West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 1

WEST COAST DEBATE
PHILOSOPHER AND VALUE HANDBOOK VOLUME 9
American Political Philosophy

Edited by Matt Taylor, Jim Hanson, and Brian Simmonds Written and Researched by Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, Sarah Stone
PHILOSOPHERS JAMES MADISON ALEXANDER HAMILTON RALPH WALDO EMERSON JOHN DEWEY WOODROW WILSON FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT TOM HAYDEN HOWARD ZINN JOSEPH NYE, JR. RALPH NADER LANI GUINIER THEDA SKOCPOL bell hooks PETER SINGER

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 2

WEST COAST DEBATE
PHILOSOPHER AND VALUE HANDBOOK VOLUME 9
Edited by Brian Simmonds, Matt Taylor, and Jim Hanson Written and Researched by
Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, and Sarah Stone
About this Handbook The Philosopher and Value Handbook introduces you to arguments, values and philosophers. This volume focuses on American thinkers in philosophy and political theory who will be useful in Lincoln-Douglas value debates. Each chapter begins with an essay explaining the life, work, and ideas of each thinker. It concludes with evidence quotations that attack and defend the philosopher's ideas. Using the arguments in this Handbook We encourage you to read the briefs you will use. Highlight (underline) the key lines you will use in the evidence. Cut out our evidence, incorporate your and others¶ research and analysis and make new arguments. File the materials so that you can easily retrieve them for debate rounds. Practice reading the evidence outloud. Practice applying the arguments to your opponents¶ positions. Practice defending your arguments in rebuttal speeches. Use West Coast Handbooks as a Beginning We hope you enjoy our handbook and find it useful. In saying this, we want to make a strong statement that we make when we coach and that we believe is vitally important to your success: DO NOT USE THIS HANDBOOK AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR YOUR OWN RESEARCH. Instead, let it serve as a beginning. Let it inform you of important arguments, of how to tag and organize your arguments, and to offer citations for further research. Don¶t stagnate in briefs--build upon them by doing your own research. Use the essays to brainstorm research areas and use the evidence and bibliographies as a starting point for your exploration. In doing so, you¶ll use our handbook to become a better debater. Photocopying West Coast Handbooks Our policy gives you the freedom to use the handbook for educational purposes without violating the hard work that we put into the handbook. You can photocopy this handbook under the following circumstances: 1. You can make multiple copies of up to five pages of each West Coast handbook for a class handout. 2. You can make multiple copies of briefs that include evidence from this handbook as long as these photocopied briefs are significantly different from the ones in this handbook and include a significant number of pieces of evidence from sources other than a West Coast handbook. You may not electronically share or distribute this handbook with anyone other than those on your team. For other situations, you can also e-mail us at wcdebate@aol.com and seek our consent.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
JAMES MADISON ................................................................................................................................. 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 10 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE ..................... 11 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT ........................................ 12 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY ...................... 13 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS .......... 14 ALEXANDER HAMILTON................................................................................................................. 15 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 19 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED ................ 20 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD................................................................................ 21 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY.................................................................................. 22 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST ........................................................................................ 23 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS ................................................................................................................. 24 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 29 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR.............................. 30 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION...................................... 31 AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE....................... 32 FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS .................................. 33 RALPH WALDO EMERSON .............................................................................................................. 34 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 39 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE ..................................................................................................... 40 POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR......................................................................... 40 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT................................................................................. 41 CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE, TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ............................. 41 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION.................... 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE ................... 43 JOHN DEWEY ..................................................................................................................................... 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 49 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING ....................................................................................... 50 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS ........................................................................ 51 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY .......................................... 52 DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED ...................................................... 53 DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY ....................... 53 WOODROW WILSON......................................................................................................................... 54 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 59 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS................................................................ 60 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE............................................ 61 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM ........................................ 62 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE, BUT REPRESSIVE ............................. 63 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT .................................................................................................................. 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 68 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT .............................................................. 69 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT .................................................................................. 70 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY, PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION .................. 71 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE ........................................................ 72 TOM HAYDEN..................................................................................................................................... 73 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 77 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE......................................................... 78 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM .............. 79 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE ................. 80 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE, BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE ............................. 81

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................................................................................. 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 96 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY ................................. 89 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED ....................................................................................................................................................... 130 bell hooks....................................................... 138 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY............................... 129 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN ....................................................................................................................... 118 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY ......................................................................................... 98 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG .......................... 106 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST ................................................................................................................................................................................................. 139 PETER SINGER ......................................................................................... 129 MATERNALISM IS FLAWED ............................................................................................................................................................. 108 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY.......... 82 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 117 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY ............................. 145 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM ....................................................... 97 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING .................................................................................................................................... 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE .................com ............................... 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 107 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS ................................................................................ 149 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www......................................................................................................................... 116 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM ............................................................................................................. 137 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE .................................................... 148 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD .............................................. ................................................................................................................ 99 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY .... 100 RALPH NADER ................................. 147 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD .......................................................... 88 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ....... 120 THEDA SKOCPOL ..................................................................................................................................... 126 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD ......................................................................... 109 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE ................................................................................................................................................... Volume 9 Page 4 HOWARD ZINN.......wcdebate....................................West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook............ JR.................................... 135 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE .................................... 111 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................................................................. 87 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED ................................................................................ 146 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL ...... 91 JOSEPH NYE......................... 131 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 128 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE .................................................................................................................................................... 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............... 110 LANI GUINIER ..................... 90 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS .......................................................................................................... 136 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST ........................................... 127 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED .................

Volume 9 Page 5 JAMES MADISON Every academic field has its schemes of classification. both of his vice presidents passed on in office. THE LIFE OF MADISON It is with this problem that James Madison enters the picture. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. when he served on the Virginia delegation in the Continental Congress. and then discuss the ideas he brought to the table. even if just temporarily. is often placed into one or another ideological box. Without a predominant concern for the nation as a whole. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. James Madison. His idea on the separation of church and state. Reports that Madison and Clinton invented ³The Funk Bomb´ to contribute to the national defense are unverified. he often split with co-author Alexander Hamilton on the issues of the day.S. Not easily categorizable. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Madison scholars agree today ± what Madison and the boys wanted to do was (in Rosen¶s words) ³to circumvent the people.com . A Constitutional Convention was necessary ± but not for the reasons you might suspect. He stepped onto the political scene in 1780. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions.wcdebate. As a result.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. was that of ancient lawgivers like Solon and Lycurgus.James Madison was a unique member of the group known as the Founding Fathers. though: Madison was the smallest U. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. Seriously. As a result. Madison didn¶t adhere devoutly to the party line of any of the three major factions (Federalist. like the other leading figures of his generation. The problem as he saw it was too great a regional identification. Madison was much younger than many of the other founders. Madison was original thinker given to philosophy. Madison eventually concluded that constitutional conventions were a necessary device for allowing those like himself--those whom he called 'the most enlightened and influential patriots'--to escape from the hold of democratic institutions. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth." The example to follow. anti-Federalist. and the structure of representative government remain influential. When the Articles of Confederation began to fail. showing his freedom from dogmatism. Though he was a co-author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. and scholarship on the American founding is no different. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. As COMMENTARY MAGAZINE¶s Gary Rosen put it: Every academic field has its schemes of classification. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights. standing 5" 4" and weighing about 100 pounds. reasons of enlightened men crafting a document in the best interests of all. Madison wondered how a more effective national government might take shape. as opposed to a myopic concern for individual states and localities. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. and scholarship on the American founding is no different. Madison was an important figure in the early political life of the country. one of the youngest. the avoidance of oppression. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. who died in office in 1812. like the other leading figures of his generation. or Democratic-Republican) of the time. Most importantly. which he identified in THE FEDERALIST PAPERS as factionalism. men of "preeminent wisdom and approved integrity" who nonetheless were compelled to act outside the bounds of regular authority. Interestingly enough. is often placed into one or another ideological box. including George Clinton. Indeed. We¶ll begin by examining the manner in which Madison busted onto the nation scene in 1780. president. though. James Madison. No. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. he suggests in Federalist 38. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. in fact. Madison feared no effective national government could be formed.

even though that person is unqualified and unworthy of the job. In organizing a republican democracy. People will vote to actualize their own wants. This might cause problems where the majority runs roughshod over the rights of the minority ± hence. This includes the existence of the electoral college and the bicameral legislature system. the self-interested majority worries that the minority may attract defectors from the majority and become the next governing majority itself. ³Tyranny of the Majority. Let¶s just say ³it worked´ and move on. MADISON ON THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Madison worried about the overarching power of a powerful mass of people. or will merely have the power to make life miserable for the people who made their lives miserable over the past however many years. The idea is that they might use their power to stifle the rights of others.com . Majority group members will worry that the minority may attract defectors from the majority group. The majority voting bloc is probably not going to be together in unanimity until the end of time. You often see a good soldier get rewarded with a plum position when his or her party takes power. MADISON ON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM As an author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. Either they will become the next majority. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. What might that mean? Well. the majority is inherently self-interested.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 6 ³Paradoxical as it may sound.´ Reciprocity is the notion that what one group does to another is reciprocal ± what goes around comes around. one must take care to build in safeguards against this. (Sorry. but they aren¶t blind. where the House of Representatives is thought to represent the masses and the Senate the landed elite. getting ahead of myself ± but I couldn¶t help it. As a skillful politician. he had ideas about what the ideal state would look like. Madison is famous for having sought to avoid "the tyranny of the majority. needs and desires. Let¶s not belabor the point. after all. republican Constitution only by means of an aristocratic coup of sorts´ writes Rosen ± a charge that Madison¶s critics then and now would jump all over. especially if that mass had coincident interests. the majority will look to the long-term. We¶ll examine the criticisms of Madison below. and hence have the power to govern. The safeguards are based on what Madison termed ³the principle of reciprocity. Thus. Madison's theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity´ as a means of dealing with the unwashed heathen masses pillaging the rich.) What does the principle of reciprocity say? Let¶s get into that when we discuss the notion of majority tyranny itself before getting into what Madison thought that this condition might cause." He did so through placing both substantive and procedural limits on democratic majority rule of the country. Hence. he was able to get what he wanted for that state.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Madison seems to have concluded that America would get a sound. like John Ashcroft. While he was hardly alone in this viewpoint ± Hamilton was another who worried about the majority of people rallying against the few who were elected to govern them ± Madison put the most effort into thinking about the philosophical implications. As a philosophically inclined individual. This does happen in politics all the time.´ But here¶s where Madison¶s principle of reciprocity comes in: the majority might be self-interested. Madison is famous for his advocacy of a federal system with checks and balances to provide stability and satisfy most all interest groups.

This viewpoint manifested itself in 1784-85. Their charges have serious merit. published November 22. Number 10.´ wasn¶t as pessimistic about the social utility of the church. Was the church a positive or a pernicious influence? How best to adapt to its power? The answers to these questions led to the modern notion of two separate spheres for church and state." Madison wrote. Will its effects be greater on them considered in an aggregate view? Quite the reverse. is celebrated by Madison¶s acolytes as "the most powerful defense of religious liberty ever written in America. 1787. Again. While his father was an Episcopalian. In a memorandum entitled "Vices of the Political System" (1787) he express skepticism that religion could prevent oppression under a system of republican governance. including one given at the Federal Convention on June 6. Indeed. The struggle continues to this day. where he argued that there was "little to be expected" from religion in a positive way. CRITICS OF MADISON People who criticize Madison (and generally Hamilton) do so on one basis: that he was an elitist who was interested in preserving the rights of wealthy white landowners and not much of anybody else. Volume 9 Page 7 So winning candidates don¶t have to ONLY pay attention to the majority. They¶ll be voting on tons of issues (road building bills. If power is temporary and fluid. Speaking of potential for abuse. He consistently repeated these views in speeches of the time.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." The debate raged on. who betrayed his core constituency with Republican style policies to the tune of sweet re-election. a prominent issue in public life then as now was the role of religion. Madison reasoned. he wrote "that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. he kept his religious beliefs largely private. as Madison consistently rejected tax support for religious institutions. this is part of the logic of the federal system. minority preference laws) that may either alienate their political support base ± or attract minority members." Even Jefferson. The church.wcdebate. He wrote in a pamphlet called MEMORIAL AND REMONSTRANCE a defense of these decisions. with Jefferson considering Madison an aristocrat) and men like Patrick Henry and his supporters on the other. organic food labeling laws. who warned of the deadly nature of a ³priest-ridden culture. The document. he had this to say: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1787.com . he warned that it might become "a motive to persecution and oppression. with Jefferson and Madison on one side (though they split on many other issues. Could it "be a sufficient restraint? It is not pretended to be such on men individually considered. Even Madison¶s own words at the time provide a pretty damning indictment. Power is to be kept as separated as possible among interest groups and even elected officials." In the most famous of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. Knowing that most Americans didn¶t support granting the delegates to the Constitutional Convention the power to make a new government. he believed that separating the two institutions served religion best as well. The politician always has to be on the lookout ± just ask Bill Clinton. This helps to explain his support for what we today call the separation of church and state. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals and lose their efficiency in proportion to the number combined together. did best when it was unencumbered from the mandates of a state apparatus. written in June 1785. and Madison had a key role to play in it all. MADISON ON RELIGION Madison had serious doubts about the role religion played in public life. then the potential for abuse is minimized. In fact.

This "unreflecting multitude´ was. which should be declared "void and of no force. the people must not be allowed or required to challenge every decision made by the ³better class of men´ ruling them. And in every other nation. In a nation of philosophers. Jefferson believed that the federal government ought only have the powers expressly granted by the people. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. Perhaps the defining quotation from this period and this viewpoint comes from John Jay. which fortify opinion. the people possessed a "natural right" to reject the acts. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. which John Marshall¶s Supreme Court seemed destined to enforce. which Jefferson (and every sane person) thought were unconstitutional. Madison replies? In order to promote stability of government. .´ he meant that the majority of Americans (still rural farmers. and attacked both Madison and Hamilton for it. while this doctrine effectively gave the governing bodies power to do whatever they thought was best. A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself." Jefferson would fight Madison on many policies over which they differed based on these principles. not particularly wealthy) might gang up and plunder the rich. and that bypassing that consent was unjust. IN CONCLUSION Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the mass of American people. Volume 9 Page 8 We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. Jefferson asked his colleague "Whether one generation of men has a right to bind another?" He concluded. Madison wanted to deliver power into the hands of a ³better sort´ of people ± the rich. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. that "no such obligation can be so transmitted. are antient as well as numerous. is contained in FEDERALIST PAPER NUMBER 49: As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. In order to stay away from factionalism and prevent the people from losing faith in government. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. When the examples. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. they are known to have a double effect. in Madison¶s view. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. when left alone. A reverence for the laws. His final shot at Jefferson. which time bestows on everything.com . the government must continue to go about its business as usual. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. the people Jefferson feared and mistrusted. . When Madison said ³tyranny of the majority. . having witnessed the first events of the French Revolution. Madison reasoned. including the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798. The reason of man. the powerful.´ Jefferson was a staunch critic of this viewpoint. and its practical influence on his conduct. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. and acquires firmness and confidence. this consideration ought to be disregarded. like man himself is timid and cautious. the third author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS: ³the people who own the country ought to govern it. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates.´ Jefferson also battled with Madison and Hamilton over the ³implied powers´ doctrine. Jefferson¶s first principles included the idea that government was only just with the consent of the governed. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. and the summation of his argument. Jefferson wrote a letter to Madison in 1789 as Jefferson was preparing to return to the United States after four years as ambassador to France.wcdebate. Jefferson said that if the federal government was to violate its own laws.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. which time bestows on everything.´ The youngest of the founding fathers. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. are antient as well as numerous. In a nation of philosophers. and its practical influence on his conduct. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. Even if you disagree with their ultimate conclusions. When the examples. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. . A reverence for the laws. the most based in a sense of ethics. The reason of man. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. whose populist ideas lost out in the long run to Madison¶s aristocratic notions. this consideration ought to be disregarded.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . His FEDERALIST PAPERS are the most philosophical. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. which fortify opinion. . All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates. like man himself is timid and cautious. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. they are known to have a double effect. and acquires firmness and confidence. when left alone. they¶re worth checking out. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. and the most passionately argued. Volume 9 Page 9 James Madison should be known for a lot more than being a short guy who had a wife named ³Dolley.We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. And in every other nation. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. he had more influence than most any of them ± even Jefferson. A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. . If it be true that all governments rest on opinion.

CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. 1912.. March 16. 2001.Y.gov/loc/madison/symposium.H. 1780-l792: Ithaca.html. Brant. November 22. THE MIND OF THE FOUNDER: SOURCES OF THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF JAMES MADISON. University of Kentucky. Irving. ³James Madison: Federalist. 1995. 1995.. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. Madison.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.html. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION.com . under the name Publius. THE LIFE OF JAMES MADISON: Indianapolis. Charles historian. 1981. Chomsky. ed.gov/loc/madison/symposium. Mattern. Banning." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. James.. 1941-61. March 16.gov/loc/madison/banning-paper. THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS: THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN JEFFERSON AND MADISON.gov/loc/madison/rosen-paper. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. James. http://www.html. N. Hutson. Richard K. accessed April 22.loc. John.wcdebate. N..html. Gary. 1995.html. 10. IF MEN WERE ANGELS: JAMES MADISON AND THE HEARTLESS EMPIRE OF REASON: Lawrence..html and http://www.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper.loc. Beard. 2000.org/dailys/11-15-00. 2001.. ed. March 16. http://www.html and http://www. James Madison's "Advice to My Country" (Charlottesville. Marvin. James Morton. Rosen. Rewards.loc. November 15. Volume 9 Page 10 BIBLIOGRAPHY Banning. Noam.loc. 1776-1826: New York. Z MAGAZINE. Matthews.loc. Smith. 1997). Hanover.gov/loc/madison/symposium. Samples. 2002.com/federalist10. "James Madison and the Social Utility of Religion: Risks vs.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper. Va.html and http://www. http://www. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. http://federalistpapers.com.´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. Library of Congress. Lance. ³Was James Madison an Original Thinker?´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. THE SACRED FIRE OF LIBERTY: JAMES MADISON AND THE CREATION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC.loc. 1787.loc. 2001. All of Madison¶s FEDERALIST PAPERS are available at http://federalistpapers. David. Kans.cato. Lancej.html and http://www. COMMENTARY MAGAZINE. FEDERALIST PAPER No. June 1997. http://www. Meyers.

As Madison knew. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished. that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments. 3. equally the friends of public and private faith. Clinton opposes the Electoral College only because Al Gore might lose the presidency despite getting a plurality of the popular vote. on a candid review of our situation.com . injustice. What about the Electoral College? Madison thought it embodied the "federal will" of the nation. 2002. or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community. http://www. as was wished and expected. http://federalistpapers. and confusion introduced into the public councils. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC CONTROLS FACTIONALISM AND VIOLENCE James Madison. and that measures are too often decided. at the same time. However the election turns out. He will not fail. It will be found. Sen. indeed.html. not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party. np. MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS THE BEST GOVERNMENTAL POLICY John Samples. November 22. as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. or of interest.cato. But that philosophy contravenes the spirit of our Constitution as expressed by its primary author.com/federalist10. without violating the principles to which he is attached. that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes. Among the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union. FEDERALIST PAPER No. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models. and of public and personal liberty. accessed April 22. By that he meant that the Electoral College included both the will of the nation as expressed in the popular vote and the will of the states in a federal system (every state large or small gets two electors). THE ³FEDERAL WILL´ IS MANIFESTED BY THE AMERICAN ELECTORAL COLLEGE John Samples. that our governments are too unstable. who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion.org/dailys/11-15-00. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation.cato. Washington's newest celebrity. We should stick with Madison's idea of a federal republic and preserve the Electoral College. provides a proper cure for it. for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements. but it will be found. in truth. but it would be an unwarrantable partiality.org/dailys/11-15-00. Hillary Rodham Clinton.wcdebate. 2002. By a faction. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. proponents of pure democracy will call for the abolition of the Electoral College. cannot certainly be too much admired. that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties. as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. http://www. November 15. particularly. therefore. I give Ms. effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. have. He found that fair given the influence of large states in other areas. whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole. if not wholly. the evidence. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. accessed April 22. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. adversed to the rights of other citizens. p.html. I understand a number of citizens. November 15. 2. this amalgamation gave small and medium-sized states more leverage in presidential elections than they would have in a popular vote. to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side. np. of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. Volume 9 Page 11 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE 1. Clinton more credit than that. is the latest convert to this cause. James Madison.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The instability. 1787. 2000. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate. p. accessed April 22. Her opposition to the Electoral College is entirely in step with her underlying philosophy of government: centralizing liberalism. and alarm for private rights. 2002. Some will say Ms. These must be chiefly.html. to set a due value on any plan which. 10. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens. both ancient and modern. and. 2000.

in fine. we will make it harder for the states to provide this essential defense of liberty. 10. it clearly appears. against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the Union. From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy. BECAUSE THE ENLIGHTENED WON¶T ALWAYS RULE. http://federalistpapers. be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions. in controlling the effects of faction.html.html.com . PURE DEMOCRACY WOULD BE DIVISIVE AND FRACTIOUS: FEDERALISM IS BETTER James Madison. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the Union will be most likely to possess these requisite endowments. November 22. Madison's point about federalism is also well taken. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans. p. 1787. which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole. It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests. np. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS MUCH BETTER THAN A DEMOCRACY James Madison. The inference to which we are brought is.is enjoyed by the Union over the States composing it. 1787. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. accessed April 22. the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage. in almost every case. November 22. -. a communication and concert result from the form of government itself." 2. November 22.html.cato. FEDERALIST PAPER No. ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists. is enjoyed by a large over a small republic. 1787. np. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. 4. Does it. accessed April 22. at the same time. have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its EFFECTS. np. and their passions. 2002. FEDERALIST PAPER No. 2000.wcdebate. be felt by a majority of the whole. 3. p. FEDERALIST PAPER No. November 15. and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual. and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. who assemble and administer the government in person. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties. 10. and render them all subservient to the public good. MADISONIAN FEDERALISM SOLVES FOR BETTER DEMOCRACY John Samples. they would. have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property. 10. can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction.com/federalist10. FEDERALISM IS BEST James Madison. that the CAUSES of faction cannot be removed. who have patronized this species of government. Theoretic politicians. 2002. increase this security. consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. http://federalistpapers. 2002. by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens. accessed April 22. Nor. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention. their opinions. The Founders feared the arbitrary exercise of political power.com/federalist10. np. If we abolish the Electoral College. http://www. Volume 9 Page 12 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT 1. A common passion or interest will. p. http://federalistpapers.html. p. again.com/federalist10.org/dailys/11-15-00.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. accessed April 22. we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy. and they hoped strong states would limit an expansive central government. In the extent and proper structure of the Union. therefore. And we will do so just as bold policy successes in the states have shown the value of these "laboratories of democracy. 2002. in many cases. Hence. can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations.

FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. the mind or sense of the people at large. 1912." While these extreme doctrines were somewhat counterbalanced by the democratic principles of Mr. and at the same time to preserve the spirit and form of popular government. 1912.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. hence. who urged that "the government ought to possess. Mr." Mr. as we have understood have sufficiently appeared. 1912. NOT PEOPLE Charles Beard. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. he contended. No agrarian attempts have yet been made in this country.in which case the rights of property and the public liberty will not be secure in their hands. under the influence of their common situation. MADISON¶S VIEW PROTECTED PROPERTY. having such coexistent passion or interest. These will either combine. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. Wilson. he added. changeableness. These may in time outnumber those who are placed above the feelings of indigence. -. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. what is more probable. Governor Morris wanted to check the "precipitancy. in support of the argument for a property qualification on voters.. p. not only first." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." Madison doubtless summed up in a brief sentence the general opinion of the convention when he said that to secure private rights against minority factions. MADISON ADMITTED FAVORING INEQUALITY Charles Beard. but without any other sort of property. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. and excess" of the representatives of the people by the ability and virtue of men" of great and established property -. Governor Morris. was the great object to which their inquiries had been directed.Such an aristocratic body will keep down the turbulence of democracy.. 31. in which case there will be equal danger on another side. to give notice of the future danger.aristocracy. In advocating a long term in order to give independence and firmness to the Senate. According to the equal laws of suffrage. NOT DEMOCRACY Charles Beard.or. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. in a certain quarter. he described these impending changes: "An increase in the population will of necessity increase the proportion of those who will labor under all the hardships of life and secretly sigh for a more equitable distribution of its blessings. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION.. p. Volume 9 Page 13 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY 1." 3. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. from which the rights of property originated. Madison urged: "In future times. 31. they will become the tools of opulence and ambition. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". then was the main object of government. nevertheless. in speaking on the problem of apportioning representatives. They were anxious above everything else to safeguard the rights of private property against any leveling tendencies on the part of the propertyless masses." And again. men who from pride will support consistency and permanency. a great majority of the people will not only be without land.com . 2." and Mr. but symptoms of a levelling spirit. historian. the power will slide into the hands of the former. An accurate view of the matter. -. historian. but second. certainly it ought to be one measure of the influence due to those who were to be affected by the government. correctly stated the sound historical fact when he declared: "Life and liberty were generally said to be of more value than property. In the tenth number of The Federalist.If property.. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government. MADISON WANTED ARISTOCRACY.wcdebate. would prove that property was the main object of society. Madison warned the convention that in framing a system which they wished to last for ages they must not lose sight of the changes which the ages would produce in the forms and distribution of property. and in his opinion. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. 31. "the majority. the force. historian. King also agreed that "property was the primary object of society. p.

his biographer observes. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. A CONSENSUS OF MADISONIAN SCHOLARS AGREES HE WAS AN ELITIST Noam Chomsky. sought to balance the rights of persons against the rights of property.'' To achieve this goal. led to a completely new meaning of the term. June 1997. One may argue. James Madison. 8. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Z MAGAZINE. the property of landed proprietors would be insecure. or any government entity. that these principles lost their force as the national territory was conquered and settled. In the debates on the Constitution. In both principle and practice. The system that he and his associates were designing must prevent such injustice. When the facts are stated clearly. 8. Furthermore. by the late 19th century the founding doctrines took on a new and much more oppressive form. p. political power must rest in the hands of ``the wealth of the nation. When Madison spoke of ``rights of persons.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and is crucially different from others in that one person's possession of such rights deprives another of them.'' while the rest are marginalized and fragmented. trust. CAPITALISM HAS SIGNIFICANTLY ALTERED THE WAY WE SHOULD SEE MADISON Noam Chomsky. Z MAGAZINE. p. Madison declared. Z MAGAZINE. the native population driven out or exterminated. June 1997. Volume 9 Page 14 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS 1. But the growth of the industrial economy. partnership. 3. It is the responsibility of government. Property has no rights. June 1997. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. ```Person' is broadly defined to include any individual. or prominent from exercising political power. ``to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority.'' a concept that doubtless would have shocked Madison and others with intellectual roots in the Enlightenment and classical liberalism -.'' delivering power to a ``better sort'' of people and excluding ``those who were not rich. An agrarian law would soon take place.'' These conclusions are often qualified by the observation that Madison. p.'' giving land to the landless. estate. the leading Framer of the constitutional system was an astute and lucid political thinker.'' men who would ``sympathize sufficiently'' with property rights and ``be safe depositories of power over them. branch. well born. 8. association. and anti-capitalist in spirit.'' which are property rights. Whatever one's assessment of those years. typically material property. Among Madisonian scholars. and ``secure the permanent interests of the country. whose views largely prevailed. as some historians do. corporation or other organization (whether or not organized under the laws of any State). he urged. the phrase ``rights of property'' means the right to property.'' he meant humans. associated group.pre-capitalist. and the rise of corporate forms of economic enterprise.'' ``one of [the] favorite maxims'' of Madison's influential colleague John Jay. But the formulation is misleading. MADISON WANTED TO PROTECT THE RICH MINORITY AGAINST THE MAJORITY Noam Chomsky. offered only limited public participation in the political arena. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. if elections ``were open to all classes of people. Madison pointed out that in England. there is a consensus that ``The Constitution was intrinsically an aristocratic document designed to check the democratic tendencies of the period. 2. In a current official document.wcdebate. a personal right which must be privileged above all others.com . and the constitutional system generally. we can appreciate the force of the doctrine that ``the people who own the country ought to govern it.

wcdebate. Due to Hamilton¶s inside connections. making one legendary speech where he attacked the states¶ rights ideas of William Paterson. the letter contained some confidential cabinet information. Hamilton was politically active throughout his life. Shortly before the presidential election of 1800. his political rival Aaron Burr secured a copy for himself. Hamilton cited the British government as the best model for the new government -. While Hamilton intended to closely control distribution of his missive. While Jefferson was not necessarily a states¶ rights proponent in the way we understand these terms today. an anti-federalist who would scrap mightily over those issues with Hamilton throughout their lives. After Washington died. Hamilton first began to press the ideas that became extremely important in the formulation of the union ± he believed in a strong central government and a strong national bank.an aristocratic. HIS IDEAS Hamilton. famously serving as a delegate at the Constitutional Convention and encouraging the advance of federal power. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He served as a Lieutenant Colonel under George Washington for four years during the Revolutionary War. were extremely important during the early days of the United States. or the fact that he was killed by political rival Aaron Burr in a duel. making it available to the general public. Hamilton wrote a scathing letter attacking Adams. opinions that broke strongly from one notable politician of the era ± Thomas Jefferson. he was an influential figure in the early days of this country who is too often overlooked today. He was the only delegate from New York to support the ratification of the constitution ± but he did so vociferously. which Hamilton published (along with John Jay and James Madison) under the name Publius. an influential series of pamphlets arguing for a federal constitution to replace the Articles of Confederation. When the Constitutional Convention was convened. Hamilton constantly rebuked him in public. then his ideas.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. But of all the political ideas and economic philosophy that Hamilton offered to the world. THE FEDERALIST PAPERS.com . centralized union that would be a representative republic. rebuke and scandal. as an aristocrat. Volume 9 Page 15 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Alexander Hamilton is probably best known as one of the authors of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. blackening Hamtilon¶s eye and ratcheting up tension between Hamilton and Adams ± not to mention Hamilton and Burr. THE LIFE OF HAMILTON Hamilton started his career with military action during the revolt against British colonialism. One of those actions was to inflame Hamilton¶s feud with Aaron Burr as well. Hamilton signed the new American Constitution for his state. he also offered a life of tragedy. he did argue that the American government was being divided into a struggle between the ³aristocrats´ who fear and mistrust the people and the ³democrats´ who trust the people and consider them the most trustworthy repository of the national interest. He would hold to this model in large measure for all his life. talked to cabinet members in attempts to undermine Adams¶s policy. After Adams was elected President. Either that. Much of this is forgotten today. This model would have devices that would protect class and property interests. He saw centralization of authority as necessary to protect essential functions. was vocally against states¶ rights. the leadership of the Federalist Party split between Hamilton and John Adams. Burr then PUBLISHED a copy of it. and generally made himself a pain. This is one of many issues that he and Thomas Jefferson would clash on. coercive. Either way. In those papers. Let¶s start the process of remembrance with an exploration of his life.

(no.´ Because Hamilton¶s economic ideas were so influential. They probably would not have agreed to the constitution if they had known some of the things he had in mind.´ These ideas were later codified in the decisions of Supreme Court Justice John Marshall." Ironically. every particular power necessary for doing it is included. He wanted to protect the working classes against what he saw as the onset of aristocracy and monarchy. The Opinion sees Hamilton flesh out his view of the implied powers of the constitution. Hamilton¶s staunch ally. or not contrary to the essential ends of political society. Hamilton¶s basic argument is a qualified version of one used by Madison himself in the Federalist. HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS His economic ideas were no less radical. we would call this viewpoint ³protectionism. These doctrines meant that even if a role for the federal government was not explicitly stated." one could think of him as one of the first ³big government liberals.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. he claims.com . they became relatively widespread in the early days of the United States." Washington passed the Bank Bill in February of 1791. His REPORT ON MANUFACTURERS (1791) was the first major departure from Adam Smith¶s WEALTH OF NATIONS (1776). Hamilton had to work magic ± in the form of his now famous Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bank ± in order to convince his longtime friend. The document argued for a system of protective duties designed to promote the interests of American businessmen and manufacturers. As early as 1776. Even then-President George Washington. Jefferson was considered a Democratic-Republican. the legacy of Britain. Volume 9 Page 16 As labels of the day went. Hamilton¶s logic: "[the government has] a right to employ all the means requisite. allowing it to do things that many of the anti-Federalists opposed. or not immoral. In fact. Because he advocated the constitutional doctrines of liberal construction. Madison (with strict constructionist logic) claimed that the national bank was unconstitutional since the constitution did not explicitly approve such an institution. America probably would not have successfully industrialized at all if not for Hamiltonian policies of protective tariffs. opposed the project and intended to veto the bill.´ This kind of liberal constructionism is deeply at odds with what is called ³strict constructionism.wcdebate. The Swiss economic historian Paul Bairoch (in his book ECONOMICS AND WORLD HISTORY) has argued that this shows America does not have its roots in so-called ³free trade. the means are authorized. 44) that "wherever the end is required. "implied powers. One of Hamilton¶s lasting legacies is the creation of a national bank. he suggested the direct collection of federal taxes by federal agents ± a fairly radical stance in such an anti-tax climate. shortened to Republican." and the "general welfare. Hamilton¶s interpretation opens up the federal government¶s role considerably. and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power. wherever a general power to do a thing is given. This was also one of the most controversial agendas he advanced. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. duties and other legislation designed to shelter fledgling industries. who always mistrusted the financier set (and the federal government). This is perhaps the most concrete consequence of Hamilton¶s idea of implied powers. Jefferson. it could be interpreted under on of the more broad clauses of the constitution ± such as the clause that says it¶s the job of the national government to ³promote the general welfare.´ as is often claimed. Today. Hamilton was the Federalist¶s Federalist. impressive or important. In 1781 he promoted the idea that a nonexcessive public debt would be a good thing. was a vocal opponent of the national bank. and which are not precluded by restrictions & exceptions specified in the constitution.´ which argues that the federal government only gets to do what the constitution EXPLICITLY says it gets to do.

wcdebate. that¶s a price I¶m willing to pay. punishable by fine and imprisonment. These laws were mostly used to silence dissent. compared to Jefferson¶s continued desire to trust the public. as should be clear. That culminated in the elections season of 1804. and everyone else knew it too. "are reasoning rather than reasonable animals." Hamilton¶s ideas seemed to Jefferson to be a lot closer to King George III than to any American thinker. without any counterbalancing good. so get over it. at least he had SOME integrity and honor about him. Aaron Burr had been a political rival of Hamilton¶s since at least 1777. and the greater merit of co-operating faithfully in maturing and supporting a system which was not his choice. my friends and I are rich.com . DENOUMENT We know about the scandal that ended up killing Hamilton. has been awarded him by a suffrage now universal. Even sometime allies recognized the elitist tendency in Hamilton. and consequently the more virulent. There are a lot of Hamiltonians still around in American politics. I know he was smart. These acts made illegal the publication of "any false. will only be more concentrated in each part." He referred (in his last letter on politics) to democracy as a ³disease.´ saying that "a clear sacrifice of great positive advantages. confronting Washington with a list of 21 objections to Hamilton¶s proposed policies. editor of the Philadelphia DemocratRepublican Aurora. If some farmers lose out on their land and enterprises so that my friends and I can run the country. Madison¶s final assessment of Hamilton was written in 1831: "That he possessed intellectual powers of the first order. administering no relief to our real disease. the translation from Old Uptight American: Hamilton preferred a more robust." he said. which is democracy. his customary colleague. Perhaps his sternest rebuke to Hamilton came based on Jefferson¶s moral objections investment speculation. At least he admitted it and didn't overtly destabilize the government. (When Jefferson was elected. Hamilton¶s response: "It is a strange perversion of ideas." This shows his opinion of the average American. disputed the geographical distribution of the benefits (Jefferson thought farmers would get screwed. he pardoned all of those convicted. when Burr sent a contemptuous letter to Washington about Hamilton. And we¶re just going to get richer as the country grows." Such publications were made high misdemeanors. Jefferson considered rich men who used their capital to invest in enterprises not their own (who we might today call venture capitalists) to be the lowest forms of life on earth. then his closest aide. saying this behavior ³nourishes in our citizens vice & idleness instead of industry & morality. which the urban elite would benefit). Twenty-five men were arrested and their newspapers forced to shut down as a result of this legislation ± including Benjamin Franklin's grandson. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and as novel as it is extraordinary. His morals -. HAMILTON¶S OPPRESSIVE IDEAS Hamilton¶s notion of a strong national government did err on the side of oppression at times. the poison of which.well. as much due to his belief in free speech as to his desire to stick his thumb in Hamilton¶s eye. here¶s a translation: yeah. accusing him of engaging in a monarchical conspiracy." For those of you that don¶t speak Old Uptight American. Benjamin Franklin Bache. This is best evidenced by his warm support for the final form of the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798. Volume 9 Page 17 Jefferson hated these economic ideas. that men should be deemed corrupt & criminal for becoming proprietors in the funds of their Country. Perhaps the most balanced view came from Madison. Jefferson decried Hamilton¶s desire to increase the public debt. by a subdivision. and the moral qualities of integrity and honor in a captivating degree. where Hamilton repeatedly ripped Burr in public speeches. More on that in our final section. If his theory of government deviated from the republican standard he had the candour to avow it.) Hamilton constantly disputed Jefferson¶s claim that the general public should control government." Again. "Men.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. more centralized government. Allegedly. scandalous and malicious writing. and many other things.

James Reynolds. As I hope this essay makes clear. not the government's. the three congressmen were satisfied by Hamilton¶s explanation.Adieu best of wives and best of Women.James Monroe. natural politicians. And the money wasn¶t for speculation (though that is apparently how Reynolds used it ± proving Jefferson¶s maxim about the moral character of speculators). ³Mr. Hamilton actually followed through with physical violence against a political rival. Hamilton was having an affair Hamilton with Reynolds' wife. it was on. It gets better. Some Hamilton apologists insist that. is the final record from his life: "If it had been possible for me to have avoided the interview. that though he held "despicable" opinions of Burr. But the Burr scandal wasn¶t the only hot water Hamilton found himself embroiled in. though he showed up to the duel and took a pistol. And. when a pamphlet was published with the allegations.. Burr challenged Hamilton to a duel and killed him. Hamilton¶s note to his wife. too. When Reynolds found out he demanded ³satisfaction´ . motivated. Three congressmen -. greedy. As historian Lisa Marie de Carolis noted. Hamilton was technically born illegitimate. and Frederick Muhlenberg ± thought they had found evidence that Hamilton was misappropriating government funds. my love for you and my precious children would have been alone a decisive motive. A journalist reported to the country that Hamilton "could detail . But it was not possible. and while Clinton merely threatened to bash William Safire in the nose.money. Monroe et. was bragging that Hamilton had given him money out of the treasury to play the stock market. al. a shady character currently in jail. written directly before the duel with Burr. Reynolds was a clever pimp who was now harboring some very destructive information on one of the highest officials in the country. without sacrifices which would have rendered me unworthy of your esteem. he did not intend to fire at Burr. Reynolds had evidence. Reynolds said that Hamilton could continue the affair so long as the money kept coming. At that point. in Sports Center parlance. They apparently did. but a BRIBE. Hamilton admitted he had given James Reynolds money -. both saw their records tarnished by stunning sex scandals. the public could be kept in the dark no longer. That money had changed hands." No word on whether he penned a similar missive to James Reynolds¶ wife. it just ain¶t so ± and it¶s somewhat comforting that the politicians of days past were just as sleazy. That happened in 1792.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and agreed to keep it quiet. Abraham Venable. while Clinton was the child of a single mother. Volume 9 Page 18 But he crossed the line when he said (at an event attended by a Burr supporter. and sexually predatory as the ones we see today. Maria. . It wasn¶t even the juiciest. CONCLUSION When you learn about the so-called ³Founding Fathers´ in school. you get the impression that they were these morally upstanding men of a bygone era where honor was protected at all costs.com . and by the press). he had more dirt on him that he wouldn¶t dish just yet. . a still more despicable opinion" of Burr. went to Hamilton's office to confront him. until July 1797. when Hamilton headed up the Treasury Department.wcdebate.´ Amazingly.. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. One could make a strong case for Hamilton as the Bill Clinton of his day: both were extremely intelligent. That¶s when it got weird.but he said it was his own money. .

ed. ALEXANDER HAMILTON: PORTRAIT IN PARADOX. Stanford: Stanford University Press. October 19. Chomsky. New York and London: Columbia University Press.. 1961--79. THE PAPERS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Chomsky. Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America. New York. accessed April 29. Jacob E. Syrett. senior editor. Chicago. Department of Alfa-informatica. 1991. Morton J. Loyola University. Frisch. Gerald. Charles Scribner's Sons. THE REPORTS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Stanley and Eric McKitrick. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press.let. Washington/London: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. p. New York: The Free Press. Stourzh. New York: Harper & Row. Jacob E. Brookhiser. Cooke. 13. 1985. Lisa Marie.org/chomsky/talks/9410-education. accessed May 1.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. SELECTED WRITINGS AND SPEECHES OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 1964. Noam. 1999. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Elkins. John C. Noam. Mellon Lecture. 1994 http://www. de Carolis. Morton J. Z MAGAZINE.. 1993. 1982. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. January 1995. THE AGE OF FEDERALISM. 1959.html. 1970. Miller. University of Groningen.zmag.rug.wcdebate. Harold C. http://odur. Charles. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 2002. historian. NATIONAL REVIEW. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Frisch. 1912. AMERICAN.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. New York: Harper & Brothers.2002. 1997. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. Richard. ed. Volume 9 Page 19 BIBLIOGRAPHY Beard. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE IDEA OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. ed. ALEXANDER HAMILTON.com . Cooke.htm. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE POLITICAL ORDER.

and rapacious. This. November 14. or through the submission of the Indian proprietors. STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED BECAUSE HUMANS ARE VINDICTIVE Alexander Hamilton. It has been the prudent policy of Congress to appease this controversy. 2002. and which usually went under the name of crown lands.com/federalist7. A dismemberment of the Confederacy.html. An intelligent writer expresses himself on this subject to this effect: "NEIGHBORING NATIONS (says he) are naturally enemies of each other unless their common weakness forces them to league in a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC. was at all events an acquisition to the Confederacy by compact with a foreign power. http://federalistpapers.wcdebate. weaknesses and evils incident to society in every shape? 3. p. what reason can we have to confide in those reveries which would seduce us into an expectation of peace and cordiality between the members of the present confederacy. http://federalistpapers. For the Independent Journal. TERRITORIAL DISPUTES CAUSE STRIFE: STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENT IS NEEDED Alexander Hamilton. in a state of separation? Have we not already seen enough of the fallacy and extravagance of those idle theories which have amused us with promises of an exemption from the imperfections. There still are discordant and undecided claims between several of them. and the dissolution of the Union would lay a foundation for similar claims between them all. BECAUSE THE WORLD ISN¶T PERFECT. especially as to all that part of the Western territory which. if these States should either be wholly disunited. 2002. was subjected to the jurisdiction of the king of Great Britain. Territorial disputes have at all times been found one of the most fertile sources of hostility among nations. np. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. So far is the general sense of mankind from corresponding with the tenets of those who endeavor to lull asleep our apprehensions of discord and hostility between the States. WE NEED A STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT Alexander Hamilton. 1787.com . and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages. To presume a want of motives for such contests as an argument against their existence. np. This has been so far accomplished as.com/federalist6. UNION IS THE ANTIDOTE TO HOSTILITY BETWEEN NATIONS Alexander Hamilton. whose situations have borne the nearest resemblance to our own.html.com/federalist6. 2. http://federalistpapers. 2002. constitutes nations natural enemies. November 15. Volume 9 Page 20 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED 1. accessed May 2. accessed May 2. the others have contended that the rights of the crown in this article devolved upon the Union. till it was relinquished in the treaty of peace. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The States within the limits of whose colonial governments they were comprised have claimed them as their property. unconnected sovereignties in the same neighborhood. accessed May 2. p. We have a vast tract of unsettled territory within the boundaries of the United States. would be to forget that men are ambitious.html. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. For the Independent Journal. 2002.html. To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent. For the Independent Journal. and their constitution prevents the differences that neighborhood occasions. by prevailing upon the States to make cessions to the United States for the benefit of the whole. and would create others on the same subject. 1787. vindictive. It is well known that they have heretofore had serious and animated discussion concerning the rights to the lands which were ungranted at the time of the Revolution. For the Independent Journal. A man must be far gone in Utopian speculations who can seriously doubt that. would be to disregard the uniform course of human events. From this summary of what has taken place in other countries. http://federalistpapers." 4. FEDERALIST PAPER # 7. This cause would exist among us in full force.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p.com/federalist6. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. in the event of disunion. extinguishing that secret jealousy which disposes all states to aggrandize themselves at the expense of their neighbors. would revive this dispute. to afford a decided prospect of an amicable termination of the dispute. np. that it has from long observation of the progress of society become a sort of axiom in politics. however. under a continuation of the Union. accessed May 2. that vicinity or nearness of situation. the subdivisions into which they might be thrown would have frequent and violent contests with each other. Perhaps the greatest proportion of wars that have desolated the earth have sprung from this origin. 1787. either by actual possession. or only united in partial confederacies. it has been said. 1787. November 14. November 14.

