. free black. Unfortunately. attracting topflight students from around the world. For its entire history.mit. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center.mit. Thus.wcdebate. 2002. Sturm and Guinier ignore this fundamental reality.html. For her. EMPIRICALLY. http://bostonreview. Which invites the pessimist to reply that the failures of policy show that the principle of reciprocity really doesn't work on matters of importance to African Americans. http://bostonreview.mit. Instead. http://bostonreview.edu/BR25. GUINIER IGNORES THAT RACISM IS TOO DEEPLY ROOTED FOR HER PROPOSALS Mark Tushnet. is how optimistic and fundamentally conservative she is.

Is this not the lesson of Bill Clinton¶s ill-fated proposal to "end welfare as we know it"? 3." as Sturm and Guinier write in their opening sentence. They may tell themselves that they are driven by realpolitik. don¶t fix it. 2002.6/steinberg.edu/BR25.html. Though they do not say so explicitly. http://bostonreview. accessed May 1. NOT GIVE UP AS GUINIER DOES Stephen Steinberg. THE SOLUTION IS TO MEND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION. GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE IMPRACTICAL Stephen Steinberg." 2. even if enacted. Is so-and-so a "team player"? Does she do her job well? Does he have good communication skills? Does she make the tough decisions? Does he demonstrate leadership? Such judgments are easily tainted by personal prejudices. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. December 200/January 2001.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.edu/BR25. To be sure. Indeed. but they end up acquiescing to the reversal of hard-won gains and falling back on reforms that are unlikely to be enacted in the foreseeable future. The problem is that "for more than two decades. What evidence is there that overhauling the selection criteria would open up avenues for women and minorities? In most large-scale organizations±corporations and universities alike±employees are routinely evaluated by superiors on an array of performance criteria. accessed May 1. rather than scores on "paper-andpencil" tests." The entire thrust of their argument is to explore alternatives to affirmative action that will broaden access of minorities and women to jobs and universities. Sturm and Guinier declare that "it is time to shift the terrain of debate. However. studies have consistently found that performance appraisal ratings of women and people of color are prone to bias. though. affirmative action has been under sustained assault. is now poised to deliver the coup de grace. Volume 9 Page 120 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE 1. they seem resigned to the fact that the Supreme Court. Therefore±alas. Sturm and Guinier could have concluded that the case against affirmative action is specious and therefore affirmative action should be upheld.html. http://bostonreview.6/steinberg. The problem. Instead Sturm and Guinier make a case for overhauling the selection process that evaluates candidates for jobs and college admissions. Their ideological enemies will revel in this retreat to a second line of defense by two law professors who are identified with the cause of affirmative action. At first blush. there are compelling arguments for abandoning standardized tests that favor privileged groups who. December 200/January 2001. Sturm and Guinier also make a compelling case that it would be fairer and more productive to judge applicants on the basis of performance criteria." 2. December 200/January 2001. would their proposed reforms of the selection process. the "testocracy" that is used to assess merit is neither fair nor functional. two troubling questions arise. Affirmative action is assailed by critics as violating cherished principles of "merit. especially when the people doing the evaluations are white and male and the people being evaluated belong to stigmatized groups. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. here the syllogism runs into trouble. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. have the resources to pay for expensive prep courses. accessed May 1. this strategy may appear to be a sensible concession to political reality. On closer examination. First. which has already eviscerated affirmative action through a series of decisions.com . aside from the advantages that derive from better schooling.edu/BR25. THERE IS NO EVIDENCE GUINIER¶S PROPOSALS WOULD WORK Stephen Steinberg. "if it ain¶t broke.mit.mit. is that they implicitly advocate these reforms as a surrogate for affirmative action policy. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. provide the access to jobs and opportunities that are today secured by affirmative action? The logic of Sturm and Guinier¶s brief can be stated as follows: 1.6/steinberg. 2002.mit. As the saying goes. are Sturm and Guinier capitulating to the anti-affirmative action backlash and prematurely throwing in the towel for the sake of an illusory consensus? Second. 2002. http://bostonreview.html.wcdebate. Nor will Sturm and Guinier get the concessions they are bargaining for. 3. Against this background.

Theda Skocpol defines social revolutions as. She argues that social revolutions involve two coincidences.´ (4). Through comparative historical analysis she helps to create an understanding of international contexts and changes in domestic policies that spawn revolutionary change in a particular society. She received her Bachelor¶s degree from Michigan State in 1969 and then went on to study for her PhD at Harvard. In this essay I will briefly describe some of Theda Skocpol¶s most prominant works and the theories she has developed in them.) on her behalf (Impersonal at Best). basic transformations of a society¶s state and class structures.´ This type of change is not the only force of change in the modern world. by nature. that this particular form of change deserves special attention because they are a distinctive pattern of sociopolitical change that has a large and lasting effect on both the country where the revolution occurs as well as other nations around the world.O. It also allow debaters to utilize historical examples without making it sound simply like a list that can be easily countered by a list on the other side. The nature of the social revolution is unique because of its mutually reinforcing nature and the intensity through which they work. Not only is Dr. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 121 THEDA SKOCPOL Theda Skocpol is the Victor S. In addition to all of this responsibility she still finds time to be what she calls her readers to be. ³rapid. ³class-based revolts from below.E. This perspective is useful for Lincoln Douglas debaters because it allows for method of examining values within a particular social and political climate and the effect they will have on particular resolutions. Skocpol¶s way of tying social and political forces together and analyzing those issue which effect both provides debaters with a model for effective argumentation through a discussion of past events. than other types of societal change. EXPLAINING SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS In her early work. She points out that they are accompanied and partially carried out by. She then uses her knowledge of history to create a more generalizable framework and allow readers to move beyond particular cases.com . In 1981 the all-male department of Sociology at Harvard refused tenure to Dr. Each section should provide another useful way of approaching domestic and foreign topics in the realm of social policy or social change. The examples she points to are rebellions that. STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS. full scale social revolution has been quite rare. First. From 1975 to 1981 she taught as a member of the non-tenured faculty at Harvard (Homepage). Next. Social revolutions are fundamentally different. She is involved in the community around her not only through her books but by contributing to local newspapers. However. Her earlier works focused more on revolution while her more recent literature tends to deal extensively with the United States¶ domestic social policies. I will end with a general discussion of the importance of Skocpol¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debaters. Her work includes discussions about the nature of the state. Skocpol¶s work refutes such mechanisms as the best method. in fact.C.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Thomas Professor of Government and Sociology at Harvard. Skocpol a researcher. As well as political revolutions that transform the state but not society and do not necessarily involve class struggles. professor and well-known author. From 1981 to 1985 she taught Political Science and Sociology at the University of Chicago. but she is a wife and mother. She is a native of the state of Michigan. Other forms of change never achieve this unique combination. Skocpol and Sociologists for Women in Society (SWS) filed charges against Harvard with the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (E. a social revolution involves the coincidence of societal structural change with class upheaval. Dr. She now has tenure in both Sociology and the Department of Government at Harvard. shows Skocpol. Skocpol utilizes her experience in sociology and political science to analyze the nature of public policy and social revolutions. she then returned to Harvard¶s Sociology Department.wcdebate. they involve the coincidence of political and social transformations. Skocpol argues. especially in analyzing revolutions. social policies and revolution through historical and comparative methods. an active citizen. involve class-based revolt but not structural change. Her work focuses on a structural perspective and pays special attention to the specific contexts in which certain types of revolutions take place. Debaters are often drawn to a social science perspective on social change in order to explain the effects of their views on society.

She takes the Marxist analysis further by examining other factors that have an influence on social change. or new class or group interests and potentials for collective mobilization.´ that view is inaccurate. Other issues dealt with by the Social Security Act were things such as unemployment insurance. mass-based movementcoalescing with the aid of ideology and organization. their social position. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14-15) Obviously. For this understanding political-conflict theories are necessary in Skocpol¶s analysis. Skocpol examines these issues in order to analyze the way the United States chooses to give out social benefits. The structural perspective taken by Skocpol is one that examines. While all of the previously mentioned nations provided social benefits directly from the nation¶s budget. MATERNALIST SOCIAL POLICY FRAMEWORK In American political debates it is common to hear politicians refer to this nation as a ³welfare state. not all social revolution is a positive thing. Thus. and insurance for workers.com . The Social Security Act of 1935 included contributory retirement programs as its only national program. if it wins. the United States¶ model. Hopefully. for better or worse. Finally. Volume 9 Page 122 Skocpol¶s work draws heavily on Marxist tradition from which she recognizes that class conflicts figure prominently in social revolutions. and the resources available to the group.S. which they labeled ³the warfare state. The same method may prove successful in answering a plan that could have detrimental effects. in following Skocpol¶s model successfully a debater would outline a particular stance on the resolution.´ Though many politicians would like to believe that the U. New Zealand and Brazil between 1880 and World War I. the conditions that cause change. undertakes to establish its own authority and program. political science and history being the most prominent have discussed the concept of welfare. exists in the framework of the ³welfare state. This concept makes receipt of such benefits demeaning and citizens attempt to avoid them. Then there develops a purposive. if affirmed. never followed a noncontributory model and in only one instance was anything allotted directly from the federal government to the citizens. Britain and Germany where governments enacted laws concerning hour and wage regulations as well as arbitration of labor disputes for workers. In the past individuals in a variety of areas. A debater can use this strategy to make the argument that the status quo is good or at least that the case brought about by their opponent. changes in social systems or societies give rise to grievances. During wartime nations like Britain became successful in maintaining and increasing such policies by juxtaposing their model of the ³welfare state´ against the Nazi model. These countries also began noncontributory pensions for the elderly. ³«collective action is based upon group organization and access to resources«´ (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14). which left states in charge of taxes and allowed them to determine coverage and benefits. those individuals capable of creating change. through this analysis the debater should be able to show how their stance can create positive changes in society. The federal government has never created a national health insurance policy and though it offers some subsides for public assistance programs it is left up to the states to administer such policies. Her claim is that: First.wcdebate.S. could create a situation that would lead to an undesirable revolution. The term ³welfare´ has always been a negative term in United States political discussions. After understanding that a particular class may come to a place where they realize the can struggle for change it is also important to understand how such groups may carry out their objectives. and examining how their development was effected by who could vote and have an effect on the legislation. Early social spending in these countries continued to spread to other nations as well including Denmark.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. social disorientation. Americans tend to perceive these programs as handouts to people who are lazy and haven¶t earned them.that consciously undertakes to overthrow the existing government and perhaps the entire social order. The idea of political-conflict is based in the assumption that. which started long after these other nations¶ programs. the revolutionary movement fights it out with the authorities or dominant class and.´ The concept of the welfare state began in countries like Australia. Skocpol takes the work from both of these areas in to consideration in understanding the development of social policies in the U.