2002. in what respects they did considered all men created equal²equal in µcertain unalienable rights. http://www. would benefit the nation as a whole in the long run.org/tii/students/GarveyEssay97Upham. was limiting and limited. provide a uniform currency. Volume 9 Page 21 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD 1. The "authors of that notable instrument. The accumulation of wealth was not Hamilton's goal. would prevent the corruption which might result if the bank were run by government officials as was the Bank of England. University of Groningen. or social capacity. NOT FORCED EQUITY David Upham. Hamilton was. Securing the support of the wealthy was only a first step in his complete economic picture.htm. Department of Politics." Hamilton explained that a national bank would provide a safe depository for government funds. their conception of human equality necessarily excluded equality of condition. and that it would unavoidably result from that very liberty itself. regulate banking practices around the country. simply drawing on realities that he felt. Industry would diversify labor.. moral developments. 2002. as proprietors. Hamilton saw it as no less than an engine of national prosperity and a necessary ancillary to his overall plan. accessed May 1. Department of Alfa-informatica. in the Directors of a Bank. magnetic sense. not only did the Founders¶ understanding of equality not include all kinds of equality (such as the equality of economic condition championed by the Progressives).rug. although not necessarily equitable. This was Hamilton's most controversial position about which he was quite frank. Hamilton envisioned a strong economy in which everyone could participate and profit. in their understanding. Department of Alfa-informatica.2002. As Alexander Hamilton stated in the constitutional convention: "It is certainly true that nothing like an equality of property existed: that an inequality would exist as long as liberty existed. liberty. accessed May 1. and loan the government money in times of emergency.rug. thus creating more jobs and income sources for a burgeoning population. As Lincoln repeatedly emphasized. HAMILTON¶S NATIONAL BANK WAS AN ENGINE OF PROSPERITY Lisa Marie de Carolis.. 1997. .. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. and the pursuit of happiness. and." Moreover. the prosperity of the institution . and which would incite fierce protest on the part of those who feared that Hamilton aimed to create an aristocracy. and that the equal right to employ unequal talents would necessarily lead to economic inequality. np. 3. HAMILTON BELIEVED IN EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY. Hamilton's vision was dynamic and made use of all the possibilities of a young nation with unlimited resources and boundless potential.intellect. steady. He explained: "The keen. The Founders¶ attachment to economic freedom was in no way. as it were.let. They defined with tolerable distinctiveness." 2. and opened up wider vistas in international trade and domestic industrialization. They believed that everyone had an equal right to exercise his individual abilities to acquire property.html.independent. University of Dallas.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00." Independent Institute Website.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. abilities which were by nature unequal. of their own interest. http://odur.did not mean to say all were equal in. Hamilton reasoned.let. represented by the Virginia opposition. he wanted to encourage the use of private wealth for beneficial enterprises. as usual.com . Private ownership. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1997. whereas paper wealth was fluid. http://odur.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. pointing invariably to its true pole. Landed wealth. the equality proclaimed in the Declaration is not an equality in all respects. . 1997. "The Primacy of Property Rights and the American Founding.. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton.htm. HAMILTON¶S SUPPORT OF THE WEALTHY DIDN¶T INTEND TO CREATE ARISTOCRACY Lisa Marie de Carolis. among which are life. The bank proposed by Hamilton would be a national institution run by a private board of directors. opposed to the principle of equality. provide capital for investments and industry. p.¶ This they said and this meant. accessed May 1. University of Groningen.

the masters have long sought to contain popular struggles to expand the range of meaningful democracy and human rights." and he confessed that while he was still republican. sometimes in chains of dogma and deceit. he "had been taught by experience the danger of the levelling spirit. Gerry.com . We may recall. He said there was the idea that your people are a great beast and that the real disease is democracy. being independence. in tracing these evils to their origin. That's the hysterical and utterly erroneous reaction that's pretty standard among people who feel that their power is threatened." Mr. Mellon Lecture. HAMILTON BELIEVED DEMOCRACY WAS A GREAT BEAST. The beast may not yet be tamed. preserved to posterity by Mr. np. Restating the Doctrine without equivocation. HAMILTON THOUGHT THE ³WELL BORN´ SHOULD RUN THE COUNTRY Charles Beard. speaking for a host of others). Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. p. observed "that the general object was to provide a cure for the evils under which the United States labored. safeguarded on the one hand against the possibilities of despotism and on the other against the onslaught of majorities. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. as he believed the Bolsheviks intended. Madison. whatever cast it takes. that they can dismantle the social contract that has been in some measure achieved. 31. Indeed.html. Z MAGAZINE." or even influential. 1912. Chicago. 1994. historian. HAMILTON FEARED DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM Noam Chomsky. every man had found it in the turbulence and follies of democracy." Mr. every page of the laconic record of the proceedings of the convention. These ideas have become ever more entrenched in educated circles. p. which destroyed labour and independent thought for a decade. p. That's Hamilton. the evils they had experienced flowed "from the excess of democracy. The architects of policy can move on to establish a utopia of the masters based on the values of greed and power.the main concern.wcdebate. October 19. shows conclusively that the members of that assembly were not seeking to realize any fine notions about democracy and equality. Volume 9 Page 22 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY 1. attitudes that led to Wilson's Red Scare. Loyola University. Z MAGAZINE. in advocating a life term for Senators. in which privilege is enhanced by state power and the general population lack rights apart from what they can salvage on a (highly flexible) labor market. urged that "all communities divide themselves into the few and the many. The first are the rich and well born and the other the mass of the people who seldom judge or determine right. HAMILTON SOUGHT TO PRESERVE THE POWER OF THE RICH Noam Chomsky." as Alexander Hamilton termed the "people" with horror and indignation as he was laying the foundations for state-guided industrial democracy. 2002.zmag. 13. but were striving with all the resources of political wisdom at their command to set up a system of government that would be stable and efficient." 4. January 1995. 3. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Robert Lansing. January 1995.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. that. http://www. It therefore became necessary to renew with much greater intensity the constant campaign to tame and cage that "great beast. in offering to the consideration of the convention his plan of government. that fear of democracy and freedom has always been one of the factors motivating the terror and sometimes outright aggression undertaken to eliminate "rotten apples" that might "spoil the barrel" and "viruses" that might "infect others. as Jefferson's fears and Bakunin's predictions were increasingly realised. Randolph. Professor of Linguistics at MIT. an important victory. in passing. They feel. COMMON PEOPLE A MENACE Noam Chomsky. The basic attitudes coming into this century were expressed very clearly by Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of State. but it is being caged. Eighty years earlier Alexander Hamilton had put it clearly. 2. 13. that some check therefore was to be sought for against this tendency of our governments. as it was called. Lansing warned of the danger of allowing the "ignorant and incapable mass of humanity" to become "dominant in the earth. and that a good Senate seemed most likely to answer the purpose. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. sometimes quite literally. of course. accessed April 29. but now perceive that they can do better.org/chomsky/talks/9410education. perhaps rightly. Hamilton. In the mind of Mr." in the terminology favored by leading planners -. rolling back the threat posed by the "great beast" that keeps trying "to plunder the rich" (Alexander Hamilton and John Foster Dulles.

rug. He wrote in 1780: "The only plan that can preserve the currency is one that will make it to the immediate interest of the monied men to cooperate with the government in its support. accessed May 1." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. from which the rights of property originated.com . University of Groningen. by the system of checks and balances placed in the government. the continuing vitality of the British economy was enough to prove the efficacy of their system. p.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. and renders the stock holders largely idle and useless for everything but playing the market.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. HAMILTON IGNORED HUME¶S WARNINGS ABOUT THE SYSTEM HE FAVORED Lisa Marie de Carolis. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. 31. "the majority. However. makes "country gentlemen" out of wealthy merchants. Hamilton based his program primarily on the British model. p. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton.No plan could succeed which does not unite the interest and credit of rich individuals with that of the state. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. warning that a funded debt necessitates oppressive taxes to pay the interest. np. 1997. Department of Alfa-informatica." Landed wealth. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government. http://odur. Hume in particular was cautionary about the British system. with variations more suited to the United States' unique characteristics.let. but pointed out some advantages to a credit-based economy.. provide ready capital with the value and function of specie. The support and capital of the nation's wealthiest citizens would provide the foundation and security of his system.htm. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. Volume 9 Page 23 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST 1. Securities. and thus helps spread "arts and industry throughout the whole society. Nevertheless. whereas paper capital fosters a more international mentality. Mr. accessed May 1. 2. the convention safeguarded the interests of property against attacks by majorities. Hume felt that the evils greatly outweighed the advantages. p. which in turn makes commodities cheaper and easier to procure. Mr." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. having such coexistent passion or interest. hence. Hamilton pointed out. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". University of Groningen. the availability of which enables merchants to engage in more extensive trade enterprises. 2002. np." while the Senate was to preserve the rights of property and the interests of the minority against the demands of the majority. Hamilton dismissed Hume's warnings and instead focused on the positive aspects of national credit. 2002.let. and a more diverse economy. In the tenth number of The Federalist. creates dangerous disparities in wealth. HAMILTON¶S GOVERNMENT IDEAS FOCUSED ON PROTECTING THE RICH Charles Beard. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. In order to stimulate the economy.htm. and in his opinion. "was so formed as to render it particularly the guardian of the poorer orders of citizens.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Hume observed. The House of Representatives. Public credit was to become the pillar of Hamilton's fiscal reform package.. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. 1912. http://odur. HAMILTON RELIED ON THE WEALTHY ALLYING THEMSELVES WITH STATE POWER Lisa Marie de Carolis.rug. Hume emphasized the many evils of a credit-based economy. . indebts the nation to foreign powers." 3. historian. Hamilton needed big investors. he added. the "invigorating principle" which would infuse the United States with the energy and international respectability he had envisioned. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. he contended. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. Hume contended. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. Department of Alfa-informatica. 1997.wcdebate.

given that in today¶s lexicon ³federalism´ refers to the doctrine that the federal government should not encroach upon the proper powers of the states. HISTORICAL CONTEXT The driving issues in early American political theory arose as a response to the treatment of the original colonies by Great Britain. They felt that the essence of democracy could only be carried out on a small scale. the identity of the authors of the Anti-Federalist papers is not always known. supported a more direct democracy. the benefits of which were lost in such a massive government. Anti-Federalist differ from the Federalist Papers in a few significant ways. During the time of various Constitutional Conventions. there is not an established number to each document or speech that constituted Anti-Federalist contributions to the political debate. The first attempt was guided by the Articles of Confederation. and partially to the fact that history has not glorified their accomplishments as it has the Federalists. Moreover. the Anti-Federalists were not as organized in their publications. and the various potential pros and cons to such a political system. some of the major figures behind the movement. This essay will explore the context surrounding the Anti-Federalists. with that of the Anti-Federalists being one of the most extreme. regulate commerce. Viewing these and many other aspects of the Articles as deep flaws. support for it was by no means unanimous. but instead have had a profound influence upon the entirety of American politics. These papers. First. which established a very limited central government with strong powers left to the individual states. the Anti-Federalists are no mere moment in history. written by Alexander Hamilton. The Anti-Federalists also used pseudonyms borrowed from past figures from Rome (as well as other names).West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but it is not always conclusive which actual person lies behind what name. or a great many other things that are matter of course for the federal government today. seemed to the Federalists a clear signal that a new Constitution was needed. many called for some kind of reform.com . This is partially due to the less organized nature of the Anti-Federalists. and back at the time of the signing of the Constitution the Anti-Federalists were those opposed to it on the grounds that it gave too much power to the federal government. Although far from universally read at the time ± the pamphlets were mostly published in New York ± a group of 85 documents which came to be known as the Federalist Papers came to be the most famous articulation of Federalist views. Secondly. Given their position in history as one of the main political groups at the time of the crafting of the Constitution. Volume 9 Page 24 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS Perhaps the greatest question that American political theory has struggled with is to what extent the power of the federal government should be limited. Therefore the issue of liberty was foremost in the minds of Americans when considering how to craft a government of their own. therefore. it is important to keep in mind that terminology changes. However. This federalist camp by and large supported the proposed Constitution that was being debated at the Conventions. all connected to the desire to have independence from the tyrannical rule of the British monarchy. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. amending the Articles required unanimity among the states. Although the new Constitution was passed largely the way that the Federalists hoped it would be. James Madison.´ advocated a much stronger central government than what the Articles provided. and John Jay under the pseudonym ³Publius. who did which paper (Hamilton. Jay.wcdebate. The inability of the federal government to take care of a lot of problems. Anti-federalists. Even though the Federalist Papers bore the same pen name. or Madison) is well documented. The American Revolution came about for a myriad of reasons. There have been a variety of different approaches to that question over the years. a great deal of writing was done by various political figures that advocated different positions on what direction the country ought to take. Contemporary readers might feel as if these terms are backwards. The contingent of people who felt that the proposed Constitution had too strong of a Central government were known as the Anti-Federalists. The Confederation could not collect taxes. notably the Shays Rebellion that occurred in Massachusetts for half a year before it could be quelled. as opposed to the republican government that connected to the citizens only via mediating representatives.

The closest way to understanding the will of the electorate ± polling ± is remarkably inaccurate. and later would become Vice President for both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. it is typically meant to designate the bureaucracy. This is democracy at its most tenuous. Samuel Bryan. George Clinton was the first governor of New York during the ratification of the Constitution. To understand Anti-Federalists merely in terms of modern-day states-rights discourse would be in a sense misleading. it becomes all the more difficult for any group to get the policy they want. One such person is Patrick Henry. but took the post after his own Presidential ambitions were dashed. some of the more important figures in the theory are well known. Volume 9 Page 25 WHO THEY WERE While the issue of which Anti-Federalist authors were behind the works of pseudonyms such as ³Brutus. There are a great many other important Anti-Federalist thinkers: James Winthrop. where representatives are elected with the supposed task of voicing the opinions of all of the people in Congress. The first major premise in Anti-Federalism is that true government is only possible on a small scale. This ensures that oftentimes the majority opinion does not even constitute over half of the population. there is no way for Representatives to actually know the desires of the people they are voting for. While of course they all had minor differences. and so on. direct democracy becomes simply unfeasible. that the government has.´ Clinton did his best to block ratification of the Constitution. THE CASE FOR THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS So what is it that is positive about the theory of Anti-Federalism? The primary emphasis is upon promoting liberty and freedom. Clinton authored some of the Anti-Federalist papers that were published under the name ³Cato. one of his greatest criticisms of it was the lack of any explicit limitations upon the powers of the federal government. it was promised to be included by Congress shortly thereafter. Since potential actions to be taken by Congress are almost never a black and white issue. And it is true that Anti-Federalists would argue for a less massive government. No. or amount of control. not the one in the Funkadelic Parliament. Direct democracy of that sort is appealing to Anti-Federalists because it makes up for the myriad of shortcomings in the current system of ³representation´. Robert Yates. Clinton despised Madison. While his famous quotation in which he prefers liberty to life became one of the central rallying cries of the Revolution. The inclusion of a Bill of Rights into the Constitution is owed in part to Patrick Henry. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. but when it was approved by the requisite nine states at the Convention in his very own state. There would be no way for common individuals to stroll onto the floor of Capitol Hill any time they wished and have a real voice in crafting national legislation. there are a host of different possible options to be argued for. Even were polling perfectly accurate. Especially given the US¶s self-proclaimed status as a melting pot of races. Clinton acquiesced.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. While the Bill of Rights was not included in the initial signing of the Constitution. while he never supported the Constitution. Another prominent Anti-Federalist was George Clinton. ideas.com . the problem of majority tyranny arises. Henry associated the Federalist supporters with the kind of aristocracy that the Revolutionary War was meant to free America from. Henry did not support the Constitution that was eventually passed in 1787. Ironically he ended up Vice-President to Madison. This is because when a regime is in control over a large enough populace. For one. and only samples a small part of the population. the thread running through them all was a mistrust of too massive a government.´ ³Old Whig. When the words ³big´ or ³small´ are used to describe governments today. Richard Henry Lee. Today what we have is a republic.wcdebate.´ or ³Federal Farmer´ may be an ongoing debate. while they share some of the same beliefs. but they would also stress that said governing body has to be concerned with a vastly smaller area than the US currently is. Anti-Federalism is an entirely different view of what government means than is considered in contemporary political discourse. and others. But what liberties are being shoved aside in the current system? The premise behind AntiFederalism goes deeper than knee-jerk mistrust of the federal government. which the Bill of Rights provided (to some extent). cultures. making most of the people¶s wishes going unheeded. one of the authors of the Federalist Papers.

Indeed. one would have to not be tied to any sort of private concerns that would distract from that goal. the arts. Volume 9 Page 26 Part of the problem stems from the type of people that are going to be the Representatives in a large republic. To achieve enough public recognition to get elected. The incapability of internal uprisings and the like to be dealt with a weak central government was arguably shown back as early as Shay¶s Rebellion. Provided that a Senator votes the way someone theoretically would want them to. the highest type of human activity is what Arendt says the Greeks considered true ³action´: politics. let alone the middle class who spend a great deal of time working to (for example) put their kids through college. Anti-Federalism dovetails nicely with one of the main tenets of Hannah Arendt¶s belief on the nature of politics. The difference lies in the fact that our conception of politics is as a means to an end. The current controversy over money spent in campaigns is telling. it would seem difficult to coordinate efforts.wcdebate. people tend to be only concerned with issues such as representation insofar as they get what they want. First and foremost is a problem with security from threats both internal and external. The ancient Greeks despised labor. But even if all of the things above were not true. The Anti-Federalists argued that a result of that type of government would be that only the elite would have the capability to run for office. Anti-Federalists desired the smaller town-hall type governments were individual could have a say and come to some consensus about issues that affected them and their town. this is often not the case. How can a rich white Senator born into privilege know how difficult it is to be poor? It becomes difficult for any interest aside from the elite¶s to be advanced in government. In fact. on the other hand. Christopher Duncan explains why it is that Anti-Federalists place intrinsic value upon direct democracy. and similar pursuits. many of the Anti-Federalists papers make explicit reference to Greek and Roman societies ± before they developed strong tyrannical central governments ± as being ideals insofar as democracy is concerned. Once all private demands are met. many Anti-Federalists charged that it was elite interests that motivated the structure of the government set up in the Constitution. Even if every state kept standing militias. She draws upon Greek culture in her book THE HUMAN CONDITION to explain the various degrees of human activity. In other words. This is not to suggest that the Anti-Federalists merely wanted to copy the Greeks. have the time and resources to become a serious politician. precisely because they see participation in politics as an end to itself. be achieved. No one struggling to earn enough money to survive. some economic resources? Threats from other countries are even more frightening. and without a strong federal ability to tax. an important political theorist from this century. and therefore used slavery to divest themselves of the need to do tasks that they consider menial. The next highest is work. contends that the highest form of human existence lies in the participation in politics. find that situation lacking. The lowest is that of labor. The reason for this is because. Anti-Federalists would still have a large problem with the massive republic that we live in today. the type of person who is elected into office will never be the same type of person that she or he is supposed to represent. Only that way can the desire to life a public life. Therefore the most glory came from being an honored statesman in the city-state. then one can spend their time caring for the polis (city). which encompasses crafts. The same problems that were apparent at the time of the Articles of the Confederation are still present in a system that devolves a great deal of authority. There is the possibility of public appreciation of work. But even if stringent campaign finance reform measures were to pass. but instead that understanding the rationale behind the Greek priority of action in the public realm sheds light on why AntiFederalists find value in pure democracy. interestingly enough. Arendt. Therefore.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. What is to stop one state from deciding to use aggressive force against another to take.com . such as food and shelter. say. While it is certainly possible for a person of a different station to understand the situation of a common person. AntiFederalists. and therefore be happy and free. one can readily find fault with such a small-scale system of government. but it is often still private in nature. whereby one toils to take care of private necessities. there would still be cultural and economic barriers that would make it extremely difficult for anyone but the elite class to realize the goal of playing a role in the public sector. THE CASE AGAINST THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS As pretty of a picture of an idyllic small town democracy this paints. the political sphere and one¶s own relationship to it can be safely ignored. This problem has gotten even more out of control given the importance of self-advertisement during campaigns. there is no way a national army Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and Senators and Representatives were somehow able to represent the wishes of their constituents completely accurately. Finally.

This case was but the most visible of a massive effort by the federal government to outlaw a host of racist policies held by many States.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . Environmental disputes were not much of a problem back in colonial times when the majority of the United States had yet to even be charted by European settlers. such as funding of the sciences and arts. The most famous example of this comes with the controversy concerning segregation in the South. Strict laws governing the states are needed to keep them accountable for their environmental damage. Many authors specifically respond to some of these criticisms and explain why they might not seem as problematic as they seem. In that sense there likelihood of an attack against the US might decrease. By passing amendments that protect rights not merely through limiting the power of the federal government but instead positively restricting certain behavior of the states and local governments. environmental theory has taught that those situations are dangerous given the transitory nature of pollution. and so forth. issuing bonds. While the Anti-Federalists sought to organize small like-minded communities.wcdebate. Even if there is some sacrifice of liberties in order to make those things possible. None could be performed during the Articles of Confederation. is it not obvious that life and peace are more important? Being free from one¶s own government is hardly a concern when another country is invading. and the government. hope is not lost yet. The negative effects of industry in one county or state could most directly affect another area completely. With regard to the security issue. but it is a huge issue now. Volume 9 Page 27 could be built and maintained that would comport to the standards necessary to be competitive. economic prosperity seems to be a direct result of a strong federal government. the Federal Reserve ± all are functions that are distinctly national in character. internal commerce. Having a national bank system. there are a variety of important tasks that can only be performed by the national government that seem integral to maintaining a healthy economy. one might question the incentive for other countries to attack the United States if it were more decentralized. rights. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. countries would no longer have cause to resent the US throwing its superpower weight around world affairs. The 50 states retain a massive amount of control over criminal laws. Would the technological and cultural progress that has been made in the past two hundred years be possible in a country with decentralized governments? Yet another goal that has become of more importance in recent years that seems impractical without a strong central government is the protection of the environment. One of the revolutions in the past hundred years has been the increasing role of the federal government as the protector of individual rights from state discrimination. A strong central government seems to be a prerequisite of peace and order. While the fundamental motivation for the Anti-Federalists was the protection of liberty through democracy. it is very possible that their mistrust of a strong central government was not merely reactionary fear stemming from their dealings with Great Britain. These protections against discrimination apply to sexism and other forms of oppression through the Equal Protection amendment. it is natural that uprisings like the Shay¶s Rebellion would occur during a country¶s birth pangs. RESPONSES TO SOME OF THE ATTACKS ON THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS While this list of problems might seem difficult for the Anti-Federalists to overcome. Many authors claim that the federal government has proven to be selflimiting in such a fashion so as to avoid the pitfalls the Anti-Federalists predicted. with those citizens lacking any method of recourse. There might not be any way to have stopped that discrimination throughout the country in the system promoted by the Anti-Federalists. Given how complex the economic system is today. Nor is there a complete disregard for the rights and powers of the states even within this system. schools wouldn¶t allow blacks the same educational opportunities. A thriving economy is a necessary condition for a lot of other things. Power over such things as taxation has certainly not spiraled into overwhelming tyranny. wars tend to start due to tensions over disagreements. Countries don¶t just go around attacking each other for land nowadays. but there is less reason to believe such events would be a matter of course without a powerful federal government. Until the Supreme Court decision of Brown versus the Board of Education of Topeka. In addition to security. a brand new turn is taken in the relationship between individuals. This picture of rights flips on its head the problem envisioned by the Anti-Federalists of a tyrannical national government. As for internal problems. Few would call the powers that the federal government claims right to now ³tyrannical´ by any means.

CONCLUSION Anti-Federalism. Truly understanding the various twists and turns of American politics requires a grasp upon its roots in both the Federalist as well as Anti-Federalist traditions. One thing that is important to keep in mind for the purpose of utilizing this theory in a debate round is that one does not necessarily have to advocate every thing that the Anti-Federalists would. Money alone cannot produce happiness. As the lower class gets larger and poorer. Instead. Given the swing in opinion towards protecting the environment and ending discrimination. The American political tradition has always been a product of the dialectic of both of those movements. but economic might is not necessarily the highest aim for a country. Just because power would be devolved to a large degree does not mean that national laws would not work pending the acceptance of the majority of states. excluding most people from participating in it in any meaningful way. as Hannah Arendt suspects. The most skillful use of it will be to argue for a particular type of democracy that actually involves people. has many potential benefits and downfalls. and it can even create tensions in a society where the wealth is increasingly becoming concentrated in a small percentage of the population. it is natural to question just how successful the country is economically. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. no political system is wholly comprised of one ideology or another. Both theories have strong advantages and disadvantages that can be used to shed light on a variety of political issues in our own day and age. Even if the federal government has not proven to turn into a tyranny. and therefore in direct democracy. can be much more fundamental to human happiness than amassing material wealth. It is certain that the country would be less economically prosperous if it had developed more along AntiFederalist lines. True happiness is found in one¶s civic existence. as well as a few other modifications to it are distinctly Anti-Federalist in nature. federal governments. it is logical that even without things like strong Supreme Court decisions it is still plausible that those problems would be voluntary dealt with by the states.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but those are nothing more than glorified necessities taken too far. Participation in a public democracy.wcdebate. no matter what the Gross Domestic Product statistics say. or to help argue for or against other political objectives that would affect the balance of power between the people and their state. as a political theory taken in general. Moreover. but its inclusion of a Bill of Rights. It can be used in its specific historical context to criticize or justify the Constitution. Volume 9 Page 28 Issues such as the environment and minority rights could be dealt with in a collective fashion. such as greater states rights in a particular area. the Constitution may have been promoted mainly by Federalists. Perhaps the widespread depression exhibited in American society today is a result of the alienation felt towards one¶s fellow humans. The Federalist model did establish an effective system for pursuing one¶s private wishes.com . there is little denying that politics in this country has become an affair of the rich and elite. local. instead of merely a republic where no one¶s interests but the very powerful are furthered. its principles of maintaining a genuine democracy can be utilized to argue in favor of smaller changes.

1981. Murray. FROM MANY. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. 1992. Northern Illinois University Press. A POLITICS OF TENSION: THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND AMERICAN POLITICAL IDEAS. inc. Berns. 1992. Christopher. Wood. Hannah. Arendt. 1986. Bailyn. THE RADICALISM OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 1997. Dry.com . Ralph. 1992. 1958. Walter. University of Colorado Press. Bernard. WHAT THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS WERE FOR. Simon & Schuster. University of Chicago Press. 1987.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1981. Dolbeare. Library of America. 1969. 1993. THE COMPLETE ANTI-FEDERALIST. Storing. Bruce. 1995. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Penguin. THE ANTI-FEDERALIST PAPERS AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION DEBATES. Sinopoli. Georgetown Press. Volume 9 Page 29 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ackerman. Robert. University of Chicago Press.wcdebate. Herbert. Richard. John Wiley & Sons. WE THE PEOPLE: FOUNDATIONS. ARTICLES. THE DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION: FEDERALIST AND ANTIFEDERALIST SPEECHES. Alfred Knopf. Gordon. Hoffer. Herbert. AND LETTERS DURING THE STRUGGLE OVER RATIFICATION. TAKING THE CONSTITUTION SERIOUSLY. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. Kenneth. THE HUMAN CONDITION. Harvard University Press. Duncan. Ketcham. and Storing. DIRECTIONS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. University of Chicago Press.

Political participation for the Anti-Federalists became an end to be pursued as well as a means. abuses are of less extent. and their interests. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. formed of representatives from the respective parts. and their sentiments are by no means coincident. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. the manners. This will retard the operations of government. The United States includes a variety of climates. and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country. The Grecian republics were of small extent. and demand of them that they mind their own private business. but would be composed of such heterogenous and discordant principles. in the words of Hannah Arendt.wcdebate. he has interest of his own. and interests of the people should be similar. 3. be the climate what it may be. the interest of the public is easier perceived. and the consequence was. 2. very diverse. 38. 170-171. Both of these. as would constantly be contending with each other. there can be no virtue. p. the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views. In a large republic there are men of large fortunes. ultimately disempowering. extended their conquests over large territories of country. each would be in favor of its own interests and customs. 37.´ History furnishes no example of a free republic. Agrippa¶s claims that ³freedom is necessary for industry´ and that ³in absolute governments.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. he soon begins to think that he may be happy. 1995. and consequently of less moderation. and prevent such conclusions as will promote the public good. Anti-Federalist Writer. In a small one. 1997. The laws and customs of the several states are. that their governments were changed from that of free governments to those of the most tyrannical that ever existed in the world. The productions of the different parts of the union are very variant. a legislature. Anti-Federalist Writer. of consequence. there will be a constant clashing of opinions. In a large republic. FROM MANY. and. and more within the reach of every citizen. and depends on accidents. would not be too numerous to act with any care or decision. are in general lazy. we shall be convinced that it forbids that we should be one government. and vicious to an extreme´ are but his way of saying that without the sense of attachment and empowerment that comes with public participation. In a republic. the people. in many respects. document will leave them bereft of their power to save themselves. in process of time. so also was that of the Romans. Volume 9 Page 30 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR 1. sentiments. If this be not the case. This is the theoretical thread that ties Anti²Federalist thought together. 1997. FROM MANY. great and glorious. Self-government for the Anti-Federalists was not just a mechanistic device to ensure the safety of their fortunes. If we apply this remark to the condition of the United States. any thing like the extent of the United States. turbulent. it is true. it was an opportunity to transform themselves and expand their circle of concerns while encouraging others to do the same.com . THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. diverse. cowardly. by oppressing his fellow citizens. The question the Anti-Federalists worried about was not how we organize our polity for order and greatness but how we organize our polity for public happiness and political salvation. p. IT IS EMPIRICALLY SHOWN THAT ONLY SMALL GOVERNMENTS AVOID CORRUPTION Brutus. that it will ultimately. and in some opposite. Their manners and habits differ as much as their climates and productions. It is the notion that the Constitution as a centralizing. of consequence. and of course are less protected.´ This would certainly be a torturous existence for a people who believed their individual chance for redemption was tied intimately to their shared public life. ³banish the citizens from the public realm into the privacy of their households. it is subordinate to exceptions. there are trusts too great to be placed in any single subject. Professor of Political Science. GOVERNMENTS THAT RULE OVER SIMILAR PEOPLE OPERATE MORE EFFICIENTLY Brutus. and the representatives of one part will be continually striving against those of the other. better understood. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. and without virtue there can be no happiness. SMALLER SCALE POLITICS ALLOW FOR HAPPINESS VIA A GENUINE PUBLIC SPHERE Christopher Duncan. p.

which results in the continuing existence of white bloc voting. Mr. rather. nor compact. ANTI-FEDERALISM STOPS RACIAL DISCRIMINATION James Etienne Viator. is a government derived from neither nature. In other words.com . Communal welfare and justice were both the products of local political conversations.the compelling interest of solving racial problems through representation in Congress by those who share a commitment to this unique interest in political liberty on account of their membership in the historically "raced" community. into the hands of individuals. and to work together. 1995. which accounts for the nine-vote decisionmaking threshold and the provisions for unanimity with regard to amendment that marked the Articles. too. Spring. depends in a great measure on their limits. If that latter clause is read correctly. Political liberty. useful or not. The distinction here is once again of critical importance from a theoretical perspective. to whose contumely you will continually be an object²you must risque much. from the vast extent of your territory. p. and this security therefore. 42.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. LOYOLA JOURNAL OF PUBLIC INTEREST LAW. Locke remarks." ONLY ANTI-FEDERALIST POLITICS ALLOW TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE MULTIPLICITY OF INTERESTS Christopher Duncan. Thus the mode of operation was consensual rather than majoritarian or adversarial. the science of government will become intricate and perplexed. and too mysterious for you to understand. not on questions of the general welfare but on questions of mutual and general welfare. Loyola University New Orleans School of Law. in that under the Articles of Confederation there was no ³truth or Platonic form. or the opinion. by indispensably placing trusts of the greatest magnitude. will oppress and grind you²where. they have agreed to protect each other from external dangers to their collective²not individual²liberties. 2. the great Montesquieu again observes. connected with their political distribution. shared racial experience and the legacy of white hostility and bigotry constitute the compelling reason for majority-black districts as a necessary means to effectuate the Anti-Federalist insight that in order to guarantee liberty "like best represents like. which produces this security. Using an innovative mixture of campaign news stories and public opinion surveys of voters. Anti-Federalist Writer. From this picture. other than those basic natural laws (but these. the latter. is best obtained in moderate governments. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. on the score of consolidation of the United States. either limited or despotic. This moderation in governments. or the opinion. it should be clear that there was no such thing as the general welfare of the country. Keith Reeves demonstrated the continued presence of bigoted attitudes among white voters. and aggrandizement. and by which you are to be conducted into a monarchy. consists in security. where the mildness of the laws. there was a series of particular ³welfares´ that could only be considered general when in fact the question at issue was one of mutual concern as determined by the state itself. were open to a good deal of ³relative´ interpretation). into one government²impracticability in the just exercise of it²your freedom insecure²even this form of government limited in its continuance²the employments of your country disposed of to the opulent. that transcended the local community and its own particular determinations about right and wrong. p. Volume 9 Page 31 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION 1. Associate Professor of Law. ONLY SMALLER LIMITED GOVERNMENTS ALLOW LIBERTY Cato. and the complication of interests. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. beget a confidence in the people." Thus. and the equality of the manners. Furthermore. and this racially biased voting excludes blacks from the fair and equal representation recommended both by the Anti-Federalists and Section 2 of the VRA. and observe. and any attempt to conflate the judgments of those independent entities had to be agreed to by them and the like associations involved in order to be legitimate. or at least in the opinion we have of security. FROM MANY. 78. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. 37-8. 2000.wcdebate. Professor of Political Science. p. what can you promise yourselves. 1997. the phenomenon of white bloc voting makes race-conscious districting a properly narrow means to further the "compelling interest" in full freedom for black Americans -. It is this stubborn persistence of racially polarized voting that confirms the enduring wisdom of and necessity for the Anti-Federalist view that representatives should be "made of the same stuff collectively as their constituents. whose ambition for power.

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AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE 1. AN ANTI-FEDERALIST SYSTEM WOULD BE VULNERABLE TO FOREIGN ATTACK Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 9. The first of the advantages is the increased safety from foreign attack that comes with Union. ³Among the many objects to which a wise and free people find it necessary to direct their attention that of providing for their safety seems to be the first.´ Other nations must be prevented from having just causes for warring with the Americans and they must also be discouraged from attacking injustly on the pretext of trumped up charges. With the Union the Americans will be less likely to present just causes for war to foreign nations because there will be a single interpretation of the law of nations and of treaties. That single interpretation will not be dominated by the unjust desires of any part of the Union. Moreover, should the national government provide a just cause for war to a foreign nation it is far more likely that the dispute will be settled without recourse to war with one large nation than it would be with several smaller confederacies. Publius notes the reality that ³acknowledgements, explanations, and compensations are often accepted as satisfactory from a strong united nation´ when they would not be accepted from a weaker power. 2. THE ORDER THAT COMES FROM A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT OUTWEIGHS LIBERTY Thomas E. Baker, Director of the Constitutional Resource Center, BYU JOURNAL OF PUBLIC LAW, 1999, p. 76. In any civilized society the most important task is achieving a proper balance between freedom and order. In wartime, reason and history both suggest that this balance shifts to some degree in favor of order - in favor of the government's ability to deal with conditions that threaten the national well-being. It simply cannot be said, therefore, that in every conflict between individual liberty and governmental authority the former should prevail. And if we feel free to criticize court decisions that curtail civil liberty, we must also feel free to look critically at decisions favorable to civil liberty. To conclude his historical exegesis, the Chief Justice brings us back one last time to Lincoln's dilemma to ask and answer rhetorically, "Should he, to paraphrase his own words, have risked losing the Union that gave life to the Constitution because that charter denied him the necessary authority to preserve the Union? Cast in these terms, it is difficult to quarrel with his decision." 3. ADVANCES IN CULTURE AND TECHNOLOGY MAKE ANTI-FEDERALISM IMPRACTICAL Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 291-292. The specific limits of federal power envisaged by the Founders in 1789 are gone, and any effort to roll back federal power to what it meant at the Founding would be foolish as well as utterly impractical. Even the harshest critics of New Deal jurisprudence acknowledge that changes in society, culture, and the economy require a different kind of national authority today, both practically and as an interpretive matter. Hence, notwithstanding any purported claims of fidelity to original intent, the limits on Congress proposed by today's advocates of judicially-enforced federalism in fact look nothing like any limits that existed when the Constitution was adopted. The question thus becomes, which process should determine the appropriate revised allocation of authority between the federal government and the states: constitutional politics or judicial edict? Mesmerized by the mantra "our Federal government is one of limited powers," the Justices assume that it necessarily falls on them to define new limits - some limits, any limits, even if those limits bear no resemblance to anything imagined by the Founders or observed in the past. But imposing novel judiciallydefined limits just for the sake of having judicially-defined limits is an ill-conceived formalism. In a world of global markets and cultural, economic, and political interdependency, the proper reach of federal power is necessarily fluid, and it may well be that it is best defined through politics. Certainly, as we have seen, this is more consistent with the original design than the Court's new made-up limits-for-the-sake-of-limits. Embracing the hurly-burly of politics while paying attention to how states protect themselves in that domain is a much "truer" interpretation of our Constitution.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 33
FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS 1. STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT IS SELF-RESTRAINING Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 252-3. North Carolina lawyer-planter Archibald Maclaine, writing as Publicola, made the charge of Anti-Federalist duplicity even more explicitly: I find some people are so strangely infatuated, as to think that Congress can, and therefore will, usurp powers not given them by the states, and do any thing, however oppressive and tyrannical. I know no good grounds for such a supposition, but this, that the legislative and judicial powers of the state have too often stepped over the bounds prescribed for them by the constitution; and yet, strange to tell, few of those, whose arguments I am now considering, think such measures censurable - The conclusion to be drawn here is obvious - The objectors hope to enjoy the same latitude of doing evil with impunity, and they are fearful of being restricted, if an efficient government takes place. 2. A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT ENSURES PROSPERITY AND INCLUSION OF MINORITIES Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 7-8. Publius¶ original argument about how a people can secure the advantage and avoid the disadvantage of majority rule rests upon a distinction between species of popular government. In a pure democracy, where people gather to rule themselves directly, he writes, the danger of majority faction is unavoidable. Such a form of government can exist with only a small territory, and in a small community it is virtually certain that there will be a majority with the same partial interest. In a republic, however, the problem can be avoided. The difference between a pure democracy and a republic is that in the latter the people do not rule directly, but through representatives. Representation yields a number of happy advantages for Publius, but the decisive one is size. A republic can be very much larger than a pure democracy, and because it is larger it can include a great variety of people with many different kinds of economic activities and, hence, a multiplicity of interests. The existence of many distinct interests means the existence of many interest groups or factions. The existence of many factions rather than merely two makes it likely that there will be no majority faction. All factions will be minority factions and each faction will be prevented from using the government unjustly by the fact of majority rule. ³Extend the sphere,´ Publius writes, ³and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens.´ 3. A FEDERALIST THEORY OF LEGAL RIGHTS STOPS DISCRIMINATION Daan Braveman, Dean and Professor of Law, Syracuse University College of Law, THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY, February, 2002, p. 619. Perhaps the most significant breakthrough in the transformation process occurred in Brown v. Board of Education. In striking down state segregation, the Supreme Court dramatically altered the relations between the states and the national government, and made the federal courts the primary guardians of federal rights. In the years following Brown, the lower federal courts became the litigation forum for state school segregation cases, as well as actions challenging a wide range of other state activities, including zoning, reapportionment, police misconduct, and prison conditions. Notably, Brown was not decided in isolation but rather at a time when the world outside the courtroom was changing dramatically. The other branches of the federal government had a national and international agenda, which included the expansion of federal rights and a federal interest in protecting those rights from state deprivation. "A new spirit of nationalism" replaced the isolationism of the turn of the century and, as Judge Gibbons stated: "In the global village, deference to local solutions for problems that transcend local interests is a quaint anachronism." By the 1960s, the structure envisioned during Reconstruction was firmly established. Individuals had federal rights, federal remedies, and a federal forum to challenge state conduct that violated federal law.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 34

RALPH WALDO EMERSON
"It is one soul that animates all men." -Ralph Waldo Emerson INTRODUCTION Ralph Waldo Emerson surely epitomizes the uniqueness of 19th century American philosophy. Emerging at a time when American thought was struggling to forge its own identity, reflective of both the optimism and the cynicism of the American political experience, Emerson¶s transcendentalism is a spiritual and philosophical reflection of his time. But it is also an inspiring statement of the universality of human experience. By painting humans with broad brushstrokes as half-animal and half-divine, and by attempting to chronicle humanity¶s relation to the ³absolute,´ Emerson is the American Hegel. Emerson¶s work included poetry and personal essays as well as philosophy, and there is a heavy religious element in all of his writing. Nevertheless, his work contains important implications for political philosophy. In this essay I will attempt to explain his philosophy as a whole, but I will also pay special attention to the political implications of Emerson¶s work, along with the way in which these political elements can be used in value debate. EMERSON¶S LIFE AND TIMES Ralph Waldo Emerson was born in Boston, Massachusetts in 1803, into a family whose male members were typically clergymen. He studied divinity at Harvard. Well-educated and taught to embrace open-mindedness as well as religion, Emerson was ordained a Unitarian minister in 1929. He was a good speaker, delivered a good sermon or two, but something was missing. ³He would begin his sermons with words from the Bible, but would gradually find himself discussing the unfathomable ideals found in nature,´ or abstract philosophy. He had problems trying to find ³his way back into the Bible to close the speeches.´ Although some of his parishioners liked his style, others did not. ³Stumbling for appropriate words at the bedside of a dying veteran of the American Revolution,´ the dying man reportedly told Emerson: ³Young man, if you don¶t know your business, you had better go home´ (www.litkicks.com). Although he had entered into the ministry with high hopes (and Unitarianism has always been a liberal and progressive religion, even back then), Emerson resigned from ministry and journeyed to England in 1832 following the death of his first wife, Ellen Tucker. She had died of tuberculosis after they had been married only eighteen months. This broke Emerson¶s heart and caused a deep spiritual crisis. His time in England was spent cultivating friendships and intellectual associations with people like William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, John Stuart Mill, and Thomas Carlyle. Needless to say, by the time he returned to America, Emerson had a newfound optimism, as well as a greater understanding of philosophy. He returned to America in 1834, but tragedy would strike at his optimism once again. That same year, Ralph Waldo¶s brother Edward died. To make matters worse, his brother Charles died in 1836. Emerson would be a haunted man the rest of his days. His writings and lectures contained dark clouds even in his most arduous attempts to celebrate the glory of humanity. By the time Charles had died, Emerson had remarried (his second wife was named Lydia Jackson), settled in Concord, and begun to publish essays about the human spirit, freedom and independence, and the undesirability of following tradition. Among these early essays was one of his greatest, ³Self-Reliance,´ a polemic about the necessity of complete individual freedom (http://www.pbs.org/wnet/ihas/poet/emerson.html, www.litkicks.com). Emerson co-founded a journal, and collected a group of fellow writers (both male and female; like his friend John Stuart Mill, Emerson believed in women¶s emancipation), and started a tradition known as the New England Transcendentalists. Expanding outside that small circle of colleagues, Emerson discovered one of the most influential thinkers of the 19th century, when he met and wrote a letter of recommendation for Henry David Thoreau. Two decades later, Emerson would again contribute to the intellectual history of America by promoting the work of poet Walt Whitman. Along the way, he promoted Buddhism and other eastern religions, opposed slavery, fought for women¶s equality, and remained a dedicated, if cynical, proponent of democracy.

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669). Today.. But he remained. Volume 9 Page 35 Ralph Waldo Emerson died of pneumonia on April 27. And his marriage of philosophy. In this sense. was the first major figure to posit a distinction between spirit and matter. must be a nonconformist." where the things and ideas we contemplate exist in a state of unchanging consistency. in doing so. one must first and foremost understand its derivation from Platonism. immaterial. he lost a spouse. Plato. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. optimistic about humanity. academic science of modernist philosophy. and incorruptible. This paradoxical figure would influence a certain strain of American thought well into the 20th century." In this section I will argue that it is possible to trace several complimentary (if sometimes contradictory) ideas in Emerson¶s writings. 2000. theology and poetry brought romanticism to America. and have great potential for debates over morality. But humans could never really reach such a world.. To understand transcendentalism.com . living entities died. Ordinary humans could contemplate this world of spirit provided they shed their worldly concerns and concentrate only on philosophical ideals. He held Daniel Webster in such high esteem for Webster¶s opposition to slavery that he identified Webster as ³representative of the American continent´ (Thomas J. and lived through the Civil War. Spring. However." where matter. inspired civil disobedience advocates from Ghandi to Martin Luther King. however. in contrast. at least in principle. 1882. Emerson had a habit of characterizing important figures of his time as somehow transcendent. I will describe his Platonic conception of spirit as primary and matter as secondary. Plato envisioned a realm of "perfect forms. certain major themes stand out in his writings. even as they sought to reform the conditions of the time. unchanging. p. EMERSON¶S IDEAS "Whosoever would be a man. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. two brothers. was a degraded and corrupt reflection of "being. As George Santayana characterizes him: Similarly. values. a child." Things changed. non-linear thinking as an alternative to the dry. His life had never been as peaceful and content as his privileged New England upbringing might have predicted. and perfection was unattainable. and politics. He influenced Henry David Thoreau and. since ³-isms´ are usually systems. seemed to de-value understanding in favor of heavenly emotions. removed from day-to-day history. who he saw as intrinsically tied to the transcendent and divine. his differences from Plato (especially in Emerson¶s faith in humanity and democracy). people and history existed. he had his house burn down.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. they could only contemplate it.. while the realm of "becoming. Philosophers usually seek some kind of analytic understanding.To be great is to be misunderstood.. Brown. a continent perhaps more ready for it that Europe had ever been. Plato believed that the realm of "being" was absolute. Emerson was the first major thinker in America to offer up non-Western. one of the most influential thinkers in the history of Western civilization. Even to call it ³transcendentalism´ seems a stretch.A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds. This mystical trust in human transcendence led many of Emerson¶s contemporaries to view him less as a philosopher than a divine seer of sorts. and Emerson was as anti-systemic as they come. and his mystical vision of ³feeling´ or ³mood´ over logic as the basis of human understanding. Emerson. he was even more a mystic than Plato.wcdebate. it is impossible to systematize or categorize Emerson¶s thinking.

Emerson really means to "accept. This way of thinking has been called Emerson¶s ³epistemology of moods. or doctrines. Emerson believed that it was possible to ³think too much. Although.edu/entries/emerson/). to being a pantheist. higher understanding. Whereas Plato ultimately appealed to reason and a kind of logic to govern philosophical thought. he did believe that a mystical spirit-reality existed and was the true inspiration for human greatness. whilst you rise from your bed. "Intellect"). Volume 9 Page 36 Emerson's transcendentalism was an optimistic version of Plato's distinction between spirit and matter. history. Emerson. "the clangor and jangle of contrary tendencies" (CW3: 36). He was very close. or walk abroad in the morning after meditating the matter before sleep on the previous night" (Emerson. as corruptible facets of the realm of becoming. This was reflected in Emerson¶s faith in democracy. the notion of a "unitary soul" uniting all humankind seems more "Eastern" than "Western. a system of government Plato categorically rejected. Since that connectedness is more real than the analytic separateness of individual thinking. You cannot.´ Like the German and British Romantics. Emerson trusted instinct and emotion.´ 2. believed it impossible "to extricate oneself from the questions in which your age is involved. After all. and in turn viewed the divine as an aggregate reflection of all creatures and things. at the end of "Circles. as we shall see. Emerson and the other transcendentalists turned toward the mystical world of the Romantics. In the world of flux that he depicts in that essay. it would make sense that a transcendentalist would value the ³spirit´ of emotion more than the analysis of individual thoughts. He wrote: "Our spontaneous action is always the best. unlike Plato. based more on feeling than analysis." including emotions such as love. holds that all living creatures and things of the earth are united as something mystically higher and more whole than the sum of their parts. there is nothing stable to be responsible to: "every moment is new. in this respect. the coming only is sacred" (CW2: 189) (http://plato. Transcendentalism. come so close to any question as your spontaneous glance shall bring you. on the other hand. the past is always swallowed and forgotten." he writes that he is "only an experimenter«with no Past at my back" (CW2: 188). as the basis of genuine knowledge.wcdebate. As mentioned.stanford.´ and in doing so lose the spontaneous connection to creation and nature that Romantics saw as vital to a higher kind of understanding. Like many of transcendentalism's central themes. with your best deliberation and heed. Emerson put forth a mystical sense of "vision.com . as its name implies. Emerson did not believe history or human interaction were irrelevant. Emerson combined this idea of the essential unity of all things and creatures with a belief in the innate goodness of humanity. Emerson viewed emotion as the emanation of the divine.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. politics and the like. Like Hegel. because. Plato rejected human matters. In other words. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. comprehensive understanding. Emerson believed contradictory premises were simply stepping-stones to a higher. He means to be irresponsible to all that holds him back from his self-development. That is why." as he puts it. which he saw as our connection to the divine. This serves as a useful transition into Emerson¶s belief in the connectedness of all creatures and things. 3." But the idea that we are all joined by one common soul has immediate and important political implications that give a strong metaphysical basis to the American political ideal of equality. more than he trusted logic and analytic thought. I wish to concentrate on this last point a little more. transcends the old Aristotelian maxim that things cannot be both true and false. It is instructive to note that Emerson differed from Plato in a few important ways: 1. It was fortunate that Emerson believed history and human interaction were important. Emerson¶s "epistemology of moods" is an attempt to construct a framework for encompassing what might otherwise seem contradictory outlooks. Emerson believed human beings and human endeavors were innately good. being and becoming. This is apparent in Emerson's position against slavery. viewpoints.

through Nature." Like friendship and reading. 2000. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. George Santayana among them. In his essay ³Self-Reliance. "the otherest. Volume 9 Page 37 For Emerson. Implications for Debate First. p. This is true of every human being. democracy offered a variation of the process by which other individuals act as "lenses through which we read our own minds. In ³The American Scholar´ he argues that institutions and books do not reveal truth as well as can be revealed through our personal relationships with the divine² mediated. such as rapid industrialization or capitalist exploitation. 669).´ he declared) problematized his political stance against oppression. This. Emerson¶s philosophy strongly supports civil disobedience and the refusal to follow unjust laws. Spring. Because of this. Obsession with power: As much as Emerson extolled the sins of slavery and patriarchy. and dependence on others as a natural indictment of that power. Those arguing against Emerson can gain a great deal of ground by citing the numerous instances where his thoughts lead to mystical pronouncements instead of solid and warranted conclusions. Because he held an almost Nietzschian awe of power.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. This obsession with power has long been a rallying point against Emerson." some geniuses manage to serve large groups because they 'stand for facts. critics sometimes contend that he glosses over many injustices that are on par with slavery. critics fault Emerson on two levels: Inconsistency and lack of coherent foundation: Emerson was as much a mystic and poet as he was a philosopher. and the notion of morality transcending states and governments Second.wcdebate. doubt that it¶s even proper to call Emerson a philosopher.´ The problem is that Emerson never really comes to terms with how his pronouncements on power (³Life is a search after power. This is another instance of the inconsistency cited earlier." As each person searches for the perfectly fitted lens. the necessity of self-reliance. Emerson was a strong supporter of civil disobedience against unjust laws. There are two more important political implications found in Emerson. and for thoughts. presumably. In this way.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ³self-reliance´ is valuable to Emerson because he sees ³power´ as something that makes us human. First. Insofar as human beings embrace their connection to transcendent.' ´ (Thomas J. they will perform virtuously. democracy.´ Emerson¶s embrace of civil disobedience comes from two areas of his philosophy: antimajoritarianism. and it inspired Henry David Thoreau¶s entire essay ³Civil Disobedience. since governments are not the ultimate source of morality. he also extolled the virtues of capitalism. Emerson¶s philosophy makes a very optimistic statement about human nature. Emerson refused to see distinctions based on skin color or national origin as being more important than the common humanity that unites Black and white. or other distinct groups. Emerson is part Plato (humans must understand the transcendent world in order to be good) and part Aristotle (humans must actually practice virtuous behavior to be in tune with the divine). Second. and the power of individual action. Brown. Some critics. explains his opposition to slavery and his position in favor of women¶s emancipation. morality is more important than obeying the law.´ Emerson argues that Nature reveals moral truth. This is the most well-known of Emerson¶s philosophies. OBJECTIONS TO EMERSON As already noted. of course. however imperfect. but it also reflects Emerson¶s desire to be a truly ³American´ thinker at a time when Americans were confronting and conquering ³the frontier. was a method by which human beings could serve as "lenses through which we read our own minds. divine virtue (which Emerson also calls ³beauty´).

In this way. would probably call for a unity of intentions and consequences.wcdebate. it may be reasonably replied that Emerson simply believes seemingly miserable situations (such as poverty) will ultimately culminate in human growth and transcendence. Transcendentalist ethics. on the other hand. Debaters interested in incorporating Emerson into their arguments should be cautioned that he is far from a systematic thinker.W. deontological ethics mandates the disregard of consequences. Third. compensate for his imperfect attempt to do justice to the paradoxical nature of human existence. meaning that there will be a certain awkwardness involved in using his ideas for the sometimes-binaristic world of debate. Hegel (who believed all bad states of affairs would transcend into good things).com . his stance often seems anti-foundationalist and anti-analytic.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. It serves as an intrinsic justification for moral behavior. exploitative systems (such as ruthless capitalism). This may be among Emerson¶s most ³Platonic´ philosophical notions.F. Emerson takes virtuous behavior to be among the highest ethical goods. while utilitarian ethics mandates an exclusive focus on consequences. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Emerson is like John Stuart Mill (who believed capitalism would evolve into a just economic system) or G. Emerson¶s eloquence. It may even be an alternative to deontological or utilitarian modes of ethics. However. because it is a reflection of transcendent beauty and goodness. Volume 9 Page 38 Although critics accuse Emerson of justifying evil. These ethical codes arguably allow one to escape from various moral responsibilities by assigning greater and lesser values to respective moral commands. For example. his optimism about humanity and democracy. since all phenomena and actions are linked in some way. and his powerful statements against human bondage and majoritarianism. As noted above.

Ralph Waldo. eds. Volume 9 Page 39 BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen. ed. AND OTHER PAPERS (Boston: Houghton. INDIAN SUPERSTITION (Hanover. Joel. 1982). EMERSON ON EDUCATION: SELECTIONS (New York: Teachers College Press. FORTUNE OF THE REPUBLIC (Boston: Hougton. and Ferguson. NAPOLEAN. THE TOPICAL NOTEBOOKS OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Columbia: University of Missouri Press. Ticknor and Fields. YOUNG EMERSON SPEAKS: UNPUBLISHED DISCOURSES ON MANY SUBJECTS (Port Washington. RALPH WALDO EMERSON: A BIOGRAPHY (New York: Viking Press. WEALTH (New York: Scott-Thaw.. 1947) Emerson.com . 1966). Susan Sutton. and Whicher.wcdebate. EMERSON¶S NATURE: ORIGIN. 1968). Emerson. WITH ANTI-SLAVERY AND REFORM PAPERS (Boston. POWER. MEANING (New York: Dodd. Emerson. Haight. Konvitz. Ralph Waldo. Gougeon.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1969). 1981). 1941). McGiffert. Mead. 1959). Ralph Waldo. Stephen E. Gordon Sherman. THE EARLY LECTURES OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Osgood and Company. Huggard. NATURAL HISTORY OF INTELLECT. ed. Len and Myerson. THE BEST OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON: ESSAYS. William Allen. Gay Wilson. REPRESENTATIVE MAN: RALPH WALDO EMERSON IN HIS TIME (New York: Oxford University Press. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS (Westport: Greenwood Press. Black. 1995). Joel. Ralph Waldo. Ralph Waldo. Mifflin.H. ADDRESSES (New York: W. Alfred R. 1878). 1990) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. eds. Ralph Waldo. Ralph Waldo... APOSTLE OF CULTURE: EMERSON AS PREACHER AND LECTURER (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. N. 1866). J. Robinson. David. Arthur Cushman Jr. Milton R.: Friends of the Dartmouth Library. THE CONDUCT OF LIFE: NINE ESSAYS ON FATE. Emerson. N. Emerson. Smith. Porte.: Kennikat Press. 1938). 1978). ed. Emerson. OR THE MAN OF THE WORLD (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Sealts Jr. 1900). Emerson. eds. POEMS. A YANKEE IN CANADA. EMERSON¶S ANTISLAVERY WRITINGS (New Haven: Yale University Press. Merton M. GROWTH. EMERSON AND THE PROBLEM OF WAR AND PEACE (Iowa City: The University Press.. 1978). 1903). 1954).Y.