S. She explains the powerful place middle-class women found themselves in once they began to organize around particular issues affecting their place in society. The work done by Skocpol in her book. This has a number of implications for debate.wcdebate.´ When talking about the middle she refers both to those individuals who fall into the middle of the socioeconomic spectrum as well as the middle of the generations. politics and business. Second it provides a well rounded concept of social policy in the United States. THE MISSING MIDDLE. This book defends an understanding of the power of various women¶s organizations that make up the women¶s movement in America. in this case the media was absolutely right. by examining pensions and programs for males and the elderly as well as subsidies for women and children. ³U. In such a political climate it struck many people as strange that Theda Skocpol would choose that time to speak out about inequality in America. which included the charities and the home. was published in 2000 and all of the issues that she addresses are still important in current political debates. Volume 9 Page 123 The welfare state concept has always been approached from a masculine standpoint. Most nights the average American could turn on the news and see President Bill Clinton or Vice President Al Gore promoting their latest policy to put health care in the hands of the people and provide opportunities to the working class. This mentality causes theorists to miss important issues when attempting to understand the history and development of social policy in the United States. THE MISSING MIDDLE The late 1990s were a fairly positive time in American history. However. moves away from an understanding of United States history as one where powerful men made all the decisions and women could only make marginal gains under a patriarchal framework. Welfare literature often ignores the gendered dimension when examining American politics.com . Despite media reports that America was in a prosperous time the majority of the country was feeling overworked and underpaid. Her theory applies to Working men and women of modest economic means. This could be followed by reports of the Clinton administration¶s success at keeping the economy up and unemployment rates low. Skocpol alters that reality by examining gendered social policies as well as maternalist policies in her work. Most importantly however. However. the stock market was up and social spending was high as well. Her book. She argues that up until this point the role of literature on women and welfare has been to sensitize readers to the subject and it therefore treats the subject through the use of narrative and interpretive essay.S. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS. was for males and females were responsible for the private realm. (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. this perspective allows debaters to move beyond shallow criticisms of a patriarchal structure to a full understanding of what that term truly means and how it may be an inaccurate criticism of United States policies. The framework she sets up in this work provides yet another useful mechanisim for analyzing problems with the social and political structure in the United States while finding workable solutions to those issues. the subject is not presented as one sided but rather analyzed through an understanding of the interplay between a variety of forces which she claims include women¶s organizations as well as. Skocpol takes on the challenge of creating a straightforward treatment of gender and social policies while learning from the more tentative arguments that have previously been made on the subject. this different perspective is one that allows debaters to emphasize the role of women in the history and development of United Stats social policy without painting the male population in a negative light. while paying the taxes that sustain retirees now and into the future. A shallow analysis of this problem may yield support for an understanding that American media is inaccurate.people who are not children and are not yet retirees.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In order to explain this paradox Skocpol developed her theory of the ³missing middle. The fundamental understanding and belief has been that the public sphere. First. Skocpol develops a maternalist theory of the United Stats social policies. having trouble obtaining health care and proper treatment at their jobs and not seeing the great wealth they heard about every night from the news media. unemployment was down. They are adults who do most of the providing and caring for the children. political institutions and variously structured social movements and political coalitions´ (PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS 36). a widely accepted understanding in the U.

Skocpol argues that because politicians continue to ignore the middle section of people in America¶s diverse spectrum of individuals they continuously miss the needs of this population. This work is especially important for Lincoln-Douglas debaters to have as a tool when determining a perspective with which to shape the debate for a couple of reasons. The low unemployment rate sounds good but ignores the fact that more Americans are working harder for less money than they have before and a majority of those same people could care less about a rising stack market because they don¶t own stock or have the time to learn how to invest their money because they are too busy getting out there and trying to earn it. This may leave some debaters thinking. working class parents it provides a realistic mechanism for assessing the resolution which your judges may often relate to. because Skocpol¶s theory tends to address the unspoken majority in American society she may provide a safer perspective when you are having trouble with audience analysis. Though the Clinton administration can tout low unemployment rates and a high stock market it is irrelevant to a large portion of the population. While college student and professors who judge Lincoln Douglas debate may be more amenable to radical discussions on either the right or the left of the resolution these individuals are not always the largest portion of a high school debater¶s judging pool. ³are truly at the epicenter of the changing realities of U. She points out that political debates devolve into conflicts between what are seen as the ³rich´ and ³poor´ in American society on issues such as welfare.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.S. Often working parents make up a large portion of the audience at tournaments and Skocpol¶s theory of the missing middle may be the perfect perspective with which to approach a resolution and make arguments that your audience can relate to. mainly. By examining a resolution through the missing middle perspective you seem to be avoiding the extreme positions and providing a discussion that is more palatable yet it will always clash with the dominant positions in these debates. who Skocpol argues. The group Skocpol seeks to address are generally working Americans who spend long hours at a job because they need to feed families and want to create a decent life either as a single parent or in a dual income home. the working population. because the theory of the missing middle addresses. Additionally. taking this approach insures that politicians leave out the largest portion of American society. The reason many Americans found themselves feeling overworked at the end of the 1990s while the media reported on the positive status of America was because they were. Politicians tend to juxtapose the needs of an aging population with the programs designed to help underprivileged children. Those individuals who fall in the middle of the generational and socio-economic spectrum. While all of these groups are relevant to discussions on social policy. Skocpol argues. are generally ignored in political debates.com . this theory differs from most current social and political theories in that it stand right in the middle of the dominant perspectives and still provides tons of clash with all of the things around it.wcdebate. society and economic life´ (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8). Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. many of them parents. First. and still are. More recently social policy debates have become an issue of the elderly verses the young. Volume 9 Page 124 The people she is referring to are the one who fall somewhere in between the ³poor´ that are often the focus of welfare debates and the wealthy professionals who are usually defended in political debates by the conservative politicians. why would I want to take a middle of the road stance if there will still be a lot of literature that clashes with it? The answer to this is simple.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. This particular theorist¶s work is a great tool for debaters because she takes the time to analyze situations from a viewpoint that allows the reader to examine historical examples. In Skocpol¶s book a debater will not only find a framework through which to construct a case.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Following her structure will allow debaters not only to have a political theory on which to base their arguments but it will provide a logical structure that culminates in a workable mechanism for change that should make sense to the critic. She also does a beautiful job of answering those theories that she chooses to disagree with. Here I would like to give a more broad discussion of the application of Skocpol¶s work to this activity.wcdebate. Additionally. Instead. She takes great care in pointing out the roots of social policy as well as explaining work done in a variety of fields and showing what other scholars have contributed to the research. tied together with values and political context as well as factors such as class. Volume 9 Page 125 LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE APPLICATIONS Some of the implications of this author¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debates have already been outlined in previous sections. they will find useful examples and explanations that support the arguments they choose to make. her criticisms and explanations end with plans for practical actions that could bring about desired change. The final reason that debaters may find Skocpol¶s work accessible is that she does not merely offer an explanation of why things are the way that they are nor does she stop after a thorough criticism of a particular structure. reading Skocpol¶s work will assist debaters in understanding perspectives that may be used to answer their case and providing them the tools necessary for refuting such arguments.com . Skocpol¶s work is useful for any Lincoln Douglas debater who finds themselves in a debate about domestic or foreign social policies. to explain events. which LD tends to draw upon. No matter what subject a debater may access this author¶s work to find she will end her discussion with a workable solution to the problems laid out in the discussion. Her work provides a mechanism for examining proposals made in the form of policy action as well as those that are created more as social changes.

Kristin Kay.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Dubrow. THE MISSING MIDDLE.. 1999. 1996. Skocpol. September 2000. May 31.S. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES. Skocpol. 2000. 1984. Gretchen.183. Felicia A. 1997. Wineman.´ OFF OUR BACKS. Theda and Stanley B. Halliday. 1982. New York: Cambridge University Press. Ritter. Terrance C.W. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS: THE POLITICAL ORIGINS OF SOCIAL POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES. 1992. RUSSIA & CHINA. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. New York: W. ³Impersonal at best: tales from the tenure track. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. July 31. 1979. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. Gail Lee.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. April 30. Volume 9 Page 126 BIBLIOGRAPHY Barker.171. Theda. Boston: South End Press. 1997. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science.wcdebate.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. THE NEW MAJORITY. Kornbluth. p. Norton & Company. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Theda. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. STATES & SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FRANCE. p. New Haven: Yale University Press.com . Theda. and Nicole Mellow. Skocpol. Greenberg. Skocpol. 28. p. Steven. Fall. Case.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY.

governmental institutions. "only (extremely flexible) outer limits. 3. 14 In Skocpol's vision. p.. to the emergence of particular government policies from particular governments. p.com . In other words.wcdebate. Skocpol asserts that the early development of American social policy was shaped by a social feminist movement that advocated for the establishment of a maternalist welfare state.S. the emphasis of both models on determination and autonomy. In The Wages of Motherhood (1995). INCLUDING GENDER IN POLITICAL STUDIES IMPROVES THE ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK Gretchen Ritter. September 2000. has helped in describing the complex historical relationships between masculine power and government policy. I will necessarily condense her account. a graduate student in the same department. Professor of Sociology. To this already weakened edifice of Marxian theory.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The negotiations and conflicts among politicians. SKOCPOL¶S EXPLAINS STATES POLICIES' RELATIONSHIP TO SEXISM WELL Felicia A. Skocpol introduces the term "structured polity" to describe the mix of political autonomy and social constraints that operate to produce social policy. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Rather. bureaucrats. This type of policy and law research offers one of the most promising venues for integrating gender in such a way as to both critique and reformulate standard theories and interpretations of AP.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. In her newest work. April 30.183. Volume 9 Page 127 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD 1." she argued in 1980. weakly bureaucratic "Tudor polity. Simply stated. in combination with the postmodern suspicion of theories that make social life sum up into a neat coherent whole. historical sociologist Theda Skocpol delivered a series of blows that threatened to bring it tumbling down. the literature under review profiles both the tight links between sexism and state policies. However. and elite interest groups account for much of the remainder. these institutionalized forces create policy opportunities and barriers. Associate professor of American Politics at University of Texas at Austin and Nicole Mellow. and the random walk that such policies often take along their autonomous historical paths. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science. Mink follows the development of this welfare state through the New Deal and argues that it was not only gendered but also racialized in ways that lowered the civic status of poor women and nonwhites. In Protecting Soldiers and Mothers (1992).171. Although not always explicitly. Given the enormity of her undertaking. and policy feedback loom large. from whether and how economic elites could determine political outcomes. Gender is being used not just to add women to a fixed political picture. SKOCPOL CAN ACCOUNTS FOR INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS BEARING ON POLITICS Kristin Kay Barker. 1997. Together." whereas historic monarchies like Sweden and France have strong central states-has enormous weight in shaping public policy." 13 Skocpol and her colleagues redirected the focus of study. There is a tradition of research in the area of social welfare exemplified by scholars such as Theda Skocpol and Gwendolyn Mink that has influenced not only scholarship on American political development but interdisciplinary feminist scholarship as well. Case. Neither neo-Marxists nor Skocpolians offered a model that entirely works for feminist students of welfare.a polity-centered perspective -. July 31. electoral rules. resulting in over 500 pages of text. it provides an analytic concept for understanding the nature of political relations and state institutions... bureaucrats. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States. Skocpol pushes social determinants out of her study so far as to load the dice in favor of autonomous state actors. the United States possesses a decentralized. Research on policy in a historical context tends to be preoccupied with broad theoretical questions that are of concern to feminist and other political theorists. the history of social policy is understood by situating it "within a broader. Kornbluth. [S]tate structures and party organizations have (to a very significant degree) independent histories. However. 1996. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. the shape of a government in itself-which she takes as mostly invariant over time. "[C]apitalism in general has no politics. political parties and officials. in her polity-centered perspective (much as in her earlier state-centered model). organizationally grounded analysis of American political development"(526). 2. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. that is.for accounting for the trajectory of social provisions. Skocpol's larger theoretical agenda is to substantiate her framework -. just as the neo-Marxists admitted the "relative autonomy" of politics while loading the dice in favor of "determination in the last instance" by economic power.

´ FEMINIST STUDIES.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. in Protecting Soldiers and Mothers. in their processes of creation. were doubly paternalist: Elite males. the story was different when it came to what might be called maternalist legislation. bureaucrats and national political leaders. In content. republican motherhood. which simultaneously justified a public role for women and affirmed women's primary responsibility for children. they were designed by ambitious middle-class women for working-class women. and children figured prominently in the configuration of early welfare politics. post suffrage women's movement. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. established regulations or social benefits for members of the working class-that is. 1997. they treated women as mothers who made claims on the state thereby. that women as mothers deserved a return from their governments for the socially vital work they performed by raising children. history may have believed (in Ladd-Taylor's phrase) "that there is a uniquely feminine value system based on care and nurturance" or (in Gordon's) have "imagined themselves in a motherly role toward the poor. p. exhausted.S. Many women reformers in U. which treated men as fathers and heads of families. federal social programs for mothers.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. Readers may also hear in maternalism." But we can distinguish maternalism from social feminism. which were largely closed to their putative workingclass beneficiaries-so were maternalist policies maternalist in two ways." However. Case. April 30. 3. [W]hile very little paternalist legislation was passed in the early-twentiethcentury United States. More important." or as the fractious. SKOCPOL PROVIDES THE CLEAREST UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALIST POLICIES Kornbluth.183. rather than just along the lines their organizations requested. Felicia A. with the latter's perceived best interests in mind. 1996. 1996. 2.171. For over 20 years feminist scholars have outlined the ways in which maternalist rhetoric and strategies were employed in the formation of social policy campaigns and crusades. and other reform ideologies by emphasizing its special. they offer a fundamental restructuring of our current understanding of what is political. Volume 9 Page 128 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED 1.171. Maternalist reformers may be familiar to some readers. July 31. p. Case. echoes of what historians of the early national United States have termed "republican motherhood. Kornbluth. maternalism represents a unique political philosophy that is particular to the historical moment at which it emerged. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. Although often overlooked in scholarship focused on state provisions to workers. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. programs designed "in the best interest" of workers. Professor of Sociology. Felicia A. who know them as "social feminists.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. potential mothers. p. THE HISTORY OF MATERNALISM SHOWS THE IMPORTANCE OF WOMEN¶S EXPERIENCES Kristin Kay Barker.com . and/or that governments had a special responsibility to ensure the health and welfare of children. 317) As paternalist social policies were paternalist in two ways-in their content. Historical accounts of the emergence of maternal policies are significant not only because they make for a richer representation of the crucial years of welfare-state development in Western capitalist democracies between 1880 and 1940.S. "Pioneering European and Australasian welfare states. time-bound contribution to political thought. These texts continue to advance the larger claim of feminist scholarship that existing categories of analysis fail to capture adequately women's realities. MATERNALISM UNDERSTANDS THAT WOMEN HAVE A POLITICAL ROLE AS MOTHERS. (P.. Maternalists were those reformers at the turn of the twentieth century who believed that motherhood or potential motherhood was a legitimate basis for women's citizenship. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. and in their processes of creation. Skocpol clarifies her operating definition of maternalism by analogy to the "paternalism" she argues characterized most other welfare states.S. April 30." she writes.

Ironically. but he criticizes Skocpol and other state theorists for failing to comprehend law's autonomy: "In asserting the autonomy of the state. Koven & Michel). THIS CAUSES THEIR POLICY INFLUENCE TO OFTEN BE COUNTER PRODUCTIVE. Michel. p. severe stratification of power. but also by policy makers seeking to restrict governmental services for women. p. Fall. SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE FAILS TO RECOGNIZE THE AUTONOMY OF LAW. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. a substantial literature has arisen that critiques the failure of pluralist theories to recognize the centrality of the state as an institutional actor with interests of its own with some measure of autonomy from the economic and political interests that emerge from the market and civil society.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. 2." MATERNALISM IS FLAWED 1. but also maternalism that contributed to the humiliating and punitive treatment of recipients. which continued to be reproduced not only by experts on children and the family. they represent a different version of how to sustain the corporate capitalist structure. Point for point. it is also good enough to take seriously the autonomy of law. Northwestern University. The case of child care and mothers' pensions reveals both the strengths and the limitations of an ideology rooted in arguments about women's natural capacity as mothers. the predominance of giant corporations. MATERNALISM CAN ONLY PROVIDE A LIMITED CONCEPT OF RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES FOR AMERICAN WOMEN. Volume 9 Page 129 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE 1. maternalism can also cast public child care as peculiarly unstable enterprise with a self-divided and self-defeating sense of purpose. np. If the true agenda of the conservative program is to serve the interests of big business. Halliday. to "do good. It was the limited vision of women's rights and responsibilities.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Instead. and social welfare history at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. What became extracted and reified was the single trope of the woman as mother in the home. New York: Routledge. law and its carriers had been reduced to a mere instrumentality" (p. Within political sociology.wcdebate. teaches American women's gender. 1993. American Bar Foundation. Shamir sympathizes with Theda Skocpol's thesis that state managers develop their own agendas. Hence Shamir maintains that if it is good enough to argue for the autonomy of the state and its managers. 1984.in the interests of the corporate order. This function proceeds despite the conscious of many individuals. reliance on industrial production which poisons the planet. p. not the idea of child care as public service to all. from legislators to bureaucrats to social workers. the hidden function of the welfare state is to maintain political and social stability and to deter fundamental change. Adjunct Professor of Sociology. 165). It is a mistake to view the welfare state policies as representing a qualitatively different system from the conservative program. liberal human services leave basic elements of the political economy in tact: structural unemployment. Theory of the State." MOTHERS OF A NEW WORLD (ed. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. THE WELFARE STATE IS AN INSTITUTION OF EXPLOITATION THAT CAN'T BE REFORMED Steven Wineman. 307. in both class and state.com .centered approaches. 1999. and that became maternalism's legacy to the American welfare state. it was maternalism that fueled the campaign for mothers' pensions. Terrance C. she is also the co-editor and author of a variety of works on these subjects. Sonya. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES. Author. "The Limits of Maternalism. after the turn of the century maternalist ideology began to weaken as parent education and other fields challenged the notion of maternal instinct and called for training and professionalization for those who dealt with children.36. Senior Research Fellow. While maternalism empowered the early female philanthropists to establish day nurseries and the NDFN to improve them. Similarly.

to put it inversely. p. Skocpol uses maternalism as an opposition to paternalism. The stratification of the American welfare system into the social insurance and public assistance program. Gender means "female" for Skocpol. PhD. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. it is a difference. Women's activism was as much as men's. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. Gordon thinks it is false to believe that a kind of unity among women was present at this time. In other words. Gordon continues: "This failure exemplifies ways in which Skocpol's approach to the influence of gender is undeveloped in relation to the theoretical level of much scholarly gender analysis today". researcher at European University Institute. The absence of such a specification and definition is a result of her failure to ground her concept of gender in questions of male and female power. or rather a set of meanings culturally constructed around sexual difference. Gordon indicates that Skocpol's analysis is not matched by familiarity with scholarly debates on gender. p.PHILOL. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. np. Spring. they were anything but universal: "they expressed a dominant outlook. However. without directly expressing the distinctions between the two concepts. NORWAY. was.PHILOL. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY.. the same set of assumptions about proper family life and the proper sphere for men and women.male and female welfare reformers worked within substantially the same gender system. To Gordon. determined by class as much as by gender. SKOCPOL'S GENDER ANALYSIS IS SIMPLISTIC AND INCOMPLETE Eirinn Larsen. to be sure.. in a context of male domination. of the fact that the forms of political power with which Skocpol is so concerned are shaped by their maleness. while these gendered assumptions did not necessarily express antagonism between men and women. NORWAY. She has no critique of maternalism". "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. 2. 1996. np. and thus the concepts of paternalism/maternalism refer to an inequity of power in relation to both gender and generation. the problems in Skocpol's interpretations are already present in the outset of the book: she fails to produce any adequate definitions of what she means by "paternalist" and "maternalist".West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." Gordon continues: She [Skocpol] generalizes about these "maternalists" as if they were manifestations of some universal female principle. Clearly. Eirinn Larsen. after all.The maternalist strategy was after all a result of women's lack of political power. this supposed unity denies that women's agency also derives from other aspects of their social position. . UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. says Gordon. researcher at European University Institute. Volume 9 Page 130 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN 1. with the exception of the structural differences mentioned above. often called the two-track welfare system. Gender is. PhD. not merely a neutral or benign difference. They did share some fundamental beliefs and assumptions about proper role of government and the proper construction of families. a result of gender values shared by both men and women. but Skocpol identifies these commonalties no more than their differences. In the entire book there is no discussion of male power in general or in its specifics -or.wcdebate. Gordon is able to underscore that men and women were holding similar visions of the economic structure of the proper family in which the welfare state took its form. in order to maintain the family wage system. 1996. SKOCPOL'S ESSENTIALISM REINFORCES A DESTRUCTIVE GENDER BINARY. By not employing gender as a male/female opposition. "Specifically. Spring. in the way Gordon sees it. and Gordon claims that "she produces an entirely celebratory account of the women's organizations she studies.com . says Gordon. but one that did not fit the needs and understandings of many less privileged citizens".