Volume 9 Page 40 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE 1. if he will. is that which is found in combination with the human will. and nature became ancillary to a man. And any one who will steadily observe his own experience will I think become convinced. only let his thoughts be of equal greatness. The presence of a higher. Beauty is the mark God sets upon virtue. POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR 1. The high and divine beauty which can be loved without effeminacy. 15. And in common life whosoever has seen a person of powerful character and happy genius will have remarked how easily he took all things along with him. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. associate themselves fitly in our memory with the geography and climate of Greece. that every false word he has uttered. No reason can be asked or given why the soul seeks beauty. 2000. It is his. Every heroic act is also decent. but he is entitled to the world by his constitution. American transcendentalist philosopher. among sordid objects. For every man knows whether he has been accustomed to receive truth or falsehood² valuable opinions or foolish talking²from his brother. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. and the day. p. 15. and beauty. American transcendentalist philosopher.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p. an act of truth or heroism seems at once to draw to itself the sky as its temple. as most men do. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. Every rational creature has all nature for his dowry and estate. and goodness. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the sun as its candle. VIRTUOUS ACTS PLACE US IN UNISON WITH THE POWER OF NATURE Ralph Waldo Emerson. in its largest and profoundest sense. God is the all-fair. In private places. WE DERIVE POWER FROM BEING VIRTUOUS AND HONEST Ralph Waldo Emerson. Truth. Phocion. A virtuous man is in unison with her works. BEAUTY IS THE ULTIMATE END OF THE UNIVERSE AND ALL ACTIVITY Ralph Waldo Emerson. and causes the place and the bystanders to shine. Beauty. Pindar. Every natural action is graceful. We are taught by great actions that the universe is the property of every individual in it. he may creep into a corner. and this knowledge must inevitably determine his respect. Only let his thoughts be of equal scope. 13. and the frame will suit the picture. One measure of a man¶s character is his effect upon his fellow-men. Homer. 1986. The world thus exists to the soul to satisfy the desire of beauty. American transcendentalist philosopher. p. Socrates. the opinions. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. namely. VIRTUOUS ACTS ARE BEAUTIFUL AND EXPRESSES THE RATIONALITY OF THE UNIVERSE Ralph Waldo Emerson.--the persons. He may divest himself of it. is one expression for the universe. 2. every departure from his own convictions. Willingly does she follow his steps with the rose and the violet. This element I call an ultimate end. are but different faces of the same All. The visible heavens and earth sympathize with Jesus. 1986. 1986. of the spiritual element is essential to its perfection.wcdebate. that it to say. p. and bend her lines of grandeur and grace to the decoration of her darling child. Nature stretches out her arms to embrace man. out of deference to others has been a sacrifice of a certain amount of his power over other men.com . 12. American transcendentalist philosopher. 2. and makes the central figure of the visible sphere. and abdicate his kingdom.

muscular force. and no judge exerts original jurisdiction. Thus in the soul of man there is a justice whose retributions are instant and entire. man. For virtue is the very self of every man. in each other¶s actions. motion. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. An immoral law makes it a man¶s duty to break it. or recurs to first principles? What is the use of a Federal Bench. and that an immoral statute is void. p. a sure sign of the shallowness of our intellect. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. it is not to be presumed that they can so stultify themselves as to command injustice. appetite. 361. covers. in our own remorse. that an immoral contract is void.com . 1986. 73. 362. p. These laws execute themselves. I cannot think the most judicious tubing a compensation for metaphysical debility. 2000. 1986. and in the game of human life. It is not skill in iron locomotives that marks so fine civility as the jealousy of liberty.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and not subject to circumstance. interact. The intuition of the moral sentiment is an insight of the perfection of the laws of the soul. out of space. or spoken by the tongue. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. I question the value of our civilization. Volume 9 Page 41 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT 1. It is therefore a principle of law. fear. They will not be written out on paper. if judges only quote authorities. 72-73. if a hurricane of party feeling and a combination of monied interests can beat them to the ground? What is the use of courts. The sense of injustice is blunted. as laws do not make right. THE TRUE SOURCE OF MORALITY IS IN THE UNWRITTEN LAWS OF HUMANITY¶S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE UNIVERSE AND EACH OTHER Ralph Waldo Emerson. TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE 1. and God. What is the use of admirable law-forms and political forms. 2000. I cannot accept the railroad and the telegraph in exchange for reason and clarity. American transcendentalist philosopher. gravity. when I see that the public mind has never less hold of the strongest of all truths. The sentiment of virtue is a reverence and delight in the presence of certain divine laws. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. WE HAVE A DUTY TO BREAK IMMORAL LAWS Ralph Waldo Emerson. love. when a bad act of Congress finds a willing commissioner? 2. He who does a good deed is instantly ennobled. if its opinions are the political breath of the hour? And what is the use of constitutions. LAWS WITHOUT TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ARE USELESS Ralph Waldo Emerson. pp.wcdebate. justice. principles that astonish. American transcendentalist philosopher. CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE. TRANSCENDENT MORAL LAWS EXIST IN HUMAN INTUITION Ralph Waldo Emerson. 2. The child amidst his baubles is learning the action of light. These laws refuse to be adequately stated. It perceives that this homely game of life we play. if all the guarantees provided by the jealousy of ages for the protection of liberty are made of no effect. American transcendentalist philosopher. p. American transcendentalist philosopher. for. yet we read them hourly in each other¶s faces. They are out of time. at every hazard. but are simply declatory of a right which already existed. They elude our persevering thought. under what seem foolish details.

´ Here he reiterates his preference for the ³bruisers´ and ³pirates. which alone permits and authorizes amelioration in mankind.com . but to watch the uprise of successive mornings. and the successful men who understand the laws of Nature and respond to the godhead within themselves. in its room. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. 68-69. and to conspire with the new works of new days. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. ³Life is a search after power.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and sit till we are stone. in doing so. EMERSON GLORIFIED POWER AND ELITISM Daniel Aron. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. Emerson¶s respect for power and its achievements is even more glowingly expressed in two others essays.´ as his editors call it²is therefore less an apology for Laissez-faire capitalism than an attempt like Henry Adams¶s sixty years later to plot the lines of force that were remaking contemporary society. philosopher. who convert ³the sap and juices of the planet to the incarnation and nutriment of their design.´ he announces. information (and) science. combination. By emphasizing the ³anti-feudal power´ of trade.´ the ³men of the right Caesarian pattern´ who transcend the pettiness of ³talkers´ and ³clerks´ and dominate the world by sheer force of character.´ Implicit in his words are the notion that the civic world is part of nature and subject to its processes and that advancement occurs by cooperating with these processes rather than directing them toward immediate human ends. not to block improvement. The difference is that where Adams the ironist would dwell on multiplicity and a vertiginous acceleration of energies without immanent purpose or foreseeable end. and sketching the ideal political economy under which the superman might best exercise his uncommon talents. 1999. Emerson was not only synchronizing the predatory practices of the entrepreneur with the harmony of the universe and permitting merchants (as Bronson Alcott shrewdly said) to ³find a refuge from their own duplicity under his broad shield´. ³marry Right to Might. p. 1999. 90.wcdebate. which displaces the ³physical strength´ of kings and aristocrats and ³installs´ the enlightened forces of ³computation. ³The Young American´ (1844)²Emerson¶s ³battle cry for the new era of industrial expansion and manifest destiny.´ Emerson can associate capitalism with ³amelioration in nature. 3. Emerson the seeker of unity is at pains to assimilate the new forces to a cosmic and social teleology²to survey history for the perspective of the ³over-god´ of the Channing ode and.´ are unconsciously fulfilling the plan of a benevolent providence. he was also outlining a code of behavior that the superior man must follow. The political corollary to this belief is an almost unmitigated laissez-faire: ³Trade is an instrument of that friendly Power which works for us in our own despite«Our part is plainly not to throw ourselves across the track. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES UNCHECKED CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION Robert Milder. 68. Emerson was not ³co-opted´ by liberal capitalism so much as he hastened to join it. Volume 9 Page 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION 1.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. EMERSON SAW CAPITALIST IMPERIALISM AS THE UNFOLDING OF DIVINE WILL Robert Milder.´ 2. p. ³Power´ and ³Wealth. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. since aligning himself with the divinely empowered forces of the age was always the condition for a living philosophy. In these essays and elsewhere. pp. 1962.

the imagination and all its works²art. or even of a definite conception of ultimate truth. As every new category. that his eyes were ³thickly bandaged´ to all ³sense of the dark.´ his inability ³to look at anything but the soul´²was the result of his coming to maturity in a community that ³had to seek its entertainment. worship²must presently be rejected for the same reason. by substituting itself for it as the herald of a deeper truth. Emerson¶s limited moral world was. p. 1962. Empty. panting for sensations.´ he recalled. is the surrender of a category of thought because we divine its relativity. Nature. By attacking the authority of the understanding as the organon of knowledge. and having there beheld the transfigured reality. and conscience must follow after: for all these are human and relative. to associate Emerson with the ³terrible paucity of alternatives.´ 3. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the poetic and moral categories no less than the physical. Mysticism. in his 1888 essay. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. 2. ³of a conscience gasping in the void. 4. it must be approached through the abandonment of all. an island above the extremes of common human experience. 32-33. ³like a ministry without an opposition. and as the absolute. the imagination thus prepares its own destructing. Professor of English at Michigan State University. or Beauty? He could not. Emerson¶s memory evoked an unforgettable series of ³impressions´ of New England¶s cultural barrenness. EMERSONIAN MYSTICISM VOIDS ALL REASON AND UNDERSTANDING George Santayana. p. the emptying of his whole heart and mind to make room. Common sense and poetry must both go by the board. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LACKS ANY SPECIFIC CONTENT OR DEFINITION George Santayana. 1996. EMERSON AND POWER. the whole ³Concord school´ had.´ Emerson¶s ³special capacity for moral experience´²which for James meant Emerson¶s ³ripe unconscious of evil.´ ³We get the impression. is not representable by any specific faculty. This effect was by no means due to the possession on the part of Emerson of the secret of the universe.´ It was no surprise. For if the understanding is rejected because it cannot grasp the absolute. ³enacted a series of experiments in the void. perpetually untested by the ³beguilements and prizes´ of experience.´ The ³decidedly lean Boston´ of Emerson¶s day was self-enclosed. TRANSCENDENTALISM PLACES ITSELF ABOVE ORDINARY HUMAN EXPERIENCE Michael Lopez. dogma. like the ³New England (of) fifty years ago. however. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. descended again to make authoritative report of it to the world. as he thinks. p. vacant²the image is invoked repeatedly in Henry James¶s and Santayana¶s portrayals of Emerson. 31. the base.wcdebate.´ James concludes. and the consciousness of that incapacity was so lively within him that he never attempted to give articulation to his philosophy. the vaguer and more elusive they became in his hands. Boston existed serenely. For James. The deeper he went and the more he tried to grapple with fundamental conceptions. the foul. then. Professor of English at Michigan State University. for God. its rewards and consolations. Mysticism will be satisfied only with the absolute.´ sealed off. Benefit. as Matthiessen notes.´ and no surprise that there was ³a certain inadequacy and thinness in (Emerson¶s) enumerations´ and ³quaint animadversions. 1962. God. as we have said. could be ³condensed into the single word Concord. ³Emerson¶s personal history. philosopher. He was not a prophet who had once for all climbed his Sinai or his Tabor.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1996. with something of the movement of the gills of a landed fish. Law. Far from it. p. almost exclusively in the moral world.´ the ³achromatic picture´ his environment presented him. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IGNORES THE EVILS OF THE REAL WORLD Michael Lopez. philosopher. the mystic is obliged in the end to give them all up. At bottom he had no doctrine at all. and all the condensation in the world will not make it look rich. must share this reproach. so constantly on his lips. As far as James was concerned. 32. Volume 9 Page 43 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE 1. 35. Did he know what he meant by Spirit or the ³Over-Soul´? Could he say what he understood by the terms. so that the end of his purification is the atrophy of his whole nature. James writes (and he means Boston to stand for Emerson). EMERSON AND POWER.´ He continued. by its very definition.

A brief synopsis of some general objections of Dewey follows. Vermont. There seemed to be different "tracks" for different students. and grow accordingly. From a very early age. Dewey's father owned a general store in the small Vermont community. Two years later. a distinctively American pragmatist philosopher. and these divisions were often based on students' economic circumstances rather than any useful distinctions. Dewey has influenced famous contemporary thinkers such as Richard Rorty and Donald Davidson in the area of philosophy. politics and education. Dewey held that transcendent ³truths´ were not as important as the collective experience of ordinary human beings. At the same time. saw students as valuable in and of themselves. Dewey would come to reject the small town provincialism of Burlington in favor of the changing and growing national community that characterized the second half of the 19th century. He graduated in 1879. still does): It was both a local intellectual center and a community of simple farming and trade. After examining Dewey¶s interesting life. In 1894. the primacy of collective and community activity over individual reflection. and the belief that humans can progress and improve themselves over time. It was at Chicago where Dewey would begin experimenting with Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In the fall of 1882. and expected to regurgitate them faithfully." ²John Dewey INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the life and thought of John Dewey. He would come to understand that if teachers and administrators believed in students.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the ultimate test of a theory or idea was whether it ³worked´ for ordinary people applying the theory or idea. Dewey possessed an unreasonable utopian trust in communities. in philosophy. rather than seeing them as defects to be corrected or workers to be trained. Volume 9 Page 44 JOHN DEWEY "Men have never fully used [their] powers to advance the good in life. and taught high school for three years. Dewey enrolled in the philosophy graduate program at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. as some critics have charged. the young scholar had experienced a wide range of educational models. and enrolled at the University of Vermont. most students would take advantage of the opportunities afforded them. John Dewey witnessed the kind of community participation that would inspire his views on society. and received an appointment from the University of Michigan to teach philosophy and psychology. he received his PhD. Both of these philosophies stem from particular assumptions such as the vitality of experience and usefulness. Dewey left public school teaching in favor of exploring the alternatives that might be available. from base "vocational" education to higher forms of learning. psychology and pedagogy at the University of Chicago. These early teaching experiences no doubt forced Dewey to realize that something was not quite right with the education system in America. and Dewey grew up listening to local customers at the store discuss politics and culture. Students were herded in and out of classrooms. at the age of twenty. taught to memorize proofs and facts and histories. along with some ideas about how Dewey can be used in value debate. it may very well have been his youth in Burlington that inspired that trust. Maryland. Dewey was appointed professor of philosophy and chair of the department of philosophy.wcdebate. 1859. For Dewey. Burlington possessed paradoxical traits (and in many ways. What makes Dewey uniquely American is his pragmatism.com . LIFE AND WORK John Dewey was born in Burlington. If. from the naive provincialism of small town public schools to the progressive possibilities of advanced study in philosophy. By now. on October 20. He was beginning to realize that what separated these extremes was not so much the "natural talent" of students as the philosophical commitments of the instructors and administrators. the son of a grocer. Not surprisingly. because they have waited upon some power external to themselves and to nature to do the work they are responsible for doing. Dewey stayed in Burlington after graduating from the public schools. as well as countless teachers and educational theorists. I will attempt to explain both the philosophy of pragmatism and Dewey¶s educational philosophy.

and allow the child to participate in his or her own education." This exchange speaks volumes about Dewey's philosophy and politics." an effort to clear Soviet revolutionary leader Leon Trotsky of Josef Stalin's charges that Trotsky was a counterrevolutionary sabuteur. he was viewed by leftists as fair. Pragmatism holds that there is no such thing as "absolute certainty.wcdebate. and concerned with social justice. "Truth" for pragmatists is not determined in reference to absolute metaphysical principles.com . he offered a notion that was both politically radical and educationally sound: Education must occur through real.htm) Perhaps one of the most significant." and Dewey replied "If more socialists were like you. and despite this impact. and education. or appeals to the truth of scripture. Dewey's commission cleared Trotsky of all of Stalin's charges. but rather in reference to what "works. concerning the philosophy of religion.fred.edu/~mafjerke/dewey. and least known. as part of nature. No other 20th century American philosopher has enjoyed a greater impact on the day-to-day workings of the system.net/tzaka/deweynew. This near-certainty results not from an abstract examination of a theory or idea. In 1904. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. His writings and experiments enjoyed free reign and institutional encouragement. Dewey believes that what constitutes "human nature" is a history of experience. But unlike existentialists. Similarly. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF PRAGMATISM Dewey's metaphysical assumptions naturally lead to an embrace of the kind of pragmatism advocated in the 19th century by William James (1842-1910) and Charles Saunders Peirce (1839-1914). Dewey believes that history and experience are collective as well as individual. "A thing is its history" for Dewey. reach near-certainty about theories or ideas.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Like existentialists. William James was more concerned about people's personal religious experiences than with the various logical "proofs" for God's existence. of Dewey's achievements came in 1937 when he chaired the "Dewey Commission.augie. Dewey's role in vindicating Trotsky is important because it shows how his concern for justice and solidarity overrode his differences with the communists. John Dewey died on June 1." in theory or practice. However. also have a history of change. along with his prolific and rigorous essays in philosophy and psychology. A collection of anti-Stalinist left activists and anti-capitalist figures asked Dewey to chair the commission because. and sees nature as constantly changing. 1952. He believed that shared experiences were always more important than ideological doctrines. both as a race and as individuals. The fact that he could share such honest and sincere humor with one of the most dogmatic ideologues of the 20th century underscores Dewey's commitment to pluralism. engaged to the child by teachers who visibly value the child. www. James and Peirce believed that theoretical soundness was not a matter of adherence to some kind of transcendent logic. impartial. who by all accounts represented exactly the kind of "old school" traditionalism Dewey opposed. He wrote essays and books about epistemology. He influenced teachers and educational theorists all over the world. brought national fame to the young man from Burlington. through experience and reflection (in fact. few philosophers are more misunderstood. when we see how strongly Dewey believes in cooperation instead of competition.shtml). Volume 9 Page 45 his progressive theories of education. the experiments and the progressive thinking also brought Dewey directly into conflict with University of Chicago President William Rainey Harper. and these experiments. This explains why. I might be a socialist. At a gathering of Trotsky's defenders.html).org/history/1997/may1997/dewey. Dewey and Trotsky shared a laugh when Trotsky reportedly said "If more liberals were like you." and what coheres with the genuine experience of living subjects. John Dewey would stay at Columbia for the next 47 years. I might be a liberal. which did not stop Stalin's agents from assassinating Trotsky in Mexico a short time later (wsws. although Dewey was no socialist. (http://inst. ethics. but through a contemplation of the consequences of behaving as if the theory or idea were true. politics. and that history is lived experience (Gordon L. To them. Dewey sees mental reflection as part of the sum of human experience). Dewey sees humans as part of nature. Ziniewicz. and he would produce a body of work nearly unmatched in the history of American philosophy. Humans may. Dewey left the University of Chicago to become a professor of philosophy at Columbia University in New York City. genuine experience. removed from everyday experience. Humans. This will become important later.

I hold something true as long as my experience verifies it. which we'll examine in the next section.but in all cases there is a social context. My experiences include the stories and experiences of other people. my experience may contradict the advice of my parents and teachers. Finally. When my experience no longer verifies it. the simple reception and contemplation of external data. I may have the idea that procrastination is an undesirable character trait. we achieve more cooperating with others than we achieve on our own. indeterminate situation into one that is sufficiently unified to enable warranted assertion or coherent action. or religious experience.´ In sum.wcdebate. Dewey is a strong proponent of collectivism and cooperation. My lived experience tells me that it is okay to procrastinate. I could never consider it "true. my teacher tells me it's obvious I wrote it the night before.com . "community ideals" are those ideas and principles that a community develops over time. This explains Dewey's strong support of schools and progressive education. I no longer have sound reason to hold it true. and begin to think that procrastination might be bad after all. and includes reflection as well as interaction. in imaginative rehearsal of conflicting habits of action. My assignment is poorly written. however. I may work well under the pressure of the last minute. in legislation that changes some functions of a government . Dewey's philosophy is an affirmation of humans as part of an ever-changing natural world.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Part of this experience is our membership in a community. my lived experience is more important than logic or metaphysics in determining the truth or falsity of a claim. The best political world is one that maximizes the strength of communities. Rather. and being in turn transformed by the inquiry. What counts as 'testing' may vary with the 'felt difficulty' in need of resolution-testing may occur in a chemistry laboratory. Dewey supports community ideals because. Dewey insisted. the self-correcting method of experimentally testing hypotheses created and refined from our previous experience. instrumentalism holds that humans encounter problems and exercise mental inquiry to solve those problems. This example illustrates two important aspects of Dewey's pragmatism. until the inevitable time that my last-minute miracle doesn't happen. propose and oppose. and so on. as already stated. There are many reasons for this beyond mere progressive political sentiment. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.com/entry/551811) Finally. It includes long-term." In fact. Volume 9 Page 46 For example. But unless the "procrastination is bad" idea is validated by my lived experience. What is required in all cases is the application of intelligent inquiry. just as available in matters of morals and politics as in matters of physics and chemistry. where we learn from and with other people. I fail. Moreover. mediating both the terms of the initial problem and its solution. At least. because my teachers warn me about it.xrefer. I may have this idea because my parents kept pounding it into my head. (Ziniewicz. Second. pragmatically speaking. that I should adhere to my schedule and not put things off until the last minute. I am part of the world). as there is no absolute certainty: Dewey's 'instrumentalism' defined inquiry as the transformation of a puzzling. I reconsider the original idea. At that point. As long as those things add to my understanding of the way the world works (and remember. as a result of collective experience. IBID) Many scholars refer to these pragmatic ideas as John Dewey¶s ³instrumentalism. test. It may even include mystical. (http://www. to the maximum benefit of all participants. the example shows that theories and ideas change. rigorous meditation on ideas and things. Thus. They experiment. In summary. then they are valuable parts of the way I know things. For Dewey. experience can be active or passive. First. and the knowledge that is the object of inquiry is. his collectivism stems directly from his belief in the universality of experience as the arbiter of knowledge. Abstract principles are only valuable insofar as they cohere to our experiences of and in this ever-changing natural world. I do not learn things merely by self-reflection. I may be talented enough to pull off last-minute miracles. experience is not (as it was for the empiricists). and through trial and error reach a higher stage of understanding. emotional. The journey to higher levels of understanding has no end.

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DEWEY¶S VIEWS ON EDUCATION ³Education is not a preparation for life; Education is life itself.´ ²John Dewey As might be suggested by his pragmatism, John Dewey believed education must be informed by genuine experience, constant interaction, and community values. Although he did not reject the notion that some individuals may be more motivated than others to learn, he nevertheless believed that one's environment was a huge determining factor in one's educational development. In many ways, then, Dewey's theory of education was a direct result of his pragmatist philosophical perspective. (www.infed.org/thinkers/et-dewey.htm) One of the most significant differences between traditional educational approaches and Dewey's "progressive" views of education was his perspective on the role of teachers. Dewey did not view instructors as absolute authorities imposing ideas and practices on students. Rather, he saw teachers as facilitators, guiding students through the learning process, and he believed this ought to be done as democratically as possible. Contrary to the picture some critics have painted of Dewey, he did not believe in some kind of simplistic (and utopian) democracy where students have as much authority as teachers. He simply believed that much more democracy was possible in the classroom; that students could be taught the virtues of democracy by learning to participate, in feasible ways, in their own educational experiences. Dewey rejected the "checklist" rigor of individual assignments and isolated studies in favor of group learning, discussion, and genuine experiences. If students are learning about agriculture, Dewey would rather students visit a farm and share in some of the farm work than just read about farms in a book. If the subject was politics and government, Dewey would prefer that students form their own governments and raise issues and solicit votes than merely listen to a lecture on how governments function in a democracy. OBJECTIONS TO DEWEY Critics of John Dewey¶s philosophy include both philosophers opposed to pragmatism, and political activists opposed to the soft, utopian ³liberalism´ of Dewey¶s political positions. Objections to pragmatism usually come in the form of metaphysical assertions that the truth of a claim is not dependent upon the experiential validation of that claim. To cite the example I used in the section on pragmatism, those opposed to Dewey would argue that the statement ³You should not procrastinate´ has a truth-value independent of my verification of that statement with my own experience. However, more strongly worded objections come from the political side. Primarily, Dewey is charged with having utopian aspirations regarding cooperation and progressivism, but at the same time ignoring real-world barriers to his utopia. Conservatives, for example, charge that Dewey believes all citizens (and particularly students, in regards to his educational philosophy) have the same basic abilities, or the same potential for genius; that Dewey seems to believe that all differences come from the environment. Conservatives believe that people have different abilities, and that perceived ³inequalities´ in society are really just the result of the cold, hard fact that some people are more talented and industrious than others. More criticism comes from those to the political left of Dewey, such as Marxists. For them, Dewey is a ³liberal´ in the negative sense of the term. He believes everyone can ³get along,´ even though Marxists believe that there can be no reconciliation between the ruling class and the working class. Thus, Dewey offers a vision of universal enlightenment and progressive, community virtues, but offers no material means of getting to such a world. The desire that we all get along and progress together is not enough.

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IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE Dewey¶s educational philosophy is in a class by itself, and any value debate topic dealing with education should inspire a great deal of research on Dewey¶s ideas. But in this section I will concern myself only with his general philosophy. The following main points suggest ways in which debaters can incorporate the ideas of John Dewey: Democracy: Obviously, Dewey is a strong proponent of democracy, for unique reasons. Dewey believes that we learn, both individually and collectively, through experimentation and the consideration of all ideas and possibilities. For Dewey, the clash of ideas and approaches found in a healthy democracy is the paradigm example of a progressive society. Necessity of Experience rather than Idealism: Dewey provides a solid answer to philosophers such as Plato, Hegel, Ayn Rand, Leo Strauss, and other thinkers who believe that the ³Truth´ is a transcendent set of principles simply waiting to be discovered. Rather, Dewey believes, we ³make the truth,´ not in some relativistic sense, but through genuine human experience. Moreover, Dewey would accuse these idealist and objectivist philosophers of being foundationally anti-democratic. A natural conclusion to Dewey¶s philosophy is that our collective notions of truth ought to be decided democratically. The idea that ³Truth´ emanates from on high is contrary to the notions of progressive, participatory democracy. Cooperation versus Conflict: Obviously, Dewey believes that we learn more together than we do apart, and that we achieve more when we unite around common goals than when we compete with one another. He rejected the notion of competition in academics and embraced the idea that we can learn cooperatively, helping each other out, learning from common struggles. CONCLUSION John Dewey represents something very important about American philosophy. Instead of being concerned about what is ideally true, metaphysically true, logically true or mathematically true, Dewey was concerned about the truth of what works for people in their everyday lives. This is radically democratizing, and wholly appropriate to a people who, at least in principle, rejected the divine right of kings and the assumptions of aristocracy. It is appropriate to an experiment in democracy amidst pluralism and uncertainty. Debaters wishing to incorporate Dewey's ideas ought to research both the foundations of his pragmatism, and the implications of his pragmatism on his educational theories. Although these two aspects of his philosophy are intimately related, the literature is divided rather distinctively. Debaters might also contemplate the fact that, as they search the library for Dewey's works, they might well be using the Dewey Decimal System, devised by John Dewey to catalogue books in libraries. In many ways, Dewey would be a strong advocate of academic debate. Like the participatory models of education he advocated, debate is an exercise in empowering, involved activity. It is student-centered and relies on the students experimenting, succeeding and failing, and learning from each exchange. In fact, understanding why debate is educational for you can help you understand exactly the kind of education that Dewey wanted for students. At the same time, debaters should be aware that objections to pragmatism are important. Dewey and his followers talk about the importance of democracy and participation, but they seem unable to suggest ways to dismantle the very real power structures that block these possibilities. Perhaps creative debaters can synthesize Deweyan pragmatism with effective political strategies for actually opening up the real, material possibility of change in a world where, despite Dewey's efforts, elitism still remains.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Baker, Melvin C. FOUNDATIONS OF JOHN DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORY (New York: Atherton Press, 1966). Campbell, James. UNDERSTANDING JOHN DEWEY: NATURE AND COOPERATIVE INTELLIGENCE (Chicago: Open Court, 1995). Dewey, John and James Hayden Tufts. ETHICS (New York: H. Holt, 1936). Dewey, John. A COMMON FAITH (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960). Dewey, John. ART AS EXPERIENCE (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1934). Dewey, John. ESSAYS IN EXPERIMENTAL LOGIC (New York: Dover Publications, 1953) Dewey, John. EXPERIENCE AND NATURE (La Salle, IL: Open Court Publishing Company, 1958). Dewey, John. FREEDOM AND CULTURE (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1939). Dewey, John. HOW WE THINK (Boston: D.C. Heath, 1910). Dewey, John. INDIVIDUALISM OLD AND NEW (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1930). Dewey, John. LECTURES IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1899). Dewey, John. LECTURES ON ETHICS, 1900-1901 (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991). Dewey, John. LIBERALISM AND SOCIAL ACTION (New York: Capricorn Books, 1963). Dewey, John. THE CHILD AND THE CURRICULUM, AND SCHOOL AND SOCIETY (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). Dewey, John. THEORY OF THE MORAL LIFE (New York: Irvington Publishers, 1980). Dewey, John. DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (New York: The Macmillan company, 1916). Gavin, W. J. CONTEXT OVER FOUNDATION: DEWEY AND MARX (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988). Haskins, Casey, and Seiple, David I.. DEWEY RECONFIGURED: ESSAYS ON DEWEYAN PRAGMATISM (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999). Nissen, Lowell. JOHN DEWEY¶S THEORY OF INQUIRY AND TRUTH (The Hague: Mouton, 1966). Popp, Jerome A. NATURALIZING PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION: JOHN DEWEY IN THE POSTANALYTIC PERIOD (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1998). Schilpp, Paul Arthur. THE PHILOSOPHY OF JOHN DEWEY (La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1951). Soneson, Jerome Paul. PRAGMATISM AND PLURALISM: JOHN DEWEY¶S SIGNIFICANCE FOR THEOLOGY (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993).

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298. brushes. LECTURES ON ETHICS.wcdebate. but power of vision and reflection.´ are not a hindrance to freedom. American pragmatist philosopher. because open and moving toward a new future. p. Make it not merely an identity in conception but in action. The most important problem in freedom of thinking is whether social conditions obstruct the development of judgment and insight or effectively promote it. That is the basis of responsibility. The actual self is not complete as long as it is stated simply as given. Constant and uniform relations in change and a knowledge of them in ³laws.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The point of simple tension between the two has been passed. and resolute. 2. Freedom has too long been thought of as an indeterminate power operating in a closed and ended world. the power to think requires even more conscious and consecutive attention. desire and purpose more flexible. however. 1991. Social conditions interact with the preferences of an individual (that are his individuality) in a way favorable to actualizing freedom only when they develop intelligence. Judgment or responsibility depends upon the balance between the subject and the predicate. If the other arts have to be acquired through ordered apprenticeship. But we appear to assume that ability to think effectively in social. Carry that identity farther. 296. We take for granted the necessity of special opportunity and prolonged education to secure ability to think in a special calling. But the necessary unity between the two is involved. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In obligation. freedom is a resolute will operating in a world in some respects indeterminate. and canvas. between the natural self and the ideal self. just as the art of painting requires paint. It is complete only in its possibilities. SOCIAL CONDITIONS INTERACT WITH INDIVIDUALS. Few would perhaps defend this doctrine thus boldly stated. the explicit thing. but upon the whole we act as if that were true. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. 1968. For these take effect in making preference. In its reality. not abstract knowledge and abstract thought. 89. Freedom is the equivalent of the reality of growth. political and moral matters is a gift of God. Thinking. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. In the idea of responsibility that unity of the natural and the ideal self (that it is the business of the natural self to become the ideal self and of the ideal self to be realized in the natural self) is the prominent thing. Volume 9 Page 50 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING 1. like mathematics. ADAPTING TO SOCIAL CONDITIONS DETERMINES OUR ABILITY TO THINK WELL John Dewey. the element of tension or resistance between the two is perhaps the more emphasized. No more than any other art is it developed internally. is the most difficult occupation in which man engages. and the emphasis is on the other side of the identity between the two. FREEDOM CONSISTS IN RECOGNIZING AND ADAPTING TO CHANGE John Dewey. but a necessary factor in coming to be effectively that which we have the capacity to grow into. p. American pragmatist philosopher. 3. p. PRODUCING CHANGING CONCEPTIONS OF MORALITY John Dewey. In other words. and that the gift operates by a kind of spontaneous combustion. and you have freedom. abstract possibility but is the possibility of the actual self. American pragmatist philosopher. alert. the possible self does not represent a remote. 1968. It requires favorable objective conditions.

is not good reality. Adapted well enough to the localized and fixed conditions of that earlier age. Since it is only genuine and sincere things. For the conditions that form political and economic liberty are required in order to realize the potentiality of freedom each of us carries with him in his very structure. it leads to the notion of the duplicate versions of reality. American pragmatist philosopher. FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY REQUIRE MATERIAL EQUALITY 1. pp. one which will be as favorable as possible to a consistent and liberal or growing functioning. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. mere elimination of obstructions is not enough. 1968. needing to be constantly tested by the way in which they work out in application to concrete situations. and are not found in the original and isolated constitution of human nature.´ A reality which is taken in organic response so as to lead to subsequent reactions that are off the track and aside from the mark. 297-98. American pragmatist philosopher. Pragmatically. There was a time in the eighteenth century when the great social need was emancipation of industry and trade from a multitude of restrictions which held over from the feudal estate of Europe. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. The latter merely liberates force and ability as that happens to be distributed by past accidents of history. The question of political and economic freedom is not an addendum or afterthought. The notion that men are equally free to act if only the same legal arrangements apply equally to all² irrespective of differences in education. and the control of the social environment which is furnished by the institution of property²is a pure absurdity. BUT CHANGE IN RESPONSE TO HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. the other phenomenal and kept continually on the jump because otherwise its own inherent nothingness would lead to its total annihilation. But the absolutistic logic of rigid syllogistic forms infected these ideas. perfectly real. But like all other possibilities. For ordinary purposes. It lacks the hallmark of value. morally they alone are ³real. The movement of emancipation expressed itself in principles of liberty in use of property. in command of capital. Since it is a certain kind of object which we want. like all others. 1968. p. VALUES ARE DEPENDENT UPON REAL WORLD CONSEQUENCES AND CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. that is. existentially speaking. Volume 9 Page 51 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS 1. American pragmatist philosopher. Failure to recognize that general legal rules and principles are working hypotheses. p. whether moral or psychological. while it is. as facts have demonstrated. emerged. this identification of truth and ³reality´ is sound and reasonable: rationalistically. 1968. 1968. 48-49. it is this kind. I sum up by saying that the possibility of freedom is deeply grounded in our very beings. things which are good for what they lay claim to in the way of consequences. that is for practical purposes. this possibility has to be actualized. our being uniquely what we are and not imitators and parasites of others. which we want or are after. teleologically. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the true kind. they became hindrances and annoyances as the effects of new methods. Since actual.´ 2. and freedom of contract.wcdebate. MATERIAL MEANS TO ATTAIN CHOICE John Dewey. the truth and the realness of things are synonymous. We are all children who saw ³really and truly. which for us monopolizes the title of reality.com . use of coal and steam. effective. it can only be actualized through interaction with objective conditions. rights and demands are products of interactions. much less a deviation or excrescence. FREEDOM REQUIRES THE OBJECTIVE. 281. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. 139. explains the otherwise paradoxical fact that the slogans of the liberalism of one period often become the bulwarks of reaction in a subsequent era.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. one absolute and static because exhausted. and. in the problem of personal freedom. ABSTRACT FREEDOM IS NOT ENOUGH: WE NEED THE MATERIAL AND ECONOMIC MEANS TO BE FREE John Dewey. MORAL AND LEGAL RULES ARE NOT FIXED AND TRANSCENDENT. It is one with our individuality. pp. 2. American pragmatist philosopher. which were embodied in a mass of legal decisions.

1975. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. Their perplexity and powerlessness was first exhibited in the First World War. p. as I have reiterated.S. p. some suggestion of participation in decisionmaking. and he or she is meant to be. so moral judgments have no verifiable value or weight in advance of their results in action. who is society¶s agent for the transmission and development of its cultural heritage. 251. its adherents have been towed along in the wake of the more aggressive and dominant forces of plutocratic reaction. which claims to be so realistic and practical. as by Dewey. In a game most of the participants know how to play. to have prepared and equipped people to cope with them. Instrumentalist morality goes from case to case and from one step to the next without reaching any general standards of right or wrong and what makes them so. without examining the requisite objective grounds for the hypothetical belief. we are then confronted with current tensions underlying the question of how much ³participation´ is compatible with the freedom and authority of the teacher. Dewey¶s treatment of the psychological principle was equally unsatisfactory. Deweyism has been caught off guard and overwhelmed by the sweep of events. DEWEY FAILS SYNTHESIZE THE TEACHER¶S ROLES AS PARTICIPANT AND AUTHORITY R. 2.´ A teacher is not just a leader in a game. but pupils come to a teacher because they are ignorant. by the informal learning that went on in the home and in the local community and wanted to forge a link between this sort of learning and learning at school. for sociologists have catalogued the vast disparities that exist between homes in this respect.S. But he did not ask the questions ³which home?´ and ³which local community?´. Marxist philosopher and activist.com . p.´ This led him to oversimplify the dualism between what he called ³internal conditions´ and what is the result of social influences. The most it can offer is a reasonable assumption or hopeful expectation that this way may be better than that. However. Certainly a philosophy like instrumentalism. Volume 9 Page 52 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY 1. 256. 1975.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Instead of playing a directing role. the record shows that at every critical turn of American history in the twentieth century. at least in broad outline. 1977. unless ³democracy´ is watered down to mean just multiplying shared experiences and openness of communication. the growth and outbreak of these upheavals. as it usually does. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Dewey¶s theory of ethics suffers from the same faults as his theory of knowledge. Peters. should have done no less. with a too limited view of what he called ³the social medium. 1977. which was almost as idealistic as his conception of democracy. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. Peters. Dewey¶s view of the teacher. This disparity between teacher and taught²especially in the primary school²makes talk of ³democracy in education´ problematic. DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORIES IGNORED SOCIAL CONDITIONS R. p. for it combined a conception of the child. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. like a football captain. for it slurs over the dualism between the teacher¶s position as an authority and the legitimate demand for ³participation. and thereby to have helped influence the course of events in a progressive direction. DEWEY¶S MORAL PHILOSOPHY HAS NO OBJECTIVE BASIS George Novack. to have interpreted their meaning. Any philosophy which had not lost contact with the realities of social life should have been able to foresee. 2. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION IS FLAWED 1. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY HAS BEEN DISPROVEN BY 20TH CENTURY HISTORY George Novack. Dewey was impressed. it has been duplicated in every serious crisis convulsing the United States since that time. Marxist philosopher and activist. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. 114. an authority on some aspect of the culture.wcdebate. to some extent. Just as ideas have no validity before all the returns are in but must be tested afresh in each instance. is also unsatisfactory. 115. If ³democracy´ is to include.

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DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED 1. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF DEMOCRACY IS MYSTICAL AND IMPRACTICAL R.S. Peters, professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, pp. 114-115. Dewey himself never paid much attention to institutional issues. This was not just because he lived before the days when ³participation´ became an issue. It was also because his attitude towards the democratic way of life was semi-mystical. ³When the emotional force, the mystical force, one might say, of the miracles of the shared life and shared experience is spontaneously felt, the hardness and concreteness of contemporary life will be bathed in a light that never was on land or sea.´ I wonder if he always felt like this about sitting on committees! 2. DEWEY¶S BELIEF IN DEMOCRACY IS BASED ON MYSTICAL, RELIGIOUS NOTIONS George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, p. 291. Dewey derived his basic stance toward democracy not, as he contended, from a scientific investigation of the history of society and a realistic analysis of American conditions, but rather from a tradition that was rooted in the mystical equality promised by the Christians. He accused the dualistic idealist philosophers of Greek and modern times of ³operating with ideal fancies´ instead of dealing with the given facts. Yet he committed the same error of metaphysical abstraction in the pivotal question of his whole philosophy: the origin, meaning, and application of democracy. He approached democracy not in its concrete manifestations throughout class society, but as an abstraction to be stuffed with the content he preferred to give it. Democracy to him was less a historical phenomenon than a secular religion. DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY 1. DEWEY IGNORES NATURAL DIFFERENCES AND INEQUALITIES Anthony Flew, professor of philosophy at the University of Reading, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, p. 87. But even if we do concede that this opposite tendency really is implicit in the original insistence upon maximum ³interplay with other forms of association,´ there is no getting away from the truth of Bantock¶s contention that ³there are strong pressures of equality of outcome in the work of John Dewey;´ for if associations are good and democratic in so far as their members share numerous and varied interests, and if education for democracy is to be a matter of concentrating on the development of various but always shared interests, then the variety of those shared interests, and the scope for independent individual development, necessarily must be limited correspondingly. It must, that is to say, be limited by and to whatever happens to be the maximum attainable either by the least richly talented or by the modal majority. Maybe Dewey himself would have been unhappy about the full force of these implications. But he never comes to terms in this context with the truth that people vary enormously in all natural endowments. 2. DEWEY IGNORES CLASS CONFLICT George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, pp. 250-51. Dewey refused to believe that class conflict arises from deep-seated, compelling, and ineradicable causes in the capitalist system. It was an occasional and subordinate phenomenon that could be overcome by joint effort, good will, mutual give and take. He therefore looked to different agencies and means than the Marxists for achieving the desirable ends of a better life. He wrote: ³That work can be done only by the resolute, patient, cooperative activities of men and women of good will, drawn from every useful calling, over an indefinitely long period.´ In other words, class collaboration is the preferable means of social reformation, political action, and moral improvement. Class struggle goes in the wrong direction and gives disastrous results.

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WOODROW WILSON
When most of us think of Woodrow Wilson, we don¶t necessarily think ³philosopher´ -- but that¶s what this visionary president of the United States was. Best remembered as the progenitor of the League of Nations (the precursor to today¶s United Nations) and of the fourteen point program for peace, Wilson¶s name is also invoked by students of international relations theory today in the context of so-called ³Wilsonian idealism´ -- the notion that an interventionist American foreign policy can spawn positive changes in other countries and cultures. This, for better or for worse, is the former president¶s predominant legacy: the liberal internationalism that continues to inform American foreign policy under most Democratic presidents (and some Republicans, such as the first George Bush). Like most historic ³truths´, these simple summations contain quite a bit of accuracy and a little sleight-ofhand. The veracity of these statements depend on one¶s political perspective, on one¶s position in the world, and various other factors. I will try to present diverse perspectives on the life, work and thoughts of this embattled and interesting president. Though perspectives differ on his ideas -- and the efficacy of those views in a swift and fierce world -- it cannot be denied that those views have had a major impact on American and global visions of justice. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born in 1856 in Staunton, Virginia, and grew up during and immediately following the Civil War. His father was a Presbyterian minister, and at times taught college courses. He was inspired by his father¶s religion and love of education. Young Woodrow Wilson first went to Davidson College in North Carolina, but was forced to withdraw due to illness. He graduated what was then the College of New Jersey (and what later became Princeton University) and went on to get his law degree from the University of Virginia in 1879-80 and passed the Georgia bar in 1882. His law practice floundered, though, prompting a career change into government and politics. He returned to school in 1883, studying government and history at Johns Hopkins University. His book Congressional Government was accepted as his dissertation in 1885, and led to his receipt of the Ph.D. degree in political science from Johns Hopkins. To this day, Wilson is the only U.S. president to hold a Ph.D. proving that most presidents just aren¶t too smart. But Wilson was, teaching at Bryn Mawr College, Wesleyan University and Princeton University. After an accomplished career as an author and essayist, he was named president of Princeton University in 1902. From there, politics was a natural step. In 1910, Wilson won the Democratic nomination for governor of New Jersey, subsequently winning the election by a wide margin. His agenda was a progressive one: he focused on preventing the public¶s exploitation by monopolies and trusts. This earned him serious popularity with the masses, and just two years later he accepted the Democratic nomination for president. Wilson called his platform the "New Freedom" platform, and gave keen attention to stimulating the American economy. Again, he earned a landslide victory, winning the presidency with 435 electoral votes out of a possible 531. His brother wasn¶t a governor, and he did not have to cheat to win. True to his word, Wilson followed through on a domestic agenda based on busting corrupt trusts. To this end, he created a dramatic array of economic reforms. He pushed through the Underwood Act (which reformed tariffs and instituted a progressive income tax) and the Federal Reserve Bill (which established our modern banking system, creating new currency and establishing the twelve Federal Reserve banks and their board of governors) in 1913. Yes, we can partially blame Alan Greenspan on Wilson. He also established the Federal Trade Commission in 1914 to restrict "unfair" trade practices.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 55

These economic reforms show Wilson¶s brand of liberalism: create reforms that stabilize a functioning market economy and offer marginal protections for the poor, while promoting international trade to enrich the wealthy. You can see the economic legacy of Wilson in today¶s New Democrats. THE WAR YEARS Some of the controversy surrounding Wilson¶s ³idealism´ involves the way he handled American involvement in World War I, which began in 1914. Wilson, despite growing pressure from allies like Britain (who were losing an entire generation of young men), resisted American involvement in Europe¶s war. In fact, he ran for reelection in 1916 with the slogans "he kept us out of war" and ³peace without victory.´ Conventional wisdom holds that escalation of submarine warfare by Germany forced Wilson¶s hand in declaring war -- the sinking of the passenger liner Lusitania is often cited. It may be, however, that these events came at the same time a revolution in Wilson¶s thinking was brewing --a revolution that would inspire his ideas on how to make peace. Some critics believe that Wilson, despite his public pronouncements, had already decided to enter the fray. They point to that fact that he created the U.S. government¶s first major state propaganda agency (the Committee on Public Information, also called the Creel Commission). The population of the U.S. didn¶t favor war at the time, and the theory goes that Wilson intended to change their minds. At any rate, he asked Congress for a declaration of war in April 1917. This turn of events led the United States into the fight, and led to Wilson¶s famous efforts at peace -- culminating in the Fourteen Points Address of 1918, which we¶ll discuss below. The critics on the right accused Wilson of thinking wrongly that the United States owes an obligation to the rest of the world -- that instead of intervening to help other nations, we should tend to our own business. The critics on the left had then and have now a radically different take: that not only are their few if any places where American intervention can help the rest of the world, the impulse to intervene is itself a pernicious manifestation of liberal internationalism that desires to control the rest of the human community. This type of thinking reveals itself at home, too, when people opposing governmental policies must also be controlled through imprisonment. Historians such as Howard Zinn point to the Sedition Acts that were used to jail opponents of the war. He criticizes the administration for passing such legislation and the Supreme Court for failing to challenge it on a constitutional basis: This shows the irony of liberalism: Wilson supported many progressive social agendas (women received the right to vote when he was in office, for example), but when one¶s own power and decision-making are challenged, that commitment to social progress sometimes flies out the nearest window. Domestic policy aside -- and it was not an insignificant part of Wilson¶s presidency -- most people remember Wilson for his foreign policy, specifically the role he played in the ending of World War I. Let¶s turn to his ideas on that front now.

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they might have been written after the Gulf War by George Bush or Bill Clinton. skeptical of the League of Nations. an international regime managing trade. alike in peace and in war. be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. like our own.´ Wilson said. However. the Europeans considered Wilson a key factor in making peace -.´ One can see in these first several points the framework for establishing what we would call today a ³neoliberal´ economic order -. Why was the peace negotiated by Wilson so controversial at home? Many of his ideas were quite ahead of their time. outside territorial waters. Still.he was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize. A free. There. including the internationalist tendencies favoring collective security that are even today rejected by many Republicans who favor the big-stick.com . of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. Open covenants of peace. and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which. Before presenting the fourteen points themselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in. a new Republican Congress in the United States rejected the peace negotiated under Wilson. and a colonial system that would provide raw materials and labor for the trading system) and an international market that today we might call globalized.wcdebate. and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. A separate peace had to be negotiated between the United States and Germany. Volume 9 Page 56 THE IDEAS OF WOODROW WILSON In 1919. the Versailles Treaty was signed with Germany during the Paris Peace Conference.one largely supported by both political parties in the United States. the removal of all economic barriers to trade. except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. V. that the ideas behind the league have lost their relevance. based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. open-minded. openly arrived at. ³I. IV. therefore. Wilson had this to say about the end of the ³war to end all wars´: ³We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims. In fact. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas. we see the ideas he held most dear in both promotion of peace and economic justice. FOURTEEN POINTS The best single summary of Woodrow Wilson¶s political philosophy came in his Fourteen Points Address to Congress. after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. unilaterist school of ³diplomacy. is nothing peculiar to ourselves. so far as possible. III. II. however. determine its own institutions. wishes to live its own life.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ That doesn¶t mean. What we demand in this war. The removal. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest. How to establish justice? The first five points hold up remarkably well in today¶s political climate. where he promoted his plan for peace in Europe. The prime points of this neoliberal order include free trade (absolute freedom of navigation.

and established the progressive income tax. Overseas. A more concrete term we can grab onto might be ³liberalism´: the belief that government economic or social interventions are necessary to build a just world. and even if we can. preferring to think of Wilson as a meddlesome tinkerer who bumbled into trouble by trying to do too much good overseas. His ideas have impacted today¶s Democratic party in at least two major ways.com . where Wilson once refused to acknowledge non-democratic governments. and arguably the one with the most historic staying power: ³XIV. was quoted in a Cato publication as concluding: Of course. We¶ve talked a bit about the left¶s criticism of Wilson as a Machiavellian liberal who wanted to build a world he and his country could control. given the myriad factors at play in the formation of one¶s thinking.´ As we¶ve talked about. they argue. is Wilson¶s legacy. Take the example of Latin America. Points six through thirteen establish the territorial settlements following the conflict. DEBATE APPLICATION Motives are a difficult thing to ascertain in any human being. etc. in my estimation.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ which mean different things to different people. As the far-right author David Horowitz wrote this February: (Of course. why blunt the focus of American foreign policy by taking on multiple ³humanitarian´ missions? This kind of misguided internationalism. and work together toward common goals.wcdebate. Not even the mainstream right takes him seriously. to examine the policies Wilson favored rather than muddy the water with simple labels like ³idealism.a collective body for the nations of the world to gather and discuss problems. to see Wilson at once as overly idealistic and overly cynical. Abraham F. solve disputes. As long as the United States can protect itself with the most powerful military in the world. These thinkers claim that it¶s a fallacy to presume we can effectively promote those institutions worldwide. -.) From another right-wing perspective. Others see him as a man who wanted to bring ³peace´ to rich nations and rich men living within them. both in domestic and foreign policy. the establishment of an independent Polish state. this vision is what¶s behind today¶s U. while maintaining other kinds of dominance (economic. One scholar on inter-American affairs. they would argue. But that¶s another story. It is possible. then. Volume 9 Page 57 View this in the context of his domestic economic policy: Wilson established the Federal Reserve Bank. stabilized the economy with numerous reforms that foreshadowed big-government liberalism. This shows that he believed in government as a positive force for change in economics as in foreign policy. But the fourteenth point was the most controversial to the Republican Congress Wilson faced at home. Some see him as a man who naively believed one powerful country could bring peace to the world. for example). A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. including evacuation of conquered lands. Wilson is important to understand as a precursor to today¶s modern liberal politicians. Wilson would argue that promoting ³justice´ (through institutions like American democracy) abroad is the best way to get peace. The right has a somewhat different slant. Lowenthal. a ³consensus´ to Horowitz means something different than what it does to the rest of the world. It is better. groups like the Cato institute toe a more isolationist line. the nation-building activities have bad tradeoffs. he sought to promote trade as a path to peace. it¶s overly simplistic to say that only the right favors this line of analysis. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.N. but made more of these policies¶ effects on the nations in question rather than the impact they had on the United States. Many left-wing thinkers have taken a similar angle.

his dogged pursuit of the Versailles Treaty necessitated traveling 8. he backed the free trade policies that modern Democrats fall over themselves to back.com . it is possible to see both Bush¶s and Clinton¶s attacks on Iraq. but then pursued his own policies after employing substantial spin from his propaganda agency. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.the defense of a nation from an attack by an autocratic and oppressive neighbor (though Wilson wouldn¶t have been a fan of Kuwait¶s oppressive monarchy. as Wilsonian in nature -.000 miles by rail around the country. either). This can be explained by the American public¶s marked opposition to the war: he knew from polls what a winning election issue would be. D. Cox took the Democratic nomination and was beaten by Warren G.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. After this effort. Wilson retired to Washington. for example. For these reasons. Wilson didn¶t believe in ³laissezfaire´ (let it be) economics. Volume 9 Page 58 Economic policy: unlike his Republican successors such as Calvin Coolidge. He never saw most of the impact his ideas would have on the world. CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF WOODROW WILSON When Wilson was president.wcdebate.. where he died in 1924.C. One can see Bill Clinton¶s economic policy¶s roots in Wilson. despite his initial reluctance to get involved in World War I. He passed the Family Leave Act as a domestic reform to marginally benefit working Americans while vigorously pursuing free trade agreements abroad. Harding in 1920. He believed the government should take an active role in stimulating the economy through establishing necessary regulations at home. Foreign policy: Wilson. James M. he fell ill and never fully recovered. Overseas. Since Wilson was unable to campaign for the presidency. was interventionist by nature.