politics. At the university she found herself further away from individuals expecting girls to seek out married life but the sex discrimination was not gone. She chooses to use this particular name in honor of her great-grandmother who she sees as a powerful. race and gender studies but she more often chooses to write from her experiences and to adopt a more narrative style regardless of the type of work she is composing. racism and classism. hooks continued writing and went on to Yale after graduating. self-actualized woman who survived harsh racism. She earned her bachelor¶s degree from Stanford University where she expected to find a more enlightened view on the role of reading and education in a woman¶s life. Growing up hooks was taught that men did not like to be with smart girls and if she ever wanted to marry. For her. which allows the author to combine reflex and action. The desire to marry was not something bell hooks chose to focus on. In the period from 1980 to 1998 she produced sixteen books as well as numerous articles and speeches. This is part of her attempt to decolonize her mind and the minds of other colonized people. Her father feared.com . that too much reading would change her life. She knew there was something else out there for her. Friere's work has served as a model of critical consciousness. She follows his model because it is participatory and employs the notion of praxis. she would have to avoid excessive involvement in books. She could often be found curled up on her bed on a mental escape in a good book. hooks argues that her choice to avoid particular citation formatting of her work is not careless writing but rather a conscious choice to make her writing more accessible. Hooks describes her grandmother as: bell hooks is a prolific author. especially Friere.D. From the age of ten she was sure she wanted to become a writer. and the destructive effects of sexism. Despite the fact the many feminist critics. it was simply recreated in new ways. Volume 9 Page 131 bell hooks bell hooks is the name chosen by Gloria Watkins as her pseudonym. there are many aspects of his work that have nurturing qualities for hooks and she feels justified in overlooking the sexist tendency.wcdebate. This interest in books was not. She points out that. her writing style functions as a critical tool that breaks down accepted notions of proper and improper in academic scholarship.´ Determined to overcome these notions. highly knowledgeable in a variety of areas including literature. Unfortunately she realizes that it is this choice that often causes her work to be passed over for use in institutions of higher learning. which was supposed to be the primary goal in every girl¶s mind. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. including hooks. academia and her southern upbringing to a criticism of society that speaks to readers among a variety of audiences. perceived as a productive activity for a young girl to be engaged in. She later returned to California to obtain her Ph. In her classes. correctly it turned out. Kentucky. This is accomplished in most of hooks' work through the contribution of her own life experience.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. She uses her own experience to help others understand the hierarchy that exists in American society. she does not generally conform to rules of source citation or footnoting. WRITING STYLE bell hooks is a scholar. She has been extremely successful in applying her personal experiences in feminism. have indicted Friere as "partially blinded by sexism"(Women Writing Culture 106). Though hooks will make reference in her works to scholars who have influenced her work. Despite this realization hooks continues her practice because she feels the accessibility of her work to those outside of the scholarly community is more important. hooks was born in 1952 in Hopkinsville. sexism and classism. from the University of California in Santa Cruz. In her reading hooks found one author who she had a particular connection with. Like everything hooks does. generally taught by white males. she found a hostile reaction toward discussions of ³feminism. Paulo Friere. as it might be today.

Let's reclaim them. hooks argues that this acts as a barrier to self actualization by creating a false consciousness. which was obvious to her as she took the long bus ride to her all-black school.wcdebate. (KILLING RAGE) There are five major angles from which hooks chooses to analyze white supremacist tendencies in society: American nationalism. hooks deals with issues that are important in the lives of everyday people. We have those definitions. capitalist culture that uses racist. RACISM Growing up hooks attended segregated elementary schools. Even the smallest elements of bell hooks¶ work are purposeful. which seek to create a more open society free of oppression on the basis of race. hooks has written so much and had such an effect on so many lives that her name is highly noted but she hope that the lower case letters at least cause people to consider what it is they have attached themselves to. representations of their value structures and a devaluing of non-white people further marginalizes those groups. sex or class. white supremacist. No matter your debate topic hooks has probably written something that applies. Let's start over. It is experiences like these that cause her to point out that the ³world is more a home for white folks than it is for anyone else«´ (BONE BLACK 31). not very different from anything the students could relate to. hooks articulates the impact of white supremacist media influence as socialization and colonization of the mind. The bus riding process seems minor but it was one major example of the racist dehumanization young black children like bell hooks were forced to endure. racism within feminism. also occurs in the classroom where students are presented with white heritage and values but not called upon to consider the history of any other cultures and when those cultures are presented they are generally shown as they are perceived by the white historians. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Racism privileges one group of people over another based on racial classification. they just got up in the morning and went. The letters at the beginning of her first and last name are lower case to how that the person is not as important as the message and in hopes that people would become more connected to her words than simply attaching themselves to a name. social movements and educational biases. She indicts institutions and promotes a multitude of values. She remembers getting up in the earliest hours of the morning so that she could make the long bus ride she always noticed as they passed the white school those student appeared well rested because they lived in the area where their school was located. and classist educational policies. Frequently the media represents black people in subordinate roles to whites and fails to represent their reality or daily concerns. The lower case letters were an attempt to avoid the status of icon but the name remains one regardless.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. sexist. hooks explains that the mass media plays an enormous role in the construction of images that construct America¶s social reality. Volume 9 Page 132 She often feels free to alter the structure or grammar of her writing depending on the audience. The prominent group controlling American mass media are white males. hooks discusses pictures in her all-black school that portrayed black people as primitive savages in loin cloths. Her argument is that we live in a patriarchal. after gaining a better understanding of bell hooks¶ thoughts on society it would be beneficial for debaters to examine the literature in her books or online dealing with any variety of issues in society from education to politics and medicine. Classism creates an elite group. Mass media is generally seen as a mechanism for entertainment but with the frequency that it is viewed in American society there is a tendency for individuals to accept those things consistently seen on television as normal. Vernacular is another tool she uses to maintain connection with her roots as well as connections to her audience. No one ever informed her that she was living in a white-supremacist nation. She argues white supremacist values continue to develop in society even today. This process. no bussing. in a capitalist society it is those with the most money. and it privileges that group over disenfranchised peoples. in a white supremacist society white individuals have the highest concentration of power thus white people are seen as superior to any other racial group.com . legitimating standard English. Because of this values conveyed by television play themselves out in everyday life. FEMINISM "Feminist politics is losing momentum because feminist movement has lost clear definitions. this essay will deal with her general theoretical arguments and the literature on those subjects. Patriarchy is the privileging of males over females. There are a few terms that are frequently used in criticisms of the structure hooks describes. she argues. Let's share them.

She believes that this is a good definition of the feminism because it does not imply that men are an enemy of the movement."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 1). While it is important that feminism address all of the structures that support oppression they have decreased some of their power by dividing on particular issues.com . ads everywhere and billboards. and oppression. She points out that when feminist politics can be divided and connected only to equality with elite white males it prevents society from recognizing the need for revolutionary change and allows small gestures toward equality to pacify people. She argues that feminists are made. We can share the simple yet powerful message that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression. The women¶s movement has fractured into multiple movements based on the area certain women are most concerned with. The white supremacist culture has less difficulty recognizing upper class white women¶s experience then the experience of those generally excluded from this grouping. sexist exploitation. Volume 9 Page 133 postcards and hip hop music. However.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. about women becoming equal to men and she indicts the notion that feminism is anti-male."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 6) Often people will refer to the feminist movement as a collective whole and while they do tend to come together on many issues each major feminist thinker in American society has their own take on the definition and qualities of feminism. and always. may even create a new type of feminism for the ideas presented in their work. bell hooks is in the business of consciousness raising. RACISM DIVIDING FEMINISM Earlier it was said that there are a variety of definitions of feminism. bell hooks sees feminism as. hooks¶ version of feminism is one that goes beyond traditional notions of a feminist movement that only deals with women¶s issues to include race. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Sexism. She argues that in order to rectify the problem we must. hooks identifies this as the most destructive force in current feminist ideology. In her book. When talking about a particular feminist position it is important to clarify what the author's point of view is on the subject so that everyone is functioning in the same conceptual framework. have often felt marginalized. Issues of who perpetuates sexism or whom it is directed toward are irrelevant. At the core of her feminist theory is the assumption that racism and sexism are intimately intertwined forms of oppression. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY. ³acknowledge the ways politics of difference have created exploitative and oppressive power relations between women that must be contested and changed´(SKIN DEEP 272). The goal of her writing is consciousness raising in order to overturn the ³white supremacist patriarchal system.wcdebate. or their critics. television and radio commercials. and all manner of printed material that tells the world about feminism. "a movement to end sexism. Though hooks advocates unity among feminists she realizes that the prevalence of racism even in the roots of the movement itself create a problem. These structures are mutually reinforcing and dependent. Work on personal issues have caused feminists to group together based on their lifestyle. In FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY she points out: This is the reason many early feminists lashed out at men.´ This lead women to begin working on things that most affected them. Let's start there. not only on feminist issues but a variety of social concerns. Let the movement begin again. hooks¶ argument is that these groups need to come to this realization and reunite to regain power for social change. and that individuals who choose to advocate feminist ideals do so as a result of a conscious choice that comes from consciousness raising. she argues. It is broad and able to include institutionalized sexism. is the heart of the matter. men are not the sole reason there is sexism in society and feminists had to eventually learn to fight the oppressive structures through sisterhood. not born. hooks argues against the impression that feminism is only. Occasionally an author. like hooks. As women identified structures that were hindering their self-actualization they looked to their own lives and realized that nearly all structures in American society were part of hooks¶ ³white supremacist patriarchal system. Feminists who are recognized by the media and the American culture are generally white women and black women in the movement. they perceived them as the problem and the reason for the perpetuation of a sexist structure that allowed them to be dominant. Because of this a more beneficial definition of the feminist movement is the one used above by hooks that provides cohesion. not division in the movement.´ She argues that most women became involved in women¶s rights movements as a result of their efforts to create change in a cultural setting.

Her use of personal experience allows her work o be passionate and compelling.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Not only is her work easy to locate but it is simple to read. She may criticize the educational process in America but her books also discuss what can be done to alleviate detrimental effects of a problematic educational system. using hooks¶ work debaters should be able to uncover the problems with assumptions made in the case construction process. Her theories work well to indict any affirmative case that does not question its own underlying assumptions. White feminists also have been known to express connection with black women¶s experiences while completely missing their point of view all together. The next great thing about bell hooks is her accessibility. media and the academy. She looks at issues of poverty and class and discusses the ways that a feminist perspective addresses those issues. One of the most important issues for hooks as an author is a student¶s ability to read. Having the dominant culture speak for black women in the movement is not only damaging because it creates misunderstanding but. one of the most important parts of winning a debate is the ability to persuade your audience that the stance you have taken is correct. Combined with knowledge of social realities and academic subjects hooks is an author many audiences can relate to. Manifestations of this racism can be seen in schools as well as in the workforce. debaters tend to want the information accessible on the computer as well. Her criticisms apply to every conceivable area of American life because she critiques the fundamental structures in which we live. LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE bell hooks is a wonderful resource for debaters because of her application to a wide variety of concerns. This critical approach may seem most accessible for a debater on the negative who wants to critique the dominant stance of the affirmative case. in this area she not only has a vast array of works dealing with expression but also mass media and she attempts to come to grips with what society can do to move away from destructive expression without censoring out groups who are already marginalized by the dominant culture. she even writes interesting children¶s books! Bookstores often carry a sampling of hooks¶ major works as well. When faced with a case that advocates a particular ideology. Finally. A careful deployment of hooks¶ work can bring audiences to your side.com . She provides a unique perspective for creating practical approaches to societal issues. While white supremacist sexist society guarantees a devaluing of women¶s experiences and their bodies white women will always be better off on this structure than black women because of their race. The key is finding the appropriate discussions to have with particular audiences in order to raise consciousness. Freedom of expression is another great area to use hooks¶ work. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. hooks will generally have something to criticize because even when someone is conscious to avoid racism and sexism they often don¶t recognize the critical role class plays in the assumptions we make about the way society functions. Not only can you find her work but when you sit down to read it you will not be lost. These are only a few of the many areas bell hooks has chosen to write about. Whatever the flaw. She wants to make her work something that everyone can understand the issues that are important to her. Because she is so interesting people want to provide information on her. Let¶s face it though. The wonderful thing about hooks for debaters is that she does not simply critique. it silences their voices out of the movement further denying self actualization to this group of people. Type her name into any library data base and you are bound to find something written by this author. Volume 9 Page 134 White women often speak for black women without fully understanding their experience and thus complicating the problem with increased racist assumptions under the guise of positive social change. even worse.wcdebate. even her publishing company has made parts of the book FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY available on their website for free. Type the name bell hooks into internet search engines and you will find tons of information. That makes her a good person to refer to when constructing cases as well.

bell. hooks. Olsen. bell.com . New York: Doubleday. 1999. 1995. bell. Boston: South End Press. New York: Henry Holt and Company. New York: Henry Holt. 1998. bell. 2000. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY. and Elizabeth Hirsh. hooks. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. Marita and Susan Richards Shreeve.´ LIFE NOTES (ed. Namulundah. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. bell. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. Norton & Company. YEARNING: RACE GENDER AND CULTURAL POLITICS. Albany: State University of New York Press. hooks. 1996. 1990. bell. 1994. WOUNDS OF PASSION: A WRITING LIFE. New York: W. Volume 9 Page 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY Florence. hooks. New York: Henry Holt. Cambridge: South End Press. Golden.wcdebate. Patricia Bell-Scott). BONE BLACK:MEMORIES OF CHILDHOOD. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1995 hooks.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. SKIN DEEP: BLACK WOMEN & WHITE WOMEN WRITE ABOUT RACE. WOMEN WRITING CULTURE.W. Gary A. 1995. hooks. ³Black Woman Artist Becoming.

but threaten their very existence. unlike Northern and Western European immigrants. Critical. hooks succinctly states: In the beginning black folks were most effectively colonized via the structure of ownership. p. 1998. Namulundah Florence. 2. a ³white´ self.com .109). for the space it sought to own and conquer was the minds of blacks (1995. 1989. p. and practices are engrained in social policies and norms serving as basic criteria for social and economic mobility. 1992. groups such as African Americans. In a white supremacist society. Boston: South End Press. and political structures that primarily served the interests of the colonizers . p. can come into being.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. My concern about the process of assimilation has deepened as I hear black students express pain and hurt. McNaught. colonization of the continent led to the institution of economic. This strategy of colonialism needed no country. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. Nelson et al. in this case. TALKING BACK: THINKING FEMINIST. feminist and multicultural critics highlight the fallacy behind mainstream norms and practices. Embedded in the logic of assimilation is the white-supremacist assumption that blackness must be eradicated so that a new self. 1988. It is argued that a pervasive false consciousness is reinforced in society due to the sanctioning of exclusive ways of being. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. p. educational. Historically. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. 1995.wcdebate. gender. AMERICAN CULTURAL BIAS IS ROOTED IN COLONIZATION Namulundah Florence. ASSIMILATION HAS A DESTRUCTIVE EFFECT ON BLACK STUDENTS bell hooks. as I observe them suffer in ways that not only inhibit their ability t perform academically. White people¶s values. this very effort promotes and fosters serious psychological stress and even severe mental illness. Anglo-Saxon sociocultural traditions functioned as a ³prerequsite to social acceptability and access to the political structure´ (Banks 1988. white supremacy could be effectively maintained by the institutionalization of social apartheid and by creating a philosophy of racial inferiority that would be taught for everyone. p. and class specific. 1996). Westport: Bergin & Garvey. p. in America. 11. hooks. hooks contends: Racism took precedence over sexual alliances in both the white world¶s interaction with Native Americans and African Americans. at its very core it is dehumanizing.. 1996). 1998. 67. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 136 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE 1. The subordination of one group¶s cultural traits and characteristics has significant impact in marginalized students¶ experiences of schools and/or incorporation of official curricula. (1981. However. 1994. and Mexican Americans faced greater challenges in trying to assimilate as a result of possessing different cultural traits and characteristics from the mainstream (Banks. While assimilation is seen as an approach that ensures the successful entry of black people into the mainstream. Of course. feeling and knowing as the norm. Essentially.58). since we who are black can never be white. Once slavery ended. currently policy makers(Banks. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. Insisting on the primacy of racial discrimination. just as racism overshadowed any bonding between black women and white women on the basis of sex. traditions.122) 3. AMERICAN SOCIETY HAS A WHITE SUPREMACIST CULTURE. In the United States. THINKING BLACK. these values and traditions are racial. Students from marginalized cultures find their primary cultural values and traditions inadequately represented and/or denied. Chinese Americans. 1988. 14.

wcdebate. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. Rather than continuing to see them as opposites. And I would say vice versa as well. New York: Routledge.com . it is clear that we cannot create a cultural climate where these conditions exist without first committing ourselves to a feminist agenda that is specific to black life. thinking we are trying to take something from each other (whether it is the privileged white woman who thinking that a black woman is trying to take some of her power from her or to make herself more powerful or it is black women feeling like thee are these white women who have everything and want more). girls women. 1995.´ CONFLICTS IN FEMINISM. np. however relative. FEMINISM ALLOWS THE BREAKDOWN THE RACIAL DIVISIONS AMONG WOMEN bell hooks. sociologically.75. yet black women don¶t unequivocally view white males in the hostile.. p. particularly sexist black men. p. to assume that black folks. New York: Henry Holt. a strengthened when black males and females participate as equals in daily life and struggle. author. If we start with the premise that black liberation struggle. professor. to assume that black females are incapable of embracing revolutionary feminism in ways that would enhance rather than diminish black liberation. Associate Professor of English and Women¶s Studies at Oberlin College. Certainly as a group white males have been more oppressive to black women. Ours task in parenting and in education would be to encourage in both females and males the capacity to be holistic. and Mary Childers. p. that they receive in the existing social structure. Women seem to be particularly threatened when our differences are marked by class privilege. etc. CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE INTERSECTIONS OF RACE AND SEX IS KEY bell hooks. 69. Volume 9 Page 137 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST 1. particularly sexist black men. we would need to recognize biological differences without seeing them as markers of specific gender traits. What do you do when you are not privileged and have contact with a privileged woman of any race? Or when there is race and class difference? What gives us a space to bond? These are questions we have had trouble answering. the labeling of black women who engage in feminist thinking as race traitors is meant to prevent us From embracing feminist politics as surely as white power feminism acts to exclude our voices and silence our critiques. 2. Surely it is patriarchal condescension that leads black folks. Rather than defining manhood in relation to sexuality. we would acknowledge it in relation to biology: boys become men. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. In this case both groups are acting to protect and maintain the privileges.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Certainly. 3. social critic. 1995. professor. Often this condescension merely masks the allegiance to sexism and patriarchal thinking in black life. active and passive. and anthropologically how we see one another and why it has been so hard or us to change how we see one another. and all our efforts at self-determination. INCORPORATION OF FEMINISM IS NECESSARY FOR BLACK LIBERATION bell hooks. for boys to be active and girls to be passive. To advance this agenda we would need to rethink our notions of manhood and womanhood. suspicious ways that we often view white women. I want to privilege political commitment because in this culture we do not emphasize enough that you can choose to be politically committed in ways that change your behavior and action. to be capable of being both strong and weak. social critic. with different ³inherent´ characteristics. author. that concerns itself with ending sexism and sexist oppression in our diverse communities. 1990. Feminist theory needs to study historically. This would mean no longer thinking that it is ³natural´ for boys to be strong and girls to be weak. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. with the understanding that both categories are synonymous with selfhood. in response to specific contexts. New York: Henry Holt. despite the continued overt racism and racist agendas of those groups of white women who can most easily lay claim to the term ³feminism´ and project their conservative and reactionary agendas. We need to do more work examining the reasons white women and black women of all classes view one another with suspicion. I don¶t think we really understand either historically or in terms of contemporary circumstances why we view each other in such incredibly negative terms. ³A Conversation About Race and Class.

hooks (who insists on the lowercase letters) has nothing but disdain for "reformists" like Estrich who sought only to claim the "class privilege" their brothers enjoyed. love goes the way of BMW's. I read Hooks' first book as a young women in college. Hook's interview actually reinforces white-male-dominated patriarchal ideas she built her career fighting. In the past hooks has defended this move by arguing she should be allowed to "grow" and should not be pigeonholed. 3/14/98. like the older civil rights generation.Bell Hooks interviewing Jada Pinkett for Essence . An unreconstructed black radical feminist. ads everywhere and billboards. It is clear from her Essence interview the "rage of youth" in Ain't I a Woman is gone. However. HOOKS' FASCINATION WITH POP CULTURE WEAKENS HER CRITIQUE Catharine R. in recent year Hooks' work seems to have gone the direction of pop culture rather than a critique of dominant culture. She began Ain't I a Woman in college. I was initially excited by the cover story . B1. I was surprised by what I read. empowering article for Black women. television and radio commercials. yet at one point. Which is exactly bell hook¶s complaint. p. co-author (with Linda Waite) of The Case for Marriage: Why Married People Are Happier. Maybe. Yes. Reformist feminism became their route to class mobility. Her follow-up works equally impressed me. Posing as a "feminist author" Bell Hooks' interview with Jada Pinkett in the March issue of Essence magazine falls short of her used-to-be scathing critiques of dominant culture. 50. Black people and especially artists are often pigeonholed. Kelly. and Better Off Financially.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Hooks was an important player in developing Black feminist theory." in which "the politics was slowly removed from feminism. Volume 9 Page 138 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE 1. aside from abortion on demand and contraceptives for all. Like Jada. p. NATIONAL REVIEW vol.´ MICHIGAN CITIZEN. Buppiedom and Big Houses. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. staff writer." hooks is equally disdainful of what she calls "lifestyle feminism. I was impressed with her passion in telling the historical oppression of Black women in America." I wish I could tell you in more detail what hook¶s revolution might look like. but in 123 pages she never gets around to explaining what "ending sexist oppression" means. 1/22/2001." 2. Healthier. and all manner of printed material that tells the world that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression.com . 53.her passion lost. Equally hard to explain is her naive idea that all that prevents the triumph of radical feminism is bad marketing: "Let's start over. "While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces.a potentially informing. ³For bell. HOOKS FAILS TO PROVIDE AN ADEQUATE ALTERNATIVE VISION Maggie Gallagher. lulled into a more "comfortable" and "middle class" existence. she has gone mainstream . Bell Hooks and her BMW have disappointed me for the last time.wcdebate. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and postcards and hip-hop music.