Noam.htm.htm. Volume 9 Page 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adar. Addison-Wesley Pub Co. 2. available online at http://www. PBS documentary. University of Arizona Press. accessed May 1. 1913-1921. Herbert. Kent State University Press. 1965 Link. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Blum. 2000. Thomas. http://web. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. p. 2001.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 1991 Zinn. Warren and Lynne Dunn.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. Lloyd. 1995 Kuehl. AMERICA'S RESPONSE TO WAR AND REVOLUTION. WOODROW WILSON AND WORLD POLITICS. THE NEW FREEDOM. 2000. Norman Gordon. Howard. WOODROW WILSON: A PENGUIN LIFE.ufl. CAMPAIGNS FOR PROGRESSIVISM AND PEACE. Arthur. John Morton. 1971. Mark. South Africa. Greenwood Publishing Group. Rhodes University. 1980 Link. 1998. November 1994.pbs.zmag. 2002. Louis. Viking Press.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. 2. Cambridge University Press. Josephus. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. http://www. 2002. Vol. Auchincloss. May 7. WOODROW WILSON AND THE POLITICS OF MORALITY. Z MAGAZINE. Oxford University Press. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. 1997 Levin. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. Korwa G. Ambrosius. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON. 1956 Rowen. Daniels. No. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Princeton University Press. WOODROW WILSON: A LIFE FOR WORLD PEACE. 1920-1939. 1986 Knock. PAN AMERICAN VISIONS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. accessed April 22. KEEPING THE COVENANT: AMERICAN INTERNATIONALISTS AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. University of California Press. WOODROW WILSON AND THE AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC TRADITION: THE TREATY FIGHT IN PERSPECTIVE. 1990 AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Gilderhus. Princeton University Press. Princeton University Press. accessed April 22. TO END ALL WARS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE QUEST FOR A NEW WORLD ORDER.html. 10.wcdebate. Arthur. Political Studies Department. 1998 Chomsky.com . 2002.africa.

http://web. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. prohibition.html. 2. the US welcomed decolonization and independence in Africa in the 1960s. PBS documentary. However. with Cold War prism taking a centre stage. BUT THE COLD WAR.wcdebate. and women¶s suffrage. THAT PROMOTED COLONIALISM Korwa G. In the spirit of Wilsonianism. Adar. The direct election of United States senators. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Historian. IT WASN¶T WILSONIANISM. available online at http://www. np.pbs. 2001. as well as presidential ambition.htm. Rhodes University. accessed May 1.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. 2001. Vice-President Nixon in his report to Eisenhower explained that "the course of Africa's development. p. np. Political Studies Department. No. I see Wilson's life as tragic in the sense that he obviously lost on the League. Wilson's also important as the president who presided over a number of major constitutional changes. PBS documentary. 4.html. some of which had to wait a long time to come back. p. PBS documentary. p. South Africa. 2.africa.ufl. Vol. accessed April 22. Wilson matters as the person who led the United States into global geopolitics. The period of his presidency was a period therefore of extraordinary new assertion of governmental capacity in the United States. 2001. accessed May 1. Wilson matters as someone who followed a progressive political agenda and who established a model for subsequent possibilities.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy.. np. WILSON¶S LEGACY INCLUDES MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson. WILSON SUPPORTED MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson.pbs. The Wilsonian concepts of how political power should be used on behalf of social justice are still defining assumptions for twentieth century American political life. He's not tragic however in the larger scope of American history because what he did was to help us understand the complexity of power both domestically and internationally in ways that we are still working with. accessed May 1. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Mulder. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Historian.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy.com . p.pbs. np. 2002. 1998.html. 2002. WILSON¶S CONCEPTS OF POWER AND SOCIAL JUSTICE ARE STILL USEFUL John M. such concerns were evident even prior to much of Africa's independence. Historian. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2002. available online at http://www.could well prove to be the decisive factor between the forces of freedom and international communism". 3.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. available online at http://www. emerging American national interests became defined in terms of combatting communism in Africa and other parts of the world. 2002. 2.. Volume 9 Page 60 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS 1. After his visit to Africa. Indeed. Wilson matters as the first modern president.

This. This idealism culminated in the formation of the League of Nations in 1919. In his view. accessed May 1.africa. Wilson¶s ideas were victorious even if his policies weren¶t. In this respect. p. AND HAD A GLOBAL IMPACT Korwa G. Wilsonianism had a global impact. 2.africa. with African countries which were independent at the time as well as India and the socialist countries taking the lead. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. The UN system tangibly paved the way for the process of decolonization in Africa through the UN General Assembly resolutions. Historian. np.wcdebate. Wilsonianism emerged as a distinct policy philosophy at the end of the First World War. I see it at least more in terms of a process than I do in terms of a product. accessed May 1. and legitimacy of power held the key to both international peace and the emancipation of humanity from injustice. No. 2. Although the United States did not become a contracting party to the League.ufl. Political Studies Department. 4.htm. PBS documentary. he was never evasive in that way.com . 2001. Adar. In his foreign policy pronouncements vis-a-vis the European colonial powers President Woodrow Wilson advocated for the pursuit of democracy and human rights conceptualized within the context of selfdetermination for the colonized peoples. accessed April 22. If one wants to talk about Wilson¶s legacy. accessed April 22. Vol. available online at http://www. For Wilson. WILSON¶S IDEAS WERE VICTORIOUS EVEN THOUGH HIS POLICIES WEREN¶T Jay Winter. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY.ufl. Volume 9 Page 61 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE 1. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Wilsonianism not only challenged dictatorial and authoritarian systems worldwide but it also helped oppressed people become aware of their rights.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. np. No. Historian. He left his stamp upon the way in which American foreign policy has been formulated throughout the 20th Century and the paradox is that a man whose vision was repudiated by the political leadership of his time managed to achieve a way of framing the language of American foreign policy throughout the 80 years since his death. WILSONIAN PHILOSOPHY HELPED CREATE THE U. South Africa.pbs.htm. South Africa. p. 1998. Such thinking would go on to inform the founding fathers of the United Nations.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. 2.pbs. limited government. 2002. WILSON¶S IDEAS HELP CONTROL POTENTIAL INTERNATIONAL ANARCHY John Morton Blum. WILSONIAN THINKING HELPED PAVE THE WAY FOR DECOLONIZATION OF AFRICA Korwa G. One of the central concerns at the time was how to avoid war and conflict in general. http://web. Adar. p. np. http://web. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. the realization of individual freedom. he argued. Rhodes University. What Wilson was capable of was as a president. 2001. The results of Roosevelt's Commission were the establishment of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its corollaries the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic. p. 3. 2002.N. the crucial priority was the need to establish people-oriented internal and international democratic institutions that would act as the custodians of democracy and human rights as conceptualised within the general rubric of self-determination.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. Moreover. It was within this philosophical context that he advocated for the need to make the world safe for democracy. 2.html. For the colonized peoples of Africa. 2002. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Political Studies Department. Rhodes University. Wilsonianism was not only internationalised but also institutionalised. It isn¶t the League of Nations but the importance of thinking through a way to the control the potential anarchy and the relations of states. available online at http://www. Social and Cultural Rights. to involve himself in great affairs and to try to find ways in which to work out the problems created by those great affairs. 2002. would promote America's long term interests. Vol. democracy and human rights (or self-determination in general) was equated with the absence of colonialism. The idea of universal morality was central for Wilson. 1998. PBS documentary.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3.html. the momentum on the issues of democracy and human rights was evidenced with the appointment of Eleanor Roosevelt to Chair a Commission on Human Rights. np. Thus.

it will be under conditions designed to discredit him and further demoralize those who hoped that democracy might be tolerated in Haiti. the head of the OAS/UN mission through December 1993. Aristide has been unwilling to shift power to the "enlightened" sectors of foreign and domestic Civil Society and their security forces. and to accept the rule of private power. reported in Foreign Policy that negotiations had stalled because of Washington's insistence on maintaining the power of the security forces. accessed May 1. just now attaining the proper broad consensus after many years of education. witness the case of Guatemala. Father Aristide resisted having so many former soldiers in the police force. aid and training for that purpose since. PBS documentary. much of it organized right where Hakim speaks. It seems to me that Wilson failed because he tried to apply American principles to the world. or by its traditional master. The Europeans knew that Wilson¶s principles had problems. 2. open trade. p. movement from authoritarianism to democracy tends to reflect a more broadly based consensus than is currently the case in Haiti. France. 2001. November 1994. trusting that "the United States. He still keeps his allegiance to the general population and their organizations -. Martin observed. on a par with "Wilsonian idealism."Aristide's unwillingness to "broaden the political base" has become a kind of mantra. was its friend and protector. the phrase conceals a grain of truth.wcdebate. domestic and foreign. available online at http://www. This was one of the successes of the educational program designed for the "doctrinaire monomaniac.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. rejecting Aristide's plea to reduce them along lines that had proven successful in Costa Rica. While Aristide was elected by a two-thirds majority. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. revealed by the belief of half the population that the political system is so rotten that both parties should be disbanded. p. well-informed about the hemisphere and far from a ranting ideologue. WILSON¶S ³IDEALISM´ CONTINUES TO JUSTIFY HORRIBLE TRAGEDIES IN HAITI Noam Chomsky. The Europeans knew this. As discussed here in July. It hasn't been easy. Historian. If he is. Washington director of the Inter-American dialogue. Hakim also surely knows the nature of the "consensus" at home. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. WILSON FAILED BECAUSE HE TRIED TO APPLY AMERICAN PRINCIPLES TO THE WORLD Walter LaFeber. but Administration officials said they persuaded him to accept them. was ambivalent about that power shift" to popular elements represented by Aristide.S. 2002. np. Ian Martin. "in most Latin American countries." Like many other mindless propaganda slogans.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. He took a kind of an American liberalism and essentially tried to create a form of world institutions: self-determination.S." so the New York Times reported on the eve of the invasion. It is intriguing to watch the process at work. Z MAGAZINE. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology." It is true enough that from the southern cone to Central America and the Caribbean.pbs. The generals continued their resistance to a diplomatic settlement. unlike the U.N.html. and Canada.com . The military and police forces were established during Woodrow Wilson's invasion as an instrument to control the population. Whether Aristide is allowed to return in some fashion is anyone's guess at the time of writing. and the world did not want the American principles. the consensus is "broadly based" in the sense that sustained terror and degradation. As the matter is now rephrased. They were proven right. Volume 9 Page 62 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM 1. The Haitian military. 10. And he knows full well what efforts are made to broaden government to include authentic representatives of the overwhelming majority of the population in Latin America. Consider Peter Hakim. and have been kept in power by U. To evaluate what lies ahead. has taught people to abandon hope for freedom and democracy. the one partial exception to the array of horror chambers that Washington has maintained in the region. we should look carefully at the plans for the security forces and the economy.who could teach some lessons to their kindly tutors about what was meant by "democracy" in days when the term was still taken seriously. "At first. the things that Americans had evolved over threehundred years and incidentally in the process of which we had killed six hundred thousand of each other in the Civil War because it hadn¶t worked too well. despite its rhetoric of democracy.. Hakim observes. That is to continue. recognized that the U.

wcdebate." he wrote. np. WILSON¶S IDEAS JUSTIFY VICIOUS COLONIALISM Noam Chomsky. accessed May 1. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. "For two centuries. 2002." One takes for granted that the vicious terror and racism of the Wilson administration and its successors will be transmuted to sweet charity as it reaches the educated classes. South Africa. the noise of democracy. but his behavior was often very paternalistic. brought our country into the hell of World War I. is that his rhetoric was pro-democratic. WILSON¶S RHETORIC WAS PRO-DEMOCRATIC. He wasn¶t always comfortable with the fact that democracy is a noisy and messy business. Z MAGAZINE. No. 2. Should we not bring forward as a national hero Emma Goldman. p.africa. one of those Wilson sent to prison. W. also occupying an important place in the pantheon of American liberalism. themes within the rhetoric of American foreign policy toward Africa since the end of World War II. one of the most hideous crimes of an era not known for its gentleness. or Helen Keller. 3. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. to say nothing about their weapons" -. In the current era.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. portrayed in the same light. has been an altogether different story. Backers of President Aristide. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. very controlling. Apple.ufl. http://web. 2002. US policy makers consistently followed the dictates of realpolitik in the era of the Cold War. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. The linking of such Wilsonian precepts with foreign policy practice. if at times secondary. We might understand this as another small contribution to the broader project of revising the history of Western colonialism so as to justify the next phase. WILSON¶S PHILOSOPHY INCLUDED RACISM AND WAR-MONGERING Howard Zinn. "political opponents in Haiti have routinely slaughtered each other. His greatest contradiction from my point of view. the American forces who are trying to impose a new order will confront a complex and violent society with no history of democracy. however. As for Woodrow Wilson. 1998. sent an occupation army into Haiti and the Dominican Republic. p.com . http://www. the question emerges as to the resonance of such Wilsonian principles in US foreign policy towards Africa.htm. very unsympathetic with and having very little patience for the messiness of democracy. p. BUT HIS SOCIAL POLICIES WEREN¶T Victoria Bissell Brown. civilized mediation.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. that he bombarded the Mexican coast. like the Marines who occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934. leaving concerns for democracy and human rights aside. Historian AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. 10. 2. The principles of democracy and human rights have been persistent. Adar. He saw democracy as a tool for creating harmony. BUT REPRESSIVE 1.htm. Vol.html.which the homicidal maniacs in the slums have cleverly concealed. followers of General Cedras and the former Tontons Macoute retain their homicidal tendencies. 2002. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. who reviewed the lessons of history. Rhodes University. shouldn't we remind his admirers that he insisted on racial segregation in federal buildings. 2. "Like the French in the 19th century. who fearlessly spoke out against the war? 3. and put anti-war protesters in prison. May 7. Political Studies Department. Volume 9 Page 63 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE. WILSONIAN POLICIES AREN¶T IDEALISTIC: JUST THE SAME OLD REALPOLITIK Korwa G.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. but it is a novelty to see Napoleon's invasion.zmag. available online at http://www. conditions are now in place for the tangible and coherent pursuit of an American foreign policy based on democracy and human rights. "Perspective" on what is taking place was provided in the New York Times by R. November 1994. p. np. PBS documentary. accessed April 22. np.pbs. accessed April 22. 2000. 2001. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit.

William E. the majority of it is due to the success of FDR¶s liberal social programs. Whatever the roots of the anti-FDR sentiment. The best example: the massive internment of Japanese Americans in concentration camps. which proved that private industry isn¶t the only way to create jobs. while American fascist William Dudley Pelley called him the "lowest form of human worm . but the threat of a good example of liberalism is still pretty threatening to these people. perhaps none (even including Richard Nixon or Bill Clinton) has inspired such virulent criticism and simultaneously vociferous defense as Franklin Delano Roosevelt.not a bad record for a man who left office nearly 70 years ago. a bone thrown to the masses who demanded an alternative to the capitalism that was starving them in droves (in their view).according to Gentile standards.) We¶ll discuss how that applies in a bit. Historians.and academic articles from scholars and think tank employees slathering over why the New Deal was unconstitutional. said that ³The presidency as we know it today begins with Franklin Delano Roosevelt. at the Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University. Roosevelt isn¶t just the man who pulled the country out of the Great Depression.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. though.wcdebate. and it happened 70 years ago.but there are certainly things we can all now (hopefully) agree on as grievous acts on FDR¶s part." according to Communist leader Earl Browder. In fact. which tells you we have a ways to go yet in this country. That¶s not to say the left doesn¶t have problems with FDR. Only recently has there been mass outcry about this mass violation of human rights. It also says something about the limits of mainstream liberalism. he was perhaps the living embodiment of that ³rugged individualism´ and ³pulling yourself up by your bootstraps´ stuff that conservatives like to bluster about. Another element is that most American of traits. Even today. the charming and affable voice behind the Fireside Chats. The architect of the New Deal. but we¶ll get to that below. All this should tell you that Roosevelt had a monumental impact on American life. This isn¶t to say that there aren¶t legitimate criticisms of FDR. it is certainly remarkable that the enmity exists more than two generations later in this country. of course -. except Werner von Braun. anti-Semitism. Many saw the New Deal as a cop-out. even people that hate Roosevelt acknowledge his importance. There¶s no way to anger a political opponent than by passing popular and effective legislation. Volume 9 Page 64 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT Of all the former presidents the United States has seen leave office in the past 100 years. Leuchtenburg.but no one accused the far right of being rocket scientists. FDR nevertheless rose to great heights as a statesman. popularly known as FDR. So what¶s up with the bitterness? Well. from right to left to centrist.com ." (Told you so about the anti-Semitism). FDR is feted by liberals and reviled by conservatives to this day -. agree on this. the first president to truly take his case directly to the people. and was generally beloved by the public. ROOSEVELT¶S IMPORTANCE As I said above. Debilitated by a youthful bout with polio. He wasn¶t -. (³But I didn¶t know FDR was Jewish!´ you say. If one can inspire vitriol of this nature from both sides of the American political spectrum. neither the left nor the right felt they had to restrain themselves when criticizing FDR: FDR was "carrying out more thoroughly and brutally than even Hoover the capitalist attack against the masses. He was elected to an unprecedented four terms.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. one has doubtless done something right. I say with a smirk. Why the hatred from the right wing? After all. It wasn¶t. a horrific violation of civil liberties and a betrayal of what would appear to be FDR¶s own principles. The New Deal included massive government spending to create jobs and the creation of the Civilian Conservation Corps. What is legitimate depends on what side of the political discourse you come down on. He passed important legislation. you¶ll see conspiracy theorist websites devoted to decrying Roosevelt¶s influence on the country -. anyway.

These are the simple. he included economic rights in that list. This is not quite true. the government had no rhetorical or actual commitment to the average working person.began with FDR and his legislative ideas.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The right see him as having betrayed capitalism for a more socialist model. This is also why the right sees him as a betrayer of unfettered capitalism -. The ending of special privilege for the few. too. Many believe that today¶s so-called ³imperial presidency´ -.´ This did not stop some of his contemporaries from referring to FDR as "that megalomaniac cripple in the White House. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Security for those who need it. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. In his famour ³Four Freedoms´ speech.where significantly more power rests in the hands of the executive branch -. He noted ³so powerful an impression did FDR leave on the office that in the most recent survey of historians he was ranked as the second greatest president in our history.com . Before.wcdebate. Jobs for those who can work. surpassed only by the legendary Abraham Lincoln. The four freedoms which give the famous speech its name are listed here: One would think that this made FDR a pacifist. sewing clothes for 16 hours a day for pennies a day (due to no child labor laws and no minimum wage). They are: Equality of opportunity for youth and for others." But believe it or not. This is why the left sees Roosevelt as a betrayer of social revolution. He also thought there were certain fundamental rights to which humans were entitled. FDR laid out exactly to what he thought humans ought to be entitled: Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. as we will see later. FDR saw the economic system of the early 20th century as too harsh. say. Unlike most every other president. The thing they both agree on is that a fundamental shift occurred during his time in office. FDR recognized this. He figured if America as we knew it was to survive intact. Leuchtenberg continued. The inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations. the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. and you have to put your 10-year-old to work in a factory. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. In order to understand these. Perhaps the best manifestation of these ideas came from the man himself. someone had to do something fast to preserve the positive aspects of the old order. someone making a union-won family wage who can provide for his or her family and even be a little bit comfortable. or at the very least an advocate of disarmament. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. ROOSEVELT¶S IDEAS Much is made of Roosevelt¶s social and economic reforms. you¶re a lot more susceptible to someone preaching overthrow of the existing system than.and perhaps they are right. and perhaps they are right. as failing to meet the needs of the public. from his leadership in World War II to his economic ideas to his intangible inspirational qualities. some of that sentiment stems from the same root. Volume 9 Page 65 There are many reasons for this. The preservation of civil liberties for all. If you¶re starving. it is important to understand the ideology behind them. foregoing more revolutionary change for institutional reform. ECONOMIC POLICY: THE DEFENDERS The left saw FDR as a sellout who saved capitalism as we know it when it was on the brink of collapse.

One of them is Robert Higgs. Higgs and the like paint FDR as a big-government liberal who created federal agencies for their own sake and no other. to him. FDR is best known for promoting what is known as ³the welfare state. the physically handicapped. ³with few exceptions. the FDR experimentation resulted in an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which relied on government stimulation of private industry. but no one heard it from the President before then. the Farm Credit Administration. who admits that ³In the construction of the American regulatory and welfare state. when voters unceremoniously dumped him in favor of FDR. these policies are a power grab by liberal economists! Of course. the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. Volume 9 Page 66 In January 1935. historians have taken a positive view of the New Deal´ -. finance. wrote William Barber in his book DESIGN WITHOUT DISORDER. the Rural Development Administration (formerly the Farmers Home Administration). and labor relations. shouldn't be a member of the social security system. and the creation of Social Security with its old-age pensions. such programs as massive relief programs for the unemployed. and the blind. the aged poor.´ He does not say this as a compliment. he was a man with certain values (expressed above) that was willing to listen to professional economists about how to achieve those values. It¶s also pretty interesting how he skips over free-market conservative Herbert Hoover. the Federal Housing Administration. He had his own ideas -. industry. there are lots of people that won¶t let 70-year-old policies go. The FDR years. The reason was not that Roosevelt was revolutionary economic thinker himself -.from the cradle to the grave they ought to be in a social insurance system.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2). FDR emphasized his commitment to social security this way: "I see no reason why every child. the aged poor. and was arguing in the 1950s and 1960s along with Joe McCarthy that Communists were infiltrating the American government.wcdebate.com . Higgs writes. and who continued to adopt laissez-faire policies that deepened the depression until 1932. pathological anti-communist who saw such things as laws against child labor as a sign of the creeping red tide. Aside from the governmental influx of capital to boost the economy.Barber says he was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" -. Cradle to the grave . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Social Security. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. Higgs breaks out the organizational chart of the federal government. He explained his rationale in the Four Freedoms speech: ECONOMIC POLICY: THE CRITICS As I mentioned. He points to such agencies as the Export-Import Bank. Things we take for granted today include: relief programs for the unemployed. the conservative economic theorist. pensions for the elderly. the Securities and Exchange Commission. and income supplements for dependent children in single-parent families. the National Labor Relations Board. the Social Security Administration. the physically handicapped. from the day he is born. the Rural Utility Service (formerly the Rural Electrification Administration).but he was more a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. and the blind are not beneficent ideas designed to make the functioning of government and economy more humane. Specifically.instead." You may have heard this ³cradle to the grave´ rhetoric before. finance. unemployment insurance. the expanded federal regulation of agriculture. who was president when the Great Depression started in 1929. were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. 3). unemployment insurance and aid to families with dependent children. industry.´ This imprecise term covers a variety of reforms that constitute a safety net for the poor and otherwise disadvantaged. Nope. he doesn¶t mention that Kershner was a paranoid. As evidence. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. Sure.but. no one looms larger than FDR. and labor relations to prevent market failures and offer governmental support of certain businesses in danger of failure. He also promoted expanded federal regulation of agriculture. All of these were first established under Franklin Roosevelt.

by the way. The legal precedent that justified this vile act. Charming. FDR signed Executive Order 9066. but that¶s the way it is. FDR was the first (and. Even if you¶ve got a problem with. too. told by William E.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Their property was seized. Love him or give in to insane and illogical hatred of him. the Export-Import Bank. narratives end with perfect poetic justice. The vast majority of it was never returned.com . And what about all those that got their jollies in hating Roosevelt? My favorite story is this one. (Which he was there. only sometimes. who praised Hitler and continued to trade with Nazi Germany AFTER World War II began). vanden Heuvel argues. that old people with no family can rely on Social Security checks rather than cat food in order to eat? WAR POLICY It¶s unfortunate that we have to sum up FDR¶s World War II actions in so short a space. it certainly serves as a major mark in Roosevelt¶s favor. and didn¶t think Roosevelt should be sticking his nose in Hitler¶s business as the German leader committed the most horrific act of the 20th century.´ and called his policies ³the Jew Deal. was at war with them. financing. FDR would have seen the folly in his most shameful act of the war. Sadly. being a victim of race-baiting himself. By subsidizing. No act of espionage by any Japanese American was ever proven. ³interferes with the effective operation of the free market.000 loyal Americans of Japanese descent to prison camps for years. Korematsu v. Famously. No similar policies were enacted for Americans of German or Italian descent.S. which consigned over 100. The nutty right spread rumors that Roosevelt¶s real name was ³Rosenfeld. insuring. so even (gasp!) the middle class and below can attend universities. To his credit. the ONLY) political leader to stand against Hitler from the very beginning. It also helps to explain the hatred of FDR by the anti-Semitic right.´ playing to racist notions of wealthy Jews running the government. was upheld by the Supreme Court and stands a valid legal precedent to this day.´ he writes. including Holocaust deniers like David Irving and his ilk. who didn¶t see the murder of European Jews as any of out business. this was not the case.)´ Sometimes. United States.´ Regardless of how one feels about each of these individual agencies. and thereby diverting resources from the uses most valued by consumers. though the U. William J. that students have their college loans federally provided. each renders the economy less productive than it could be-and all in the service of one special interest or another. including Henry Ford. Volume 9 Page 67 and the Tennessee Valley Authority as ³the offspring of the New Deal´ and argues that they are pernicious in their effects. Leuchtenberg: ³In Kansas a man went down into his cyclone cellar and announced he would not emerge until Roosevelt was out of office. his wife ran off with a traveling salesman. Considering that this made him alone not only among the political leaders of the world. vanden Heuvel has noted. This nonsense about Roosevelt and about Jews continues to this day among the racist right.wcdebate. it seems the argument here is that NO federal agency is EVER justified in helping to stimulate the economy or to ameliorate the effects on a market collapse on average people. CONCLUSION FDR might be the most important president of the 20th century. One would think. this much is undeniable. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. say. and one can certainly debate about the impacts of some of them. but virtually alone among prominent Americans (many of whom. ³Each in its own fashion. regulating. isn¶t it a good rather than a bad thing that farmers get subsidies that help family farms stay afloat.

1987. http://www. Higgs. accessed May 5. 1933. accessed May 9. 1970.shtml. July 1997.com . Davis. Oxford University Press.NET BOOK REVIEW . 1935. http://www. Roosevelt. http://www. Jr. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. accessed May 1. Mead and Company Publishers.htm. http://www. University of Mississippi . Robert. ROOSEVELT AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY.net/bookreviews/library/0024. William E. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ROOSEVELT: THE SOLDIER OF FREEDOM. New York: Dodd.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. Leuchtenburg. Volume 9 Page 68 BIBLIOGRAPHY Burns.eh. Boston: South End Press. Franklin Delano. THE JUGGLER: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT AS WARTIME STATESMAN.html. accessed May 10.pbs. Arthur M. Warren F. 2002. July 24. 1986.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Robert. 2002. 17. 2002. 1985. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. 1979. Gallagher. Kenneth S. 1992. Department of History. New York: Random House Publishing. FRANKLIN D. FDR: THE NEW DEAL YEARS 1933-1937.washingtonpost. Franklin Delano. 2002. THE COMING OF THE NEW DEAL. http://newdeal. Chomsky. THE FREEMAN. Roosevelt. 1932-1945. EH.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. Noam. Michael V. Namorato. Dallek.htm. 2002. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. FDR'S SPLENDID DECEPTION. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Kimball.wcdebate.html. ³Purposes and Foundations of the Recovery (Fireside Chat)´.ECONOMIC HISTORY. ³A Message to the Congress on Social Security.org/wgbh/amex/presidents/nf/resource/fdr/primdocs/socsecspeech.feri. DETERRING DEMOCRACY. Hugh Gregory. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review..org/chat/chat03. September 1998.independent. James MacGregor.´ Jan. Schlesinger. 1991. 1959. accessed May 02.

FDR TRANSFORMED THE NATION¶S ECONOMIC OUTLOOK William E. http://www. Barber believes that professional economists had a president who was willing to listen to them and who was a "consumer" of what they had to offer. without which the New Deal would indeed have been mindless and devious. . in the offices there is a feeling of hope reborn.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in short. 2. the notion of the State got little attention in America before FDR." On the New York Curb Exchange. Roosevelt brought the Welfare State to America. p. one eyewitness later remembered." 3. 2002. everyone was joyous. Leuchtenburg. accessed May 1. Although European theorists had been talking about der Staat for decades. was a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. 1).htm. Leuchtenburg. Roosevelt's Washington. accessed May 5. np. Although not a great economic thinker.. http://www. In the homes on the streets. FDR REPRESENTED A WATERSHED IN ECONOMIC THINKING Michael V. crowds moved excitedly. gone.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. IN JUST A FEW WEEKS.eh. and in the New Deal that continued throughout. 2). He provided those with more learning and understanding of economic matters an opportunity to develop their ideas.Happy days are here again. responding to left-wing critiques of FDR.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. EH. the end result was an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which became part and parcel of governmental policy by the end of the 1930s. "but anywhere seems better than where they have been. Washington seemed like Cambridge on the morning of the Harvard-Yale game: "All the shops were on display. Roosevelt rested his legislative program on the assumption that government should actively seek social justice for all Americans.NET BOOK REVIEW . 2002. how Franklin D. FDR WAS KEY TO SOCIAL JUSTICE FOR THE DISADVANTAGED William E. in Barber's opinion. Volume 9 Page 69 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT 1.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. Roosevelt listened to and responded to their suggestions. np. np.1987. University of Mississippi . too. the stock ticker ended the day with the merry message: "Goodnite.htm.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. In the case of Franklin Roosevelt.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. In this sense.1987. The historian James T. the political paralysis. It was not just for the day as it was in Cambridge.net/bookreviews/library/0024. Roosevelt himself. his opportunism was grounded in social concern and conscience.washingtonpost. where trading resumed on March 15." Again and again. 2002..washingtonpost.shtml. There was something in the air that had not been there before. the spirit of the country seemed markedly changed. Gone was the torpor of the Hoover years. After much experimentation.. has written: ³Roosevelt was no hard-eyed merchandiser. Patterson.just where they are going. Namorato.. was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" (p. not least those who are disadvantaged." noted one business journal. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy.ECONOMIC HISTORY. observers resorted to the imagery of darkness and light to characterize the transformation from the Stygian gloom of Hoover's final winter to the bright springtime of the First Hundred Days. http://www. and the ultimate impact these economic thinkers had on long-term federal economic policy. 3). the Rooseveltian years were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. Overnight.com . Department of History. p. Designs Within Disorder concentrates on what economists were saying during the New Deal. Starting in the spectacular First Hundred Days.wcdebate. years after it had become a fixture in other lands. July 1997. Only a few weeks after Roosevelt took office. Similar to his earlier study. "The people aren't sure. p. accessed May 5.

³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. can now escape from the compelling fact that if it is not framed with reference to the world. it had refused to participate in either the League of Nations or the World Court. np. FDR¶S INTERNATIONAL ROLE WAS FIRST-RATE William E.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Roosevelt's high place rests also on his role in leading the nation to accept the far-ranging responsibilities of world power. it is framed with perfect futility. manifestly indicated US dissatisfaction with the lack of sovereignty for colonised peoples. 2002. When he took office. that such a circumstance will ever arise again. the United States was firmly committed to isolationism. As a wartime president. 2. and. "He overcame both his own and the nation's isolationist inclination to bring a united America into the coalition that saved the world from the danger of totalitarian conquest. So far had America come by the end of the Roosevelt era that Henry Stimson was to say that the United States could never again "be an island to herself. As commander-in-chief. although promulgated by Franklin D. Leuchtenburg. FDR¶S LEGACY IS THE ABOLITION OF INTERNATIONAL ISOLATIONISM William E. a position he was said to prefer to all others.washingtonpost. No private program and no public policy. Political Studies Department. 1998.htm." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. accessed April 22. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. http://www. Adar.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3.com . No. Never before had a president been given the opportunity to lead his people to a triumph of these global dimensions. providing aid to the Allies and leading the nation toward active involvement in World War II. Roosevelt made full use of his executive power in recognizing the USSR. p.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. Vol. Roosevelt had wide latitude to demonstrate his executive leadership by guiding the country through a victorious struggle against the fascist powers. Leuchtenburg. 2. FDR HELPED PROMOTE SOVEREIGNTY FOR COLONIZED PEOPLES Korwa G. Volume 9 Page 70 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT 1. South Africa. accessed May 5. Denied by Congress the discretionary authority he sought. Roosevelt not only supervised the mobilization of men and resources against the Axis but also made a significant contribution to fashioning a postwar settlement and creating the structure of the United Nations. 2. http://www." 3." Robert Divine has concluded. p. Wilsonian precepts resonated clearly in the messsage of the Atlantic Charter which.htm.1987. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. "His role in insuring the downfall of Adolf Hitler is alone enough to earn him a respected place in history. Roosevelt. late in his second term. 2002. Rhodes University.1987.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. Wilson's intellectual heir. in any sector of our national life. np.africa.ufl.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. crafting the Good Neighbor Policy. and it seems improbable. given the nature of nuclear weapons. http://web.wcdebate. np.washingtonpost. President Wilson's global campaign as the champion for the silent majority also set the stage for a United States democracy and human rights foreign policy in the twentieth century. 2002. accessed May 5.htm.

Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. September 1998. In this madness. http://www. http://www.´ and eventually ³no political boss could compete with him in any county in America in the distribution of money and jobs. fear. By wheeling and dealing.html. embraced interventionist policies on a wide front.com . by ranting against "economic royalists" and posturing as the friend of the common man. the New Deal created so much confusion. the New Dealers had a method. regulations. Rather. Had Roosevelt only kept his inoffensive campaign promises of 1932²cut federal spending. accessed May 02.1 billion. http://www. np.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. p.independent. and hostility among businessmen and investors that private investment. THE FREEMAN. intrusive government that has been trampling on the people¶s liberties ever since. np. http://www. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 71 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY. taxes. and business failures. incoherent mass of new expenditures.html. FDR¶S POLICIES ACTUALLY PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs. In fact.html. high unemployment. 2002. accessed May 02. But however significant his legacies. Between 1929 and 1939 the economy sacrificed an entire decade of normal economic growth. Despite its economic illogic and incoherence. FDR and Congress. uncertainty. he got himself elected time after time. maintain a sound currency. September 1998. by taxing and spending.independent. especially during the congressional sessions of 1933 and 1935. September 1998. September 1998. The irony is that even if Roosevelt did help to lift the spirits of the American people in the depths of the depression-an uplift for which no compelling documentation exists-this achievement only led the public to labor under an illusion.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. But for all his undeniable political prowess.independent.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the New Deal served as a massive vote-buying scheme. With its bewildering. The government¶s own greatly enlarged economic activity did not compensate for the private shortfall. p. and hence overall private economic activity. he was an exceptionally resourceful political opportunist who harnessed the extraordinary potential for personal and party aggrandizement inherent in a uniquely troubled and turbulent period of American history. Roosevelt deserves no reverence. p. THE FREEMAN.´ 4.2 Without capital accumulation. the American economy between 1930 and 1940 failed to add anything to its capital stock: net private investment for that eleven-year period totaled minus $3. He was no hero. As John T. 2002. 3. THE NEW DEAL WAS A MASSIVE VOTE-BUYING SCHEME Robert Higgs. the New Deal did prolong the depression. balance the budget. THE FREEMAN. But instead. p. subsidies.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION 1. the Roosevelt administration recognized that the president and his Democratic allies in Congress could appropriate unprecedented sums of money and channel them into the hands of recipients who would respond by giving political support to their benefactors. the root cause of the prevailing malaise was the continuation of the depression. Coming into power at a time of widespread destitution. never recovered enough to restore the high levels of production and employment enjoyed in the 1920s. and direct government participation in productive activities. as many observers claimed at the time.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. ³it was always easy to interest him in a plan which would confer some special benefit upon some special class in the population in exchange for their votes. 2002. np. THE FREEMAN. Flynn said of FDR.html. ROOSEVELT¶S LEGACY IS TO TRAMPLE ON LIBERTY Robert Higgs. 2002. which would have increased the national income 30 to 40 percent. accessed May 02.independent. no economy can grow. After all. he prolonged the depression and fastened on the country a bloated. In the face of the interventionist onslaught. THE NEW DEAL PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs. accessed May 02. stop bureaucratic centralization in Washington²the depression might have passed into history before his next campaign in 1936. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. 2. np. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review.

indeed revere. 1992.zmag. http://www.endearingly exalted.. the spinners of fantasy could not even approach such heights in the Reagan era." so much so that "ten years went by before a Commerce Department economist grew curious about the distribution of income and was surprised to discover that its inequality had persisted almost unchanged from Hoover.net/bookreviews/library/0024. accessed May 1..eh.ECONOMIC HISTORY. accessed May 1.org/chomsky/dd/dd-c02s03. NOT FDR Michael V. through Roosevelt and Truman. Those of us who were born to circumstances less assured tend to think of.. including many of the poor and working class.shtml..splendidly eternal for romance. left-liberal social critic Murray Kempton describes the "majesty" of Roosevelt's smile as "he beamed from those great heights that lie beyond the taking of offense. no less analyzed in terms of his own thinking on what these economists were telling him and his close advisors. 2002.. The aura of sanctity remains among intellectuals who worship at the shrine." "That Roosevelt was the democrat that great gentlemen always are in no way abated his grandeur. Reviewing a laudatory book on FDR by Joseph Alsop in the New York Review of Books. In fact." etc.owing to his engraving upon the public consciousness the sense that men were indeed equal.. EH. in his last chapters. DIDN¶T ADDRESS INEQUITY Noam Chomsky. etc.shtml.NET BOOK REVIEW . THE ECONOMISTS SHOULD GET THE CREDIT.. Department of History. by Noel Annan. FDR SHOULD NOT GET CREDIT FOR KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS Michael V.. Namorato. Keynesianism took hold after 1945 only after it had infiltrated the universities (p. Franklin Delano Roosevelt attained similar heights among large sectors of the population. There was one published reaction.eh. [His blend of elegance with compassion] adds up to true majesty." Try as they might. who praised "the encomium that Murray Kempton justly bestowed on Roosevelt..com . The important fact is that Roosevelt brought us "comfort. how the president barely tolerated Thurman Arnold and his anti-trust movement. and how people like John K. Seeing Harry Hopkins' appointment as Secretary of Commerce as a turning point towards official acceptance of Keynesianism. [We are] as homesick as Alsop for a time when America was ruled by gentlemen and ladies. a secret love affair." and met the great crisis in their lives. individuals like Galbraith left the New Deal. University of Mississippi . In the end. http://www. Barber concluded that the Full Employment Act was more of a victory for the opponents of the Keynesian approach than one would have suspected. 2.html. Still. Volume 9 Page 72 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE 1. "in the grandest style. July 1997. 171). this demeanor as the aristocratic style. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.. FDR. Barber takes his argument through the later 1930s. Galbraith in the Office of Price Administration helped to mobilize America's wartime economy. Chapter 2.NET BOOK REVIEW .. http://www. 3.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.. Finally." His "enormous bulk" stands between us "and all prior history. Roosevelt is lost amidst the intellectual environment that Barber has created. Somehow." But that is only the carping of trivial minds. July 1997. DETERRING DEMOCRACY. 2002. but the president himself is seldom even mentioned. Department of History. who placed their trust in him. accessed May 1. and the immediate post-war era. Namorato." Roosevelt and Lucy Mercer "were persons even grander on the domestic stage than they would end up being on the cosmic one. DESPITE ESTABLISHMENT HISTORIANS. World War II.a wasteland. Roosevelt took such complete command that he "left social inquiry.wcdebate.ECONOMIC HISTORY." He left us with "nostalgia" that is "aching. EH.. University of Mississippi .. 2002.. Finally.net/bookreviews/library/0024." whatever the record of economic reform and civil rights may show. however. Barber credits Roosevelt with so much in terms of providing economists with an opportunity to influence policy. Barber details how Hopkins brought in young academics sympathetic to this approach...

Volume 9 Page 73 TOM HAYDEN It says a great deal about American academic thinking that we are still arguing about the 1960s."´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. One of those movements. with that said. Together. let¶s examine one of the most fascinating periods of recent American history.com . and what he and those inspired by him did during the 1960s.committed to the Socratic and Platonic tradition of logic and rhetoric -. In 1969 and 1970. That court based its decision on procedural errors by U. There are those who consider them to be heroic protestors.tomhayden.wcdebate. Who is right? Well. some of whom even tried to expel him from the Legislature as a "traitor. challengers of the status quo and defenders of the downtrodden -. "Tom Hayden changed America". wrote the national correspondent of The Atlantic. who were not convicted. While it¶s certainly impossible to sum up either the SDS or Hayden in just a few pages -. Along with four other defendants -. As some former radicals did. Born December 11. he has lived in Los Angeles since 1971. he was arrested as a member of the "Chicago Seven" for inciting a riot at the Democratic National Convention.the issues they tackled ranged from the war in Vietnam to racial injustice to anti-nuclear politics to American economic inequity -. even those ³intent to riot´ convictions were overturned by a federal appeals court. 1939. Basically. In 1968. Hayden -. He later served as a ³freedom rider. He was elected to the state Assembly in 1982 -. As his own website (www. the 7th U. he was best known for his 16-year marriage to actress Jane Fonda. his life. Later. anti-American louts who have frayed the fabric of the blue jeans of American life. Undaunted by his legal trouble. though. Students for a Democratic Society.it is possible to sum up the academic debate surrounding them. he was a prominent defendant in the Chicago Seven trial. had a charismatic and thoughtful leader named Tom Hayden who has continued (as an activist and as a California state legislator) to work for change in the American political arena. Rennie Davis and David Dellinger -. All the defendants. they participated in many controversial events demonstrating their opposition to the Vietnam War. in order to answer that question. District Judge Julius Hoffman. were acquitted of additional conspiracy charges. And unlike me.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. his ideas. TOM HAYDEN¶S LIFE Regardless of your opinion of Hayden as an activist or as a person. which he sees as necessary for a rich and stable intellectual culture. you¶ve gotta admit he¶s led a pretty interesting life so far.S.Hayden was convicted of intent to riot at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. The other defendants.and when he was elected as a state assemblyman 20 years ago.and those who consider them to be troublemaking. Hayden decided to run for elected office. and whether some of the political movements of the time were benevolent or detrimental. Hayden continued with his activism. It wouldn¶t hurt to have a gander at what they have continued to do in the ensuing decades. including Froines and Weiner. there are two camps that feel strongly as regards Hayden and SDS.´ The freedom riders were a group of mostly white students from the north who traveled to the American south in efforts to assist racial desegregation the South. Abbie Hoffman. Circuit Court of Appeals. So.com) admits. Nicholas Lemann.Jerry Rubin. were John Froines and Lee Weiner. Far from it: Hayden welcomes the dialogue. the Los Angeles Times reported. we¶ll have to take a look at Hayden.S.does not shy away from nor roll his eyes at debates on the impact of the 1960s. ³he was regarded warily as an invader and outlaw by his fellow lawmakers.

com . Unlike many of his fellow radicals.´ using rhetoric reminiscent of early American rabble rousers such as Thomas Paine. fought for reform of the K-12 educational system. even when he wasn¶t married to Barbarella. He has an infant son with Williams. politician. and on and on. wrote Sacramento Bee columnist Dan Walters. He backed pro-labor. praised by the Jewish National Fund for his support of Israel. Even in his youth.remember. What kind of action? Well. as he was elected to the state Senate in 1992. Until he was forced out by term limits. Hayden was called the "legislator of the year" by the American Lung Association for taking on the tobacco industry. which was written by Tom Hayden in 1962. his tenure as a state senator was not the first time Hayden had influenced legislative agendas. At least one prominent political figure. the founding document of Students for a Democratic Society. including legislation on behalf of women. Activist. too.wcdebate. It¶s been a tumultuous ride for Hayden. he was "the conscience of the (California State) Senate". workers. Hayden wrote the Port Huron Statement while a student at The University of Wisconsin. hailed by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for his civil rights achievements. and other activists of various stripes. He is currently married to the actress Barbara Williams.not necessarily the hard Marxist leaning of various communist groups. That includes student groups.he sponsored numerous bills. The conclusion of the Port Huron Declaration reads: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. of course. Like many of the so-called New Left groups of the time. IDEAS OF TOM HAYDEN Perhaps the most important item to read in studying the ideology of this and other radical organizations is the Port Huron Statement. Volume 9 Page 74 This didn¶t stop him. but a general desire for leveling the economic playing field in the United States. But mainstream groups honored him. author. Then statement encouraged other students to research and understand the world at large. and decried the prominence of special interest waste and abuse of power in California politics. In fact. Hardly a single issue activist or politician. and more. (Look it up. African-Americans and Latinos and Holocaust survivors. anti-sweatshop legislation -which you might expect of a former 1960s radical.his radical views often polarized even friendly legislators -. the SDS got its name from a desire for what they termed ³true democracy. to take action. While a state legislator. has said that Hayden ³created the blueprint for the Great Society programs´ of Lyndon Baines Johnson during his tenure as an advocate for the working poor. As one might expect given the racial intolerance prevalent in America at the time -. the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was still two years away -. lots of different kinds. Hayden recognized that power could not truly be challenged without alliances between various progressive groups. Recognizing that this would require revolutionary change. Indeed. Hayden also has two grown children from his earlier marriage to Fonda. the SDS had socialist leanings -. convict with his sentence overturned. Hayden fought against university tuition increases. he was given kudos by the Sierra Club and the California League Conservation Voters for backing protection of endangered species and proenvironment record. activist. again husband of different actress.Hayden decried the injustice of the discrepancy in material wealth and economic opportunity between the white and black communities. presidential assistant Richard Goodwin. the culmination of seven consecutive electoral victories representing the west side of Los Angeles and the San Fernando Valley. Hayden never decried the existence of the political system as such. While he didn¶t pass much legislation -. convict. former husband of actress. kids). he credits that issue as one of the factors inspiring the SDS movement: SDS moved from a mere problem identification mode to a serious institutional analysis of American politics. husband of actress.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

at least in the United States. Quite the opposite is true. Hayden expanded upon this defense of his philosophy: NPQ: In Bloom's mind. even people that consider themselves ³progressive´ on one or more issues might not be given to the kind of movement-building that SDS advocated. The editorials I wrote from 1957 to 1961 in the Michigan Daily were based on Cardinal Newman's concept of the university as a community of scholars. the Vietnam War provided his activist awakening. that the United States should not engage in what the SDS felt were immoral activities.of turning a blind eye to oppression if it suits their political ends. and millions of abstract "others" we knew more directly because of our common peril. Bloom continuously asserts that higher education has failed democracy. Thus. We live in an economy and a culture where ideas are not separate from improving productivity. or Soviet) communism -. of course.com . ³the enclosing fact of the Cold War.. depending on how we view it American society. He responds to the charges of people such as Allan Bloom and David Horowitz thusly: What Bloom and others see as moral relativism -. on the cowardly silence of the intellectual community in the 50s. as long as we have a US Constitution there will be the possibility of strikes or Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. one would hardly be given to support any of the prevailing agendas that Hayden or his allies would. Higher education is fully integrated into . It's an institution that is a full participant in our democratic society. As a result. the SDS. if one is not progressive at all. Let us turn to the latter group now. there was tension in this: many labor groups distrust environmentalists because of perceived inattention to the cause of workers. improving cultural literacy or improving the quality of life. insists Hayden to this day. Hayden might say.. on the failure of the university to stand as a critical institution representing inquiry. for example. HAYDEN: Bloom has it backwards. doesn¶t mean there isn¶t a moral system behind it. that Hayden and SDS defended a multidisciplinary activism that recognized the need for progressive groups of all stripes to come together toward overlapping goals. Like many of his vintage. Volume 9 Page 75 While Hayden has never focused on one issue to the exclusion of all others.Hayden sees as merely a shift in morals. The 1960s radicals were not defending Vietnamese (or Chinese. Especially because of the nuclear age.they were defending their own brand of moral claims. higher education is not separate from democracy. This man who makes so much of being able to distinguish between shadow and substance in Plato's cave becomes blind to the fact that the anguished cry of the students in the 60s was not so very different from Bloom's own lament. Pursuit of knowledge is then eclipsed by the needs of the moment and the opinion of the masses.they argue that the student movements essentially defended the right of societies to choose communism -. Just because it isn¶t your morality. and indeed the 1960s in its entirety. THE CHARGE OF MORAL AND CULTURAL RELATIVISM Conservative academics interesting in revising history have tried to give a black eye to the 1960s student movements by accusing them of moral and cultural relativism -.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Naturally. and some of the charges they have levied against Hayden. on the remoteness of the curriculum from the real dilemmas of life. might die at any time. symbolized by the presence of the Bomb.´ It seems. and our friends. Rather than moral relativism. It is not Plato's cave. but it seems difficult for him to comprehend that.or contaminated by. this was actually the mirror image of the moral absolutism that Bloom and his allies defended. then. it is certainly possible to decide based on his activist priorities which are the most important to him.wcdebate. when the current preoccupations of a democratic society become the primary concerns of the university. the university loses the critical detachment necessary to preserve and pass on the core values of Western civilization. pacifism and the avoidance of war were a pressing concern for Hayden: as he wrote then. And. When he was interviewed by the journal NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. brought awareness that we ourselves.

philosophies and ideas -. they might be criticized for methods -. it¶s this: he isn't afraid to change with the times.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 76 other disruptive activity any time the component members of an institution are treated like numbers or feel their point of view is not represented.certainly. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now. this is far from undisputed. He is unafraid of a vigorous and public discussion on policies. CONCLUSION -.is not something we will concern ourselves with here. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. others maintain that Hayden and SDS were supporters of violent groups. Nevertheless.not unlike many members of the debate community.such as a willingness to riot at the Democratic National Convention. However. even if they weren¶t violent themselves. OTHER CRITICISMS OF HAYDEN Even if individuals agreed with the goals of the SDS. Hayden told the group: "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. at the Weathermen¶s Days of Rage gathering.HAYDEN AND DEBATE If there is one thing that we can say about Tom Hayden. Critics cite Hayden¶s speech to the radical group The Weathermen. According to observers.and the vexing corollarly question." This would seem to be at least a tacit endorsement of the group¶s tactics. who refused to rule out violence as a political tactic.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . it is worth reporting and considering that Hayden and SDS were certainly on the edge of the debate. Because of the overturned conviction. that was the basis of the government¶s case against the Chicago Seven. whether it is justified in an advanced democracy which generally protects freedom of speech -. The question of whether violence is justified as a political tactic -. Many say that the riot was something the SDS planned all along -.

com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. Hayden. Port Huron Statement. 1999. Fall 1987. Radosh. 1967). Ronald. activist and former California state legislator. Horowitz. November 27. the New Left and the Leftover Left. 2002. http://www. former radical. WASHINGTON POST.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Staughton & Thomas Hayden. May/June 1997. accessed May 2. Volume 4. 20. 2002. December 5. New York: International Publishers. accessed May 2. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.htm. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. activist. Rinehart and Winston. THE LOVE OF POSSESSION IS A DISEASE WITH THEM. 2001. activist and former California state legislator. B1. #4. 1972. Herbert with prefaces by Staughton Lynd and Tom Hayden. The Other Side. p. MISSION TO HANOI.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. New York: Random House. Tom. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. 1988. Hayden.theamericanenterprise. Tom. Tom. Tom Hayden.frontpagemag. Hayden. Tom.org/taemj97s. Lynd. accessed May 1. REUNION: A MEMOIR.wcdebate. 1966. Hayden. http://coursesa.com . 1966 (pb New York: Signet.htm.msu. 2002. Volume 9 Page 77 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aptheker. Chicago: Holt.matrix. 1962. New York: New American Library. David. http://www. p.html.