rather than conflicting. The powerful intersectionality model has also inspired many other avenues of critical engagement. gays and lesbians of color. p. and. The HRC endorsement controversy reflects broader. critical scholars have offered persuasive arguments against traditional.. Multidimensionality. Their work on the intersectionality of subordination has encouraged some judges and progressive scholars to discard the "separate spheres" analysis of race and gender. a growing intellectual movement has emerged that responds to racism within gay and lesbian circles and heterosexism within antiracist activism. p. B. Spring 2001. rather than as potential alliances and coalitions." Multidimensionality "recognizes the inherent complexity of systems of oppression . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. While essentialism remains a prominent feature of progressive social movements." Multidimensionality posits that the various forms of identity and oppression are "inextricably and forever intertwined" and that essentialist equality theories "invariably reflect the experiences of class-and race-privileged" individuals. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. Southern Methodist University School of Law. University of Pennsylvania. patriarchy. B. The intersectionality scholarship has inspired helpful analyses in areas outside of the contexts of feminism and antiracism. and heterosexism. have also examined the experiences of persons who suffer from intersecting forms of marginalization and have proposed policies to address the reality of complex subordination. J. class domination. critical race theory. The feminist of color critiques of feminism and antiracism provided the earliest framework for analyzing oppression in complex terms. and poverty studies. I have examined the relationships among racism.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. recently. patriarchy.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. are currently developing a sizeable body of scholarship that extends intersectionality theory into new substantive and conceptual terrains...´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW.A. Feminists of color and other critical scholars have examined racism and patriarchy as "intersecting" phenomena. 2. 309-310.wcdebate. In a series of articles. structural problems in antisubordination theory: the embrace of essentialist politics. respectively.A.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW.´ ³Multidimensionality. and the social identity categories around which social power and disempowerment are distributed. the positioning of progressive movements as oppositional and conflicting forces. and the failure to recognize the multidimensional and complex nature of subordination. Southern Methodist University School of Law. J. MULTIDIMENSIONALITY ALLOWS THE EXAMINATION OF MULTIPLE INTERSECTIONS Lennard Hutchinson. race-sexuality critics.com . law and sexuality. University of Pennsylvania. OPPOSITIONAL STRUCTURES OF RACE AND SEX BECOME BARRIERS TO COALITIONS Lennard Hutchinson. These "postintersectionality" scholars are collectively pushing jurists and progressive theorists to examine forms of subordination as interrelated. Although heavily influenced by intersectional analysis..D. rather than as separate and mutually exclusive systems of domination.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In particular.. 288-290. therefore. whose work examines the relationships among racism. These scholars. phenomena. the "post-intersectionality" theorists have offered several improvements to the intersectionality model. Yale Law School. heterosexism..´ ³Multidimensionality. Lesbian-feminist theorists. have challenged the patriarchy and heterosexism of law and sexuality and feminist theorists. Assistant Professor.D. arises out of and is informed by intersectionality theory. Spring 2001. and other scholars have utilized the intersectional model in order to counter essentialism in feminism. Lesbian feminists. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. single-issue politics and have proposed reforms in a variety of doctrinal and policy contexts. Volume 9 Page 139 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY 1. and class oppression utilizing a model I refer to as "multidimensionality. Yale Law School. for example. Assistant Professor. like the intersectionality theorists.

Monash University. Women were given the Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ANIMAL FACTORIES (co-author with James Mason) in 1980. but that society has since realized its mistake. PRACTICAL ETHICS in 1979. MARX in 1980. and thinks that they have gotten rid of the last form of discrimination. His writings include discussion of issues like animal rights. New York University. Singer was a professor at the Center for Human Bioethics. A COMPANION TO ETHICS in 1991. EMBRYO EXPERIMENTATION in 1990. SHOULD THE BABY LIVE? THE PROBLEM OF HANDICAPPED INFANTS (co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1985. For example. 3 The barrier that causes society to not extend rights to animals is their view that these species are fundamentally different. He has lectured at Radcliff. HEGEL in 1982. At age 30. PRESENT TECHNIQUES. La Trobe University. Now. the Director of the Center for Human Bioethics. he was given a professorship at Princeton University amid much controversy. Australia on July 6. with what he has to say or will reject some of the premises upon which he bases his arguments. While at Monash University. whereas a man cannot physically require an abortion and so does not have this right. what makes an individual or creature a ³person. they merely need different considerations. he began his teaching career and has been teaching and writing since. THE REPRODUCTION REVOLUTION: NEW WAYS OF MAKING BABIES (co-author with Deane Wells) in 1984. He also reminds us that for a long period of time. TEST-TUBE BABIES: A GUIDE TO MORAL QUESTIONS. it was widely criticized as absurd. RETHINKING LIFE AND DEATH: THE COLLAPSE OF OUR TRADITIONAL ETHICS in 1994. As the President of the University noted. HOW ARE WE TO LIVE? ETHICS IN AN AGE OF SELF-INTEREST in 1995.´ and democracy. and was awarded the National Book Council of Australia Banjo Award for non-fiction in 1995. He believes that society has become far too complacent. His works include DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE in 1973. and again turns to the women¶s rights movement as an example. Even careful readers of his works will disagree. AND FUTURE POSSIBILITIES in 1982.´ 2 SINGER AND HISTORICAL OPPRESSION Singer uses a comparison of ³speciesism´ to the historical concepts of racism and sexism. When Mary Wollstonecraft published her VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN in 1792. 1 When he was hired at Princeton University. Volume 9 Page 140 PETER SINGER Peter Singer was born in Melbourne. sometimes quite vehemently. and Princeton University (where he currently is a professor). we classify members of other species as undeserving. ANIMAL RIGHTS AND HUMAN OBLIGATIONS: AN ANTHOLOGY in 1976. an MA from the University of Melbourne in 1969. But Singer explains that equality can be extended with attention paid to detail.or ways of avoiding thinking -. He was awarded a fellowship by the Academy of Humanities and the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia. 1946. ETHICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES IN GUARDIANSHIP OPTIONS FOR INTELLECTUALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE (co-author with Terry Carney) in 1986. INDIVIDUALS. and co-director of the Institute for Ethics and Public Policy. a woman can claim that she has a right to an abortion. IN DEFENCE OF ANIMALS in 1985. He is the author of the major article on ethics in the current edition of the ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA. Singer understands that extending rights to animals seems a bit far-fetched. His works have appeared in nineteen languages. Peter Singer¶s educational experiences include a BA with honors from the University of Melbourne in 1967. and a BA in philosophy from the University of Oxford in 1971. Instead. liberation movements for minorities and women seemed far-fetched.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. He explains that conceding the differences in beings does not mean they are unworthy of equality.com . instead of classifying those of other races or women as less deserving of rights. In 1998. He was a senior scholar in the Fullbright Program. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS in 1975. ³But some of the controversy arises from the fact that he works on difficult and provocative topics and in many cases challenges long-established ways of thinking -. the decision was met with much enthusiasm and controversy. and ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT in 1998.about them. HUMANS AND PERSONS: QUESTIONS OF LIFE AND DEATH (Co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1994.wcdebate.

a criteria based on equality only in certain circumstances fails. CRITERIA FOR EXTENSION OF EQUALITY Critics of Peter Singer often offer criteria that attempts to include all of humanity and exclude non-human animals. Another proposed criterion to decide upon the extension of equality is intelligence or the capability to reason. or other matters. however. is not descriptive of they way beings are.´ 5 This helps to further clarify the notion that equality does not mean an extension of the exact same rights. strength. Dogs. 4 Singer concedes that there exist important differences between animals and people. That is. Singer offers the following definition: ³The basic principle of equality. Perhaps the conflict of interests is not real. factual equality comes with no guarantee that the abilities and capacities that humans have are distributed evenly throughout the population. differing abilities to communicate effectively. It would also mean that Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. do not have that same capability and should not be allowed the right to vote. But if a creature can suffer. like intelligence. The criteria agreed upon by Singer. Others have proposed differing criterion that Singer responds to. Fundamentally. and differing capacities to experience pleasure and pain.´ 7 These differences make it nearly impossible to create a criteria that encompasses all of humanity. the determining factor is the capacity to suffer or experience happiness. then it is simple discrimination. 6 This consideration is based on two things. we will never give equal consideration. THE DEFINITION OF EQUALITY Before we can explore the ways in which Singer believes equality should be extended. as noted above. The proposed criterion are ways to determine who is worth of having equality extended to them. and explains how it is not necessary for a healthy diet. but that does not mean that the basic principle of extending equality to non-human animals is invalid. Singer¶s notion of equality is that it is a moral ideal. rather. however. After noting the similarity this principle holds with the racist and sexist policies of the past. then they cannot have interests. Furthermore. a new criteria becomes necessary. He poses the hypothetical situation of an experiment that needs testing. Volume 9 Page 141 right to vote because they are capable of rational decision making just like men are. If a creature cannot suffer. Singer notes that. according to Singer. and a decision can cause that suffering. wear them. Singer notes how much money and resources it requires to raise animals for food. Singer is quick to explain the problem with this criterion: it necessarily excludes humans who are infants and those who have mental defects. would that be ok? Singer responds with another hypothetical situation: would the experimenter be prepared to conduct the study using a human infant? If he is not. I shall argue.com . Singer¶s ideas here begin with the notion that not all human beings are the same. moral capacity. The first is the ability of a being to suffer. His critics claim that the reason why infants should be included in the criteria of intelligence and reasoning is because they have the potential to develop those things. differing amounts of benevolent feeling and sensitivity to the needs of others. ³Humans come in different in different shapes and sizes. and not merely an assertion of fact.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Because the notion of basing equality on a fact. they come with differing moral capacities. is sentience. points out that all of the proposed criterion exclude some of humanity while including some non-human animals. In his All Animals are Equal. their interests must be given equal consideration to human interests or any other animal¶s interest. Thus. Singer explains that if fails since our interests are constructed to always be in conflict with other species. This would mean that individuals with mental defects still would not be included. Singer. and the second is if they have interests. creates divisions between humanity. is equality of consideration for different beings may lead to different treatment and different rights. it is a prescription of the way beings should be treated. The first idea that Singer deconstructs is the notion that equal consideration should hold until there is a clash between the interests of humans and nonhuman animals. we must first have a clear understanding of how he defines equality. and use them to do our labor. 8 There are a few other arguments that Singer answers. But because we believe our interests are always in conflict. if harming one animal in tests could save thousands. A difference in ability documented in fact does not justify any difference in the consideration we give them. We eat them. Equality. differing intellectual abilities. His critics often ask.wcdebate.

´10 This leads many beings to not get classified as persons.´12 The implications of this view outlined by Rolston are those of an anthropocentric society. ³"When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. Singer maintains that this idea only holds up when it goes unquestioned and assumed. and more specifically. those with significant mental retardation. Since those persons depend on the environment. Here Singer enters territory that offends many and has helped to create a feeling of hatred towards him. Those who advocate this position. an environmental ethic that is based on human needs does not often differ in policy recommendations from an environmental ethic based on the biosphere as its center. however. those with some forms of psychosis. human embryos. The final argument Singer addresses is that humans have an intrinsic dignity. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed. Singer notes that this is couched in many elegant phrasings. to plants. like dogs and bears. but cannot articulate why their criteria of intelligence and reasoning apply. Singer goes on to add that by the logic of those who advocate looking to plant¶s interests. and a river is seeking its own good to reach the sea. INTERPRETATIONS OF SINGER¶S CRITERIA While Singer does frequently make reference to the fact that most proposed criterion would include some animals but exclude infants and those with mental defects. few are able to articulate a standard that includes all types of humanity and excludes all non-human animals. However. human fetuses. many animals. therefore. In PRACTICAL ETHICS. who details that every living organism has a will to live. be right to kill him.com . Rolston says value comes from having a respect for life.wcdebate. and therefore be seen as unworthy of equality. policy decisions would be made to protect the environment in the interest of persons. and fish. and runs through Judeo-Christian doctrines. the good of a missile is to blow up and should be considered. Singer argues that you would conduct environmental policy with regards to the interest of those who are granted the status of person. Once we ask the question as to why all humans have this worth we are only taken back to the previous issue. Critics of Singer say that his criteria for declaring someone a person are ³rationality and self awareness over time. Rolston concedes that our views regarding ethics prior to Singer were too humanist. Therefore.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." 11 While many people disagree with Singer¶s position. fellow humans are not eager to disagree with the view that they are members of the highest order. Singer questions this criticism by pondering how we assign value if not based on sentience. too focused on people. if the killing of the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others it would . Singer writes. would be considered persons. chickens. He supports his idea with the thoughts of Paul Taylor. This would include brain-damaged people. After all. 13 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The loss of the happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second. Volume 9 Page 142 sperm and eggs would also have to garner equal treatment as a full-grown being. interpretations of these references is varied and controversial.´ or that ³humans are ends in themselves. that ³Singer has proven himself blind to the still larger effort in environmental ethics to value life at all its ranges and levels. . However. such as ³the intrinsic dignity of the human individual. critics of Singer argue that those with mental defects should still be extended equality. Singer dismantles this position by noting that a plant doesn¶t have a choice as to whether or not it grows toward the light for its own interest. It leaves us searching for the characteristic that all humans possess and other animals don¶t that would qualify them for intrinsic dignity. Again. SINGER AND BIOCENTRISM Holmes Rolston III and some green philosophers argue that Singer¶s position is detrimental to biocentrism. rather it is just what the plant does and cannot be anything else. indeed to care for a biospheric Earth. He also explains. find themselves in a precarious situation without the ability to distinguish a defining characteristic. and that even plants are pursuing their own good.´9 This dates back to the ideals of the Renaissance and humanists. .

SINGER IN DEBATE Singer¶s framework is particularly useful for calling into question the underlying assumptions of your opponent. it must cause suffering. The second is that in Singer¶s work. Hare takes the position that it is not. that is. The first is that it is revisionary. Here. The question then becomes. engaging the argument still yields some debate. why he tries to make his work easy to read and applicable to individuals. Second. who find themselves faced with a law they oppose. facts matter.´ 15 Singer¶s view of accessibility extends to the way people use philosophy. an understanding of a position. its purpose is to not merely explain the world and the way it works. in order for an action against an animal to be wrong. The implications of the distinction between causing a death and allowing a death carry over from the realm of non-human animals into the world of humanity as well. is no justification for a lack of action. Singer explains how philosophy should be accessible to everyone by noting. Many philosophers and their positions seem to invite action. a counter-advocacy of a value that encompasses all those considered ³persons´ would be more beneficial. whether is causes more benefit than harm. Singer claims that proximity. does raising animals for food cause more benefit than harm? R.M. This perception that philosophy is not just for the academically inclined and is not to be merely kept in books and the classroom helps to distinguish Singer from not only his contemporaries but philosophers throughout history. than no life at all. Volume 9 Page 143 ³THE GOOD OF THE ANIMAL´ Some have argued (and attempted to use Singer¶s utilitarian framework to do so) that raising animals to eat is not causing them to suffer. This is why Singer discusses action as well as right and wrong. PRACTICAL ETHICS The philosophy of Singer is based on the idea of practical ethics. ³As the subject of this book is one that concerns not only those studying or teaching political philosophy in universities but also any citizens.com . Unless your opponent can identify why that belief is justified. We cannot compare what an animal would have in nature to what they would have in a farm. I have tried to write throughout to write in a way that can easily be understood by those who have never studied philosophy. the painful ways in which they are killed. The creature would be allowed to live without human interference. will most likely rest on the assumption that humans are inherently more valuable than non-human animals. he notes that mere existence is not in itself a benefit.wcdebate. He says. the way we should strive to make things. Most importantly. However. even if the benefit that this existence creates is good. it would still not justify the use of the creatures as a means to an end. or the distance between an individual and a famine. This position is initially weakened by the fact that it ignores the entire premise that killing animals in any way could be simply wrong. From a utilitarian perspective. is irrelevant and uninteresting unless it calls for an action in a way that individuals can have power. Singer discusses the ideas of our responsibility in world famine. In Democracy and Disobedience. growth. Singer notes that the way animal production works within the system does not take into account animal suffering. The confinement that these animals endure. Any advocacy of valuing progress. Singer argues that allowing death is as bad as causing death. Practical ethics have three primary characteristics.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. If humans simply took advantage of the fact that animals died. ³For it is better for an animal to live a happy life. so breeding a new existence is not some sort of net gain for the animal. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. An understanding of the way things are is necessary to determine the way things should be. that is. however. 16 Singer feels that a discussion of an argument. but to change it. the disease and filthy living conditions. Complacently allowing death to happen is just as morally and ethically wrong as dong the killing yourself. but few have gone so far as Singer in making it a primary goal explicitly explained to his readers and audiences. etc. all suggest a lack of concern for the animals. especially citizens of a democracy. First. even if it is a short one. He first alludes to the notion that philosophy and ethics should entail action in the introduction to a book that developed from his thesis project at Oxford.´ 14 Singer answers this claim on several levels. humanity. A third is that there is an assumption that individual action can make a difference. the absence of a benefit is not harm.

1973. These lines of study all rely heavily on the superiority of humanity. Peter Singer Gets a Chair.´ 17 A critical discussion of what makes beings equal must escape the normalcy of an assumption that humans are and animals aren¶t. Essays on Bioethics. All Animals are Equal. It calls for a justification of the superiority of human beings that does not rely on rhetoric such as. Counter values that rely on inclusive values of animals and all life are much more preferable.frontpagemag. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account. All Animals are Equal. 15 Peter Singer. 1999. December 7. Singer and the Practical Ethics Movement. http://www. 6 Peter Singer. Wesley J. All Animals are Equal. 13 Holmes Rolston. 4 Peter Singer. All Animals are Equal.com/ 12 Holmes Rolston. Peter Singer Gets a Chair. and academics. All Animals are Equal.html 2 Princeton Weekly Bulletin.´ It also calls for a questioning of the basic assumptions of the age. 16 Dale Jamieson. Democracy and Disobedience. Singer also offers a critique of modern philosophy that can be applied in many ways.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ³It is the significant problem of equality.and this is already an indication of the failure of philosophy to challenge accepted beliefs.wcdebate. Wesley J.princeton. 10 Smith. 1999. 14 R. All Animals are Equal. 17 Peter Singer. Hare. http://www. as an issue itself. and use animals to further human aims. __________________________________________________________________________________ 1 http://www. 7 Peter Singer. 1998 3 Peter Singer.M. in moral and political philosophy. 5 Peter Singer. All Animals are Equal Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. or student. All Animals are Equal.com .frontpagemag.edu/~uchv/index. 1993. ³intrinsic worth of humanity.com/ 11 Smith. medicine. The effect of this is that the question of the equality of other animals does not confront the philosopher. 8 Peter Singer. is invariably formulated in terms of human equality. 9 Peter Singer. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account. 1993. Volume 9 Page 144 Singer¶s advocacy also has implications to any topics that particularly deal with science.

Louis J. 1975).M. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2002). Jamieson. ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT. ESSAYS ON BIOETHICS. 1999). ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS: READINGS IN THEORY AND APPLICATION. (Lanham. Peter. Hare. (New York: Review/Random House. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (New York: Longman. Singer. Dale.. Pojman.com . Peter. Peter.wcdebate. ETHICS. (Belmont. 1993). Singer. CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE. (Malden. Terrence and Richard Dagger. 1994). Peter. Volume 9 Page 145 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ball. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS. 1997). Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Singer. Mass: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. (Oxford: Claredon Press. MD: Rowman and Littlefield. 1973). 1998). Singer.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2nd ed. PRACTICAL ETHICS. 1993). R. IDEALS AND IDEOLOGIES. Singer. Peter. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS.