It was honorable to protest that situation. activist. December 5. 1999.com . do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present. Based on five days of joining in protests." That's what Bloom doesn't understand. 2002. My serious take on the question might surprise you. They are the exact opposite of Nazi storm troopers. the government? It is to this latter yearning. #4. In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency. that something can be done to change circumstances in the school.msu. We were spending $30 billion a year on death and destruction. p. the patriotism of the corporate globalizers is in question.wcdebate. only one was about Viet Nam. 4. Volume 9 Page 78 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE 1. Seattle '99 was more like the Boston Tea Party than the days of rage we knew in the late '60s. environmental protection and human rights? Are American democratic values and middle-class interests secondary to those of transnational corporations? As a grass-roots movement seeking the overthrow of what it sees as an oppressive system. and consolidating the irresponsible power of military and business interests. we hope. Volume 4. In actuality it frustrates democracy by confusing the individual citizen.msu.matrix. THE NEW MOVEMENTS CONTINUE THE LEGACY OF THE 60s. activist. hundreds of Americans per week were coming home in body bags. sitting on cold pavements and hard floors. being gassed myself. WE MUST CONTINUE TO EXPERIMENT TOWARD TRUE DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. the workplaces. at once the spark and engine of change. WASHINGTON POST. But we are a minority . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present. one can argue that the finest moment of the university was when students and faculty stopped the university's business-as-usual during a time of national crisis. on the contrary. http://coursesa. WASHINGTON POST. that we direct our present appeal. accessed May 2. p. activist and former California state legislator. others today. 1999. Do the Clinton administration's investor-based trade priorities benefit America's interest in highwage jobs. p. 1962.matrix. 2.but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply-felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed influence to human affairs.. calling on us not to be "good Germans. 5.. np. accessed May 2. paralyzing policy discussion. activist. Our world is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living. Fall 1987. 1962. the bureaucracies. THE 1960s WERE THE UNIVERSTIES¶ FINEST MOMENT Tom Hayden. Professors at Columbia and Berkeley were among the intellectual architects of that war.html. p. AND HAVE MORE IMPACT Tom Hayden. December 5. and a commitment to social experimentation with them. One reporter even asked me.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 20. The American political system is not the democratic model of which its glorifiers speak. Port Huron Statement. Comparisons between the World Trade Organization protests here and the protest movements of the '60s became a media micro-industry last week. one which moves us and. is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise.the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally-functional parts. activist. not that of their opponents. For the first time in memory. 3. On the contrary. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM ISN¶T REALLY DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. http://coursesa. 2002. p. Port Huron Statement. np. B1.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. is the pepper spray helping you relive your youth? My response was that it beats taking Viagra. and those who did so should be blessed in our history. THE NEW MOVEMENTS ARE LIKE THE NEW BOSTON TEA PARTY Tom Hayden. marching. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. They were. and to this day I am astounded by the fact that of nearly 1000 academic articles written for leading political science journals during the 60s. B1. I have to say I am glad to have lived long enough to see a new generation of rebels accomplish something bigger here in 1999 than we accomplished in Chicago in 1968 with our disruptive protests at the Democratic National Convention.html. Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity ..

the university will unfortunately reap a whirlwind.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. But far from being a time which gave birth to moral relativism.the legitimacy of questioning everything . What would Bloom make of that situation? His focus is so confused because he chooses his events so selectively. and they say those things loudly on the edge of the Oakland ghetto. p. He complains that students become economics majors prematurely and they all go to university with fantasies about becoming millionaires. That omission is another reason why his book is so baffling. HAYDEN¶S CRITICS HAVE MANY MORE MORAL PROBLEMS THAN HE DOES Tom Hayden. Fall 1987. Furthermore. She was deploying a network of informants who notified parents of the white girls who were seen socializing with black men in the student union. I'll give another example. the president of Yale. Speaking of mindlessness. We have the most conservative president we have ever had. 3. 20. let's also not forget the 60s are over. to be much more accurate about the 60s than Bloom. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. #4. but it's confused because the cloistered community of scholars Bloom describes has not existed for many centuries. p. BLOOM IS WRONG ± HIS IDEA OF THE UNIVERSITY HASN¶T EXISTED FOR CENTURIES Tom Hayden. Volume 9 Page 79 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM 1. Fall 1987. At my university. To view the 60s as mindless because many of us followed C. Fall 1987. in the 60s. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. and it's not anti-intellectual to revolt against those attitudes. the whitest universities elitists could want and the income base of the people attending our universities is safely affluent. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. Volume 4. p. but it can't improve on a black admission rate of 5% or 6%. Volume 4. how should we regard the official claim that the US was in Viet Nam to stop Chinese communism? Speaking of moral relativism. If there has been an erosion of general education. #4. that erosion comes from turning the university to the specialized uses of society. How was that caused by the 60s? Those attitudes obviously result from the drive of the marketplace and the tendency of the university to provide for the immediate professional needs of society. activist and former California state legislator. the most traditional US Secretary of Education we have ever had. how are we to interpret Edward Teller's views on limited nuclear war? If academic leaders proclaim that the university is doing the best it can. led one thousand Yale students to Washington in protest. 4. One week after the Kent State shootings. The 60s were an intellectual and intensely introspective decade. NPQ: Bloom argues that. #4. That administrative behavior deserved a revolt. activist and former California state legislator. THE 1960s WEREN¶T ABOUT RELATIVISM: THEY INTRODUCED REAL MORALITY Tom Hayden. ALLAN BLOOM¶S FOCUS IS CONFUSED: HE SELECTS THE WRONG ISSUES Tom Hayden. activist and former California state legislator. Was that a worthy undertaking by a university leader? Absolutely. And it did. p. They spent an entire week involved in the process of lobbying the government to terminate the war.com . activist and former California state legislator. Volume 4. Wright Mills and Albert Camus rather than Allan Bloom's prescriptions is wrong. 20. the Dean of Women was not encouraging reading in Greek tragedy. 2. Does Bloom have a point? Hayden: Of course he has a point. That was the University of Michigan in 1960.then of course one of the occasional consequences will be rebellious behavior. Did that damage Yale? Did it morally and intellectually cripple the thousand students who participated? I think not. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. thinking stopped with the moral indignation over the Vietnam War and racial injustice. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 20. or Morningside Heights. the 60s introduced morality into an amoral society and a materialistic university. Volume 4. and Bloom knows that. #4. Kingman Brewster.wcdebate. If we accept Bloom's Platonic model . 20. Fall 1987.

HAYDEN LURED PEOPLE TO CHICAGO FOR THE EXPRESS PURPOSE OF RIOTING David Horowitz.org/taemj97s. 2.htm. 2002. it "radicalizes them. admitted a decade later that the organizers had lured activists to Chicago hoping to create the riot that eventually took place. Chicago¶s Mayor Daley had recently ordered his police to shoot looters. Tom Hayden had helped launch Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). http://www. accessed May 1. When people¶s heads are cracked by police. and the chaos on the convention floor. The now-famous pictures of demonstrators being bloodied by police. During the riots that followed the assassination of Martin Luther King. HAYDEN AND SDS ONLY WANTED TO STIR UP TROUBLE David Horowitz. he said more than once.wcdebate. Seale was so obstructive that the judge ordered him bound and gagged.theamericanenterprise. During the trial. The picture of a black man in chains was a made-to-order script for the radical melodrama.theamericanenterprise. including the Black Panthers¶ Bobby Seale." as Mao¶s Red Guards had done during the cultural revolution in China. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. When he called for a demonstration at the 1968 Democratic national convention to protest the Vietnam War. were indicted for conspiring to create a riot.htm. Hayden and the protesters provided the push and the party rule changes that pushed the antiwar candidacy of George McGovern and propelled the party¶s left wing into power. But that was enough to generate trouble²Hayden¶s real agenda. Four years later. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. Hayden¶s plans attracted only two or three thousand people to Lincoln Park. When the dust cleared in Chicago. Jerry Rubin. Volume 9 Page 80 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE 1. http://www. former radical. One of the conspirators.org/taemj97s. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. former radical. 3. HAYDEN PROPELLED THE LEFT WING DEMOCRATS INTO POWER David Horowitz. This fit with the general strategy Hayden had laid out in private discussions with me.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . May/June 1997. May/June 1997. May/June 1997.theamericanenterprise. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. former radical. accessed May 1. which soon became the largest student organization of the New Left. As principal architect of the Port Huron Statement in 1962. The ensuing melee changed the shape of American politics. Ramparts editor-in-chief Warren Hinckle decided to participate by publishing a "wall paper. the defendants created a near-riot in the courtroom itself.org/taemj97s. http://www. 2002. destroyed the presidential chances of Hubert Humphrey and moved the Democratic party dramatically to the left. 2002." The trick was to maneuver the idealistic and unsuspecting into situations that would achieve this result. Because of such considerations. Hayden and seven other radicals. everybody knew it meant a confrontation with the Chicago police that could prove bloody. accessed May 1. A radical street protest would put people¶s lives at risk.htm.

has condemned Ayers as a "failed terrorist.theamericanenterprise. It is therefore good that Ayers reminds us of Hayden¶s speech to the Weatherman at their Days of Rage. According to Hayden¶s own retrospective account." and accuses him of responsibility for destroying what he saw as becoming a mass democratic Left.htm. later told me with somebitterness that Hayden had been "extremely deceptive" in outlining his agenda for the gathering. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now. and on Tuesday. HAYDEN ADVOCATED VIOLENCE Ronald Radosh. November 27. May/June 1997. 2002. We¶re gonna barbecue us some pork!" Once the violence started. 5. HAYDEN TRIED TO MAKE BLOOD FLOW ALL OVER THE CITY David Horowitz. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. when Hayden told the rioters "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. former radical.theamericanenterprise.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01. Hayden defiantly incited the crowd to "make sure that if blood is going to flow. accessed May 2." and he told his co-organizer. former radical.theamericanenterprise. 3.htm. May/June 1997.org/taemj97s.org/taemj97s.com . Volume 9 Page 81 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE. who alarmed Chicago officials by immediately threatening to put lsd in the Chicago water supply." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the New Left and the Leftover Left. accessed May 1. a member of mobe. that he expected 25 people to die. the pacifist group that issued the call to the Chicago demonstration. Hayden gave the New Left the alternative of entering into the nation¶s democratic political structure and waging a serious political fight for left-wing social policies within the two-party system. former radical. As one of the Weather leaders told me later. which had issued a call for "armed struggle" in American cities. and Seale addressed the crowd with the suggestive exhortation that "If a pig comes up to us and starts swinging a billy club. http://www. accessed May 1. He recruited the Yippies. http://www. 2002.frontpagemag. 2002. he warned one group in New York that "they should come to Chicago prepared to shed their blood. At the event. and Saturday.htm. Thursday. who wrote the famed SDS Port Huron statement in the movement¶s early days. http://www. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. HAYDEN REALLY ADVOCATED FIREBOMBING COP CARS David Horowitz." 4. 2002. showed the possibility of a true democratic radicalism. assuring everyone that his intentions were nonviolent. May/June 1997. Rennie Davis. accessed May 1. 2001." Anyone who knew Tom knew that the bombthrower was the real Hayden. and you check around and you got your piece. Hayden proposed to them that "It might be useful if someone were to fire-bomb police cars. one of SDS¶s first leaders.htm. causing the radical historian Staughton Lynd to comment that "on Monday. Some would like to separate the rest of the so-called moderate New Left from the Weatherman. HAYDEN WAS A GUERILLA BOMBTHROWER David Horowitz." You won¶t find this in Hayden¶s own memoir. Hayden also met before the convention with the Weatherman faction of sds. Hayden¶s duplicity continued throughout the event. but it gives the lie to those who argue that there is simply no connection between the early humanist New Left and the later Weathermen.wcdebate. you got to down that pig in defense of yourself. PREACHING PACIFISM. BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE 1. it will flow all over the city. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left. Hayden then went to the most radical elements in the Left²those who actively advocated violence as a political tactic²and proposed that they provoke a conflict with the police who would be at the demonstration. Having secured pacifist cover. Hayden gave Bobby Seale a platform in Lincoln Park. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Todd Gitlin. Sid Peck. http://www. a group organized by Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin. and Friday [Hayden] was a National Liberation Front guerrilla. Wednesday. he«was on the left wing of the Democratic party. We are so often told by Gitlin and others that Tom Hayden.org/taemj97s.

1997.2 One of Zinn¶s primary arguments against this approach is that the disinterested and ³rational´ approach to history facilitates a distance between the historian and the subject matter that leads to complicity with evils in history: It is precisely by describing the brutality of war. narrowly tailored to one academic discipline. THE ZINN READER. [and] popular leaders. that is. THE ZINN READER. The author of more than 15 books.html Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and rational (unemotional). History has traditionally been told as though there was an objective truth waiting to be discovered and written. because. His progressive history text. April 18-24 1996. scientific (i. np.96/books9616. he actively engages it.´4 for example.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and an autobiographical commentary on politics and history. rather than shying away from controversy. 507 5 Zack Stenz. accessed May 12. This is particularly the case in texts that claim to be at all comprehensive. the mass media. either nationally or in terms of his own life. Volume 9 Page 82 HOWARD ZINN Howard Zinn is a historian and activist to take note of by any measure. http://www. 506 4 Zinn.com . A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. ³Zinn is a champion of the notion that historical change occurs more through mass movements of ordinary people than through the wisdom and insight of so-called Great Men. There are a number of different values and philosophical arguments that Zinn writes about. http://howardzinn.´5 This is due. p.wcdebate. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. that students can be taught to think critically about the world that they live in. revolutionized the way history is told. In his essay ³The Uses of Scholarship.htm 2 Howard Zinn. objective. In contrast. ³Zinn and the Art of History. 503-506 3 Zinn. neutral). 2002. but almost universally accepted.. he integrates the concepts of historiography with activism.e.´ Zinn critiques what he sees as the sometimes unspoken.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. in part.1 In addition to his historical writing. has sold more than 800. p.000 copies. These books have a vested interest in making their version of history appear definitive. from the perspective of those who have been disempowered throughout each era. to Zinn¶s personal background 1 Interview of Howard Zinn by Robert Birnbaum.org/index23. I will address each of these in turn. this essay will engage each of these values in the context he provides. rules for ³good´ scholarship.18. p. the church. and ignores the daily lives of ordinary citizens. The second way that Zinn¶s historical methodology challenges the dominant orthodoxy is that it describes history from the standpoint of the oppressed. he tells the narrative of history from the bottom up. Howard Zinn takes an entirely different approach to the writing of history. Because many of them are framed in terms of their historical context. He received his Doctorate in history from Columbia and is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. These are that writing should be disinterested. accessed May 11. no date. spoken word CDs. There are four ways in particular that Zinn¶s historical methodology radically different from the norm: he recognizes (and even embraces) the bias in perspective that is a natural part of historiography. p.com/papers/sonoma/04. CRITIQUES OF HISTORIOGRAPHY Zinn¶s seminal text. the character flaws of our leaders.metroactive. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. from the author¶s perspective. and the lies propagated by ³politicians. such as history textbooks used in schools. Zinn is not only prolific but is considered one of the most accessible modern historical writers. 2002. he has authored several plays. within the context of history. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. it makes them appear more credible and authoritative than their competitors. Most United States history is told from a perspective that puts the government and politicians at the center.

np.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. 1998. Zinn explained: ³I could see history being made before my eyes by ordinary people who are never written about in the history books. and anti-fascist writers. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. he participated in extensive protest with his students. his youth heavily influenced his perspective on class in the United States: ³If you look at the laws passed in the United States from the very beginning of the [A]merican republic down to the present day. about the role of social protest and civil disobedience within democratic societies.wcdebate. Zinn's brand of "bottom-up" history has been reviled by political conservatives. and various communist. This is the perspective of much of his historical writing (A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES includes lots of infrequently taught labor union history) as well as the chapter of his memoir called ³Growing Up Class Conscious´ from YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN. At age eighteen. in part because of his commitment to stirring up controversy. Volume 9 Page 83 with the civil rights movement and the labor movement. and closely related to the last point. One of his lesser known books. physically demanding. Finally. during the depression. such as his retelling of the colonization of North America from the perspective of indigenous peoples. p. np.htm Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. which favors the rich. NONVIOLENCE. the guardians of the old order will spring to the attack. Marx. and as a result eventually wrote the book DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY (his treatise on civil disobedience). p. and at a young age was influenced by the writing of Charles Dickens. and prohibited union membership. and others." Zinn says.´8 Despite being someone who might be described as having ³pulled himself up by his bootstraps´ to raise from a working class background to a famous intellectual. the role socioeconomic class played throughout history greatly effected Zinn. Georgia. 8 Howard Zinn. Upton Sinclair."Whenever you introduce a new view of historical events. and he confesses that he isn't surprised«. You'll find huge subsidies to corporations all through [A]merican history. particularly the United States. each of which refutes one of the primary arguments made by opponents of civil disobedience. a ³Negro college´ in a deeply segregated area. then the punishment itself is unjust. Z MAG. Zinn is well known for integrating his own personal advocacy and activism with his writing. Inspired by his students. YOU MUST ACCEPT PUNISHMENT IF YOU COMMIT CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE This fallacy derives from the glorification of Socrates¶ decision to accept his unjust death sentence. Zinn does not shy away from controversy in either his historical writing or his commentary on modern political events in magazines such as THE PROGRESSIVE.´7 In addition to these issues of racism. as well as many essays about his specific experience at Spelman. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. to a great degree. he does not identify with those who argue that hard work is all that is needed to get ahead. December 3. This makes him simultaneously one of the most loved and hated historians of this era. AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES Zinn writes extensively. Zinn came from a working class background.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but I will focus on those concerning the role of the social protester. Third.´6 His perspective is that revolutionary and even utopian ideas are crucial for shaking up the stronghold conservatives have over academia. and ³when 6 7 Stenz. who were engaged in non-violent civil disobedience. However. you'll find that most of the legislation passed is class legislation which favors the elite. Some of these fallacies are specific to the role of the court system in ensuring justice. In 1956 Zinn moved his wife and children to Atlanta. is focused specifically on this topic. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. from his role as a professor. he won a New Deal job as an apprentice shipfitter. in nearly all of his books. anarchist. Despite the benefits of that job. This stems. http://howardzinn. which was painful. particularly former Supreme Court Associate Justice Abe Fortas. he is a proponent of progressive social and economic policy. John Stienbeck. and his next job as an Air Force bomber. accessed May 12. 2002. to take a position as the chair of the history and social sciences department at Spelman College. The book is organized into nine sections. Stenz. ³[D]espite his popularity. lived in tenements. MOTHER JONES. Zinn argues that if one is punished for breaking an unjust law. however.com . Instead. but extends to all of his writing.org/index23.

CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE ABSOLUTELY NONVIOLENT There are a plethora of excellent theorists²including Gandhi. nonviolence is better than violence. Zinn argues that all things being equal. as being a nonviolent world. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. the more it is aimed carefully at either a foreign controlling power. desegregation).. p. Self-defense is by its nature focused. Perhaps the most obvious example were the ³sit ins´ in the segregated South which violated laws against trespassing.wcdebate. One virtue of Zinn¶s writing is that he does not explicitly encourage violence. may be morally defensible.. 1968. On the one hand. Revolutionary warfare. 48 10 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. even thinkers like Gandhi and Thoreau at times defended the use of violence when no other option was available. p. Generally. Moreover. for example.com . In any humanist philosophy. 1968. but the failure of the government to enforce just laws (e. Martin Luther King Jr. or a local tyrannical elite. etc.´9 In fact. Planned acts of violence in an enormously important cause (the resistance against Hitler may be an example) could be justifiable.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and Thoreau²who argue for the benefits of nonviolence. Zinn distinguishes between different levels of violence.. 1968.´10 The litmus test for determining the legitimacy of violence in civil disobedience has to do with the degree to which it is discriminating: Violence might be justifiable as it approaches the focusing and control of surgery. the reason this principle is invalid is that it fails to distinguish between important and trivial laws in the context of preventing massive injustice. a massive amount of violence for a small or dubious reason would be harder to justify than a small amount of violence for an important and a clear reason. when the segregation was not a public law but a decision by a private business owner.´ which Zinn argues are taken out of context when they are characterized as arguing that protesters must accept the punishment for their acts of civil disobedience. Zinn outlines several situations which demonstrate the inanity of this principle. is useful in answering quotations from Martin Luther King Jr. Unfortunately. Volume 9 Page 84 unjust decisions are accepted. Zinn writes. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE LIMITED TO LAWS WHICH ARE THEMSELVES WRONG Statists argue that violating laws other than those which are directly unfair is unjustified. This principle would also proscribe any solution to injustice resulting not from unjust laws. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. he points out that the severity of the protest must be weighed against the severity of the injustice: ³Would not any reasonable code have to weigh the degree of violence used in any case against the importance of the issue at stake? Thus. he sees the ultimate end of civil disobedience. most of the people who respond to this argument are people²such as Malcom X and Ward Churchill²who explicitly espouse levels of violence that may be difficult to defend. This would include violating curfews. In a theoretical sense. Furthermore. a distinction must be drawn between violence against people and violence against property.g. This argument.11 9 Howard Zinn. 45 11 Howard Zinn. Zinn points out. in the course of a protest. in his essay ³Letter From A Birmingham Jail. because it is counterviolence directed only at a perpetrator of violence«. and progress generally. it treats protest like a game to argue that protesters should accept the penalty for losing instead of continuing their protest to the end. On the other hand. injustice is sanctioned and perpetuated. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. by Zinn. blocking streets. 29 Howard Zinn. but instead finds a middle ground between violence and nonviolence.

social. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. 370-371 15 Zack Stenz. But when it sends young men to war. have ³µcharacterized A People's History as a ³Hate America´ book. This is certainly true at times. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. THE ZINN READER. but it may not bring justice. Nevertheless. civil disobedience may be the only possible method for fighting for justice.com . stability.¶ what was considered Zinn. and in these cases it is irrefutable that the law ought be followed. thus represents the common sentiment of what is just. http://www. The problem with this view is that it places stability at a premium while ignoring the price of that stability: ³Surely. the majority denies basic principles of justice to the minority for the sake of the majority¶s benefit.com/papers/sonoma/04. It is hard to imagine how anyone could read Zinn¶s articles or book chapters about the civil rights or labor movements without sensing the strong sense of pride he feels in American people.´12 The most important question then becomes: when the law does not serve the cause of justice. THE ZINN READER.96/books9616. I take a very positive view toward the mass movements of people in America who have fought to make the country a better place. and order are desirable. PATRIOTISM AND OPTIMISM Zinn is frequently criticized for not being sufficiently patriotic. Zinn argues that there is a substantial difference between loyalty to the government of a country and loyalty to the country itself. even civil disobedience that has good intentions is unjust. But stability and order are not the only desirable conditions social life. 371 14 Zinn. accessed May 11. as we have seen throughout history. The second justification for the argument that the law (at least in a democracy) has intrinsic value.´14 It is in these instances that civil disobedience is justified. Chaos and violence are not. when an individual sees injustice in the world around her.¶´ 15 This demonstrates the fundamental distinction Zinn draws between how conservatives define patriotism and how he defines it. then law and justice are opposed to one another. It is too simplistic to argue that because democracy is majoritarian. they maintain peace and stability. Often. thus making civil disobedience unjustified. as Zinn writes: ³The law may serve justice. There is no better example of such a case than in the civil rights movement in the United States. or anything else. therefore. is that law is created by the people. as when it forbids rape and murder or requires a school to admit all students regardless of race or nationality. THE ZINN READER.html 13 12 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. when it protects the rich and punishes the poor. Zinn¶s argument is that limited violence is justified when the oppression being fought is extreme. it will protect whatever the majority sees as just. she is justified in violating laws²even if that lawlessness leads to social instability²to fight to stop the injustice. Absolute obedience to law may bring order temporarily. and must therefore be followed. Volume 9 Page 85 In essence. µBut«while it's true that I take a very critical view of the United States government in history. RULE OF LAW HAS INTRINSIC VALUE / DEMOCRACY MAKES PROTEST UNNECESSARY There are two primary justifications for the argument that the law has intrinsic value and that. p. and when the target of the violence is directly responsible for the oppression. p. There is also justice«.¶ Zinn says. Zinn argued that ³the great writers could see through the fog of what was called µpatriotism. in various terms. Thus. In these situations. be it material. when there are no other viable means of successful protest. particularly for a United States historian. peace. and she sees no other effective method. and will therefore be just. The first of these arguments is that regardless of whether the laws are just or unjust. do citizens have a greater obligation to ensure lawfulness or justice? Zinn writes: Thus.metroactive. 2002. 370-371 Zinn. There are two primary differences First. the minority is structurally precluded from using the law to advance their rights. April 18-24 1996. Many conservative historians.18.

challenging unjust governmental policies is an integral part of being a citizen of a democracy. As he argues in his examination of civil disobedience.org/zinn0701. eternal part of what makes America America is not the government.¶´ 16 To demonstrate the distinction.´ THE PROGRESSIVE. ³Artists of Resistency. http://www. ³Artists of Resistency. However. often successfully. attempt to describe a world of oppressive futility.wcdebate. in which the government is overwhelmingly bad and cannot be resisted. The second aspect of Zinn¶s redefinition of patriotism is his insistence that criticizing the government. accessed May 11. by Mark Twain: Similarly.´18 One important aspect of Zinn¶s writing is that it does not.96/books9616.html 16 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.html 17 Howard Zinn. Zinn is not purely critical of the United States government and its leaders. but the people and the social movements that have fought for justice for all people. April 18-24 1996.com/papers/sonoma/04.´ THE PROGRESSIVE. 2002. he writes history from a perspective which demonstrates the gains that have been made by social movements since the government was established. July 2001. by protesting we strengthen and engage in the true democratic spirit of America. And that's a critical thing to do. accessed May 11. but they haven't shown what people have done to resist these policies. to show people in the present day that they can fight back and win.html 18 Zack Stenz. 2002. Thus. July 2001. he quoted from the satire A CONNECTICUT YANKEE IN KING ARTHUR'S COURT.progressive. His optimism leads him to take a more balanced approach: ³the left hasn't balanced its act very well«. http://www. is actually one of the best ways of being a patriot. Instead.progressive. Howard Zinn. Only by exercizing the right (and duty) to protest do we as individuals truly participate in democracy.com . in contrast to the perception of his critics. 2002. far from being unpatriotic.metroactive.org/zinn0701. They've done a very good job of illuminating the various bad policies of the American government. Volume 9 Page 86 loyalty. Zinn feels that the real. http://www.18. accessed May 11. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent.

zmag. Accessed May 17. 2002. New York: Harper Perennial. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. Howard. SALESGIRLS. Howard. 2002. 2000 Zinn. Abe. Volume 9 Page 87 BIBLIOGRAPHY Churchill. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY : REFLECTIONS ON THE ROLE OF ARMED STRUGGLE IN NORTH AMERICA. Howard. 2000 Zinn. Accessed May 17.org/ HOWARD ZINN¶S ZNET HOMEPAGE. 1964 FREESPEECH.com . Howard. 1999 Fortas. Accessed May 17. New York: Vintage Books. New York: Signet Books.wcdebate. Boston: Beacon Press. New York: Seven Stories Press.cfm?authorID=97 Zinn.ORG.freespeech. New York: Seven Stories Press. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES ON LAW AND ORDER. 1997 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1968 Zinn. HOWARD ZINN ON WAR. New York: Harper Perennial.howardzinn. 2001 Zinn. Howard. YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN: A PERSONAL HISTORY OF OUR TIMES. AND THE FIGHTING SPIRIT OF LABOR'S LAST CENTURY. http://www. THREE STRIKES: MINERS.org/bios/homepage. Howard. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES: 1492 TO PRESENT. 1994 Zinn. New York: Seven Stories Press. http://www. et al. http://free. 2002. Howard. New York: Seven Stories Press. 2002 Zinn. Boston: Beacon Press.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. TERRORISM AND WAR (OPEN MEDIA PAMPHLET SERIES).htm HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. DECLARATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE : CROSS-EXAMINING AMERICAN IDEOLOGY. HOWARD ZINN: ON HISTORY. Howard. Ward. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Publishing. 2001 Zinn. Howard. MUSICIANS.org/evolution/articles. 1991 Zinn.

The other is the reason of effectiveness: The purpose of civil disobedience is to communicate to others.htm The principle of civil disobedience doesn't state as a universal that you must always disobey the law (laughter). 3. sometimes the law that is disobeyed is a law against trespassing or a law against picketing and people will commit civil disobedience and trespass as the sitdown strikers did in the United States in the 1930s when they took over factories or as the black protesters did in the civil rights movement in the United States when they sat down in lunch counters and refused to move. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. It's always taken the actions of citizens and actions of civil disobedience to bring these issues to national attention and finally force the President and Congress and the Supreme Court to begin to move.htm I think that the history of the United States indicates that when we have had to redress serious grievances. 2.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. http://howardzinn.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. escaped slaves. white people. limited. 2002. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS NECESSARY FOR JUSTICE Howard Zinn. and preferably directed against property rather than people. to the 1850s. and other means have been exhausted. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. 2002. manifested itself in many acts of civil disobedience against the Fugitive Slave Act that had been passed in 1850. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DENIES THAT LAWS ARE ALWAYS MORAL OR CORRECT Howard Zinn. and indiscriminate violence turns people (rightly) away. And so laws that sustain injustice should be disobeyed. http://howardzinn. If you go back a hundred and fifty years ago to the middle of the nineteenth century. One is the moral reason: that violence is in itself an evil. They broke into courthouses and into jailhouses to rescue escaped slaves. injustices of all sorts. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. may move from mild actions.wcdebate. But the idea of civil disobedience is that Law is not sacrosanct. All this is to suggest what criteria need to be kept in mind whenever civil disobedience. you'll see that it wasn't Lincoln who caused the anti-slavery sentiment in the country to grow. And what it does is declare a willingness to decide when laws are consonant with morality and when laws are immoral and support terrible things like war or racism or sexism. The Fugitive Slave Act required the federal government to aid southern slave owners in bringing escaped slaves back to the South. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. they gathered together in committees. What it does do is refuse the universal principle that you must always obey the law. And they used certainly acts of civil disobedience. black people. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. And in a number of cases. accessed May 12. Well people in the North. 1998. or in) self-defense.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. juries acquitted them. free black people. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University.com .org/index23. p. 48-49. Lincoln was reacting to the growth of the movement that became stronger and stronger from the 1830s to the outbreak of the civil war. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. 1968. that has not been done by the three branches of government that are always paraded before junior high school students and high school students as the essence of democracy. There are two reasons for such criteria. Because juries recognized the morality of what they were doing even though they had broken the law. Sometimes though it's the law itself that's disobeyed. December 3. And in the 1850s.org/index23. and so can only be justified in those circumstances where it is a last resort in eliminating a greater evil. accessed May 12. It hasn't been Congress or the President or the Supreme Court who have initiated acts to remedy racial inequality or tho do something about the government going to war or about economic injustice. You were talking about this going on for hundreds of years. Volume 9 Page 88 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED 1. aimed carefully at the source of injustice. to overt violence: it would have to guarded. to disorder. in situations of urgency where very vital issues are at stake. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY BE JUSTIFIED BY SPECIFIC CRITERIA Howard Zinn. 1998. when they were brought up on charges and put on trial. December 3.

she responded quietly. we have freedom to speak. http://howardzinn. their calls for war. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. p. thinking about nuclear war. the representative takes over (as Rousseau.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. So to me the idea of civil dissobedience is to really enhance democracy. and again during the sit-down strikes of the 1930¶s. Victor Considerant pointed out) and we have lost our freedom. but how much of an audience we can speak to depends on how much money we have). We have been naive in America about the efficacy of the ballot box and representative government to rectify injustice. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. ³It¶s not God¶s law. that the two-party system is_only slightly less tyrannical than the one-party system. 2. We forget (hence all the emphasis in recent years on voting rights for the Negro) how inadequate is the ballot. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. IT MAY BE VIOLATED ON BEHALF OF JUSTICE Howard Zinn. or finally. freedom. accessed May 12. Undemocratic because it divests you as an individual and the right to make a decision yourself about what is right or wrong and it gives all of that power to that small band of legislators who have decided for themselves what is right and what is wrong. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. p. and before him. a devastating war waged. that is responsible for the terrible violence of our century. 2002. December 3. 1997. for the most part nonviolent. We forget that the information on which the public depends for judging public issues is in the hands of the wealthiest sections of the (true.´) The truth is so often the total reverse of what has been told us by our culture that we cannot turn our heads far enough around to see it. Surely. Volume 9 Page 89 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE 1. Historically. and justice. 1998. We forget what the history of American politics has shown repeatedly: that there is only the vaguest connection between the issues debated in an election campaign and those ultimately decided by the government. it is obedience to governments. in their appeals to patriotism.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. the principles of peace. 1968. once referred to the biblical Genesis of the human race and the bite into the forbidden apple: ³Human history began with an act of disobedience and it is not unlikely that it will be terminated by an act of obedience. PROTEST IS NECESSARY WHEN VOTING FAILS TO PROMOTE JUSTICE Howard Zinn. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University.wcdebate. for Michels¶ ³iron law of oligarchy´ operates to keep us at the mercy of powerful politicos in both parties. The result of all this is that most of us²when we are honest with ourselves²feel utterly helpless to affect public policy by the orthodox channels. how she felt about her son defying the law. Or perhaps we should say ³ignore man-made law. The psychologist Erich Fromm. 65-66. that the moment we have cast our ballots. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ENHANCES DEMOCRACY Howard Zinn.org/index23. when Dan went underground. and it's a profoundly undemocratic idea to say that you should judge what you do according to what the law says.com .that wealth dominates the electoral process (see Murray Levin¶s meticulous study. has been directed to stopping the violence of war.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The disobedience of conscientious citizens. The feeling is justified. DEMOCRATIC LAW IS NOT SACROSANCT. (Daniel Berrigan¶s elderly mother was asked by a reporter.. 3. Slavery probably could not he ended without either a series of revolts by blacks. we have found it necessary to go outside ³the proper channels´ at certain pivotal times in our history. Kennedy Campaigning). the law of the politicians´ to obey the higher law²what Reverend Coffin and Father Berrigan would call ³the law of God´ and what others might call the law of human rights.htm So the Law should not be given the holy deference which we are all taught to give it when we grow up and go to school. 400-401. And the rights of even a portion of the laboring population were secured only by extra-legal uprisings in a wave of violent labor struggles from 1877 to 1914. ironically. by the very government that condemned John Brown to death for seeking a less costly means of emancipating the slave.

This is the dangerous potential of mass demonstrations. charged. For example. does not confer immunity for law violation. Let me first be clear about a fundamental proposition. 70-71. These are not controlling. so that it can be conducted without paralyzing the city¶s life. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. always involve the danger that they may erupt into violence. who refused to pay withholding taxes because she thought they were unlawful and she wanted to protest the invasion of her freedom as a capitalist and citizen. unless the law is invalid in general or as applied. But at the same time. 64-65. p. persuasion. JUSTIFYING ITS RESTRAING Abe Fortas. Demonstrators must be organized. but his essay should not be read as a handbook on political science. This is true in many instances of refusal to submit to induction. and restrained law enforcement. This is very different from the kind of civil disobedience which is not engaged in for the purpose of testing the legality of an order within our system of government and laws. CITIZENS SHOULD NOT VIOLATE THE RULE OF LAW FOR THE SAKE OF PROTEST Abe Fortas. He may. Each of us must live under law. whatever its type. police and citizens must be tolerant of mass demonstrations. must be identified. be right in the eyes of history or morality or philosophy. for the rules of law. He cannot substitute his own judgment or passion. He may be passionately inspired. It is not merely government that must live under law. it is the city¶s duty under law. It is the state¶s duty to arrest and punish those who violate the laws designed to protect private safety and public order. he should be punished by fine or imprisonment. Especially if the civil disobedience involves violence or a breach of public order prohibited by statute or ordinance. it is the state¶s duty to arrest the dissident. Intemperate or hasty retaliation by a single policeman may provoke disorder.wcdebate. ordered. No city should be expected to submit to paralysis or to widespread injury to persons and property brought on by violation of law. Vivian Kellems. Just as we expect the government to be bound by all laws. whatever their object. p. teach us that city officials. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. 1968. however noble. p. and controlled. But despite this. so each individual is bound by all of the laws under the Constitution. If he is properly arrested. 1968. 3. Police must be trained in tact as well as tactics. It must be prepared to prevent this by the use of planning. and to provide protection for the demonstrators. These mass demonstrations. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. a young man may be advised by counsel that he must refuse to report for induction in order to challenge the constitutionality of the Selective Service Act. or both. so it also depends upon the individual¶s subservience to the laws duly prescribed. We are a government and a people under law.com . He may be motivated by the highest moral principles. our Constitution and our traditions. Agitators and provocateurs. and as a matter of good sense. as well as practical wisdom. there is always danger that individual. however large and inconvenient. GOOD MOTIVATIONS FOR CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DO NOT MAKE IT JUSTIFIED Abe Fortas. He cannot pick and choose. Volume 9 Page 90 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED 1. However careful both sides may be. and at the same time claim a right in himself to break it by lawless conduct. indeed. free of punishment or penalty. Both of these are essential. to make every effort to provide adequate facilities so that the demonstration can be effectively staged. however peacefully intended by their organizers. Thoreau was an inspiring figure and a great writer. An enormous degree of self-control and discipline are required on both sides. 2. in accordance with the provisions of law. The city must perform this duty. civil disobedience is prompted by both motives²by both a desire to make propaganda and to challenge the law. and convicted. 1968. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Law violation or intemperate behavior by one demonstrator may provoke police action. The motive of civil disobedience. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY SPIRAL OUT OF CONTROL. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. Frequently. and civil disobedience may turn into riot. It was true in the case of Mrs. 62-63. Just as our form of life depends upon the government¶s subordination to law under the Constitution. of course. and any move that they may make toward violence must be quickly countered.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. but which is practiced as a technique of warfare in a social and political conflict over other issues. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. A citizen cannot demand of his government or of other people obedience to the law. isolated acts of a few persons will overwhelm the restraint of thousands.

History is replete with variations on these two subthemes. in practical terms. In either event ² mere ineffectuality or suicide ² the objective conditions leading to the necessity for social revolution remain unlikely to be altered by purely pacifist strategies. While this approach explains some aspects of the power of nonviolent action. 2002. The mass suffering that revolution is intended to alleviate will continue as the revolution strangles itself on the altar of ³nonviolence.edu. Volume 9 Page 91 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS 1.. p.html The consent theory of power Gandhi approached nonviolent action as a moral issue and. The new Islamic regime led by Ayatollah Khomeini was just as ruthless as its predecessor in stamping out dissent. p. http://www. but variations do little to alter the crux of the situation: there simply has never been a revolution. ³ Violent intervention by others divides itself naturally into the two parts represented by Gandhi¶s unsolicited ³windfall´ of massive violence directed against his opponents and King¶s rather more conscious and deliberate utilization of incipient antistate violence as a means of advancing his own pacifist agenda.html It is important to note that not all uses of nonviolent action lead to long-lasting. Accessed May 17. Pacifist praxis (or. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY. p. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. after a short flowering. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.uow. 3. The 1989 prodemocracy movement in China. Australia. was crushed in the Beijing massacre. the induced starvation of whole populations and the like. Australia. Associate Professor in Science. 2001. Moral persuasion sometimes works in face-to-face encounters. NONVIOLENT STRATEGIES ARE UNABLE TO EFFECTUATE CHANGE Ward Churchill. in which case they are subject to physical liquidation by the status quo and are self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. The aftermath of the Iranian revolution was equally disastrous. In every instance.e. http://www. NONVIOLENCE DO NOT CREATE SUSTAINABLE VICTORIES Brian Martin. if followed to its logical conclusions. or even a substantial social reorganization. Professor of Ethnic Studies and Coordinator of American Indian Studies at University of Colorado. while managers of large international banks have little inkling of the suffering caused by their lending policies in foreign countries. As these conditions typically include war. There was a military coup later in 1944. 44 Absurdity clearly abounds when suggesting that the state will refrain from using all necessary physical force to protect against undesired forms of change and threats to its safety. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. pseudo-praxis). To make themselves a clear and apparent danger to the state. leaves its adherents with but two possible outcomes to their line of action: To render themselves perpetually ineffectual (and consequently unthreatening) in the face of state power. Nonviolent tacticians imply (perhaps unwittingly) that the ³immoral state´ which they seek to transform will somehow exhibit exactly the same sort of superior morality they claim for themselves (i. The fallacy of such a proposition is best demonstrated by the nazi state¶s removal of its ³Jewish threat.com . np.´ 2.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. but has little chance when cause and effect are separated.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall.wcdebate. the successful nonviolent insurrection against the Martínez dictatorship did not lead to long term improvement for the El Salvadorean people. In El Salvador in 1944. in which case they will likely be largely ignored by the status quo and self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong. it is inadequate on its own. 2001. Bomber pilots show little remorse for the agony caused by their weapons detonating far below. more appropriately. violence has been an integral requirement of the process of transforming the state. 2001. at least a relative degree of nonviolence). Accessed May 17. NONVIOLENCE FAILS IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN CONFLICTS Brian Martin. as a means for persuading opponents to change their minds as a result of their witnessing the commitment and willing sacrifice of nonviolent activists. np. Nonviolent action is not guaranteed to succeed either in the short term or long term. and continued repression in following decades.uow. or. brought into being on the basis of the principles of pacifism.edu. pacifism and its attendant sacrifice of life cannot even be rightly said to have substantially impacted the level of evident societal violence. Associate Professor in Science. Perhaps more worrying are the dispiriting aftermaths following some short-term successes of nonviolent action. 2002. worthwhile change.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Nye is currently Dean of Harvard University¶s Kennedy School of Government. Well versed in foreign policy. Just look at the wide variety of sources that have praised his work: from Machiavellian realists like Henry Kissinger to loose cannons like George Soros.wcdebate. The further right won¶t like his reluctance to use American power in every situation.D program in government at Harvard. and imagine the wings praising Nye as belonging to some giant bird. After Jimmy Carter won the 1976 presidential election.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. bald white guy that has worked in the government and worked with universities. after which he returned to Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government to teach. Intellectual chops that are unquestioned? Check. Written for the heavy-hitter journals? Check. he is an intriguing thinker who appears to approach each problem as a fresh challenge. That¶s not to say there is something in Nye for everyone. he asked Nye to serve as deputy undersecretary in charge of Carter's nonproliferation initiatives. from the Democratic establishment sources like Strobe Talbott and Madeleine Albright to academics of all kinds. All the while. you¶d sort of be right. bald white establishment guy. THE LIFE OF JOSEPH NYE.com . Volume 9 Page 92 JOSEPH NYE. he is at least apparently willing to try to step outside that rigid intellectual framework as he explores the issues of today. He is a Rhodes Scholar. and his viewpoints are refreshing in their lack of ideological predisposition. Joseph Nye. and received his bachelor¶s degree in an interdisciplinary major from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1958. serving as an editorial board member of Foreign Policy and International Security magazines. When Cyrus Vance was appointed secretary of state. let¶s look at where Nye has come from in order to understand where he is today. It¶s hard to imagine the left cozying up to him very much. is one of the most influential modern voices in American governance and political science. He has written more than one hundred articles in professional journals. to the extent that Nye is reluctant to adopt the ideological fabric of any particular pigeonhole. Jr. He seems decidedly less dogmatic than a great deal of his contemporaries who have spent their entire careers in the Beltway or the Ivory Tower. If we are to think of American politics in terms of the left wing and the right wing. The fact that Nye is neither a lifelong government official nor a lifelong academic may have some influence on his thinking. and a graduate of the Ph. and Nye¶s likely got it. doing his post-graduate work at Oxford University. Longtime professor? Check. was born in 1937. Jr. You might think that Nye is merely another old. Nye kept up his prolific writing on international security issues. But the guy is a pretty sharp old. However. Nye was recruited to join his transition team as a consultant on nuclear proliferation. I wouldn¶t want to wash my car while that seagull is flying overhead. He stayed on in that capacity from 1977-1979. JR. he is also an influential thinker on the domestic scene. well. Nye grew up on a farm in Northwest New Jersey. those are some big outstretched wings. Joseph Nye. Name a qualification that holds weight in the policy wonk world. He fluttered between governmental work and university work over the next several years. While he is certainly a product of his upbringing and intellectual culture. And. Speaking of his upbringing and intellectual culture. JR.