will degenerate into a diffuse and ultimately pointless sentimentality. TOO MUCH FOCUS ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS DIVERSITY AS AN IDEAL Robert C. Can they suffer? 2. The natural sensibility that is at issue here is nothing so lofty as love or even universal care. McGinn. since pain matters only because it is pain for someone.An experience always comes with an owner built into it. REALIZATION OF THE FAULT OF RACISM IS LIKE REALIZING THE FAULT OF SPECIESISM Jeremy Bentham. or perhaps the faculty or discourse? But a full-grown horse or dog is beyond comparison a more rational. because this will necessarily be pain for a subject of consciousness. p. Putatively ownerless pain sensations have no moral weight. It is not that you bundle some inherently ownerless experiences together and get a self. There is the very familiar danger that such feelings.com . rather. The basic biological sense we seek. But suppose they were otherwise. 1999.) So. The point is that we should not think of animal pain as intrinsically ³ownerless. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Philosopher and Jurist. to speak of experiences at all is already to assume bearers for them. Austin. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. 152153. The French have already discovered that the blackness of the skin is no reason why a human being should be abandoned without a redress to the caprice of a tormentor. (This is so whether or not the experiences are conceived to be embodied in an organism. Professor of Philosophy at Rutgers University. Volume 9 Page 146 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM 1. animals need to be granted selves if their sensations are to matter morally.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. thus refusing to grant genuine selfhood to animals. old. which may well produce much caring and many kindnesses but will also provoke rivalry and competition. that form of hypocrisy that 9as has often been said of such ³lovers of humanity´ as Rousseau and Marx) adores the species but deplores almost every individual of it. there is the very real danger that.69. But I want to be equally cautious about premature enthusiasm for those universal feelings of love. but rather a kind of kinship or fellow-feeling. or worse. Can they reason? nor Can they talk? but. 1789. than an infant of a day. since animals have experiences. in other words. called agape. as Hume was (partially) inclined to suppose. as well a more conversable animal. The danger is that reason. or the termination of the os sacrum. which have been defended by some of the great (and not-so-great) religious thinkers of the world.´ Animal minds are not just bundles of subjectless sensations gathered around a single body. 3. or a week. but in fact it is simply a point about the very concept of experience. The day may come when the rest of the animal creation may acquire those rights which never could have been witholden from them but by the hand of tyranny. the social sense as such. p. they necessarily have selves. This may seem like a major provision. Solomon. and one that threatens to exclude animal experience from the moral realm. however noble their object or intent. are reasons equally insufficient for abandoning a sensitive being to the same fate.by Frege¶s point. in over-enlarging the circle to include everyone and everything or in turning from the personal to the impersonality of reason . or even a month. It may one day come to be recognized that the number of legs.subjects of experience. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. In other words. Thus it is wrong to cause them pain. instead of building on our natural impulses.wcdebate. is not so much a particular attitude or emotion as it is a sense of belonging. ch. What else is it that should trace the insuperable line? Is it the faculty of reason. SPECIESISM ATTEMPTS TO LOWER GROUPS JUST AS RACISM DID Colin.. If the basis of ethics is personal feeling for those we care about.. since the alleged pain is not painful to a subject of awareness. 1999. what would it avail? The question is not. then we will not see why it is morally significant. Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. we will lose precisely that dimension of the personal that produces ethics in the first place. the villosity of the skin. may instead undermine them. XVII. If we conceive of animal pain in this subjectless way..

np. but the criminal case was over by May. writer.mother birds pretending to have broken wings to lead predators away from the nest. monkeys fooling one another by uttering a misleading cry to distract the others. 1989. The loss of happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second. a man who measures happiness in numbers and considers love a replaceable resource. THE DANGEROUS PHILOSOPHER.73. Linares cradles him in his arms until. weeping. EUTHENASIA ALLOWS GREATER HAPPINESS FOR ALL Jeff Sharlet. When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. It is not necessarily thinking or negotiating that are essential here." That was April 26. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed. Therefore. 2. Volume 9 Page 147 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL 1. according to the total view. Linares with first-degree murder. 10 March 2000. she doesn¶t calculate it. Solomon. but to attribute strategic skill to heredity is not to relegate it to merely automatic behavior. 1999. The New Yorker. if killing the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others. one must (to some extent) acquire such skills but it doesn¶t follow that such skills are not also (or may not alternatively be) genetically engineered or that the general capacity for strategic behavior.wcdebate.must not be so engineered. Yet many of those who would never act on his conclusions still agree that if an infant really had no hope of happiness. But to him the symbol of the "tragic farce" brought on by an inhumane adherence to the sanctity-of-life principle is "Rudy Linares. Critics often accuse Mr. Few people will ever consider infants replaceable in the way that they consider free-range chickens replaceable.the tit-for-tat attitude as such. too. SINGER MAKES STRONG ARGUMENTS. Then Linares puts down the gun and. it would. The Chronicle of Higher Education. EVEN THOUGH THEY ARE COUNTER-INTUITIVE Michael Specter. When Samuel is free of the respirator at last. p. standing in a hospital ward. Of course. even Darwin himself seems to have erred in giving too much credit here to the role of ³reason´ and not enough to heredity. and Singer knows that. September 6. a twenty-three-year-old Chicago housepainter. Successful traders and businessmen often claim (truthfully) that they don¶t ³think´ about what they are doing. gives himself up. They ³just know´ what to do. half an hour later. Good game players usually describe their own skill in non-intellectual terms. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In such cases. WHY ARE WE AFRAID OF PETER SINGER?.com . be right to kill him. animals display a remarkable array of strategic behaviors. 3. A good billiards or pool player simply ³sees´ the shot. when a grand jury refused to indict him. keeping nurses at bay with a gun while he disconnects the respirator that for eight months has kept his comatose infant son Samuel alive.without any need on our part to postulate Pentagon-like tactical mentality behind their behavior. A good poker player doesn¶t sit skimming a mathematical odds book on the one hand and a psychology of facial expressions text on the other. Austin. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. Singer of being cold-hearted. Cook County charged Mr. So. death would be more merciful than a life governed by misery. 1999. the child dies. p. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. FOCUSING ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS INTUITION AND DEVALUES IT Robert C.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

´ We are able to reflect and choose our food. the result of so many cuddly teddy bears and puppies when we were children.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. to steal from a blind man. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. our habits. As for the saccharine quality of those Christmas greetings and that biblical fantasy. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. This is what distinguishes our attitude to animals from our attitude to imbeciles. by reason of not possessing these characteristics. and this is precisely because a man does not become a member of a different species. p. 2. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS.. involves a certain distance. 3. If we do not think in this way about dogs. 1967. We. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. But compassion. 1967. too. one had to decide between feeding a hungry baby or a hungy dog. We say it is unfair to exploit the deficiencies of the imbecile who falls short of the norm. that we should give to the interests of each the same serious consideration as claims to considerations necessary for some standard of well-being that we can recognize and endorse. as opposed to all the other creatures in nature. are rational. It too. Not to possess human shape is a disqualifying condition. 62ff. and yet not accept it at all.. is not opposed to but a consequence of reason. As intelligent and sensitive human beings. We respect the interests of men and give them priority over dogs not insofar as they are rational. We are.but there is nothing odd about saying that we should respect their interests equally. they are not in fact the qualifying conditions for membership. that is. it would be a monstrous sentimentality to attribute to him interests that could be weighed in an equal balance with those of human beings.com . with its own standards of normality. we can acknowledge the harshness of the world. or the distinguishing criteria of the class of morally considerable persons. too. just as it would be unfair. for instance. ad aggressive campaigns on the behalf of sensitivity when we become adults. that distinguish the normal man from the normal dog make it intelligible for us to talk of other man having interests and capacities. p. anyone who chose the dog would generally be reckoned morally defective. We are not merely at the top of the food chain. 1999. and therefore claims. However faithful or intelligent a dog maybe. We have what is uncritically called ³free will. p.. The characteristics. our breeding patterns. above the food chain. but as normal for the species. therefore. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY.. 69. Solomon. Our strange compassion for other species is a ³natural´ projection of our more immediate concerns but something learned and cultivated. part of culture rather than nature. we can understand that. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. Austin. unable to recognize a fundamental inequality of claims. in an important sense.wcdebate. of precisely the same kind as we make on our own behalf. But although these characteristics may provide the point of the distinction between men and other species.if. RATIONALITY IS THE HUMAN NORM AND ALLOWS FOR EXCEPTIONS Stanley Benn. and not just ordinarily dishonest. RATIONALITY DISTINGUISHES SPECIES AND IS ACCEPTED STANDARD Stanley Benn. it is because we do not see the irrationality of the dog as a deficiency or a handicap. as an expression of a certain sentimentality as well as a Christian allegory. one could argue. RATIONALITY DEFINES A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HUMANITY AND ANIMALS Robert C. It would be odd to say that we ought to respect equally the dignity or personality of the imbecile and of the rational man. but because rationality is the human norm. Volume 9 Page 148 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD 1. 62ff.

Austin. seemingly hungry and crying.. that some people have a different skin color. At the same time one noticed a small kitten. the emotional sense that what happens to other matters. and they many not compete well with contrary interests toward humans. I want to argue that what allows the circle to expand is not reason (in the technical sense of calculation on the basis of abstract principles) but rather knowledge and understanding in the sense of coming to appreciate the situations and the circumstances in which other people and creatures find themselves. adds universal principles to the promptings of our biologically inherited feelings. such differences do not provide a rational basis for differences in our ethical considerations or treatment. all that is considered in deciding the morally correct course of action is the strength of the interests or preferences and the degree to which the interests and preferences of those affected will be thwarted or advanced. my number three. 3. are not 100% novel. The point here is that many of us have some intuitions toward the interests of animals. a pet owner and so on. are from a different country. simply because they are men. Suppose one were drinking a large glass of milk and had drunk one's fill. or have different abilities than the person engaging in moral deliberation are not considerations that in themselves justify differential treatment. on the role of normative ethical theory) underestimates the power of compassion. most of us are familiar with anti-speciesist sentiments. so does it condemn granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of humans over non-humans. COMMENTS ON PETER SINGER'S ANALYSIS THAT LEADS TO SPECIESISM. simply because they are humans. An adequate sense of ethics requires not only reason but concern and curiosity. Solomon... GRANTING ANIMALS EQUALITY HARMS POLITICALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE Lori Gruen. according to Singer. a zoo goer. p.com .. According to this principle. on the other hand. Reason. Singer rightly points out that most of us are living examples of speciesism in the same sense that radical Ku Klux Klan's people are racist. As Singer discusses the principle. in his emphasis on reason (and consequently. a need to know about the state of the world and plight of people outside of one¶s own limited domain.. For example. and it requires care and concern. However. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. They may not be dominant. 1999. The danger. Professor of Philosophy at Stanford University. Let me begin with the easiest one. The notion that Singer will develop in ways that may well be strange and new to us. Volume 9 Page 149 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD 1. p. Suppose one were all the things Singer attacks: a meat eater. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. is that Singer. unconcerned with the processes of producing meat for the table. At the same time. 134-135. one might have an experience that is contrary to this position. we still often have some positive sentiments and intuitions toward the interests of animals. np. 2. We would not be absolutely immune to the "interests" of the kitten. My argument. however. is that reason will also leave those feelings behind. as evidenced by any number of philosophers who simply ³talk a good game. and most people seem to. AN EMPHASIS ON REASON BY SINGER DESTROYS THE NATURE OF COMPASSION Robert C. In most cases. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.According to Singer. WE ALREADY GIVE CONSIDERATION TO ANIMALS Bob Corbett. 1999. in a sentence. a theory which justifies the distribution of goods under which men receive greater benefits and thus have more of their preferences satisfied than women do. Professor at Webster University. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. it prohibits granting any weight to particular features of a situation. perhaps returning to some of those personal sentiments or intuitions might be a good place to go. p.Just as Singer¶s substantive impartiality condemns granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of one¶s racial or ethic group. are of a different gender. Nonetheless. 75. is a theory that violates the principle of equal consideration of interests. and they might not be sentiments of equality. If we have a hard time grasping his view. This requires what many theorists now call ³empathy´ or ³feeling with´ (which Hume and Adam Smith call ³sympathy´ and which might more accurately be called ³fellow-feeling´). WE HAVE NO NEED TO GO FURTHER.´ Thus. Many people would be enough moved by the "interests" of the kitten to look for some container to pour the remaining milk into so the kitten might drink it.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1999.wcdebate. even though our lives as a whole might suggest we were speciesists of the worst sort.

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