Nye coined the marvelously efficient phrase ³soft power´ to refer to those non-military forms of exerting influence -. ³If China can be brought into a network of rule-based relations. Bush did by imposing steel tariffs recently) in response. War is an impractical and problematic means of enforcing American interests and desires. He meditates on the differences between soft and hard power in his book THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE. then the United States must not isolate china. We¶re going to either negotiate with them or flex our own economic muscles (as George W. we aren¶t going to invade them." Nye has said. which included the following: Soft power is an important concept to understand. his views of power and global politics is much more nuanced than the big-stick diplomats that dominate the scene today.´ Nye wrote an insightful article with a global focus in the Guardian on March 31. but it is clearly better than the containment strategy .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. for example. It would be one of Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. for example.always reacting to emerging situations rather than viewing emerging phenomena through a fixed lens. a hawk per se.wcdebate. etc. But if I get you to want what I want. Volume 9 Page 93 As Nye himself has observed This lack of a fixed plan mirrors his thinking -. diplomacy and other channels in an attempt to exert influence over the other state. Engagement is where a nation continues to interact with the adversarial power through trade. as should be clear.. might turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. "Hard power is when I coerce you--if I the use a carrot or a stick to get you to do something you otherwise wouldn't do. engagement. especially in the face of competing and potentially adversarial powers? The answer is a question of containment vs. given that a weak China would be more given to lash out to shore up its power -. NYE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS While technically Nye falls under the school of ³realism´ in international relations.cultural. and I don't have to use a carrot or a stick.com . It¶s only for a truly dramatic event (like the terrorist tragedy on September 11. despite the United States so-called ³war on terrorism. While Bush has been threatening to invade Iraq almost constantly for the last year. Nye is a realist who does seek to advance American interests through the policies he advocates. How. 2001) that will of necessity engender a military response. such an evolution may continue. then. does one secure American interests. China will be a force in the new century. in fact. the case of China. Will this strategy work? No one can be certain. That said. "Soft Power is your ability to attract others to get the outcomes you want. economic. other measures (such as the multilateral United Nations oil embargo and other sanctions) are really more effective with less of an opportunity cost. particularly in the post Cold War world. Nye is a believer in war as a last resort. Nye is not. Containment is a more hawkish strategy. that's the ultimate because it costs me almost nothing but I get the outcomes I want. though the Taiwanese don¶t agree) or Japan. An emerging power with one billion citizens and a growing economy. Nye¶s idea is that a strong China is better for the world community than a weak China. considering it a ³solution´ that is often actually creates worse problems. 2002. That¶s true of most adversaries in addition to traditional allies like Japan. If we disagree with Japan¶s trade policy. where one uses foreign policy tools to isolate an adversarial power. that's hard power. An attempt to treat China as a threat. Nye is usually an advocate of engagement. Take. If that is true. Nye reasons..especially against American allies like Taiwan (an island nation that China considers a part of its country." This has not changed since September 11.

it will help allay the fears of most Americans and other world citizens. He is keen on avoiding that kind of situation with other powers. He reasons that if decisions are made out in the open.´ He sets out a program of action for increasing transparency and democratic accountability for actions at organizations such as the World Bank. NYE ON GLOBALIZATION Neither a demagogue nor a radical. Nye takes the line on globalization that you might expect from an establishment centrist. Nye wrote on ³Globalization's Democratic Deficit: How to Make International Institutions More Accountable. an establishment journal that some call the most influential in the world. As an intellectual who lived through the darkest moments of the Cold War. even the poor ± he is one of the few mainstream analysts who has attempted to seek out ways to assuage the concerns of protesters. Rather than isolating other nations. While himself an advocate of a globalized economy and free trade ± believing that the rising tide of economic growth lifts all boats. and that citizens might have better opportunities to influence those decisions. we should be using our influence in a positive manner. such as China. the International Monetary Fund. Volume 9 Page 94 history's tragic ironies if domestic politics leads to an unnecessary Cold War in Asia that will be costly for this and future generations of Americans. Nye knows what kind of policies led to increased tensions during that period in history. While he surely agrees with virtually none of their prescribed solutions (calling anti-free trade protesters ³demagogues in the street´). It should be noted that this falls right in line with his idea of soft power: the ³big stick´ approach is a counterproductive one. that might satisfy the majority of the populace and confer a legitimacy on those institutions they haven¶t seen yet. he at least has attempted to address the flaws in the system some have identified. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in his view.´ he wrote.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. While Nye recognizes this probably won¶t satisfy everyone.wcdebate. In an article for FOREIGN AFFAIRS. and the World Trade Organization. especially the radical left.com .

are still trapped by the paradigm of American imperialism in the view of these critics. for example. Further left. While Nye might say that the United States should continue to maintain a forward presence in Asia in order to prevent a power vacuum in the region.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. including the Japan Policy Research Institute (headed by the noted Asian scholar Chalmers Johnson) argue that the American military presence is more destabilizing than anything. if you go looking for enemies.com . Critics of this policy. For example. by this unwieldy and counterproductive arrangement. Nye¶s defense of the U. you can be sure this scholar will have something to say about it. even if the ³soft power´ phenomenon is true.-Japan relationship. you will probably find them. on too many fronts. serves to perpetuate the hegemonic imperialism of the United States just as much as the more realpolitik theorists. However. not enhanced. the JPRI and Johnson claim that the American military presence overseas.-Japan arrangement might be just such an example of overstretch. This lens seeks threats in the world for the United States to solve. security relationship. and he continues to write for the most influential periodicals in print and on-line. His most recent book was just published this year. Nye is a staunch defender of the Japan-U. American credibility is diminished. Perhaps there is a reason that Henry Kissinger has praised Nye despite their differences? IN CONCLUSION It¶s always difficult to analyze a scholar¶s impact while that scholar is still producing materials ± especially when that scholar is as prolific as Nye continues to be. critics say. Even open-minded. and that Nye misanalyses available data from polls and opinion surveys. critics would say that the lens he uses to evaluate such phenomena is fundamentally corrupted. It is more likely. that the arrangement is contributing to ³imperial overstretch´ rather than ³soft power. people looking for a role for the American military (or even ³soft power´) will probably find an indispensable role for it. They have a common denominator -the term ³power.who take a broader view of the American national interest -.S. according to Johnson. No great radical thought here: everyone from the establishment to Noam Chomsky agrees on that. liberal internationalist thinkers like Nye -. and in Japan particularly. than the U.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 95 CRITICS OF NYE Critics of Nye fall into several different categories. critics say. thus preventing a war that is damaging to American (and world) interests. is engendering a ³blowback´ -.S. many take issue with Nye¶s notion of the American national interest -and his assumption that advancing the American national interest is in the interest of the world at large. This entails both the United States maintaining a military presence in Asia (predominantly on the island of Okinawa) and the United States continuing to exert influence over Japan in international relations. The mainstream left criticizes Nye¶s optimism about the positive influence of American soft power and the stabilizing character of the American military presence overseas. Johnson argues. Similarly. The difference between Nye and his critics is that Nye believes American influence is generally benign or positive. Just look at Okinawa.´ No matter how you slice it. the distinction between soft power and hard power. Take. The American military bases on the island are the subjects of constant protests from the locals. America keeps itself in the news in a negative manner due to the annual rapes of young Okinawan girls committed by American servicemen. There is no better example of this blowback. As the old Chinese proverb goes.unintended and unpredictable consequences which threaten security instead of enhancing it. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Where there is a foreign policy crisis that affects the United States.S. it is possible to sketch out the general precepts that Nye values ± and to watch as his thinking continues to evolve. This type of self-justifying behavior. and any military utility of these bases is speculative at best.´ Imperial overstretch is where an empire (like the United States) tries to project power into too many places. Instead. the United States is going to be extending its influence on the world in a manner designed to advance its interests. Johnson argued in his 2000 book of the same name.

Number 1. Nye. (New York: Longman.. Jr. http://www.org/jpri/public/crit5. Volume 9 Page 96 BIBLIOGRAPHY Japan Policy Research Institute. Nye. Joseph S. Joseph S. ³Military Deglobalization?´ FoREIGN POLICY (Jan. Zelikow and Davic C. 2002. Joseph S.1. January 2002) Nye. Jr. Joseph S. Joseph S. 2001).West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Nye. co-edited with John D.html. GOVERNANCE IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD... WHY PEOPLE DON¶T TRUST GOVERNMENT.. Jr.. Joseph S. accessed May 1. accessed May 5. Jr.com? Governance in A Networked World. Joseph S. Jr. NUCLEAR ETHICS. 2002. DOVES AND OWLS: AN AGENDA FOR AVOIDING NUCLEAR WAR.. Keohane]. Jr. 1999) Nye. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government.: Brookings Institution Press.´ CURRENT (September 1999). co-edited with Elaine Ciulla Kamarck (Hollis Publishing. Jr.observer.co. Jr. Joseph S. Donahue (Washington. Nye. THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE (New York: Oxford University Press. Jr. FOREIGN POLICY (spring 2000)..00. Nye. Nye.jpri. August 2001) Nye.. Joseph S. Joseph S.. UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS: AN INTRODUCTION TO THEORY AND HISTORY. Nye. Nye. Jr.. 2000. http://www. Jr. Joseph S. co-edited with Philip D. GOVERNANCE AMID BIGGER. (New York: Basic Books.com .. Jr. 3d ed. Joseph S. January 1998. Jr. BETTER MARKETS (Brookings Institution Press.4384507. ³Redefining America's National Interest: The Complexity of Values.. D. 2002. 1985). 1986). Nye. democracy.uk/Print/0. King (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. March 31.html.. JPRI CRITIQUE. ³The US and Europe: Continental Drift?´ INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (January 2000).-Feb. Nye. Volume V.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ³Globalization: What's New? What's Not? (And So What?)´ [co-authored with Robert O. 1990).3858. Joseph S.. 1997). coauthored with Graham Allison and Albert Carnesale (New York: Norton. HAWKS. THE OBSERVER.C. Bound to Lead: THE CHANGING NATURE OF AMERICAN POWER. Joseph S. Jr. Nye. (New York: The Free Press. 2000).

Nye. http://www. 2. accessed May 1. Of all their complaints. 3. 2002. THE OBSERVER. Power in the global information age is becoming less coercive among advanced countries. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Other countries. accessed May 2. March 31. this last concern is key. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. accessed May 1. if current economic and social trends continue. coming mainly from rich countries. Soft power is not simply the reflection of hard power. In such a variegated world.html. 2002.remain relevant.co. and those whose credibility is enhanced by their domestic and international performance.3858. 4. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and soft .co.co. accessed May 1.uk/Print/0. 2002. And countries like the Canada. and that limits the transformation of power. economic.military.. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. LIBERALISM. Seattle.html.observer. GLOBALIZATION SHOULD BE MORE DEMOCRATIC Joseph S. D. March 31.. all three sources of power . But most of the world does not consist of post-industrial societies. SOFT POWER IS MORE IMPORTANT NOW THAN EVER Joseph S.4384507. However. such as China.html. those with the most access to multiple channels of communication. These dimensions of power give a strong advantage to the United States and Europe.com .foreignaffairs. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Nye. PLURALISM AND AUTONOMY INCREASE SOFT POWER Joseph S. Some reject corporate capitalism.00.observer. THE OBSERVER. are industrial economies analogous to parts of the West in the mid-twentieth century. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. The countries that are likely to gain soft power are those closest to global norms of liberalism. finding some way to address its perceived democratic deficit should become a high priority. http://www. Some protesters claim to represent poor countries but simultaneously defend agricultural protectionism in wealthy countries. These protesters are a diverse lot. Conversely. Jr. THE OBSERVER. the Netherlands. Protest organizers such as Lori Wallach attributed half the success of the Seattle coalition to "the notion that the democracy deficit in the global economy is neither necessary nor acceptable.3858. Volume 9 Page 97 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY 1. Quebec City. leadership in the information revolution and soft power will become more important in the mix. 2002.. March 31.4384507.00. Nye.wcdebate. environmentalists concerned about ecological degradation and anarchists who object to all forms of international regulation.org/articles/Nye0701.C.. Imperious policies that utilised Soviet hard power actually undercut its soft power. accordingly. the Soviet Union lost much of its soft power after it invaded Hungary and Czechoslovakia. July/August 2001. http://www. Washington." For globalization's supporters.uk/Print/0.uk/Print/0.00. It is becoming difficult for international economic organizations to meet without attracting crowds of protesters decrying globalization. They have included trade unionists worried about losing jobs and students who want to help the underdeveloped world gain them. and their coalition has not always been internally consistent.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Much of Africa and the Middle East remains locked in pre-industrial agricultural societies with weak institutions and authoritarian rulers. even though its economic and military resources continued to grow. http://www. and Brazil. and autonomy. Jr.3858.html.. whereas others accept the benefits of international markets but worry that globalization is destroying democracy. The Vatican did not lose its soft power when it lost the Papal States in Italy in the nineteenth century. 2002.observer. Prague. and the Scandinavian states have political clout that is greater than their military and economic weight because of their support for international aid and peace-keeping. pluralism.4384507. Jr. 2002. India. SOFT POWER DOESN'T DEPEND ON HARD POWER Joseph S. Nye. Jr. 2002.

1998. 2. That is the overarching question the United States faces in its relations with China. p. containment is mistaken because it discounts the possibility that China can evolve to define its interests as a responsible power. America's edge will continue to persist.html.. np. np. 4. WE CAN ACCOMODATE THEM Joseph S. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. accessed May 3. Washington's current hysteria about China is largely driven by domestic politics. No one knows for certain what China's future will be. 1998. Nye.´ June 22. New powers can be accommodated if they can be persuaded to define their interests in responsible ways. ISOLATING OTHER COUNTRIES IS BAD POLICY Joseph S.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. accessed May 3.´ June 22. Second.nyu.wcdebate. Isolating other countries is bad policy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. A POLICY OF CONTAINMENT SIMPLY WILL NOT WORK Joseph S.nyu. Nye.com . Republicans seize on allegations of campaign finance scandals. Jr. the House of Representatives rebuked the president over China. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. http://www. But the current debate between containment and engagement is too simple. we are guaranteeing ourselves an enemy.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. p. the United States could not now develop a coalition to contain China even if we tried. Jr.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. I agree. 1998.html. CONTAINMENT HAS THREE FATAL FLAWS Joseph S. split over how to handle human rights during Clinton's trip. Democrats looking forward to the year 2000. 3. Volume 9 Page 98 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING 1. 1998. Jr. Moreover.´ June 22. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. Disagreeing with those who want to isolate China. China lacks the capacity to project military power much beyond its borders.nyu. For one thing. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. np. Three times in two weeks. Nye. It would be a pity if domestic politics caused Americans to lose sight of our long-term strategic interest in East Asia. If we treat China as an enemy now. but it makes no sense to throw away the more benign possibilities at this point. it exaggerates current and future Chinese strength. Pessimists about China's future and about America's continuing strength argue for a policy of containment analogous to our response to the Soviet Union after World War II. 2002. particularly given the fact that nationalism is rapidly replacing communism as the dominant ideology among the Chinese people. In an election year. in the new dimensions of military strength in the information age. http://www. he argued that such a course would make the world more dangerous. http://www. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. First. 2002. 2002. np. China's neighbors do not see it as a current threat in the way the Soviet Union's neighbors did during the Cold War.. Only if China's future behavior becomes more aggressive could such a coalition be formed. http://www.. Clinton defended his trip in a recent speech.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. EVEN IF CHINA RISES AS A GREAT POWER.. Nye. historians have known that great wars are often caused by the rise of new powers and the fears such change creates in established powers.html. Containment has three fatal flaws. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. p.html. Third. Ever since Thucydides and the ancient Greeks. Unlike the Soviet Union. In that sense. Jr. accessed May 3. a crude policy of containment would not work. while engagement can be reversed if China changes for the worse. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. accessed May 3. p.´ June 22. which had an expansionist ideology and conventional military superiority in Europe.nyu. But it is not true in every case. only China can produce an effective containment policy. 2002. as a quick survey of Asian capitals makes clear. Containment is likely to be irreversible. and illegal technology transfers to build campaign issues.

NYE¶S VIEW OF SOFT POWER IGNORES HISTORY Wayne Hunt. put many of the beliefs about µsurgical¶ intervention. 1999. Mainstream Hollywood movies as well as sophisticated advertising techniques came into this category. np. More ancient still. In the study of transnational relations. by contrast. a µparadigm shift¶ as some enthusiasts would have it. Mount Allison University.org/2-2/whunt. Nye and Owens (1996) examine this from a geopolitical perspective.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. or to be more precise. 2002. No. µSoft¶ power. (Operation Allied Force. unquantifiable and indirect. was the contrast between authority and liberty. np. accessed May 1. This was observed in the tension between realpolitik and idealism which analysts have long detected in America¶s relations with other powers.janushead. This assertion rested on the strategic argument that America¶s capacity for accurate. 2002.) Assumed here was a technologically-driven view of American intervention. as do the requisite material conditions necessary to sustain this force. 2. Fall 1999.. The first was readily understandable because it spoke to the traditional role of the state which was to provide for security of the person as well as the security of property. 2. His concern is with the present and the way in which the future can be brought to the present. No.cfm. direct broadcasting and a high speed µsystem of systems. quantifiable and direct while µsoft¶ power was subjective. insisting that it can be a force for good throughout the world.as Operation Desert Storm and Operation Desert Fox presumably demonstrated. np. The terms originate with Joseph S. Entrepreneurial dynamism.. Mount Allison University. In this context.org/2-2/whunt. 4.cfm. p. Thus µsoft¶ power can work in tandem with µhard¶ power.. JANUS HEAD Vol. Involved as well were competing conceptions of political community. Mount Allison University. The second seemed to indicate a larger transformation. it approximates an anglo-American form of capitalism. Fall. JANUS HEAD Vol. situational awareness of military field operations exceeds that of all other nations combined. JANUS HEAD Vol. http://www. by contrast. On the one hand there were those who engaged with the world as it is. As such it allows for the free play of creative instincts. 2. http://www. 2. p. as did advances in communications technology. 2. 2. real-time. No. NYE¶S SOFT POWER JUST SEEKS TO PROJECT CAPITALISM Wayne Hunt. "a force multiplier in American diplomacy. and on the other there were those who looked to what ought to be. The comparative dimension was critically important.org/2-2/whunt. In short. in his phrase. 2002. But on closer inspection these categories seemed to take on an older dimension. SOFT POWER STILL DEFENDS AMERICAN TECHNOSTRATEGIC INTERVENTION Wayne Hunt. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Included in this first definition are the ethical values which have been injected into the international arena by a number of mediating institutions. 2.janushead. Jr. 1999. µhard¶ power was about ends and the bottom-line criteria necessary to achieve those ends while µsoft¶ power was about process and the means to an end. µSoft¶ power was associated with the relative strength of the American economy in relation to its competitors. the state-sanctioned application of force comes under the definition of µhard¶ power.com . µHard¶ power was objective. the strategic balance between µhard¶ and µsoft¶ power has been much commented upon. was tied to the ability to innovate. In Nye¶s writings this longer scholarly tradition goes unremarked upon.¶ he argued. accessed May 1. Nye clearly sees µsoft¶ power as the way of the future. Volume 9 Page 99 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG 1. Fall. He implies that it is superior to µhard¶ power because it relies on uncommanded loyalties. an idealized version of what this form of capitalism represents. it was further assumed. with coercive measures on one side of the divide and co-operative ones on the other. relies on the force of ideas rather than the force of arms. Allied to this was a bifurcated view of the nature of public action. to the test. http://www. and at a greater philosophic remove. as.janushead. According to Nye. had given the United States a "dominant battlespace knowledge"-." Space-based surveillance.wcdebate.cfm. in areas where there is not an obvious national interest at stake. Nye. accessed May 1. p. In his view of the world there is a subtle but implicit business orientation in which the notion of µsoft¶ power takes on entrepreneurial boldness.

our freedom to do just what we want is limited. these books are similar. is that Mead has written a valuable book while Nye's effort is feeble. 982 responded.S. military presence in Asia should be maintained-which Joseph Nye cites as evidence of "the broad public support in both countries for the reaffirmation of the Japan-U. Most likely. and this is especially so now that we have entered the Age of Terror and anti-terror. he argues that it is not just hard power (guns. 1. NYE SEVERELY MISANALYZES THE DATA ± U. Number 1. mainly over details for implementing new defense cooperation guidelines. and the fact that the 'hosts. respondents think that the U. military presence reduced. one of the principal architects of last year's revised Security Treaty. tried to put a positive spin on the poll's results. Volume 9 Page 100 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED 1. http://www.. NYE IS WRONG ABOUT COMMON INTERESTS BETWEEN U.jpri. In some respects. and that if security is the air we breathe (to use Professor Nye's tired analogy). and a rather bad one. Last November 30. accessed May 5. uncertain economic trends and many other crosscurrents -.S.com .S." he professed to believe that the poll reveals "Japan and the United States share common interests in the Asia-Pacific region.S. When respondents were asked which nations or regions they believed might pose a military threat to their own country. respondents believed that the Korean Peninsula posed a military threat.S. While he acknowledged "some perception gaps between the two countries on military cooperation. Both make the same basic assumption: The United States is the world's only superpower. accessed May 5. So much for some of those shared common interests. B1. but despite the immense might that that implies. in the U. respondents gave the Middle East top billing.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 27. JPRI CRITIQUE. AND JAPAN Japan Policy Research Institute. Thus.1. Moreover. or simply drifting from one crisis to the next. it should tell us that we have become an unwelcome army of occupation rather than of liberation. to put the matter bluntly. the Yomiuri published the results of an opinion poll it had commissioned from the Gallup organization concerning Japanese and American attitudes toward the Japan-U. money) but also soft power (what anybody else calls influence) that counts. Volume V.jpri. aspirations that would not surprise any reasonably studious 15-year-old. Security relationship"-40. matters are much harder to figure out.-JAPAN RELATIONSHIP IS FLAWED Japan Policy Research Institute.html. The chief difference. In Japan.1. and professors Joseph Nye and Walter Mead have come forward to explicate our condition and prescribe programs of policy. ST. 2002. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH. Confusing situations produce squadrons of deconfusers. the air surrounding Japan's American bases is decidedly unhealthy. in a world with such diverse developments -Muslim hostility. January 1998. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2002. perhaps even a superduper power. whereas 58% of U. increased Chinese potency. January 1998.org/jpri/public/crit5. of course. That may not have been how it seemed at the time. is in itself a choice. Joseph Nye.there are more options for our country to follow and more spokespeople to advocate them.952 people were interviewed. but commentators are notorious hindsight experts. JPRI CRITIQUE.S. investment adviser. 69% of the Japanese named the Korean Peninsula.html.S.S.S. so that this should be taken as the basis for decision. outvote their 'guests' by two to one in calling for a reduction of troops must tell us something.4% of the Americans want the U. p. The latter's little treatise is long on cliches and short on substance. Feb. So we get nuggets such as "countries that are well-placed in terms of soft power do better. Yet we must choose. http://www. Only 26% of the U." Throughout the book there are tables that propose desirable projects.S.wcdebate. 2.org/jpri/public/crit5. There is a further statistic that should give both sides pause. NYE¶S EFFORTS AT EXPLAINING THE POST-SEPTEMBER 11 WORLD ARE FEEBLE Joseph Losos. Number 1.9% of the Japanese and 20. Today. But in working out our strategy. 2002.' the Japanese. Both authors argue that we cannot retreat from most or all of our present involvements. these books definitely differ. Security Treaty." JPRI's reading of the same statistics is far less sanguine. for failing to make up our mind. 3. planes. While approximately half of both Japanese and U. These are sizeable percentages. In an accompanying article. Volume V. so they say.

The automobile industry spent millions in "public service" propaganda blaming "the nut behind the wheel" for auto fatalities. but wishes he were not. "The Safe Car You Can't Buy. and. and more than twice that amount of permanent disabilities incurred in automobile accidents. Applied beyond our borders. but wishes there were others like him. he entered Princeton University.com . Volume 9 Page 101 RALPH NADER Great societies must have public policies that declare which rights. Guided by such values. in a larger sense. people who devote their lives to working for reforms and exposing corruption within all power centers. came to the defense of small business owners being abused by larger businesses. Nader entered Harvard Law School in 1955. and infectious diseases that threaten to jeopardize directly our own national security as well as that of the rest of the world. He immediately developed an aversion to the corporate orientation of both the courses and the professors' ideologies. took issue with the assumption. and in 1959 published his first article. Nathra and Rose had strong opinions about democracy. This essay will explore both the philosophical foundations and the practical political implications of Ralph Nader¶s work and thought. and justified his position with painstaking research and eloquent prose. there were nearly 50. ²Ralph Nader. which. and so on. resigned himself to studying Chinese and preparing for law school. illiteracy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. environmental perils. of course. UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE. oppression. we can better use our wealth and power to benefit all Americans." in THE NATION. just as the rich blame the poor for being poor.wcdebate. is almost uniquely attributable to Nader in American politics: corporations habitually blame consumers for defects in their products. and simultaneously brings other radical thought into the mainstream. and then his political project. Nader radicalizes the Jeffersonian tradition of democratic participation. NADER¶S LIFE AND WORK Ralph Nader was born in 1934 to Rose and Nathra Nader. Nathra. Nader believed--and would continue to believe--that car companies simply didn't believe safety was worth the cost. He had to do most of this on his own. these values can help us astutely wage peace and address the extreme poverty. Such policies strengthen noncommercial values. An excellent student. The book contained a theme that. He has been a thorn in the side of corporate power and governmental corruption for nearly forty years. At the time. I will conclude with some thoughts on using Ralph Nader¶s writings in debate rounds. Lebanese immigrants who owned a restaurant in the small town of Winstead. can provide wondrous opportunities to improve our country. nourished by public enlightenment and civic participation. assets and conditions are never for sale. he had expanded the article into a devastating book. just as all perpetrators tend to blame the victims. By 1965. After exploring his life. as Harvard Law School didn't offer such courses and the professors were enthusiastically uninterested. I will try to explain his philosophy. Nader wanted to study the legal issues involving food production and automobile safety. He attempted to get the administration to ban the spraying of DDT on campus trees. from the preface to Crashing the Party Among contemporary political figures. Connecticut. At age 17. would encourage patrons at his restaurant to participate in informal political debates. By age 14. and like most immigrants they experienced some dissonance upon coming into the country and witnessing both great acts of public good and objectionable acts of elitist exploitation. Ralph Nader had closely read the classic journalistic muckrakers of his day as well as several years of the Congressional Record. he wishes that contemporary American politics was full of Ralph Naders. finding these endeavors unsuccessful. Ralph Nader recalls. He researched automobile safety anyway. where he would have the opportunity to test his father's enthusiasm for public protest.000 automobile deaths every year in America. Ralph Nader is one of a kind. from his student activist days to his two presidential runs. in fact. Nader. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.

This is Jeffersonian democracy at its most extreme. (http://www.´ despite the best efforts of conservatives and moderates to paint him as such. who had written.edu/BR18.org/history/bollier_chapter_3. it is argued. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.nader. when he founded Common Cause. Nader believes that ordinary people must make both corporations and governments more accountable. of course.nor most other Democratic Party proponents of change seem to realize is that significant. simply a distrust). albeit reluctantly. consumers. Bush in 2000. he seems to have an inherent distrust of academic intellectuals (not a hostility.html) THE PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF NADER¶S POLITICS "In a democracy. taxpayers. could not have envisioned how moneyed special interests.wcdebate. Nor could James Madison. In 1969 he and his comrades formed the Center for Study of Responsive Law." as they came to be called. A statement Nader made in 1993 sums up his political perspective: What neither Clinton.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Nader¶s philosophy can be summed up as ³citizen empowerment. Nader has continued to organize grass roots activists against corporate power and irresponsibility.2/nader. By campaigning to the "left" of Gore politically. a former Secretary of the Department of Health. (http://bostonreview. contrary to his predictions. draws upon the American political tradition in much the same way as any social movement. First and most importantly. virtually none have a serious agenda to strengthen Americans in their key roles as voters. Why. author of the famous Federalist No. In fact. While politicians have now made an art of populist symbolism. This is why it is grossly over simplistic to view Nader as merely a proponent of greater government control. in a democracy." But Jefferson. the people are the ultimate authorities. procedural complexities and the brute size of the nation would erode the sinews of government accountability. a good government lobby that focused primarily on procedural reforms such as campaign finance reform and government ethics. the highest office is the office of citizen. would have a similar idea in 1970. Many hold him uniquely responsible for Democratic candidate Al Gore's loss to George W. and shareholders. Because of UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED. innovative development in American politics at the time. Of course. Since the 2000 campaign. workers. Nader's "Raiders. the democratic "experiment" is about checking excessive power. fought for increased water quality. in mandatory seat belts and air bags). have predicted how competing special-interest factions might not yield the public good. The creation of a citizens' lobby to represent the people as a whole -. some decades later. "I know of no safer depository of the ultimate powers of society but the people themselves. Education and Welfare. then. enduring change will require an institutionalized shift of power from corporations and government to ordinary Americans.html) Nader¶s second philosophical premise is that power tends to corrupt unless it is checked by a wide array of citizens. First. It represented a creative attempt to reclaim Jefferson's faith in "the people themselves.. Congress enacted tougher automobile safety laws (eventually culminating. most contemporary followers of politics identify Nader with his 1996 and 2000 Presidential runs on the Green Party ticket. should corporations be held to the same standard as politicians? There are several sensible reasons for this. official secrecy.mit. and General Motors' attempt to discredit Nader assured his fame. and a plethora of other causes.. Throughout the next thirty years."the public interest" -was a bold." John Gardner. which he exploited in order to launch a career of public service and anti-corporate activism. While other activists dedicated themselves to ending the Vietnam War.com . it is also a contemporary application of Jeffersonian democracy to conditions he and the other founders could not necessarily have foreseen: The inspiration came directly from Thomas Jefferson. 10 essay. Volume 9 Page 102 The book launched the consumer rights movement. reforms in the Food and Drug Administration.´ and as such." ²Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter Ralph Nader is not a philosopher. Nader took voters away who would have voted for the centrist Democrat Gore. based on their tendency towards theory at the expense of action. indistinguishable from typical liberal democrats. but. He is also not a ³radical revolutionary. Nader spent the rest of the 1960s expanding his project to include the creation of various task forces and groups of young advocates dedicated to consumer safety and rights. as the quotation below explains. There are two basic philosophical premises behind Nader¶s politics.

56 Over the past two presidential races. 2. wealth is a social creation: capitalists need laborers. literally. torts and contracts. Nader is none of these. They can control resources and make large-scale decisions about production and distribution. Since most corporate decisions are made behind closed doors. He does not call for the end of corporations or market economies. Reform our corrupt campaign finance system: Nader is a strong proponent of viable campaign finance reform. He was instrumental in encouraging ³public access´ laws Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1999. And. the kinds of "checks" which defenders of corporate power claim exist are not really effective. and since advertising does not normally reveal the truth about the production process. In fact. not exist without the collective masses that sustain them. Facilitate voter initiatives: Nader wants to make it easier to vote. over the past few decades. and the use of referendums and initiatives to increase public control over the lawmaking process. Finally. checks must exist on corporate power because the classic individualist metaphors of entrepreneurship and hard work hardly do justice to the corporate juggernauts. Wealth is not generated through the individual actions of individual innovators. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. p. Some less-than-eloquent critics have. The classic argument is that citizens "vote with their dollars. Second. Such an argument assumes what many capitalist apologists assume without proof: that citizens possess near-perfect information about public and private transactions and the effects of corporate decisions. citizens do not have the kind of information that voters in political elections possess. Volume 9 Page 103 Corporations have as much power as. sellers need consumers. Ralph Nader has tended to stress the following points as a political program: 1. 3. we had a joke that at Harvard they teach you how to distort the law of contracts and contract the law of torts. Set term limits for Members of Congress: Term limits allow the system to constantly rejuvenate and reinvent itself.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. a communist. NADER¶S POLITICAL PRINCIPLES ³When I was in law school. Reclaim the public airwaves: Nader is very concerned that radio and television waves. and the resources extracted from the earth do not belong to any one individual in some a priori sense. and frequently more power than. who warned about corporate law firms losing their independence to corporate clients by becoming mere adjuncts to the corporation's priorities. rather. limiting the amount of money people can spend on political campaigns. referred to Nader as an anti-capitalist. the multinational status of many corporations makes them. Corporate law firms are composed of lawyers who have forgotten what it means to be a professional and who are themselves losing their independence. a socialist. and increasing public financing of elections. He sees the democratic process as little more than a joke if elections come down to who has the most money. They can make decisions that have far-reaching environmental and economic effects. even a Stalinist. They are not heeding the warnings of Justice Louis Brandis and Henry Stimpson and Ella Herue.com . 4.wcdebate. which should belong to everyone." Aside from the fact that this means people with a million dollars get a million votes.´ ±Nader. literally. We are losing the two great pillars of American law. many on the anti-capitalist left see Nader as wanting to "save" corporations and capitalism by forcing reforms that smart corporate executives would favor as a way to make themselves look better. and discourage ³career politicians´ who tend to become cynical and greedy. sometimes stretching centuries into the future. any elected or appointed political leader. to institutionalized. So corporations need to be accountable because corporations could. All of these reasons provide sound philosophical justification for an increased watchdog role on the part of concerned citizens. and also increase the number of things people vote for and against. He is in favor of more accessible voter registration. giant corporations. Little did I know then that in 1999 this very thing would be occurring. are available to the highest bidder. most recently. "above" the laws of most nations. Term limits would increase opportunity for ordinary citizens to participate in government.

2002) Another source of objection to Nader¶s ideas is found in libertarian philosophies. To begin with. Steverman) reports. as recent events demonstrate: The Capital Times (5/21. Bush.wcdebate. It places in question Nader¶s whole philosophy of stubborn and dogmatic insistence that only his platform is viable and democratic. Of course. Democrats respond that. The problem here is not merely one election. OBJECTIONS TO NADER To answer Ralph Nader's underlying political philosophy is difficult. Regulations fail.'' (VILLAGE VOICE. if we hold out for ³everything. 5. because people respond better to self-management than hierarchical management. May 21. including candidate Jim Young for governor. many people advocate pollution trading permits rather than strong regulations against pollution. but also that elitism is desirable. Democrats." In Wisconsin. since they alienated the voters who ended up either not voting at all. or voting for Nader: Sam Smith is right when he points out that the liberal establishment in the Democratic Party--which includes the current congressional leaders of the party--''yawned as the Clintons disassembled their own cause and became incensed when Ralph Nader dared to defend it. Nader supporters responded that the Democrats had themselves to blame for the election loss. could frustrate Democrats in Wisconsin and around the country even more. to accept some of what we want. Create shareholder democracy: Nader wants shareholders in corporations to have greater power over corporate decision-making. they were still comparatively closer to those ideals than were the Republicans and George W.com . only four of which existed before the 2000 election. and they are planning to run a candidate for every statewide office in Wisconsin. Along the same lines. This is an ongoing argument. worse than nothing!). at a time when many citizens seem to be drifting to the right. Even many non-libertarians favor measures such as tax incentives rather than regulatory schemes to make corporations behave better. and often makes things considerably worse. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and more restrictions on what people can do with their money. his ideas clearly include tougher regulations. especially when they are given a chance to participate in the large-scale affairs that determine so much in their lives. 2002) The argument is that we must be willing to compromise. He believes that ordinary people are not stupid. as some would say in reference to Bush. say Greens end up hurting the very causes that they support by playing the spoiler in many races. " Ralph Nader's 2000 Green Party presidential run angered many Democrats. we should settle for checks on that drift rather than try to get everything. Most of these platforms stem from the overarching desire on Ralph Nader¶s part to increase citizen empowerment. Volume 9 Page 104 requiring cable companies to devote some of their stations to public use. especially liberal Democrats. May 7. many people are angry that Nader¶s dogmatic and ³purist´ run for the presidency in 2000 supposedly cost the Democrats the White House. "the Green Party has a dozen chapters around the state. shareholders possess minimal power compared to the day-to-day power of corporate executives.´ we end up with nothing (or. The idea is that people respond favorably to carrots (rewards). higher taxes for corporations. At present. This is because those people believe that. Although Nader is not simply a pro-government liberal. if successful. while Gore and the Democrats may not have been as faithful to Nader¶s ideals as the Greens were. One must assert and prove not only that capitalism is desirable.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." (THE BULLETIN'S FRONTRUNNER. but if they are threatened with punishment. libertarians claim. they simply find ways around the tough regulations rather than ways to comply with them. Libertarians generally believe that regulation of the market never yields the results intended. Green Party activists say they have learned a lot since 2000. It is much more fruitful to concentrate on the pragmatic implications of Nader¶s beliefs than to question whether democracy and citizen empowerment are good things. but the Green Party's current plans. He would like to see much more of this.

Debaters wishing to explore more about Ralph Nader can do many things: read his books. and even update their files with the daily news reports about Nader and his movement. He might also open the door to more radical alternatives to the kind of politics and economics we seem destined to accept in the status quo. Greater participation by third parties and citizens¶ movements can help this happen. not merely philosophically. his stubborn insistence that the people not compromise with those in power cost him a great deal of credibility in 2000. Ralph Nader inspires three main ideas with immediate and far-reaching implications on value debate: Capitalism can exist with checks and balances: Traditional value debates about capitalism and its alternatives tend to be very black-and-white. Democracy must be participatory: More than any other idea. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Unlike so many of our sources. and that lesson might itself serve as a reminder that alternatives must be pragmatic.com . Nader eschews elitism. and that we should explore those alternatives by broadening the political arena. government is the people.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. After all. Ralph Nader continues to make news every day. At the same time. but with many historical examples of the disasterous effects of unchecked power among governments and corporations. debaters might argue that political and economic alternatives exist. IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE In my mind.wcdebate. CONCLUSION Ralph Nader is currently America¶s loudest and most passionate advocate of citizen participation and greater corporate accountability. However. it would be citizens making the news instead of corporate news agencies. since such ideas prevent the excesses that fuel the anti-capitalism movement. read commentary about him. Volume 9 Page 105 Overall. most of the objections to Nader¶s ideas work well within the general framework of libertarianism and belief in a minimal state. Debaters may even be able to argue that the ideas of people like Nader are essential to capitalism¶s survival. and not just theoretically attractive. while the other side emphasizes the problems of selfishness. Ralph Nader advocates the notion of citizen participation and a breaking down of the distinctions between government and people. either-or. Alternatives to capitalism and globalization can be explored through a widening of the political arena: Conversely. we should keep it in check. in the strongest democratic traditions. One side argues that capitalism is necessary because it maximizes individual freedom. but he argues that. Writing about a living person is a lot different than writing about a long-dead philosopher. since it¶s what we have. exploitation and imperialism. Were it up to him. it remains to be seen whether advocates of Nader¶s ideas can articulate the sense in which citizen empowerment differs from traditional advocacy of government intervention. Nader is no fan of capitalism.

Nader. RULING CONGRESS: A STUDY OF HOW THE HOUSE AND SENATE RULES GOVERN THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS (New York: Grossman Publishers. Ralph. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE RALPH NADER READER (foreword by Barbara Ehrenreich (New York: Seven Stories Press. Katherine.: Prentice-Hall 1972). Nader. Nader. Ralph. Nader. 1973). 1982). Ralph. Ralph. THE BIG BOYS: POWER AND POSITION IN AMERICAN BUSINESS (New York: Pantheon Books. Robert F. McCarry. 2000). UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE [Expanded ed. 1973). NADER: THE PEOPLE¶S LAWYER (Englewood Cliffs.J. CRASHING THE PARTY: TAKING ON THE CORPORATE GOVERNMENT IN AN AGE OF SURRENDER (New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. NADER AND THE POWER OF EVERYMAN (New York: Grosset & Dunlap. Ralph Nader Congress Project. 1972).wcdebate. 1972). Martin's Press. RALPH NADER¶S PRACTICING DEMOCRACY 1997: A GUIDE TO STUDENT ACTION (New York: St. Martin's Press. Charles. Burt. Nader. Nader. Isaac. 1975).com . CORPORATE POWER IN AMERICA (New York: Grossman. THE MADNESS ESTABLISHMENT: RALPH NADER¶S STUDY GROUP REPORT ON THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF MENTAL HEALTH (New York: Grossman Publishers. Ralph. THE MENACE OF ATOMIC ENERGY (New York: Norton. Dan M. 2002). 1996). Nader. NO CONTEST: CORPORATE LAWYERS AND THE PERVERSION OF JUSTICE IN AMERICA (New York: Random House. 1975).West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Ralph. Volume 9 Page 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY Buckhorn. Ralph. 1976). 1977).] (New York: Grossman. Nader. CITIZEN NADER (New York: Saturday Review Press. TAMING THE GIANT CORPORATION (New York: Norton. 1974). Franklin D. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK (Chicago: Regnery Gateway. 1997). N. Ralph. Hays. 1986). Nader. Ralph. Gorey. THE CONSUMER AND CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Chu.

´ and the ³invisible bureaucrat. loan guarantees. If we were to use the people's yardsticks to report on the state of the economy. debt revocations. how would you respond? The criteria for analyzing a just society is very primitive and unclear. Poor or oppressed persons are often downtrodden .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. pampered executives can distance themselves from everyday life. political activists. p. Yet. This is very far from the way modern corporations plan to reduce risks through market power and to get the public to help pay their costs through tax breaks and other subsidies. and weaken our democracy. and public utilities are in extreme disrepair.com . CORPORATE WELFARE SIPHONS FUNDS FROM OTHER PRIORITIES Ralph Nader. If someone were to ask how much injustice exists in society. production. We are then at a point where such a question cannot be answered without a firm understanding of our past. injure our national security.wcdebate. political activist. then they also control agendas and that is what is happening. limiting their ability to deal with reality. If the oligarchy controls the yardsticks by which we measure progress and justice.profits are up. Adam Smith knew that the ideology of the ³invisible hand´ was an idealization quite removed from market reality. p.´ the ³invisible pollutant. perpetuate anti-competitive oligopolistic markets. If people think more about how major business executives work. 2. I think that the level of injustice in our society is partly a reflection of expectation levels. 2000.´ Working at high levels of abstraction. CUTTING CORPORATE WELFARE. those at the peaks of corporate power need to have their thoughts and actions better known to the public. There are a record number of consumers filing bankruptcies and living beyond their means in order to subsist. Volume 9 Page 107 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST 1. bailouts. CAPITALISM REQUIRES CHECKS AND BALANCES Ralph Nader and William Taylor. political activist. subsidize companies ripping minerals from federal lands. the stock market is up. THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE SHOULD BE THE CONDITION OF THE POOR AND OPPRESSED Ralph Nader. To introduce more managerial foresight and honesty. political activist. and genetic engineering are added to the stresses of conventional chemical. When Alan Greenspan reports to Congress every few weeks on the state of the economy. and marketing technologies. artificial intelligence. schools. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1999. p. p. Corporate welfare programs siphon funds from appropriate public investments. enable pharmaceutical companies to gouge consumers. tax loopholes. If the larger society has a higher expectation level. THE BIG BOYS.´ the ³invisible currency. discounted insurance and other benefits conferred by government on business²is a function of political corruption. clinics. 2. 1986. giveaways. Eighty percent of the workers in the bottom eighty percent of the job force have seen their wages decrease since 1973 when adjusted for inflation. mass famines.´ the ³invisible gene. 1999. 13 Corporate welfare²the enormous and myriad subsidies. we would begin to see that twenty-five percent of children grow up in poverty and that this is the highest in the western world. Smith¶s ³invisible hand´ of 1776 has been joined two centuries later by the ³invisible atom. Homelessness and poverty are affecting large numbers of families and people than ever before. ELITE CONTROL OF THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE ENSURES FURTHER INJUSTICE Ralph Nader. 56. 521. 56. The data one would use is arguably nonexistent. then we become very uneasy with the state of affairs. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. and unemployment is down. he uses oligarchic indicators that imply the economy could hardly be better . The need for distance grows more insistent every day²the mounting challenges of doomsday weapons. totaling record amounts of consumer debt. what Congress hears is that our economy could not be better.having accepted their condition and resigned. then those executives may think harder about how their work affects people. inflation is down. CORPORATE POWER THREATENS THE PUBLIC GOOD 1.

multinational corporations are working hard to expand their control over the international economy and to undo vital health. Narrow. political activist. adoption. called the Uruguay Round. 6. in the halls of the U. Capitol. private interests inevitably prefer secrecy. the U. We¶ll have to close down and move to a country that offers us a more hospitable business climate. The megacorporations are not expecting these victories to be gained in town halls. ³You can¶t burden us like that. hoping to insert a special tax exemption or subsidy in the dark of night and have it voted on before the public (or even most Congressional representatives) know it exists. p. 1993. safety. STATE. It would cost jobs.wcdebate. citizenbased initiatives generally succeed only if they generate public debate and receive widespread support. An unprecedented corporate power grab is underway in global negotiations over international trade. state. By contrast. GLOBALIZATION UNDERMINES HEALTH. They are looking to circumvent the democratic process altogether. THE ENVIRONMENT.´ This sort of threat is extremely powerful²communities already devastated by plant closures and a declining manufacturing base are desperate not to lose more jobs.com . the North American Free Trade Agreement) and an expansion of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Secrecy. 3. political activist.S. and unaccountability: these are the watchwords of global trade policy-making. Enactment of the free trade deals virtually ensures that any local. It would destroy family farms and undermine consumer protections such as those ensuring that the food you eat is not compromised by unsanitary conditions or higher levels of pesticides and preservatives. and environmental protections won by citizen movements across the globe in recent decades. The Fortune 200¶s GATT and NAFTA agenda would make the air you breathe dirtier and the water you drink more polluted. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. and implementation of the trade agreements is designed to foreclose citizen participation or even awareness. GLOBALIZATION HURTS DEMOCRACY AND PROMOTES AUTOCRATIC SECRECY Ralph Nader. 1993. 1 Citizens beware. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Congress. Volume 9 Page 108 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS 1. The process by which a policy is developed and enacted often yields insights into who stands to benefit from its enactment. and make workplaces less safe. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. state offices. p. we won¶t be able to compete. will be met with the refrain. and they know all to well from experience that threats of this sort are often carried out. or even national effort in the United States to demand that corporations pay their fair share of taxes. depress wage levels.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.-Mexico-Canada free trade deal (formally known as NAFTA. corporate lobbyists roam the corridors before a budget or tax package is to be voted on. Operating under the deceptive banner of ³free´ trade.S. in a bold and brazen drive to achieve an autocratic far-reaching agenda through two trade agreements. or even at the United Nations. water. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. If you do. Every element of the negotiation. 2. provide a decent standard of living to their employees. 1993. AND WORKERS¶ RIGHTS Ralph Nader. 3. GLOBAL FREE TRADE UNDERMINES LOCAL. AND NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY Ralph Nader. or limit their pollution of the air. p. the U. abstruseness. and land. political activist.S. for example.

with its heavy reliance on individual choice. Ralph Nader seeks nothing less than a transfer of power in America. Testimony is often given on behalf of the ³public interest´ before congressional committees and federal regulatory panels.com . In sum. is not considered adequate to achieve the ³public interest´ or the ³common good. economic. And it has been and would be a government they run. where more decisions will be made by a few to affect the many. In this regard. They do not put much faith in the democratic process that has been America¶s unique tradition for the past 200 years²that is. Government would have an especially large influence on the functioning of the economy and. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. de-centralized political. a new elite of un-elected.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Burt. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. America would become a more centrally governed and less free. ³Public interest´ advocacy has become one of the signs of our times. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. employers. ³Public interest´ advocates would become new power-brokers. and local governments. 1982. 135 In place of our system of modified and limited individual choice and private enterprise²we certainly recognize and welcome much of what FDA. and seek to change it.´ 2. which has been and remains in vogue in Western thought. Nader and his groups seek a greater politicization of life in America. 1982. But it is a radical departure from U. p. political tradition of the last 200 years. and consumers. President of Capital Legal Foundation.´ ³Public interest´ groups seek an alternative means of influencing decision-making in both government and industry.´ NADER IS ELITIST AND TOTALITARIAN 1. and it does not square with the common view of the nature of the public interest. Mr. This most often takes the form of intervention in the regulatory processes of the federal. and their ideology would have immense impact on political and economic activities and society as a whole. away from the individual and into the hands of the government and ³public interest´ groups. President of Capital Legal Foundation. individualistic nation. Nader and his network distrust the current political and economic system in the United States. ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ ADVOCACY UNDERMINES DEMOCRACY Dan M. p. professional ³public interest´ advocates would acquire a substantial amount of power to make decisions in both the private and public sectors. and the economic votes we make every day with our money at the cash register. This is a distinct political ideology. In other words. on our daily lives. NADER¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY WOULD CULMINATE IN TOTALITARIANISM Dan M. Our diverse. 20 What is clear is that Mr. In some cases. the political votes we cast regularly at the ballot box. 2. President of Capital Legal Foundation. Volume 9 Page 109 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY 1. at the bank. in turn. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. President of Capital Legal Foundation. state. 20 Instead. government would probably become more authoritarian or even totalitarian by encroaching more on our private lives as workers. or in the investment markets. p. NADER¶S ADVOCACY DESTROYS INDIVIDUAL CHOICE AND THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS Dan M. p. EPA and similar agencies do²the ³public interest´ groups would appear to want more politicization of life in America.S. 1982. and social system. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. Burt.wcdebate. 8. NADER¶S ADVOCACY TRANSFERS POWER FROM INDIVIDUALS TO ELITES CLAIMING TO SPEAK IN THE ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ Dan M. SEC. the groups elect to fight the issues out before the courts. 1982. Burt. Burt. It embodies an inherent distrust of traditional political and social organizations to represent the public adequately and to wage the fight for the ³common good.

he blamed liberalism for the Columbine school shootings. 2000. but which Nader denounced because of his fear that African companies would be "run into the ground by multinational corporations moving into local economies. THE HARTFORD COURANT. C3." (Most African countries would be delighted to attract a bit of foreign investment. the one that ended apartheid.) Similar fears led Nader to condemn South Africa's new constitution. 2. columnist. p. To block opportunities for corporate profit he is quite willing to prevent desperately poor nations from selling their goods in U.000" to Mexico. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. Professor of Economics at MIT. who put forward economic nationalist slogans that drew favorable comment from Buchanan. March 6. Cohen." Nader will invoke "the message of last year's Seattle demonstrations against the WTO. because -. NADER PRACTICES A RHETORIC OF FEAR AND OVERSIMPLIFICATION 1. prevent patients from getting drugs that might give them a decent life and prevent a moderate who gets along with business from becoming president.000. Nader's 1996 campaign was marked by nationalist themes. in his first major speech after leaving Congress. because chemical companies have to put their gunk somewhere." The campaign will have similar themes to the effort of four years ago. That's the problem with Ralph. now vying for the Reform Party presidential nomination. 2000.like the laws of every market economy -." The Green Party's press release states that "Nader's advisors claim that his campaign will help turn out the vote and could assist the Democrats in taking back Congress. A-19. concentrated corporate power and the excessive disparities of wealth.corporate influence. or any corporation. healthiest. markets. in 1996 he "received nearly 700. had it right when he characterized the Nader reason-for-being as "irritating others for the public good. NADER¶S OPPOSITION TO TRADE AGREEMENTS HURTS DEVELOPING NATIONS Paul Krugman.000 to 400. July 25. NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE RHETORIC OVERSIMPLIFIES THE ISSUES Paul Krugman. Nader says he will concentrate on "democracy. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. If you look for a unifying theme in all these causes. Nader presented his campaign as a "pull to the left" for the Democratic Party. Nader now apparently believes that whatever is good for General Motors. But several days before Gingrich spoke. we are the happiest. At times Nader's hostility to corporations goes completely over the edge. THE MILITANT. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Ralph Nader published an article attributing those same shootings to -. A-19. Everyone knows about Nader's furious opposition to global trade agreements. editor of Slate. NADER IS A NATIONALIST WHO EXPLOITS AMERICANS¶ FEAR OF IMMIGRANTS Patrick O¶Neill. p." But you can't create a public good until you recognize the reality of a private good. most prosperous nation in the world.it grants corporations some legal status as individuals. July 25. the product of freedom to acquire and strive and create for personal gain. he said." reads the statement.000 votes and finished in fourth place. He isn't like you and me. 2000. it seems to be not consumer protection but general hostility toward corporations." At the same time. although limiting his campaign spending to under $5. 2000. Volume 9 Page 110 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE 1. But it is less well known that he was equally adamant in opposing a bill removing barriers to Africa's exports -. the Nader campaign intends to raise $5 million dollars.a move that Africans themselves welcomed. 3. The North American Free Trade Association treaty means "we're exporting jobs--probably about 350.wcdebate. October 22.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. columnist. must be bad for the world. Newt Gingrich disgusted many people when.S. or Pfizer. He complimented rightist politician Patrick Buchanan. p. In 2000. saying he has "learned a lot in the last few years about corporate power. p. NADER IGNORES THE CONTRIBUTIONS CORPORATIONS MAKE TO OUR PROSPERITY Laurence D. Professor of Economics at MIT. Because multinational corporations go their amoral way. According to the February 21 Green Party news release announcing Nader's bid.I'm serious -. because insurance companies have to say no to some doctors sometimes.com . 2. Michael Kinsley. Those demonstrations were led by union officials and liberal and environmental activists.

GUINIER¶S THOUGHT Guinier doesn¶t just talk about affirmative action ± far from it. including slavery. As the woman herself said in a subsequent interview on the topic: ³Because we are in a sound-bite culture. but it was a very useful. it wasn¶t until the mid-1960s that African Americans had the right to vote. such a right was not truly meaningful. And even then and immediately thereafter.wcdebate. it isn¶t a true democracy to you. she OPPOSED quotas ± they went contrary to her notion of ³confirmative action. It had nothing to do with what I had written. a ³quota queen. For understandable political reasons.com . which also had elections? Any democratic theory worth its salt has to acknowledge that an inability to vote equals an inability to call one¶s government a legitimate and functioning democracy.´ What do we learn from reading the work of Lani Guinier? What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? To answer the first question. For them. places dealt with the issue in a straightforward manner: if you were black. That¶s not just me being partisan. Period.´ Just one problem: Guinier had never advocated quota-based hiring. In fact. right? During and prior to the Civil War. Now. Volume 9 Page 111 LANI GUINIER Lani Guinier was unjustly passed over in one of the most highly publicized confirmation hearings ever. As for the second proposition -. to be fair. As Mark Tushnet has written: ³Guinier's nomination to head the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division foundered because she understood those tensions and her work makes them apparent.S.´ Guinier continues to teach law at Harvard Law School. Attorney General for Civil Rights because. she believed in quotas for minority hiring in order to make up for the problems caused by systematic racism for the past 200 years in this country. the politicians who control the nomination process preferred to keep the tensions under wraps. Guinier's intellectual honesty made her politically unacceptable. She examines all kinds of issues relevant to racial politics in this country. write manifold articles on the subject of race in the United States. we define you by no more than three or four words-in my case.What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? ± we learn that being an insightful critical thinker instead of a partisan demagogue is a sure way to avoid public service at a high level. alliterated metaphor that served partisan purposes at the time. or create new forms of discrimination? These are questions without easy answers. you didn¶t get to vote. if you can¶t vote. though.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. That didn¶t stop the hounds once they had been released. two: Quota Queen. we get to inspect the ideas of one of the most forward-looking thinkers on race in America. Let¶s start with what white citizens of this country take as a given: voting rights. We get to watch as one of the best legal minds in America grapples with issues to which there are no easy solution: to what extent does the pact inform today? What kind of remedies are effective for centurieslong discrimination? How can we ensure those remedies don¶t inflame the problem. can it be said (really) that slaves were living in a functional democracy? How about a non-member of the communist party under the Soviet Union. the right wing said. Voting rights are the essential element of a democracy. So the first wave of voting rights laws dealt with these Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Guinier was unjustly denied her rightful post as Assistant U. many places in the North). After all. they claimed.´ Guinier¶s version of affirmative action. She was. In the South (and. and publish books.

and created a right to select representatives of choice. if you¶re one of the 90 percent of African Americans that voted for Al Gore. Something between a very bad thing and a disaster. if you go to vote. you can guarantee the election of a minority representative by packing as many members of that minority as possible into a single district. and they are regularly outvoted. and Jeb Bush¶s thuggish state troopers told you to turn around and drive home ± do you really have the right to vote? As you can see. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. it has another value: an instrumental value. The problem is that in other districts. Harvey Gantt. imagine you are a member of a minority group (and maybe you are): are your interests being taken into account? Since white folks are the majority in many places. we ought to defend it for minorities. For example. your parents (and certainly your grandparents) might remember a time when Black Americans didn¶t even have the lip-service right to vote. is that concentrating minorities in certain districts means that OTHER districts can effectively IGNORE their interests altogether. though.wcdebate. Cracking and stacking are more complicated. The Voting Rights Act Amendmnts of 1982 recognized that this was a problem. and you headed to the polls in Florida. and a slew of representatives who owe nothing to minority constituents. indeed. people -. and stacking. So. Plus. You vote for Jesse Ventura because he says he¶ll battle special interests. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 made sure of that. You vote for Jesse Helms because you¶re a psychotic racist (hey. this is far from an issue we¶ve left behind. The only question was how to actualize this? In the past.mostly Republicans -. As Tushnet notes. white people keep electing the aforementioned Mr. You vote for Ralph Nader because he says he¶ll challenge corporate rule. it takes all kinds). racial minorities are so few in number that candidates can simply disregard them. but they have the same result: the legislature has the "right number" of minority representatives. the votes of minorities can be trumped by the White Folks Vote. of course. this ³turned out to be something between a very bad thing and a disaster for racial minorities. We had to deal with it in the LAST presidential election. is an excellent candidate who is notably NOT insane. And depending on how old there are. The techniques are known in the voting rights field as packing. What is the solution? Some suggested establishing "majority-minority" districts so that minorities would be assured of candidates that reflected their interests. Volume 9 Page 112 ³formal exclusions´ from the franchise: they FORCED states to allow Black Americans to vote.´ After all. alternatively. Hence.discovered techniques that would guarantee the election of some members of racial minorities while actually reducing the chances that the views of those representatives would prevail in the legislature. Particularly as it became easy to use computer technology to draw district lines. Helms despite the fact that the Black man who keeps running against him. The thing is.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The result is that you get one minority representative. minorities often have a problem electing what voting rights law calls "representatives of their choice. whites have gerrymandered districts so that minorities couldn¶t overwhelm the white majority and elect candidates of choice.com . cracking.´ The other problem. Again. You sue your vote to elect people who will do the things that you want done. and some guy has a pit bull that snarls at you every time you approach the polls ± do you REALLY have the right to vote? Or. if the right to vote represents full citizenship.

Oregon did in the 1990s) or to do other unconstitutional. There would be problems with identifying these policies. The second reason is that those are the principles the Republic was founded on. Reagan was re-elected primarily with the votes of traditional Democrats.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. or political) ± because they may be the MAJORITY in four years. the tribes Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Guinier borrows the title of her book from James Madison. but because it¶s just as integral to the thinking of Lani Guinier as anything else. the first of which is just logical: if the majority votes to legalize cannibalism ± or to legalize discrimination against homosexuals (as my hometown of Canby. but there¶s another reason. you see things like former Washington Senator Slade Gorton cozying up to Indian tribes. usually Ted Kennedy? GUINIER AND THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Now. For example. you don¶t want to totally ignore the minority (whether racial. stupid things. even though he spent 30 years trying to screw them sideways ± in a close election. That¶s why we have three branches of government ± to stop excesses and abuses of power by those who reach past their intended authority. Just because you¶re in the majority now doesn¶t guarantee that you will ALWAYS be. Since every vote counts. there¶s the well-established propaganda system. for example. People are self-interested. There are a couple of reasons why. of course ± but even requiring a super-majority on all legislation might help minority constituencies. Volume 9 Page 113 Enter Lani Guinier. (³Give us labor provisions in the FTAA bill.wcdebate. Similarly. And nice as that sounds. SOME OF GUINIER¶S SOLUTIONS We started out discussing voting rights law not just because it¶s an important subject that often gets short shrift. but let¶s review some of the high points here. why don¶t poor people just vote to take all the money from rich people through taxation? Well. When you¶re in power. Total majority rule.´ This topic is covered in great detail in the Madison essay. it doesn¶t work that way. This is especially true in close races or districts where there is an even split in political opinion. This is one major reason both parties talk about bipartisanship: they want to appeal to voters of the other political party. That includes people living in a democracy. for one thing.´) After all. So. every vote counts. and you¶ll be in big trouble. It could provide them a valuable commodity (a small voting block) where they could trade votes in exchange for other favorable legislation. not all of which involve modifying affirmative action. Hence. too: voters and politicians have to think about the long term. every interest group is up for schmoozing ± even traditional enemies. Some involve changing the internal decision-making structure of state and local legislatures. there needs to be some check on that abuse. whose theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity. what is a filibuster but a minority veto ± enacted by a minority of one. a structural reform might be adopted where passing some policies might require a greater margin than a simple majority ± it might take a two-thirds majority to pass policies that could systematically have a negative effect on minorities. Guinier has many ideas for transformation of the current situation. legislators can get concessions on another. They will vote to advance their own interests. Sound radical? Ever heard of the filibuster in the Senate? That¶s an example of how. and that includes affirmative action. by merely threatening a filibuster on a certain bill or resolution. economic.com . or we¶ll filibuster and block the bill which brings the pork barrel project to your district. some might say there is nothing more democratic than majority rule.

try to actively undermine their interests. seeing what is working and what is not. and so poor whites are also considered in programs like jobs and university admissions. that Indian tribes hate him so much. to revamp their admissions policies based on various factors: Practicing confirmative action. Her rationale for these reforms is simple. SOME CRITICS Critics of Guinier fall into basically two categories: the conservative and the liberal. and would include an assessment of what contributions society as a whole can expect from the student or worker after the preference policy assists them.she believes a quota of minorities taken as representatives of the minority races as a whole will not truly give minorities a fair chance. rather than just in name. crush their economic infrastructure. GUINIER AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION As noted above. However. we need to admit that those merit-based criteria exclude certain people ± you¶re not going to get as good grades as other kids. after all. give feedback on. You might be surprised. for example. That means includes continually updating affirmative into new policies that Guinier calls ³Confirmative Action. Guinier writes: So a policy of ³confirmative action´ would include economics as a decision calculus. etc. because he controls appropriations money for their environmental restoration projects. Volume 9 Page 114 don¶t want to blast Gorton with both barrels when he¶s in office. and abrogate their constitutionally guaranteed treaty rights). though. people like Gorton just ignore their traditional enemies altogether ± or worse yet. And it would ask several important questions to guide such efforts: Are admissions processes consistent with the institution's purposes? Do they award opportunity broadly? Do they admit people who demonstrate competence and potential under a range of relevant measures? Are the relevant stakeholders involved in helping formulate." Guinier's books and law review articles support only one conclusion -. has thoughts I feel are worth considering: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The conservative critics are relatively easy to understand: we should all be evaluated on an individual basis. If admissions policies and employment opportunities are truly to be merit-based. each institution would. There is a reason. Guinier's political views in no way support her designation as a "quota queen. Guinier recognizes this.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Stephen Steinberg. presumably.´ This includes modifying preference policies to consider class ± so minorities that are truly disadvantaged get the most preferences. health care projects. but many liberals consider Guinier a fairly ³conservative´ (in the sense of being careful and wary to offer wild. if you need a 40-hour a week job and/or don¶t get enough to eat. a left-wing critic of Guinier. This doesn¶t always happen that way. More often. and neither race nor class should not be a determining factor in discussions. regularly review and seek feedback on its admissions program. (He tried to take away their fishing rights. What does confirmative action entail? It entails a merit-based approach that is continually evolving. Hence. usually. This is your basic Ward Connerly school of thought. their interests will be better served by legislators. This is a flaw Guinier finds in traditional affirmative action. and carry out the criteria that are adopted? Do their decisions support the institution as a public place? Are graduates contributing back to the institution and the society it serves? This continual review process would involve.wcdebate.com . and is relatively easy to understand. That¶s why she¶s so concerned with voting rights reform: if minorities can be represented in fact. college administrators. with its specific mission in mind. The best strategy lies in other means. programmatic change) thinker. Guinier asks.

Volume 9 Page 115 CONCLUSION Whether you agree or disagree with Lani Guinier¶s ideas -.com . economically viable future should check out her work.and whether you disagree with her from the left or the right ± you have to admit her ideas are provocative.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. People that are interested in building a more racially just. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.

p. p. 5. 505525. 2002. Mark.mit. Tushnet. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.6/connerly." THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE. Steinberg.wcdebate. THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY: FUNDAMENTAL FAIRNESS IN REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY. Lani. Lani. Jr..3/tushnet. 1077-1154.edu/BR25. Lani. 1998. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Guinier. Lani. Guinier. Lani." In REBELS IN LAW: VOICES IN HISTORY OF BLACK WOMEN LAWYERS.mit. 1998. March 1991. 36-37. No. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center.html. "Don't Scapegoat the Gerrymander. 89. 1994. Lani. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994. New York: Free Press. Lani. accessed May 1. edited by J. 2002." NEW YORK UNIVERSITY REVIEW OF LAW AND SOCIAL CHANGE 24. p. "Lessons and Challenges of Becoming Gentlemen. Ward. 1998. Guinier.html. BOSTON REVIEW. http://bostonreview. LIFT EVERY VOICE: TURNING A CIVIL RIGHTS SETBACK INTO A NEW VISION OF SOCIAL JUSTICE. Guinier. Smith. C. Lani. Guinier. 2002. Volume 9 Page 116 BIBLIOGRAPHY Connerly. Vol.6/steinberg. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. January 8. "The Triumph of Tokenism: The Voting Rights Act and the Theory of Black Electoral Success. "Reframing the Affirmative Action Debate. http://bostonreview. Guinier. December 200/January 2001.edu/BR19. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. "President Clinton's Doubt. New York: Simon & Schuster. Foreword to REFLECTING ALL OF US: THE CASE FOR PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION. accessed May 1. Guinier. Stephen." KENTUCKY LAW JOURNAL 86.html. Guinier. Lani Guinier's Certainty. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. by Robert Richie and Steven Hill. 1998.mit. 1995.edu/BR25. 1999." MICHIGAN LAW REVIEW. Boston: Beacon.com . December 200/January 2001. http://bostonreview. accessed May 1. 1-16.

Volume 9 Page 117 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM 1. county and municipal governing bodies in America.there still was not a single quote from any of her writings. but we brand as "divisive" and "radical" the idea of providing similar remedies to include black Americans. 3. EXTRA!. In the media smear campaign against Lani Guinier. he admitted in an interview with Extra!.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." But once the stereotype was affixed to her. The problem is that Guinier is an opponent of quotas to ensure representation of minorities. July/August 1993. Nor did I write. Lally Weymouth wrote: "There can't be democracy in South Africa without a measure of formal protection for minorities. George Will and Lally Weymouth." In reality." a buzzword that almost killed the 1991 Civil Rights Act." An entire op-ed in the New York Times -. One of the most prominent themes of the attack on Guinier was her supposed support for electoral districts shaped to ensure a black majority -. 9-10/92) because it "isolates blacks from potential white allies" and "suppresses the potential development of issue-based campaigning and cross-racial coalitions. THE MEDIA DISTORTS GUINIER¶S VIEWS TO THE EXTREME Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . rather than to the political firestorm that raged around them -." George Will wrote: "The Framers also understood that stable. but in many cases presented as the exact opposite of her actual beliefs. No one who had done their homework seriously questioned the fundamentally democratic nature of "my ideas. THE MEDIA ADMITS THEY ARE BIASED AGAINST GUINIER Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas .was based on the premise that Guinier was in favor of "segregating black voters in black-majority districts. GUINIER IS THE OPPOSITE OF A ³QUOTA QUEEN´ Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . 4. injecting further distortions into the process. as George Will did. a Reagan-era Justice Department official." reporter David Margolick wrote -"everyone" including himself. 3. When the New York Times finally devoted an article to her views. How could Guinier's positions be distorted so thoroughly? Part of the problem was simple laziness: Rather than doing research into Guinier's record. some of us feel comfortable providing special protections for wealthy landlords or white South Africans. about the need sometimes to disaggregate the majority to ensure fair and effective representation for minority interests. color-coded ballots. her views were not only distorted. about the minority of wealthy landlords in New York City. EXTRA!. two conservative columnists. July/August 1993. p. The racially loaded term combines the "welfare queen" stereotype with the dreaded "quota. I wrote instead about the political exclusion of the black minority in local. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. EXTRA!. Professor of Law at Harvard University. Apparently. The difference is that the minority that I used to illustrate my academic point was not. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting.com . p. tyrannical majorities can best be prevented by the multiplication of minority interests. both wrote separate columns on the same day in the Washington Post (7/15/93). In an article in the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review (Spring/89). many journalists preferred to simply repeat the charges of ideologically motivated opponents.on June 4. 3. 3. Clinton's nominee as assistant attorney general for civil rights.wcdebate. EXTRA!." columnist Ray Kerrison wrote in the New York Post (6/4/93). In sharp contrast to her media caricature as a racial isolationist. CONSERVATIVES ARE HYPOCRITICAL WHEN THEY CHALLENGE GUINIER¶S VIEWS Lani Guinier. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. after the nomination had already been killed -. p.a process known as "race-conscious districting. so the majority at any moment will be just a transitory coalition of minorities. the white minority in South Africa. p. there was seemingly no way she could dispel it: "Unbelievably. the woman known as the 'quota queen' claimed she did not believe in quotas. who after centuries of racial oppression are still excluded. electoral quotas or 'one black. 3. July/August 1993. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." In my law review articles I had expressed exactly the same reservations about unfettered majority rule. she stated that "the enforcement of this representational right does not require legislative set-asides. "Almost everyone is relying on reconstructions by journalists and partisans. Guinier is the most prominent voice in the civil rights community challenging such districting. two votes' remedies. as it was for Lally Weymouth.which appeared on the day her nomination was withdrawn (6/3/93) -." Indeed.Yet these same two journalists and many others condemned me as anti-democratic. she has criticized race-conscious districting (Boston Review." 2. July/August 1993. Another media tactic against Guinier was to dub her a "quota queen." a phrase first used in a Wall Street Journal op-ed (4/30/93) by Clint Bolick. praising ideas remarkably similar to mine.

between claims of individual desert based on past opportunities and individual contributions based on future societal needs. allows us to reconsider the relationship between individual merit and operational fairness. she was not endorsing the concept of authentic representation. A first step is to view ³merit´ as a functional rather than generic concept. Professor.com . In this fuller accounting of the democratic values of publicly supported institutions. p." But more important. And she was repeatedly charged with believing that only "authentic" blacks counted. p. np. accessed May 1. In other words." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. 2000.org/mainart/confirmative_action. But in a Michigan Law Review article (3/91). http://www." as George Will put it (Newsweek.org/mainart/confirmative_action. If we are to move beyond the present polarization in a manner consistent with the commitments to fairness and equality that both positions endorse. 2000. quantifiable and backwards-looking entity that. Harvard Law School. 2. describing it as a "limited empowerment tool. Many commentators painted Guinier as a racial polarizer who implies that "only blacks can represent blacks. in a multiracial democracy. It is changing and manifests itself differently depending on how you look at it. each of us is then obligated not only to succeed as individuals. accessed May 1. It is contextual and resistant to standardized measurement. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting.´ Merit becomes a forward-looking function of what a democratic society needs and values rather than a fixed. AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AIDS DEMOCRACY.shtml. June 14. I tentatively call this a process of confirmative action. because it takes lessons from both the testocracy as well as affirmative action to confirm a set of experimental and pragmatic actions that begin to link (ad)mission practices for all students to the broad mission and public character of higher education in a multiracial democracy. 6/14/93). np. Dynamic merit involves a commitment to distribution of opportunity not only at birth but also through one¶s life. ³CONFIRMATIVE ACTION´ IS A COMMITMENT TO DEMOCRACY Lani Guinier. we confirm the benefits of affirmative action² but not simply to people of color²by re-casting merit as a practical term that is intimately connected with each institution¶s specific mission. That focus. 3. Harvard Law School. in other words. she was critiquing it. legitimacy and power base is the black community. Merit. June 14. It requires modesty in our beliefs about what we can measure in human beings. even as it demands clarifying and explicitly stating our institutional objectives. which showcase the experience of people of color and many women. http://www. while keeping firmly in mind the democratic purposes of higher education and the specific mission of most institutions of higher education. Our commitment to democratic values benefits from studies like the one at the University of Michigan. can be chronicled with the proper instruments.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. EXTRA!. July/August 1993.shtml. In doing so. 2002. becomes future-oriented and dynamic. like one¶s family tree or family assets.wcdebate. we must more carefully explore how to measure and what to call merit.minerscanary. but to ³lift as we climb. 2002. who carry a commitment to contributing back to those who are less fortunate. Volume 9 Page 118 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY 1. and what constitutes fairness for all. 3. AND SHOULD INCLUDE POOR WHITES Lani Guinier.minerscanary. Professor. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. THE CHARGES OF REVERSE RACISM AGAINST GUINIER ARE LUDICROUS Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . we should seek to reconfirm the democratic role of higher education in a multiracial society by re-connecting admissions processes to the public mission of both public and private schools. in turn. Guinier stated that "authentic representatives need not be black as long as the source of the authority.

it was surprising. Its efforts to create a student body with the right mix of skin colors have polarized it into two schools. their argument is not at all new. For its entire history. GUINIER¶S IDEAS WERE TRIED AND FAILED 30 YEARS AGO Ward Connerly. Instead. Nor do we lack for evidence about how their proposal would work.have mistakenly seen politics as a zero-sum game. and that those failures must result from a more deeply-rooted racism than Guinier is willing to acknowledge.that society is not so racially polarized. is develop procedures which will allow all of us to work together to find the policies which will do that. Which invites the pessimist to reply that the failures of policy show that the principle of reciprocity really doesn't work on matters of importance to African Americans. GUINIER IGNORES THAT RACISM IS TOO DEEPLY ROOTED FOR HER PROPOSALS Mark Tushnet. City College¶s experiment has failed.3/tushnet. Indian. For her. we ought to believe -. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. 3. The substantive failures of policy can be eliminated by following the indirect strategy of using the right procedures.html. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. one for which we should all be ashamed." Sturm and Guinier implicitly concede that preference proponents cannot carry the day while traditional measures of merit prevail. she proposes. http://bostonreview. they mount a frontal assault on the "prevailing selection procedures" of American society: academic standards measured by paper-and-pencil tests. etc.6/connerly. SORTING PEOPLE INTO CATEGORIES AS GUINIER DOES IS RACIST Ward Connerly. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. EMPIRICALLY. attracting topflight students from around the world. to see Susan Sturm and Lani Guinier propose "shift[ing] the terrain of the debate. The English Department is also enjoying a renaissance. http://bostonreview. What is most striking about Guinier's work. http://bostonreview.com .mit.edu/BR25. Volume 9 Page 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY 1.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. http://bostonreview. given these tensions.mit. City College¶s School of Engineering remains one of the best schools in the country. Thus.html. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994.6/connerly. The next step in fulfilling America¶s promise is to create a colorblind state. and refreshing.edu/BR25. American governments at all levels have sorted us into categories based on our skin color: slave. public policy could generate gains for everyone. according to Guinier's optimistic vision. 2002. 2002. December 200/January 2001. City College of New York embarked on precisely the same social experiment advocated by Sturm and Guinier today: open admissions.mit. people -. 4. Both departments¶ alumni often proceed to top graduate programs in the country. the history of City College¶s experiment highlights the inherent problems in sacrificing merit on the altar of race. Thus. Unfortunately.6/connerly. accessed May 1. GUINIER¶S IDEAS LEAD TO RACIAL POLARIZATION Ward Connerly. BOSTON REVIEW.edu/BR25. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center. All we need to do. Unfortunately.wcdebate. free black. octoroon.mit. 2002. accessed May 1.html. December 200/January 2001.apparently in the face of the failures of public policy -. is how optimistic and fundamentally conservative she is. in which what one group wins necessarily comes at the expense of another group.html. While the City College administration shared their concerns about racial equality and merit. December 200/January 2001. BOSTON REVIEW. 2. In 1970. Sturm and Guinier ignore this fundamental reality. Caucasian. Their prescription of emphasizing race anew merely resurrects the worst of our history. Students admitted based on their prior academic performance continue to succeed. accessed May 1.edu/BR19. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. 2002. Hispanic. BOSTON REVIEW. It is a long and sordid history. accessed May 1.perhaps most particularly whites -.

December 200/January 2001. is now poised to deliver the coup de grace. 2002. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. Is this not the lesson of Bill Clinton¶s ill-fated proposal to "end welfare as we know it"? 3. especially when the people doing the evaluations are white and male and the people being evaluated belong to stigmatized groups. though. Sturm and Guinier declare that "it is time to shift the terrain of debate. Their ideological enemies will revel in this retreat to a second line of defense by two law professors who are identified with the cause of affirmative action. 2002. First. accessed May 1. which has already eviscerated affirmative action through a series of decisions. GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE IMPRACTICAL Stephen Steinberg. Though they do not say so explicitly. http://bostonreview. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. affirmative action has been under sustained assault. THE SOLUTION IS TO MEND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION. December 200/January 2001. two troubling questions arise. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. are Sturm and Guinier capitulating to the anti-affirmative action backlash and prematurely throwing in the towel for the sake of an illusory consensus? Second. Nor will Sturm and Guinier get the concessions they are bargaining for. On closer examination. Is so-and-so a "team player"? Does she do her job well? Does he have good communication skills? Does she make the tough decisions? Does he demonstrate leadership? Such judgments are easily tainted by personal prejudices." as Sturm and Guinier write in their opening sentence. but they end up acquiescing to the reversal of hard-won gains and falling back on reforms that are unlikely to be enacted in the foreseeable future.com . December 200/January 2001. Sturm and Guinier also make a compelling case that it would be fairer and more productive to judge applicants on the basis of performance criteria. this strategy may appear to be a sensible concession to political reality.mit. They may tell themselves that they are driven by realpolitik. Against this background. The problem. don¶t fix it. As the saying goes.html.6/steinberg. THERE IS NO EVIDENCE GUINIER¶S PROPOSALS WOULD WORK Stephen Steinberg. they seem resigned to the fact that the Supreme Court. Sturm and Guinier could have concluded that the case against affirmative action is specious and therefore affirmative action should be upheld." 2. However.html. would their proposed reforms of the selection process. is that they implicitly advocate these reforms as a surrogate for affirmative action policy. 2002. aside from the advantages that derive from better schooling. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. accessed May 1.6/steinberg. Volume 9 Page 120 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE 1. the "testocracy" that is used to assess merit is neither fair nor functional. http://bostonreview." 2.edu/BR25.mit. "if it ain¶t broke.edu/BR25.mit." The entire thrust of their argument is to explore alternatives to affirmative action that will broaden access of minorities and women to jobs and universities. rather than scores on "paper-andpencil" tests. here the syllogism runs into trouble. studies have consistently found that performance appraisal ratings of women and people of color are prone to bias. Instead Sturm and Guinier make a case for overhauling the selection process that evaluates candidates for jobs and college admissions. Therefore±alas. The problem is that "for more than two decades. there are compelling arguments for abandoning standardized tests that favor privileged groups who. To be sure. provide the access to jobs and opportunities that are today secured by affirmative action? The logic of Sturm and Guinier¶s brief can be stated as follows: 1.edu/BR25.html. even if enacted. http://bostonreview. Affirmative action is assailed by critics as violating cherished principles of "merit. NOT GIVE UP AS GUINIER DOES Stephen Steinberg. At first blush. What evidence is there that overhauling the selection criteria would open up avenues for women and minorities? In most large-scale organizations±corporations and universities alike±employees are routinely evaluated by superiors on an array of performance criteria. accessed May 1. Indeed.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. 3.6/steinberg. have the resources to pay for expensive prep courses.

She argues that social revolutions involve two coincidences. Her earlier works focused more on revolution while her more recent literature tends to deal extensively with the United States¶ domestic social policies.O.E. This perspective is useful for Lincoln Douglas debaters because it allows for method of examining values within a particular social and political climate and the effect they will have on particular resolutions. She points out that they are accompanied and partially carried out by. Debaters are often drawn to a social science perspective on social change in order to explain the effects of their views on society. Next.C. Skocpol a researcher. Dr. From 1975 to 1981 she taught as a member of the non-tenured faculty at Harvard (Homepage). Skocpol¶s way of tying social and political forces together and analyzing those issue which effect both provides debaters with a model for effective argumentation through a discussion of past events. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Through comparative historical analysis she helps to create an understanding of international contexts and changes in domestic policies that spawn revolutionary change in a particular society. but she is a wife and mother. Not only is Dr.´ (4). involve class-based revolt but not structural change. full scale social revolution has been quite rare. She then uses her knowledge of history to create a more generalizable framework and allow readers to move beyond particular cases. than other types of societal change. EXPLAINING SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS In her early work. In this essay I will briefly describe some of Theda Skocpol¶s most prominant works and the theories she has developed in them. Skocpol argues. STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS. Her work focuses on a structural perspective and pays special attention to the specific contexts in which certain types of revolutions take place. The nature of the social revolution is unique because of its mutually reinforcing nature and the intensity through which they work.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ This type of change is not the only force of change in the modern world. Social revolutions are fundamentally different. Thomas Professor of Government and Sociology at Harvard. a social revolution involves the coincidence of societal structural change with class upheaval. First.) on her behalf (Impersonal at Best). Her work includes discussions about the nature of the state. she then returned to Harvard¶s Sociology Department.wcdebate. Theda Skocpol defines social revolutions as. that this particular form of change deserves special attention because they are a distinctive pattern of sociopolitical change that has a large and lasting effect on both the country where the revolution occurs as well as other nations around the world. However. especially in analyzing revolutions. She is a native of the state of Michigan.com . From 1981 to 1985 she taught Political Science and Sociology at the University of Chicago. ³class-based revolts from below. Skocpol utilizes her experience in sociology and political science to analyze the nature of public policy and social revolutions. Skocpol and Sociologists for Women in Society (SWS) filed charges against Harvard with the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (E. an active citizen. In 1981 the all-male department of Sociology at Harvard refused tenure to Dr. In addition to all of this responsibility she still finds time to be what she calls her readers to be. She now has tenure in both Sociology and the Department of Government at Harvard. Other forms of change never achieve this unique combination. by nature. The examples she points to are rebellions that. I will end with a general discussion of the importance of Skocpol¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debaters. Each section should provide another useful way of approaching domestic and foreign topics in the realm of social policy or social change. She received her Bachelor¶s degree from Michigan State in 1969 and then went on to study for her PhD at Harvard. She is involved in the community around her not only through her books but by contributing to local newspapers. It also allow debaters to utilize historical examples without making it sound simply like a list that can be easily countered by a list on the other side. As well as political revolutions that transform the state but not society and do not necessarily involve class struggles. in fact. social policies and revolution through historical and comparative methods. Volume 9 Page 121 THEDA SKOCPOL Theda Skocpol is the Victor S. Skocpol¶s work refutes such mechanisms as the best method. shows Skocpol. ³rapid. basic transformations of a society¶s state and class structures. they involve the coincidence of political and social transformations. professor and well-known author.

In the past individuals in a variety of areas. which left states in charge of taxes and allowed them to determine coverage and benefits. Hopefully. political science and history being the most prominent have discussed the concept of welfare. After understanding that a particular class may come to a place where they realize the can struggle for change it is also important to understand how such groups may carry out their objectives. Her claim is that: First. She takes the Marxist analysis further by examining other factors that have an influence on social change. and examining how their development was effected by who could vote and have an effect on the legislation. This concept makes receipt of such benefits demeaning and citizens attempt to avoid them. The Social Security Act of 1935 included contributory retirement programs as its only national program. Volume 9 Page 122 Skocpol¶s work draws heavily on Marxist tradition from which she recognizes that class conflicts figure prominently in social revolutions. (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14-15) Obviously. Thus. Finally.S.S. The federal government has never created a national health insurance policy and though it offers some subsides for public assistance programs it is left up to the states to administer such policies. While all of the previously mentioned nations provided social benefits directly from the nation¶s budget. For this understanding political-conflict theories are necessary in Skocpol¶s analysis. Skocpol examines these issues in order to analyze the way the United States chooses to give out social benefits. ³«collective action is based upon group organization and access to resources«´ (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14). During wartime nations like Britain became successful in maintaining and increasing such policies by juxtaposing their model of the ³welfare state´ against the Nazi model. exists in the framework of the ³welfare state. which started long after these other nations¶ programs.wcdebate. which they labeled ³the warfare state. The idea of political-conflict is based in the assumption that. A debater can use this strategy to make the argument that the status quo is good or at least that the case brought about by their opponent. their social position.that consciously undertakes to overthrow the existing government and perhaps the entire social order.´ The concept of the welfare state began in countries like Australia. the United States¶ model. if affirmed. Britain and Germany where governments enacted laws concerning hour and wage regulations as well as arbitration of labor disputes for workers. not all social revolution is a positive thing. undertakes to establish its own authority and program. through this analysis the debater should be able to show how their stance can create positive changes in society. The structural perspective taken by Skocpol is one that examines. could create a situation that would lead to an undesirable revolution. the conditions that cause change. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ that view is inaccurate. the revolutionary movement fights it out with the authorities or dominant class and. Early social spending in these countries continued to spread to other nations as well including Denmark.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. social disorientation. never followed a noncontributory model and in only one instance was anything allotted directly from the federal government to the citizens. Then there develops a purposive. mass-based movementcoalescing with the aid of ideology and organization. those individuals capable of creating change. The term ³welfare´ has always been a negative term in United States political discussions. and the resources available to the group. These countries also began noncontributory pensions for the elderly. for better or worse.´ Though many politicians would like to believe that the U. The same method may prove successful in answering a plan that could have detrimental effects.com . and insurance for workers. changes in social systems or societies give rise to grievances. or new class or group interests and potentials for collective mobilization. MATERNALIST SOCIAL POLICY FRAMEWORK In American political debates it is common to hear politicians refer to this nation as a ³welfare state. Other issues dealt with by the Social Security Act were things such as unemployment insurance. in following Skocpol¶s model successfully a debater would outline a particular stance on the resolution. if it wins. Skocpol takes the work from both of these areas in to consideration in understanding the development of social policies in the U. New Zealand and Brazil between 1880 and World War I. Americans tend to perceive these programs as handouts to people who are lazy and haven¶t earned them.

(THE MISSING MIDDLE 8) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. However. political institutions and variously structured social movements and political coalitions´ (PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS 36). She argues that up until this point the role of literature on women and welfare has been to sensitize readers to the subject and it therefore treats the subject through the use of narrative and interpretive essay. was for males and females were responsible for the private realm. by examining pensions and programs for males and the elderly as well as subsidies for women and children. The framework she sets up in this work provides yet another useful mechanisim for analyzing problems with the social and political structure in the United States while finding workable solutions to those issues.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Most nights the average American could turn on the news and see President Bill Clinton or Vice President Al Gore promoting their latest policy to put health care in the hands of the people and provide opportunities to the working class. Welfare literature often ignores the gendered dimension when examining American politics.com . Despite media reports that America was in a prosperous time the majority of the country was feeling overworked and underpaid. This mentality causes theorists to miss important issues when attempting to understand the history and development of social policy in the United States. politics and business. Her theory applies to Working men and women of modest economic means. Second it provides a well rounded concept of social policy in the United States. Skocpol alters that reality by examining gendered social policies as well as maternalist policies in her work. which included the charities and the home. the subject is not presented as one sided but rather analyzed through an understanding of the interplay between a variety of forces which she claims include women¶s organizations as well as. Skocpol takes on the challenge of creating a straightforward treatment of gender and social policies while learning from the more tentative arguments that have previously been made on the subject. However.wcdebate. In such a political climate it struck many people as strange that Theda Skocpol would choose that time to speak out about inequality in America. The fundamental understanding and belief has been that the public sphere. The work done by Skocpol in her book. Volume 9 Page 123 The welfare state concept has always been approached from a masculine standpoint. A shallow analysis of this problem may yield support for an understanding that American media is inaccurate.people who are not children and are not yet retirees. Her book. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS. This has a number of implications for debate. Most importantly however. a widely accepted understanding in the U. In order to explain this paradox Skocpol developed her theory of the ³missing middle.´ When talking about the middle she refers both to those individuals who fall into the middle of the socioeconomic spectrum as well as the middle of the generations. ³U. moves away from an understanding of United States history as one where powerful men made all the decisions and women could only make marginal gains under a patriarchal framework. unemployment was down. this different perspective is one that allows debaters to emphasize the role of women in the history and development of United Stats social policy without painting the male population in a negative light. having trouble obtaining health care and proper treatment at their jobs and not seeing the great wealth they heard about every night from the news media. They are adults who do most of the providing and caring for the children. THE MISSING MIDDLE. this perspective allows debaters to move beyond shallow criticisms of a patriarchal structure to a full understanding of what that term truly means and how it may be an inaccurate criticism of United States policies. She explains the powerful place middle-class women found themselves in once they began to organize around particular issues affecting their place in society.S. while paying the taxes that sustain retirees now and into the future. in this case the media was absolutely right. THE MISSING MIDDLE The late 1990s were a fairly positive time in American history. First. the stock market was up and social spending was high as well. Skocpol develops a maternalist theory of the United Stats social policies. was published in 2000 and all of the issues that she addresses are still important in current political debates. This book defends an understanding of the power of various women¶s organizations that make up the women¶s movement in America. This could be followed by reports of the Clinton administration¶s success at keeping the economy up and unemployment rates low.S.

and still are. The reason many Americans found themselves feeling overworked at the end of the 1990s while the media reported on the positive status of America was because they were.wcdebate. This may leave some debaters thinking. This work is especially important for Lincoln-Douglas debaters to have as a tool when determining a perspective with which to shape the debate for a couple of reasons. She points out that political debates devolve into conflicts between what are seen as the ³rich´ and ³poor´ in American society on issues such as welfare. More recently social policy debates have become an issue of the elderly verses the young. Often working parents make up a large portion of the audience at tournaments and Skocpol¶s theory of the missing middle may be the perfect perspective with which to approach a resolution and make arguments that your audience can relate to.com . mainly. this theory differs from most current social and political theories in that it stand right in the middle of the dominant perspectives and still provides tons of clash with all of the things around it. because Skocpol¶s theory tends to address the unspoken majority in American society she may provide a safer perspective when you are having trouble with audience analysis. the working population. Skocpol argues that because politicians continue to ignore the middle section of people in America¶s diverse spectrum of individuals they continuously miss the needs of this population. By examining a resolution through the missing middle perspective you seem to be avoiding the extreme positions and providing a discussion that is more palatable yet it will always clash with the dominant positions in these debates. are generally ignored in political debates. Skocpol argues. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Politicians tend to juxtapose the needs of an aging population with the programs designed to help underprivileged children. taking this approach insures that politicians leave out the largest portion of American society. working class parents it provides a realistic mechanism for assessing the resolution which your judges may often relate to. The group Skocpol seeks to address are generally working Americans who spend long hours at a job because they need to feed families and want to create a decent life either as a single parent or in a dual income home. why would I want to take a middle of the road stance if there will still be a lot of literature that clashes with it? The answer to this is simple.S. While all of these groups are relevant to discussions on social policy. First. Additionally. While college student and professors who judge Lincoln Douglas debate may be more amenable to radical discussions on either the right or the left of the resolution these individuals are not always the largest portion of a high school debater¶s judging pool.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 124 The people she is referring to are the one who fall somewhere in between the ³poor´ that are often the focus of welfare debates and the wealthy professionals who are usually defended in political debates by the conservative politicians. who Skocpol argues. ³are truly at the epicenter of the changing realities of U. society and economic life´ (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8). Those individuals who fall in the middle of the generational and socio-economic spectrum. Though the Clinton administration can tout low unemployment rates and a high stock market it is irrelevant to a large portion of the population. many of them parents. The low unemployment rate sounds good but ignores the fact that more Americans are working harder for less money than they have before and a majority of those same people could care less about a rising stack market because they don¶t own stock or have the time to learn how to invest their money because they are too busy getting out there and trying to earn it. because the theory of the missing middle addresses.

Additionally.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. tied together with values and political context as well as factors such as class. The final reason that debaters may find Skocpol¶s work accessible is that she does not merely offer an explanation of why things are the way that they are nor does she stop after a thorough criticism of a particular structure. her criticisms and explanations end with plans for practical actions that could bring about desired change. She takes great care in pointing out the roots of social policy as well as explaining work done in a variety of fields and showing what other scholars have contributed to the research. Instead. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. reading Skocpol¶s work will assist debaters in understanding perspectives that may be used to answer their case and providing them the tools necessary for refuting such arguments. Skocpol¶s work is useful for any Lincoln Douglas debater who finds themselves in a debate about domestic or foreign social policies. they will find useful examples and explanations that support the arguments they choose to make. Following her structure will allow debaters not only to have a political theory on which to base their arguments but it will provide a logical structure that culminates in a workable mechanism for change that should make sense to the critic. Volume 9 Page 125 LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE APPLICATIONS Some of the implications of this author¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debates have already been outlined in previous sections. which LD tends to draw upon.com . This particular theorist¶s work is a great tool for debaters because she takes the time to analyze situations from a viewpoint that allows the reader to examine historical examples. No matter what subject a debater may access this author¶s work to find she will end her discussion with a workable solution to the problems laid out in the discussion. Her work provides a mechanism for examining proposals made in the form of policy action as well as those that are created more as social changes. In Skocpol¶s book a debater will not only find a framework through which to construct a case. Here I would like to give a more broad discussion of the application of Skocpol¶s work to this activity. She also does a beautiful job of answering those theories that she chooses to disagree with. to explain events.

New Haven: Yale University Press. 1992.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. Steven. Boston: South End Press. April 30. and Nicole Mellow. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES.´ OFF OUR BACKS. 1996. 1999.wcdebate. Felicia A. Case. Volume 9 Page 126 BIBLIOGRAPHY Barker. Theda. THE NEW MAJORITY. Gail Lee. Skocpol. Gretchen. Skocpol. 1984. RUSSIA & CHINA.183.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. STATES & SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FRANCE. Skocpol. 28. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1997. ³Impersonal at best: tales from the tenure track. Fall. Wineman. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. Kornbluth. Theda. 1997. Greenberg.171. 2000. p. Skocpol. New York: W.com . Dubrow.. July 31.W. THE MISSING MIDDLE. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS: THE POLITICAL ORIGINS OF SOCIAL POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES. September 2000. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. Theda and Stanley B. 1982. Norton & Company. p. Halliday. May 31. New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 1979. Kristin Kay. Theda. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science. Terrance C.S. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. Ritter.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

wcdebate. However. has helped in describing the complex historical relationships between masculine power and government policy.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. and elite interest groups account for much of the remainder. 1997. Research on policy in a historical context tends to be preoccupied with broad theoretical questions that are of concern to feminist and other political theorists. Simply stated.171. However. In Protecting Soldiers and Mothers (1992). the literature under review profiles both the tight links between sexism and state policies. Skocpol asserts that the early development of American social policy was shaped by a social feminist movement that advocated for the establishment of a maternalist welfare state. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. these institutionalized forces create policy opportunities and barriers. Associate professor of American Politics at University of Texas at Austin and Nicole Mellow.com . Case. I will necessarily condense her account. the emphasis of both models on determination and autonomy. in combination with the postmodern suspicion of theories that make social life sum up into a neat coherent whole.183. electoral rules.S. organizationally grounded analysis of American political development"(526). bureaucrats. and policy feedback loom large. Neither neo-Marxists nor Skocpolians offered a model that entirely works for feminist students of welfare. Kornbluth." 13 Skocpol and her colleagues redirected the focus of study.. Gender is being used not just to add women to a fixed political picture. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States. Although not always explicitly. There is a tradition of research in the area of social welfare exemplified by scholars such as Theda Skocpol and Gwendolyn Mink that has influenced not only scholarship on American political development but interdisciplinary feminist scholarship as well.for accounting for the trajectory of social provisions. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U.. Rather.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. Skocpol's larger theoretical agenda is to substantiate her framework -. SKOCPOL¶S EXPLAINS STATES POLICIES' RELATIONSHIP TO SEXISM WELL Felicia A.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. to the emergence of particular government policies from particular governments." she argued in 1980. This type of policy and law research offers one of the most promising venues for integrating gender in such a way as to both critique and reformulate standard theories and interpretations of AP. In other words.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. political parties and officials. Given the enormity of her undertaking. bureaucrats. Professor of Sociology. [S]tate structures and party organizations have (to a very significant degree) independent histories. p. April 30. just as the neo-Marxists admitted the "relative autonomy" of politics while loading the dice in favor of "determination in the last instance" by economic power. governmental institutions. 14 In Skocpol's vision. Volume 9 Page 127 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD 1. In The Wages of Motherhood (1995). "[C]apitalism in general has no politics. Mink follows the development of this welfare state through the New Deal and argues that it was not only gendered but also racialized in ways that lowered the civic status of poor women and nonwhites. the United States possesses a decentralized. the shape of a government in itself-which she takes as mostly invariant over time. p.a polity-centered perspective -. To this already weakened edifice of Marxian theory. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science. 1996. Skocpol pushes social determinants out of her study so far as to load the dice in favor of autonomous state actors. "only (extremely flexible) outer limits. 2. that is. resulting in over 500 pages of text.. it provides an analytic concept for understanding the nature of political relations and state institutions. September 2000. INCLUDING GENDER IN POLITICAL STUDIES IMPROVES THE ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK Gretchen Ritter. in her polity-centered perspective (much as in her earlier state-centered model). weakly bureaucratic "Tudor polity. the history of social policy is understood by situating it "within a broader. and the random walk that such policies often take along their autonomous historical paths. Together. SKOCPOL CAN ACCOUNTS FOR INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS BEARING ON POLITICS Kristin Kay Barker." whereas historic monarchies like Sweden and France have strong central states-has enormous weight in shaping public policy. historical sociologist Theda Skocpol delivered a series of blows that threatened to bring it tumbling down. from whether and how economic elites could determine political outcomes. In her newest work. 3. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. a graduate student in the same department. The negotiations and conflicts among politicians. July 31. Skocpol introduces the term "structured polity" to describe the mix of political autonomy and social constraints that operate to produce social policy.

Historical accounts of the emergence of maternal policies are significant not only because they make for a richer representation of the crucial years of welfare-state development in Western capitalist democracies between 1880 and 1940. Although often overlooked in scholarship focused on state provisions to workers. they offer a fundamental restructuring of our current understanding of what is political. post suffrage women's movement. Professor of Sociology. 2. which were largely closed to their putative workingclass beneficiaries-so were maternalist policies maternalist in two ways. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights." she writes. (P.171. Case. with the latter's perceived best interests in mind.183." However. Kornbluth.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. republican motherhood." But we can distinguish maternalism from social feminism. In content.com . Felicia A.S. in Protecting Soldiers and Mothers. p. "Pioneering European and Australasian welfare states.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. Many women reformers in U. were doubly paternalist: Elite males. These texts continue to advance the larger claim of feminist scholarship that existing categories of analysis fail to capture adequately women's realities.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE HISTORY OF MATERNALISM SHOWS THE IMPORTANCE OF WOMEN¶S EXPERIENCES Kristin Kay Barker. 317) As paternalist social policies were paternalist in two ways-in their content. who know them as "social feminists. Maternalists were those reformers at the turn of the twentieth century who believed that motherhood or potential motherhood was a legitimate basis for women's citizenship. rather than just along the lines their organizations requested. April 30. and children figured prominently in the configuration of early welfare politics. Felicia A. history may have believed (in Ladd-Taylor's phrase) "that there is a uniquely feminine value system based on care and nurturance" or (in Gordon's) have "imagined themselves in a motherly role toward the poor. Skocpol clarifies her operating definition of maternalism by analogy to the "paternalism" she argues characterized most other welfare states. programs designed "in the best interest" of workers. 1996. they were designed by ambitious middle-class women for working-class women. time-bound contribution to political thought. [W]hile very little paternalist legislation was passed in the early-twentiethcentury United States. p. potential mothers.wcdebate. MATERNALISM UNDERSTANDS THAT WOMEN HAVE A POLITICAL ROLE AS MOTHERS. p. SKOCPOL PROVIDES THE CLEAREST UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALIST POLICIES Kornbluth. echoes of what historians of the early national United States have termed "republican motherhood. that women as mothers deserved a return from their governments for the socially vital work they performed by raising children. 1997.S. which treated men as fathers and heads of families. federal social programs for mothers. For over 20 years feminist scholars have outlined the ways in which maternalist rhetoric and strategies were employed in the formation of social policy campaigns and crusades.171. and/or that governments had a special responsibility to ensure the health and welfare of children. they treated women as mothers who made claims on the state thereby. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U." or as the fractious. April 30.S. the story was different when it came to what might be called maternalist legislation. established regulations or social benefits for members of the working class-that is. Volume 9 Page 128 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED 1. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. 1996. in their processes of creation. maternalism represents a unique political philosophy that is particular to the historical moment at which it emerged.. and in their processes of creation. July 31. bureaucrats and national political leaders. Maternalist reformers may be familiar to some readers. which simultaneously justified a public role for women and affirmed women's primary responsibility for children. 3. More important. Case. exhausted.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Readers may also hear in maternalism. and other reform ideologies by emphasizing its special.

from legislators to bureaucrats to social workers." MATERNALISM IS FLAWED 1. Author. Within political sociology. Senior Research Fellow. they represent a different version of how to sustain the corporate capitalist structure.36.in the interests of the corporate order. If the true agenda of the conservative program is to serve the interests of big business. severe stratification of power. after the turn of the century maternalist ideology began to weaken as parent education and other fields challenged the notion of maternal instinct and called for training and professionalization for those who dealt with children. to "do good. law and its carriers had been reduced to a mere instrumentality" (p. This function proceeds despite the conscious of many individuals. reliance on industrial production which poisons the planet. THIS CAUSES THEIR POLICY INFLUENCE TO OFTEN BE COUNTER PRODUCTIVE. 1999. Point for point. which continued to be reproduced not only by experts on children and the family. American Bar Foundation. 165). liberal human services leave basic elements of the political economy in tact: structural unemployment. It is a mistake to view the welfare state policies as representing a qualitatively different system from the conservative program. but he criticizes Skocpol and other state theorists for failing to comprehend law's autonomy: "In asserting the autonomy of the state. Theory of the State. but also by policy makers seeking to restrict governmental services for women. The case of child care and mothers' pensions reveals both the strengths and the limitations of an ideology rooted in arguments about women's natural capacity as mothers. it was maternalism that fueled the campaign for mothers' pensions. "The Limits of Maternalism.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. MATERNALISM CAN ONLY PROVIDE A LIMITED CONCEPT OF RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES FOR AMERICAN WOMEN. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES. a substantial literature has arisen that critiques the failure of pluralist theories to recognize the centrality of the state as an institutional actor with interests of its own with some measure of autonomy from the economic and political interests that emerge from the market and civil society. maternalism can also cast public child care as peculiarly unstable enterprise with a self-divided and self-defeating sense of purpose. Adjunct Professor of Sociology. teaches American women's gender. but also maternalism that contributed to the humiliating and punitive treatment of recipients. Koven & Michel). Sonya. Hence Shamir maintains that if it is good enough to argue for the autonomy of the state and its managers.com . p. and that became maternalism's legacy to the American welfare state. Ironically." MOTHERS OF A NEW WORLD (ed. she is also the co-editor and author of a variety of works on these subjects. Northwestern University. and social welfare history at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Fall. Volume 9 Page 129 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE 1. the hidden function of the welfare state is to maintain political and social stability and to deter fundamental change. It was the limited vision of women's rights and responsibilities. the predominance of giant corporations. p. THE WELFARE STATE IS AN INSTITUTION OF EXPLOITATION THAT CAN'T BE REFORMED Steven Wineman. Instead. 1984. not the idea of child care as public service to all. 307. While maternalism empowered the early female philanthropists to establish day nurseries and the NDFN to improve them. in both class and state. p. SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE FAILS TO RECOGNIZE THE AUTONOMY OF LAW. np.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. 2. it is also good enough to take seriously the autonomy of law.centered approaches. Michel. Shamir sympathizes with Theda Skocpol's thesis that state managers develop their own agendas. Terrance C. 1993. What became extracted and reified was the single trope of the woman as mother in the home. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. New York: Routledge. Similarly.wcdebate. Halliday.

Spring. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. Eirinn Larsen. 1996. but one that did not fit the needs and understandings of many less privileged citizens".com . "Specifically. Gordon indicates that Skocpol's analysis is not matched by familiarity with scholarly debates on gender. np. in the way Gordon sees it. Gender means "female" for Skocpol. researcher at European University Institute.PHILOL.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. the problems in Skocpol's interpretations are already present in the outset of the book: she fails to produce any adequate definitions of what she means by "paternalist" and "maternalist". and Gordon claims that "she produces an entirely celebratory account of the women's organizations she studies. to be sure. without directly expressing the distinctions between the two concepts. Skocpol uses maternalism as an opposition to paternalism. Volume 9 Page 130 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN 1. p. in order to maintain the family wage system. determined by class as much as by gender.male and female welfare reformers worked within substantially the same gender system. of the fact that the forms of political power with which Skocpol is so concerned are shaped by their maleness. Gordon is able to underscore that men and women were holding similar visions of the economic structure of the proper family in which the welfare state took its form. p. while these gendered assumptions did not necessarily express antagonism between men and women.. The absence of such a specification and definition is a result of her failure to ground her concept of gender in questions of male and female power. this supposed unity denies that women's agency also derives from other aspects of their social position. PhD. Gordon thinks it is false to believe that a kind of unity among women was present at this time. Gender is. but Skocpol identifies these commonalties no more than their differences. was. after all.. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. Gordon continues: "This failure exemplifies ways in which Skocpol's approach to the influence of gender is undeveloped in relation to the theoretical level of much scholarly gender analysis today". Spring. To Gordon. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. SKOCPOL'S GENDER ANALYSIS IS SIMPLISTIC AND INCOMPLETE Eirinn Larsen. NORWAY. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. says Gordon. Clearly.PHILOL. The stratification of the American welfare system into the social insurance and public assistance program. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in a context of male domination. She has no critique of maternalism". says Gordon." Gordon continues: She [Skocpol] generalizes about these "maternalists" as if they were manifestations of some universal female principle. np. In the entire book there is no discussion of male power in general or in its specifics -or. and thus the concepts of paternalism/maternalism refer to an inequity of power in relation to both gender and generation. a result of gender values shared by both men and women. or rather a set of meanings culturally constructed around sexual difference. In other words. However. 1996. not merely a neutral or benign difference. often called the two-track welfare system. NORWAY. By not employing gender as a male/female opposition. PhD. to put it inversely. researcher at European University Institute. . the same set of assumptions about proper family life and the proper sphere for men and women. it is a difference.The maternalist strategy was after all a result of women's lack of political power. 2. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. they were anything but universal: "they expressed a dominant outlook. They did share some fundamental beliefs and assumptions about proper role of government and the proper construction of families. Women's activism was as much as men's. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. SKOCPOL'S ESSENTIALISM REINFORCES A DESTRUCTIVE GENDER BINARY. with the exception of the structural differences mentioned above.

com . Paulo Friere. She could often be found curled up on her bed on a mental escape in a good book. as it might be today. racism and classism. Unfortunately she realizes that it is this choice that often causes her work to be passed over for use in institutions of higher learning. For her. This interest in books was not. there are many aspects of his work that have nurturing qualities for hooks and she feels justified in overlooking the sexist tendency.D. hooks was born in 1952 in Hopkinsville. which was supposed to be the primary goal in every girl¶s mind. perceived as a productive activity for a young girl to be engaged in. Her father feared. She has been extremely successful in applying her personal experiences in feminism. academia and her southern upbringing to a criticism of society that speaks to readers among a variety of audiences. In her reading hooks found one author who she had a particular connection with. which allows the author to combine reflex and action. highly knowledgeable in a variety of areas including literature. Like everything hooks does. Volume 9 Page 131 bell hooks bell hooks is the name chosen by Gloria Watkins as her pseudonym. hooks continued writing and went on to Yale after graduating. especially Friere. She earned her bachelor¶s degree from Stanford University where she expected to find a more enlightened view on the role of reading and education in a woman¶s life. that too much reading would change her life. She follows his model because it is participatory and employs the notion of praxis. from the University of California in Santa Cruz.wcdebate. sexism and classism.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. have indicted Friere as "partially blinded by sexism"(Women Writing Culture 106). she would have to avoid excessive involvement in books. Despite this realization hooks continues her practice because she feels the accessibility of her work to those outside of the scholarly community is more important. She later returned to California to obtain her Ph. it was simply recreated in new ways. hooks argues that her choice to avoid particular citation formatting of her work is not careless writing but rather a conscious choice to make her writing more accessible. Despite the fact the many feminist critics. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. correctly it turned out. generally taught by white males. She chooses to use this particular name in honor of her great-grandmother who she sees as a powerful. Hooks describes her grandmother as: bell hooks is a prolific author.´ Determined to overcome these notions. Though hooks will make reference in her works to scholars who have influenced her work. she does not generally conform to rules of source citation or footnoting. At the university she found herself further away from individuals expecting girls to seek out married life but the sex discrimination was not gone. politics. her writing style functions as a critical tool that breaks down accepted notions of proper and improper in academic scholarship. The desire to marry was not something bell hooks chose to focus on. Friere's work has served as a model of critical consciousness. This is accomplished in most of hooks' work through the contribution of her own life experience. Growing up hooks was taught that men did not like to be with smart girls and if she ever wanted to marry. In her classes. she found a hostile reaction toward discussions of ³feminism. Kentucky. race and gender studies but she more often chooses to write from her experiences and to adopt a more narrative style regardless of the type of work she is composing. She points out that. This is part of her attempt to decolonize her mind and the minds of other colonized people. including hooks. She knew there was something else out there for her. In the period from 1980 to 1998 she produced sixteen books as well as numerous articles and speeches. She uses her own experience to help others understand the hierarchy that exists in American society. and the destructive effects of sexism. From the age of ten she was sure she wanted to become a writer. self-actualized woman who survived harsh racism. WRITING STYLE bell hooks is a scholar.

She remembers getting up in the earliest hours of the morning so that she could make the long bus ride she always noticed as they passed the white school those student appeared well rested because they lived in the area where their school was located. We have those definitions. hooks argues that this acts as a barrier to self actualization by creating a false consciousness. and it privileges that group over disenfranchised peoples. this essay will deal with her general theoretical arguments and the literature on those subjects. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The bus riding process seems minor but it was one major example of the racist dehumanization young black children like bell hooks were forced to endure. sex or class. also occurs in the classroom where students are presented with white heritage and values but not called upon to consider the history of any other cultures and when those cultures are presented they are generally shown as they are perceived by the white historians. sexist. no bussing. she argues. and classist educational policies. Her argument is that we live in a patriarchal. legitimating standard English. hooks deals with issues that are important in the lives of everyday people.wcdebate. Let's reclaim them. Vernacular is another tool she uses to maintain connection with her roots as well as connections to her audience. It is experiences like these that cause her to point out that the ³world is more a home for white folks than it is for anyone else«´ (BONE BLACK 31). representations of their value structures and a devaluing of non-white people further marginalizes those groups. Patriarchy is the privileging of males over females. not very different from anything the students could relate to. racism within feminism. The letters at the beginning of her first and last name are lower case to how that the person is not as important as the message and in hopes that people would become more connected to her words than simply attaching themselves to a name. She indicts institutions and promotes a multitude of values. hooks discusses pictures in her all-black school that portrayed black people as primitive savages in loin cloths. which was obvious to her as she took the long bus ride to her all-black school. which seek to create a more open society free of oppression on the basis of race.com . Because of this values conveyed by television play themselves out in everyday life. after gaining a better understanding of bell hooks¶ thoughts on society it would be beneficial for debaters to examine the literature in her books or online dealing with any variety of issues in society from education to politics and medicine. Mass media is generally seen as a mechanism for entertainment but with the frequency that it is viewed in American society there is a tendency for individuals to accept those things consistently seen on television as normal. No one ever informed her that she was living in a white-supremacist nation. social movements and educational biases. There are a few terms that are frequently used in criticisms of the structure hooks describes. capitalist culture that uses racist. (KILLING RAGE) There are five major angles from which hooks chooses to analyze white supremacist tendencies in society: American nationalism. Frequently the media represents black people in subordinate roles to whites and fails to represent their reality or daily concerns. No matter your debate topic hooks has probably written something that applies. hooks articulates the impact of white supremacist media influence as socialization and colonization of the mind. Classism creates an elite group. Let's start over. Racism privileges one group of people over another based on racial classification. in a white supremacist society white individuals have the highest concentration of power thus white people are seen as superior to any other racial group. hooks has written so much and had such an effect on so many lives that her name is highly noted but she hope that the lower case letters at least cause people to consider what it is they have attached themselves to. in a capitalist society it is those with the most money. Even the smallest elements of bell hooks¶ work are purposeful. RACISM Growing up hooks attended segregated elementary schools. Let's share them. they just got up in the morning and went. The prominent group controlling American mass media are white males. hooks explains that the mass media plays an enormous role in the construction of images that construct America¶s social reality.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 132 She often feels free to alter the structure or grammar of her writing depending on the audience. FEMINISM "Feminist politics is losing momentum because feminist movement has lost clear definitions. The lower case letters were an attempt to avoid the status of icon but the name remains one regardless. This process. She argues white supremacist values continue to develop in society even today. white supremacist.

In FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY she points out: This is the reason many early feminists lashed out at men. men are not the sole reason there is sexism in society and feminists had to eventually learn to fight the oppressive structures through sisterhood. may even create a new type of feminism for the ideas presented in their work.wcdebate. Let the movement begin again. When talking about a particular feminist position it is important to clarify what the author's point of view is on the subject so that everyone is functioning in the same conceptual framework. bell hooks sees feminism as. and oppression. is the heart of the matter. ³acknowledge the ways politics of difference have created exploitative and oppressive power relations between women that must be contested and changed´(SKIN DEEP 272). hooks¶ version of feminism is one that goes beyond traditional notions of a feminist movement that only deals with women¶s issues to include race. Issues of who perpetuates sexism or whom it is directed toward are irrelevant. Feminists who are recognized by the media and the American culture are generally white women and black women in the movement. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. She argues that feminists are made. Work on personal issues have caused feminists to group together based on their lifestyle. The white supremacist culture has less difficulty recognizing upper class white women¶s experience then the experience of those generally excluded from this grouping. Though hooks advocates unity among feminists she realizes that the prevalence of racism even in the roots of the movement itself create a problem. bell hooks is in the business of consciousness raising. hooks argues against the impression that feminism is only. hooks¶ argument is that these groups need to come to this realization and reunite to regain power for social change. like hooks. or their critics. The women¶s movement has fractured into multiple movements based on the area certain women are most concerned with. not born. not only on feminist issues but a variety of social concerns. "a movement to end sexism. It is broad and able to include institutionalized sexism. they perceived them as the problem and the reason for the perpetuation of a sexist structure that allowed them to be dominant."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 6) Often people will refer to the feminist movement as a collective whole and while they do tend to come together on many issues each major feminist thinker in American society has their own take on the definition and qualities of feminism. Let's start there. Because of this a more beneficial definition of the feminist movement is the one used above by hooks that provides cohesion. She argues that in order to rectify the problem we must. Sexism. sexist exploitation. The goal of her writing is consciousness raising in order to overturn the ³white supremacist patriarchal system.com . FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY. and always. and that individuals who choose to advocate feminist ideals do so as a result of a conscious choice that comes from consciousness raising. These structures are mutually reinforcing and dependent. In her book. television and radio commercials. have often felt marginalized. At the core of her feminist theory is the assumption that racism and sexism are intimately intertwined forms of oppression. However. and all manner of printed material that tells the world about feminism.´ She argues that most women became involved in women¶s rights movements as a result of their efforts to create change in a cultural setting. As women identified structures that were hindering their self-actualization they looked to their own lives and realized that nearly all structures in American society were part of hooks¶ ³white supremacist patriarchal system. ads everywhere and billboards. not division in the movement. We can share the simple yet powerful message that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression. She points out that when feminist politics can be divided and connected only to equality with elite white males it prevents society from recognizing the need for revolutionary change and allows small gestures toward equality to pacify people. Volume 9 Page 133 postcards and hip hop music. hooks identifies this as the most destructive force in current feminist ideology. about women becoming equal to men and she indicts the notion that feminism is anti-male.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. While it is important that feminism address all of the structures that support oppression they have decreased some of their power by dividing on particular issues.´ This lead women to begin working on things that most affected them. She believes that this is a good definition of the feminism because it does not imply that men are an enemy of the movement. she argues."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 1). Occasionally an author. RACISM DIVIDING FEMINISM Earlier it was said that there are a variety of definitions of feminism.

Manifestations of this racism can be seen in schools as well as in the workforce. Type the name bell hooks into internet search engines and you will find tons of information. She wants to make her work something that everyone can understand the issues that are important to her. in this area she not only has a vast array of works dealing with expression but also mass media and she attempts to come to grips with what society can do to move away from destructive expression without censoring out groups who are already marginalized by the dominant culture. She looks at issues of poverty and class and discusses the ways that a feminist perspective addresses those issues. The next great thing about bell hooks is her accessibility.wcdebate. it silences their voices out of the movement further denying self actualization to this group of people. This critical approach may seem most accessible for a debater on the negative who wants to critique the dominant stance of the affirmative case. One of the most important issues for hooks as an author is a student¶s ability to read. When faced with a case that advocates a particular ideology. Her use of personal experience allows her work o be passionate and compelling. Not only can you find her work but when you sit down to read it you will not be lost. Because she is so interesting people want to provide information on her. Volume 9 Page 134 White women often speak for black women without fully understanding their experience and thus complicating the problem with increased racist assumptions under the guise of positive social change. Freedom of expression is another great area to use hooks¶ work. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Whatever the flaw. even her publishing company has made parts of the book FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY available on their website for free. even worse. media and the academy. White feminists also have been known to express connection with black women¶s experiences while completely missing their point of view all together.com . While white supremacist sexist society guarantees a devaluing of women¶s experiences and their bodies white women will always be better off on this structure than black women because of their race. Type her name into any library data base and you are bound to find something written by this author. Combined with knowledge of social realities and academic subjects hooks is an author many audiences can relate to. The key is finding the appropriate discussions to have with particular audiences in order to raise consciousness. debaters tend to want the information accessible on the computer as well. she even writes interesting children¶s books! Bookstores often carry a sampling of hooks¶ major works as well. Let¶s face it though. A careful deployment of hooks¶ work can bring audiences to your side. one of the most important parts of winning a debate is the ability to persuade your audience that the stance you have taken is correct. The wonderful thing about hooks for debaters is that she does not simply critique. These are only a few of the many areas bell hooks has chosen to write about. LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE bell hooks is a wonderful resource for debaters because of her application to a wide variety of concerns. Her criticisms apply to every conceivable area of American life because she critiques the fundamental structures in which we live. Her theories work well to indict any affirmative case that does not question its own underlying assumptions. She provides a unique perspective for creating practical approaches to societal issues. That makes her a good person to refer to when constructing cases as well.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. She may criticize the educational process in America but her books also discuss what can be done to alleviate detrimental effects of a problematic educational system. Finally. Not only is her work easy to locate but it is simple to read. Having the dominant culture speak for black women in the movement is not only damaging because it creates misunderstanding but. hooks will generally have something to criticize because even when someone is conscious to avoid racism and sexism they often don¶t recognize the critical role class plays in the assumptions we make about the way society functions. using hooks¶ work debaters should be able to uncover the problems with assumptions made in the case construction process.

³Black Woman Artist Becoming. bell. New York: Doubleday. WOMEN WRITING CULTURE.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. bell. Norton & Company. New York: Henry Holt.W. hooks. Cambridge: South End Press. Gary A. hooks. New York: W. hooks. 1995. bell. 1990. 1994. 1995. SKIN DEEP: BLACK WOMEN & WHITE WOMEN WRITE ABOUT RACE. Golden.com . YEARNING: RACE GENDER AND CULTURAL POLITICS.´ LIFE NOTES (ed. New York: Henry Holt. Boston: South End Press. Albany: State University of New York Press. bell. Namulundah.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1999. 1996. Volume 9 Page 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY Florence. hooks. 1995 hooks. 2000. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. Marita and Susan Richards Shreeve. hooks. Patricia Bell-Scott). 1998. WOUNDS OF PASSION: A WRITING LIFE. bell. Olsen. bell. BONE BLACK:MEMORIES OF CHILDHOOD. and Elizabeth Hirsh. New York: Henry Holt and Company. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY.

1995. Namulundah Florence. (1981. groups such as African Americans. TALKING BACK: THINKING FEMINIST. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. Nelson et al. hooks succinctly states: In the beginning black folks were most effectively colonized via the structure of ownership. hooks. McNaught. in America. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. educational. 1988. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. as I observe them suffer in ways that not only inhibit their ability t perform academically. Historically. Chinese Americans. Anglo-Saxon sociocultural traditions functioned as a ³prerequsite to social acceptability and access to the political structure´ (Banks 1988.com . This strategy of colonialism needed no country.. 11.122) 3. 1996). and Mexican Americans faced greater challenges in trying to assimilate as a result of possessing different cultural traits and characteristics from the mainstream (Banks. feeling and knowing as the norm. unlike Northern and Western European immigrants. 1998. Students from marginalized cultures find their primary cultural values and traditions inadequately represented and/or denied. and political structures that primarily served the interests of the colonizers . p. in this case. Insisting on the primacy of racial discrimination. gender. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. 1998. p. White people¶s values.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. since we who are black can never be white. and class specific. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 136 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE 1. My concern about the process of assimilation has deepened as I hear black students express pain and hurt. However. traditions. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. colonization of the continent led to the institution of economic. 2.109). p. this very effort promotes and fosters serious psychological stress and even severe mental illness.58). a ³white´ self. 14. can come into being.wcdebate. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. Critical. While assimilation is seen as an approach that ensures the successful entry of black people into the mainstream. AMERICAN SOCIETY HAS A WHITE SUPREMACIST CULTURE. just as racism overshadowed any bonding between black women and white women on the basis of sex. 1992. Once slavery ended. at its very core it is dehumanizing. It is argued that a pervasive false consciousness is reinforced in society due to the sanctioning of exclusive ways of being. p. but threaten their very existence. In a white supremacist society. feminist and multicultural critics highlight the fallacy behind mainstream norms and practices. 1994. 1988. white supremacy could be effectively maintained by the institutionalization of social apartheid and by creating a philosophy of racial inferiority that would be taught for everyone. Of course. p. for the space it sought to own and conquer was the minds of blacks (1995. In the United States. THINKING BLACK. The subordination of one group¶s cultural traits and characteristics has significant impact in marginalized students¶ experiences of schools and/or incorporation of official curricula. Embedded in the logic of assimilation is the white-supremacist assumption that blackness must be eradicated so that a new self. hooks contends: Racism took precedence over sexual alliances in both the white world¶s interaction with Native Americans and African Americans. these values and traditions are racial. 1996). AMERICAN CULTURAL BIAS IS ROOTED IN COLONIZATION Namulundah Florence. 67. Boston: South End Press. Essentially. and practices are engrained in social policies and norms serving as basic criteria for social and economic mobility. 1989. ASSIMILATION HAS A DESTRUCTIVE EFFECT ON BLACK STUDENTS bell hooks. p. currently policy makers(Banks.

p. p. I don¶t think we really understand either historically or in terms of contemporary circumstances why we view each other in such incredibly negative terms. active and passive. Rather than continuing to see them as opposites. despite the continued overt racism and racist agendas of those groups of white women who can most easily lay claim to the term ³feminism´ and project their conservative and reactionary agendas. social critic. Rather than defining manhood in relation to sexuality. I want to privilege political commitment because in this culture we do not emphasize enough that you can choose to be politically committed in ways that change your behavior and action. sociologically. and Mary Childers. Often this condescension merely masks the allegiance to sexism and patriarchal thinking in black life. a strengthened when black males and females participate as equals in daily life and struggle. New York: Henry Holt. 3. p. ³A Conversation About Race and Class. professor. professor.. suspicious ways that we often view white women. np. however relative.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. that they receive in the existing social structure. to be capable of being both strong and weak. it is clear that we cannot create a cultural climate where these conditions exist without first committing ourselves to a feminist agenda that is specific to black life. Certainly. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. girls women. particularly sexist black men. We need to do more work examining the reasons white women and black women of all classes view one another with suspicion. To advance this agenda we would need to rethink our notions of manhood and womanhood. to assume that black females are incapable of embracing revolutionary feminism in ways that would enhance rather than diminish black liberation. thinking we are trying to take something from each other (whether it is the privileged white woman who thinking that a black woman is trying to take some of her power from her or to make herself more powerful or it is black women feeling like thee are these white women who have everything and want more). 1990.´ CONFLICTS IN FEMINISM. And I would say vice versa as well. author. particularly sexist black men. social critic. and all our efforts at self-determination. 1995. Volume 9 Page 137 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST 1. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. yet black women don¶t unequivocally view white males in the hostile. Feminist theory needs to study historically. 2. we would need to recognize biological differences without seeing them as markers of specific gender traits. CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE INTERSECTIONS OF RACE AND SEX IS KEY bell hooks. the labeling of black women who engage in feminist thinking as race traitors is meant to prevent us From embracing feminist politics as surely as white power feminism acts to exclude our voices and silence our critiques. etc. This would mean no longer thinking that it is ³natural´ for boys to be strong and girls to be weak. Certainly as a group white males have been more oppressive to black women. Associate Professor of English and Women¶s Studies at Oberlin College.com . New York: Henry Holt. with different ³inherent´ characteristics. and anthropologically how we see one another and why it has been so hard or us to change how we see one another. New York: Routledge. 1995. Surely it is patriarchal condescension that leads black folks. What do you do when you are not privileged and have contact with a privileged woman of any race? Or when there is race and class difference? What gives us a space to bond? These are questions we have had trouble answering.wcdebate. with the understanding that both categories are synonymous with selfhood. FEMINISM ALLOWS THE BREAKDOWN THE RACIAL DIVISIONS AMONG WOMEN bell hooks. for boys to be active and girls to be passive. in response to specific contexts. Ours task in parenting and in education would be to encourage in both females and males the capacity to be holistic. author. If we start with the premise that black liberation struggle. INCORPORATION OF FEMINISM IS NECESSARY FOR BLACK LIBERATION bell hooks. we would acknowledge it in relation to biology: boys become men.75. Women seem to be particularly threatened when our differences are marked by class privilege. 69. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. In this case both groups are acting to protect and maintain the privileges. that concerns itself with ending sexism and sexist oppression in our diverse communities. to assume that black folks.

Like Jada. hooks (who insists on the lowercase letters) has nothing but disdain for "reformists" like Estrich who sought only to claim the "class privilege" their brothers enjoyed. but in 123 pages she never gets around to explaining what "ending sexist oppression" means. in recent year Hooks' work seems to have gone the direction of pop culture rather than a critique of dominant culture. like the older civil rights generation.com . 1/22/2001.her passion lost. I was surprised by what I read. I read Hooks' first book as a young women in college.´ MICHIGAN CITIZEN. Her follow-up works equally impressed me. I was impressed with her passion in telling the historical oppression of Black women in America. An unreconstructed black radical feminist. Bell Hooks and her BMW have disappointed me for the last time. NATIONAL REVIEW vol. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. "While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces. B1. Yes. Volume 9 Page 138 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE 1. love goes the way of BMW's. Hook's interview actually reinforces white-male-dominated patriarchal ideas she built her career fighting. However.wcdebate. Which is exactly bell hook¶s complaint.Bell Hooks interviewing Jada Pinkett for Essence . aside from abortion on demand and contraceptives for all. I was initially excited by the cover story . she has gone mainstream . She began Ain't I a Woman in college." hooks is equally disdainful of what she calls "lifestyle feminism. Black people and especially artists are often pigeonholed. 53.a potentially informing. 50. co-author (with Linda Waite) of The Case for Marriage: Why Married People Are Happier. It is clear from her Essence interview the "rage of youth" in Ain't I a Woman is gone." in which "the politics was slowly removed from feminism. Maybe. Healthier. Reformist feminism became their route to class mobility. yet at one point. Hooks was an important player in developing Black feminist theory. p." I wish I could tell you in more detail what hook¶s revolution might look like. In the past hooks has defended this move by arguing she should be allowed to "grow" and should not be pigeonholed. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and postcards and hip-hop music. lulled into a more "comfortable" and "middle class" existence." 2. p. 3/14/98. ads everywhere and billboards. HOOKS' FASCINATION WITH POP CULTURE WEAKENS HER CRITIQUE Catharine R. ³For bell. Equally hard to explain is her naive idea that all that prevents the triumph of radical feminism is bad marketing: "Let's start over. HOOKS FAILS TO PROVIDE AN ADEQUATE ALTERNATIVE VISION Maggie Gallagher. Posing as a "feminist author" Bell Hooks' interview with Jada Pinkett in the March issue of Essence magazine falls short of her used-to-be scathing critiques of dominant culture. and Better Off Financially. Kelly.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Buppiedom and Big Houses. and all manner of printed material that tells the world that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression. television and radio commercials. staff writer. empowering article for Black women.

and other scholars have utilized the intersectional model in order to counter essentialism in feminism. The intersectionality scholarship has inspired helpful analyses in areas outside of the contexts of feminism and antiracism. like the intersectionality theorists. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. critical race theory. single-issue politics and have proposed reforms in a variety of doctrinal and policy contexts. B. 309-310. Yale Law School. These scholars. recently. race-sexuality critics. and the social identity categories around which social power and disempowerment are distributed.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. phenomena.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW. Their work on the intersectionality of subordination has encouraged some judges and progressive scholars to discard the "separate spheres" analysis of race and gender. and the failure to recognize the multidimensional and complex nature of subordination. In particular. the positioning of progressive movements as oppositional and conflicting forces. 2. gays and lesbians of color.. a growing intellectual movement has emerged that responds to racism within gay and lesbian circles and heterosexism within antiracist activism. University of Pennsylvania.com . rather than conflicting.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." Multidimensionality "recognizes the inherent complexity of systems of oppression . In a series of articles. Feminists of color and other critical scholars have examined racism and patriarchy as "intersecting" phenomena.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination.. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. Assistant Professor. whose work examines the relationships among racism. patriarchy. While essentialism remains a prominent feature of progressive social movements. MULTIDIMENSIONALITY ALLOWS THE EXAMINATION OF MULTIPLE INTERSECTIONS Lennard Hutchinson. 288-290. and class oppression utilizing a model I refer to as "multidimensionality. I have examined the relationships among racism. law and sexuality. B. Southern Methodist University School of Law.D. respectively.. have also examined the experiences of persons who suffer from intersecting forms of marginalization and have proposed policies to address the reality of complex subordination. Although heavily influenced by intersectional analysis. Volume 9 Page 139 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY 1. p. Yale Law School. critical scholars have offered persuasive arguments against traditional. The HRC endorsement controversy reflects broader.D. are currently developing a sizeable body of scholarship that extends intersectionality theory into new substantive and conceptual terrains. therefore.A. rather than as separate and mutually exclusive systems of domination. These "postintersectionality" scholars are collectively pushing jurists and progressive theorists to examine forms of subordination as interrelated. and heterosexism. Assistant Professor. The powerful intersectionality model has also inspired many other avenues of critical engagement. class domination. p. for example. Multidimensionality.wcdebate. structural problems in antisubordination theory: the embrace of essentialist politics.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW. The feminist of color critiques of feminism and antiracism provided the earliest framework for analyzing oppression in complex terms. OPPOSITIONAL STRUCTURES OF RACE AND SEX BECOME BARRIERS TO COALITIONS Lennard Hutchinson..A. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. J. have challenged the patriarchy and heterosexism of law and sexuality and feminist theorists.´ ³Multidimensionality..´ ³Multidimensionality. rather than as potential alliances and coalitions. patriarchy. Lesbian-feminist theorists. and poverty studies. Spring 2001. the "post-intersectionality" theorists have offered several improvements to the intersectionality model. J. Lesbian feminists. University of Pennsylvania. Southern Methodist University School of Law. Spring 2001." Multidimensionality posits that the various forms of identity and oppression are "inextricably and forever intertwined" and that essentialist equality theories "invariably reflect the experiences of class-and race-privileged" individuals. and. heterosexism.. arises out of and is informed by intersectionality theory.

New York University. 1946. HUMANS AND PERSONS: QUESTIONS OF LIFE AND DEATH (Co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1994. But Singer explains that equality can be extended with attention paid to detail. and a BA in philosophy from the University of Oxford in 1971. Singer was a professor at the Center for Human Bioethics.wcdebate. Monash University. 3 The barrier that causes society to not extend rights to animals is their view that these species are fundamentally different. Now. RETHINKING LIFE AND DEATH: THE COLLAPSE OF OUR TRADITIONAL ETHICS in 1994. PRESENT TECHNIQUES. he was given a professorship at Princeton University amid much controversy. Australia on July 6. what makes an individual or creature a ³person. At age 30. INDIVIDUALS. Singer understands that extending rights to animals seems a bit far-fetched. ETHICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES IN GUARDIANSHIP OPTIONS FOR INTELLECTUALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE (co-author with Terry Carney) in 1986. sometimes quite vehemently. He is the author of the major article on ethics in the current edition of the ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA. Volume 9 Page 140 PETER SINGER Peter Singer was born in Melbourne. they merely need different considerations.´ and democracy. an MA from the University of Melbourne in 1969. instead of classifying those of other races or women as less deserving of rights. it was widely criticized as absurd. Instead. He also reminds us that for a long period of time. TEST-TUBE BABIES: A GUIDE TO MORAL QUESTIONS. and thinks that they have gotten rid of the last form of discrimination. Even careful readers of his works will disagree. 1 When he was hired at Princeton University. Women were given the Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. A COMPANION TO ETHICS in 1991. For example. His works have appeared in nineteen languages. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS in 1975.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. His writings include discussion of issues like animal rights. MARX in 1980. and co-director of the Institute for Ethics and Public Policy. whereas a man cannot physically require an abortion and so does not have this right. THE REPRODUCTION REVOLUTION: NEW WAYS OF MAKING BABIES (co-author with Deane Wells) in 1984. ANIMAL FACTORIES (co-author with James Mason) in 1980. He believes that society has become far too complacent. liberation movements for minorities and women seemed far-fetched. IN DEFENCE OF ANIMALS in 1985. His works include DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE in 1973. He has lectured at Radcliff. He was awarded a fellowship by the Academy of Humanities and the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia. HEGEL in 1982. the Director of the Center for Human Bioethics. and ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT in 1998. with what he has to say or will reject some of the premises upon which he bases his arguments. he began his teaching career and has been teaching and writing since. ³But some of the controversy arises from the fact that he works on difficult and provocative topics and in many cases challenges long-established ways of thinking -. La Trobe University.about them. When Mary Wollstonecraft published her VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN in 1792. ANIMAL RIGHTS AND HUMAN OBLIGATIONS: AN ANTHOLOGY in 1976.´ 2 SINGER AND HISTORICAL OPPRESSION Singer uses a comparison of ³speciesism´ to the historical concepts of racism and sexism. Peter Singer¶s educational experiences include a BA with honors from the University of Melbourne in 1967.or ways of avoiding thinking -. While at Monash University. PRACTICAL ETHICS in 1979. AND FUTURE POSSIBILITIES in 1982. EMBRYO EXPERIMENTATION in 1990. and was awarded the National Book Council of Australia Banjo Award for non-fiction in 1995. and Princeton University (where he currently is a professor). He was a senior scholar in the Fullbright Program. SHOULD THE BABY LIVE? THE PROBLEM OF HANDICAPPED INFANTS (co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1985. the decision was met with much enthusiasm and controversy. but that society has since realized its mistake. In 1998. a woman can claim that she has a right to an abortion. HOW ARE WE TO LIVE? ETHICS IN AN AGE OF SELF-INTEREST in 1995. and again turns to the women¶s rights movement as an example. As the President of the University noted. He explains that conceding the differences in beings does not mean they are unworthy of equality. we classify members of other species as undeserving.

It would also mean that Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Singer. Singer notes how much money and resources it requires to raise animals for food. they come with differing moral capacities. THE DEFINITION OF EQUALITY Before we can explore the ways in which Singer believes equality should be extended. That is. it is a prescription of the way beings should be treated. After noting the similarity this principle holds with the racist and sexist policies of the past. Perhaps the conflict of interests is not real. and use them to do our labor. Singer is quick to explain the problem with this criterion: it necessarily excludes humans who are infants and those who have mental defects. factual equality comes with no guarantee that the abilities and capacities that humans have are distributed evenly throughout the population. moral capacity.´ 7 These differences make it nearly impossible to create a criteria that encompasses all of humanity. Dogs. 4 Singer concedes that there exist important differences between animals and people. like intelligence. The first idea that Singer deconstructs is the notion that equal consideration should hold until there is a clash between the interests of humans and nonhuman animals. however.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. A difference in ability documented in fact does not justify any difference in the consideration we give them.com . is sentience. He poses the hypothetical situation of an experiment that needs testing. Others have proposed differing criterion that Singer responds to. Thus. then they cannot have interests. do not have that same capability and should not be allowed the right to vote. This would mean that individuals with mental defects still would not be included. strength. 8 There are a few other arguments that Singer answers. and the second is if they have interests. His critics often ask. Singer explains that if fails since our interests are constructed to always be in conflict with other species. Because the notion of basing equality on a fact. Volume 9 Page 141 right to vote because they are capable of rational decision making just like men are. I shall argue. however. according to Singer. But because we believe our interests are always in conflict. and explains how it is not necessary for a healthy diet. we must first have a clear understanding of how he defines equality. points out that all of the proposed criterion exclude some of humanity while including some non-human animals. Singer notes that. His critics claim that the reason why infants should be included in the criteria of intelligence and reasoning is because they have the potential to develop those things. as noted above. their interests must be given equal consideration to human interests or any other animal¶s interest. In his All Animals are Equal. creates divisions between humanity. if harming one animal in tests could save thousands. the determining factor is the capacity to suffer or experience happiness. or other matters. and not merely an assertion of fact. and differing capacities to experience pleasure and pain. would that be ok? Singer responds with another hypothetical situation: would the experimenter be prepared to conduct the study using a human infant? If he is not. we will never give equal consideration. is equality of consideration for different beings may lead to different treatment and different rights. differing amounts of benevolent feeling and sensitivity to the needs of others. differing abilities to communicate effectively. but that does not mean that the basic principle of extending equality to non-human animals is invalid. The proposed criterion are ways to determine who is worth of having equality extended to them. Equality. If a creature cannot suffer. Furthermore. Fundamentally. CRITERIA FOR EXTENSION OF EQUALITY Critics of Peter Singer often offer criteria that attempts to include all of humanity and exclude non-human animals. Singer¶s notion of equality is that it is a moral ideal. The first is the ability of a being to suffer. But if a creature can suffer. then it is simple discrimination.´ 5 This helps to further clarify the notion that equality does not mean an extension of the exact same rights. Singer offers the following definition: ³The basic principle of equality. wear them. Singer¶s ideas here begin with the notion that not all human beings are the same. differing intellectual abilities. 6 This consideration is based on two things. ³Humans come in different in different shapes and sizes. is not descriptive of they way beings are.wcdebate. rather. a criteria based on equality only in certain circumstances fails. The criteria agreed upon by Singer. and a decision can cause that suffering. a new criteria becomes necessary. We eat them. Another proposed criterion to decide upon the extension of equality is intelligence or the capability to reason.

. However. find themselves in a precarious situation without the ability to distinguish a defining characteristic. the good of a missile is to blow up and should be considered. Singer questions this criticism by pondering how we assign value if not based on sentience. Singer argues that you would conduct environmental policy with regards to the interest of those who are granted the status of person.´10 This leads many beings to not get classified as persons. and that even plants are pursuing their own good. Singer goes on to add that by the logic of those who advocate looking to plant¶s interests. human embryos. chickens. such as ³the intrinsic dignity of the human individual. interpretations of these references is varied and controversial. It leaves us searching for the characteristic that all humans possess and other animals don¶t that would qualify them for intrinsic dignity. few are able to articulate a standard that includes all types of humanity and excludes all non-human animals. Critics of Singer say that his criteria for declaring someone a person are ³rationality and self awareness over time. if the killing of the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others it would . however. . Since those persons depend on the environment.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. policy decisions would be made to protect the environment in the interest of persons. Again. human fetuses. Once we ask the question as to why all humans have this worth we are only taken back to the previous issue. to plants. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed.wcdebate.com . INTERPRETATIONS OF SINGER¶S CRITERIA While Singer does frequently make reference to the fact that most proposed criterion would include some animals but exclude infants and those with mental defects. Singer notes that this is couched in many elegant phrasings. The final argument Singer addresses is that humans have an intrinsic dignity.´12 The implications of this view outlined by Rolston are those of an anthropocentric society. This would include brain-damaged people. too focused on people. Rolston says value comes from having a respect for life. Rolston concedes that our views regarding ethics prior to Singer were too humanist. like dogs and bears. be right to kill him. indeed to care for a biospheric Earth. would be considered persons. critics of Singer argue that those with mental defects should still be extended equality. He supports his idea with the thoughts of Paul Taylor. He also explains. and fish. therefore. Singer maintains that this idea only holds up when it goes unquestioned and assumed.´9 This dates back to the ideals of the Renaissance and humanists. SINGER AND BIOCENTRISM Holmes Rolston III and some green philosophers argue that Singer¶s position is detrimental to biocentrism. Here Singer enters territory that offends many and has helped to create a feeling of hatred towards him." 11 While many people disagree with Singer¶s position. Volume 9 Page 142 sperm and eggs would also have to garner equal treatment as a full-grown being. Those who advocate this position. those with significant mental retardation. that ³Singer has proven himself blind to the still larger effort in environmental ethics to value life at all its ranges and levels. and therefore be seen as unworthy of equality. an environmental ethic that is based on human needs does not often differ in policy recommendations from an environmental ethic based on the biosphere as its center. After all. However. ³"When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. but cannot articulate why their criteria of intelligence and reasoning apply. fellow humans are not eager to disagree with the view that they are members of the highest order. and a river is seeking its own good to reach the sea. Singer writes. and more specifically. many animals. and runs through Judeo-Christian doctrines. who details that every living organism has a will to live. rather it is just what the plant does and cannot be anything else. In PRACTICAL ETHICS. The loss of the happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second. Therefore.´ or that ³humans are ends in themselves. Singer dismantles this position by noting that a plant doesn¶t have a choice as to whether or not it grows toward the light for its own interest. those with some forms of psychosis. 13 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.

it must cause suffering. If humans simply took advantage of the fact that animals died. Unless your opponent can identify why that belief is justified.M. however. However. SINGER IN DEBATE Singer¶s framework is particularly useful for calling into question the underlying assumptions of your opponent. The second is that in Singer¶s work. Singer claims that proximity. The implications of the distinction between causing a death and allowing a death carry over from the realm of non-human animals into the world of humanity as well. it would still not justify the use of the creatures as a means to an end. This position is initially weakened by the fact that it ignores the entire premise that killing animals in any way could be simply wrong. An understanding of the way things are is necessary to determine the way things should be. humanity. that is. From a utilitarian perspective. does raising animals for food cause more benefit than harm? R. Many philosophers and their positions seem to invite action. 16 Singer feels that a discussion of an argument. He says. We cannot compare what an animal would have in nature to what they would have in a farm. Second. The first is that it is revisionary. Hare takes the position that it is not. but few have gone so far as Singer in making it a primary goal explicitly explained to his readers and audiences. A third is that there is an assumption that individual action can make a difference. Singer notes that the way animal production works within the system does not take into account animal suffering. etc. The creature would be allowed to live without human interference. is irrelevant and uninteresting unless it calls for an action in a way that individuals can have power. Singer discusses the ideas of our responsibility in world famine. Complacently allowing death to happen is just as morally and ethically wrong as dong the killing yourself.´ 14 Singer answers this claim on several levels. the way we should strive to make things.´ 15 Singer¶s view of accessibility extends to the way people use philosophy. will most likely rest on the assumption that humans are inherently more valuable than non-human animals. engaging the argument still yields some debate. First. all suggest a lack of concern for the animals. is no justification for a lack of action. even if it is a short one. the disease and filthy living conditions. ³For it is better for an animal to live a happy life. that is. in order for an action against an animal to be wrong. so breeding a new existence is not some sort of net gain for the animal. facts matter. Volume 9 Page 143 ³THE GOOD OF THE ANIMAL´ Some have argued (and attempted to use Singer¶s utilitarian framework to do so) that raising animals to eat is not causing them to suffer. Here. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The question then becomes. but to change it. Practical ethics have three primary characteristics. Most importantly. especially citizens of a democracy. or the distance between an individual and a famine. an understanding of a position. This perception that philosophy is not just for the academically inclined and is not to be merely kept in books and the classroom helps to distinguish Singer from not only his contemporaries but philosophers throughout history. its purpose is to not merely explain the world and the way it works. The confinement that these animals endure. Singer explains how philosophy should be accessible to everyone by noting. ³As the subject of this book is one that concerns not only those studying or teaching political philosophy in universities but also any citizens. Any advocacy of valuing progress. whether is causes more benefit than harm. PRACTICAL ETHICS The philosophy of Singer is based on the idea of practical ethics. Singer argues that allowing death is as bad as causing death. the absence of a benefit is not harm. I have tried to write throughout to write in a way that can easily be understood by those who have never studied philosophy. he notes that mere existence is not in itself a benefit.wcdebate.com . even if the benefit that this existence creates is good. the painful ways in which they are killed. This is why Singer discusses action as well as right and wrong. who find themselves faced with a law they oppose. In Democracy and Disobedience. He first alludes to the notion that philosophy and ethics should entail action in the introduction to a book that developed from his thesis project at Oxford. a counter-advocacy of a value that encompasses all those considered ³persons´ would be more beneficial. why he tries to make his work easy to read and applicable to individuals. than no life at all. growth.

1999. 5 Peter Singer. and use animals to further human aims.´ It also calls for a questioning of the basic assumptions of the age. 17 Peter Singer. All Animals are Equal. Essays on Bioethics. 7 Peter Singer. 1999. in moral and political philosophy. __________________________________________________________________________________ 1 http://www. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account. 1973.wcdebate. Wesley J. ³intrinsic worth of humanity. ³It is the significant problem of equality.com . All Animals are Equal.frontpagemag. Singer also offers a critique of modern philosophy that can be applied in many ways. The effect of this is that the question of the equality of other animals does not confront the philosopher. Wesley J. medicine. 10 Smith. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account. http://www.M. 13 Holmes Rolston. or student. Singer and the Practical Ethics Movement.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ 17 A critical discussion of what makes beings equal must escape the normalcy of an assumption that humans are and animals aren¶t. as an issue itself. All Animals are Equal. All Animals are Equal. All Animals are Equal Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.and this is already an indication of the failure of philosophy to challenge accepted beliefs. These lines of study all rely heavily on the superiority of humanity. All Animals are Equal.princeton. 15 Peter Singer. and academics.frontpagemag. 1993.html 2 Princeton Weekly Bulletin.com/ 11 Smith. Democracy and Disobedience. 16 Dale Jamieson. 8 Peter Singer. 6 Peter Singer. Peter Singer Gets a Chair. All Animals are Equal. Volume 9 Page 144 Singer¶s advocacy also has implications to any topics that particularly deal with science. Hare. 4 Peter Singer. It calls for a justification of the superiority of human beings that does not rely on rhetoric such as. is invariably formulated in terms of human equality. All Animals are Equal. 1998 3 Peter Singer. 9 Peter Singer. 1993. December 7. Counter values that rely on inclusive values of animals and all life are much more preferable. Peter Singer Gets a Chair.com/ 12 Holmes Rolston. http://www.edu/~uchv/index. 14 R.

(New York: Review/Random House. ESSAYS ON BIOETHICS. 2nd ed. Peter. (Oxford: Claredon Press.com . Singer. Dale. ETHICS. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Peter. (Lanham. R. Pojman. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. (New York: Longman. Peter. 1997). SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. MD: Rowman and Littlefield. 1999).. 1975). (Malden. 1973). PRACTICAL ETHICS. 2002).West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Peter. Jamieson.M. Mass: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Singer. Terrence and Richard Dagger. Louis J. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. IDEALS AND IDEOLOGIES. Hare. CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. 1994). Volume 9 Page 145 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ball. DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE. (Belmont. Singer. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. Peter. ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT.wcdebate. 1993). ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS. Singer. ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS: READINGS IN THEORY AND APPLICATION. 1993). 1998). Singer.

But suppose they were otherwise. instead of building on our natural impulses. TOO MUCH FOCUS ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS DIVERSITY AS AN IDEAL Robert C. in over-enlarging the circle to include everyone and everything or in turning from the personal to the impersonality of reason . as Hume was (partially) inclined to suppose. rather. as well a more conversable animal. which have been defended by some of the great (and not-so-great) religious thinkers of the world. Can they suffer? 2. may instead undermine them. There is the very familiar danger that such feelings. 3.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. than an infant of a day. 1789. Can they reason? nor Can they talk? but. ch. animals need to be granted selves if their sensations are to matter morally. are reasons equally insufficient for abandoning a sensitive being to the same fate. the social sense as such. Volume 9 Page 146 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM 1. since the alleged pain is not painful to a subject of awareness. The danger is that reason.. Solomon. p.com . REALIZATION OF THE FAULT OF RACISM IS LIKE REALIZING THE FAULT OF SPECIESISM Jeremy Bentham. or a week. McGinn. and one that threatens to exclude animal experience from the moral realm. called agape. then we will not see why it is morally significant.. Thus it is wrong to cause them pain. they necessarily have selves.by Frege¶s point. Putatively ownerless pain sensations have no moral weight. but rather a kind of kinship or fellow-feeling. The natural sensibility that is at issue here is nothing so lofty as love or even universal care. or worse. 152153. (This is so whether or not the experiences are conceived to be embodied in an organism.69. It may one day come to be recognized that the number of legs. p. that form of hypocrisy that 9as has often been said of such ³lovers of humanity´ as Rousseau and Marx) adores the species but deplores almost every individual of it. Philosopher and Jurist. 1999.´ Animal minds are not just bundles of subjectless sensations gathered around a single body. which may well produce much caring and many kindnesses but will also provoke rivalry and competition. What else is it that should trace the insuperable line? Is it the faculty of reason. It is not that you bundle some inherently ownerless experiences together and get a self. will degenerate into a diffuse and ultimately pointless sentimentality. This may seem like a major provision. in other words. In other words. thus refusing to grant genuine selfhood to animals.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. because this will necessarily be pain for a subject of consciousness.) So. since pain matters only because it is pain for someone. Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. If we conceive of animal pain in this subjectless way. old. or even a month. XVII. But I want to be equally cautious about premature enthusiasm for those universal feelings of love. to speak of experiences at all is already to assume bearers for them. since animals have experiences. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. If the basis of ethics is personal feeling for those we care about. is not so much a particular attitude or emotion as it is a sense of belonging.subjects of experience. 1999. The French have already discovered that the blackness of the skin is no reason why a human being should be abandoned without a redress to the caprice of a tormentor. there is the very real danger that. SPECIESISM ATTEMPTS TO LOWER GROUPS JUST AS RACISM DID Colin. Austin. but in fact it is simply a point about the very concept of experience. The day may come when the rest of the animal creation may acquire those rights which never could have been witholden from them but by the hand of tyranny. Professor of Philosophy at Rutgers University. The basic biological sense we seek. or perhaps the faculty or discourse? But a full-grown horse or dog is beyond comparison a more rational. we will lose precisely that dimension of the personal that produces ethics in the first place. or the termination of the os sacrum. what would it avail? The question is not.. the villosity of the skin. however noble their object or intent. The point is that we should not think of animal pain as intrinsically ³ownerless.An experience always comes with an owner built into it.

the tit-for-tat attitude as such. one must (to some extent) acquire such skills but it doesn¶t follow that such skills are not also (or may not alternatively be) genetically engineered or that the general capacity for strategic behavior. p. when a grand jury refused to indict him. The Chronicle of Higher Education. When Samuel is free of the respirator at last. The New Yorker. Volume 9 Page 147 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL 1. They ³just know´ what to do. keeping nurses at bay with a gun while he disconnects the respirator that for eight months has kept his comatose infant son Samuel alive. p. A good poker player doesn¶t sit skimming a mathematical odds book on the one hand and a psychology of facial expressions text on the other. Of course. 1999. Linares cradles him in his arms until. the child dies. np. be right to kill him. a man who measures happiness in numbers and considers love a replaceable resource. When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. Austin. 1999.without any need on our part to postulate Pentagon-like tactical mentality behind their behavior. The loss of happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second." That was April 26.must not be so engineered. 3. So. Linares with first-degree murder. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. SINGER MAKES STRONG ARGUMENTS. In such cases. half an hour later.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. it would.73. A good billiards or pool player simply ³sees´ the shot. Critics often accuse Mr. weeping. but to attribute strategic skill to heredity is not to relegate it to merely automatic behavior. Few people will ever consider infants replaceable in the way that they consider free-range chickens replaceable. monkeys fooling one another by uttering a misleading cry to distract the others. if killing the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others. Cook County charged Mr. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. standing in a hospital ward. too. 10 March 2000. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed. even Darwin himself seems to have erred in giving too much credit here to the role of ³reason´ and not enough to heredity. writer. THE DANGEROUS PHILOSOPHER. Therefore. EUTHENASIA ALLOWS GREATER HAPPINESS FOR ALL Jeff Sharlet. Singer of being cold-hearted. September 6. a twenty-three-year-old Chicago housepainter. 1989.mother birds pretending to have broken wings to lead predators away from the nest. Good game players usually describe their own skill in non-intellectual terms. and Singer knows that. WHY ARE WE AFRAID OF PETER SINGER?. gives himself up. according to the total view. But to him the symbol of the "tragic farce" brought on by an inhumane adherence to the sanctity-of-life principle is "Rudy Linares. EVEN THOUGH THEY ARE COUNTER-INTUITIVE Michael Specter. Solomon. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2. Yet many of those who would never act on his conclusions still agree that if an infant really had no hope of happiness. death would be more merciful than a life governed by misery. she doesn¶t calculate it. Successful traders and businessmen often claim (truthfully) that they don¶t ³think´ about what they are doing. Then Linares puts down the gun and. animals display a remarkable array of strategic behaviors. FOCUSING ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS INTUITION AND DEVALUES IT Robert C.com . It is not necessarily thinking or negotiating that are essential here. but the criminal case was over by May.wcdebate.

It too. we can understand that. It would be odd to say that we ought to respect equally the dignity or personality of the imbecile and of the rational man. just as it would be unfair. or the distinguishing criteria of the class of morally considerable persons. and yet not accept it at all.´ We are able to reflect and choose our food. too. 69. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. but because rationality is the human norm. p. are rational. that distinguish the normal man from the normal dog make it intelligible for us to talk of other man having interests and capacities. in an important sense. We say it is unfair to exploit the deficiencies of the imbecile who falls short of the norm. with its own standards of normality. Our strange compassion for other species is a ³natural´ projection of our more immediate concerns but something learned and cultivated. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. and therefore claims. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 3. 1967. as an expression of a certain sentimentality as well as a Christian allegory. one had to decide between feeding a hungry baby or a hungy dog. our habits. and not just ordinarily dishonest. that is. 1967.. RATIONALITY DISTINGUISHES SPECIES AND IS ACCEPTED STANDARD Stanley Benn. p. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. therefore. 1999. is not opposed to but a consequence of reason.. But although these characteristics may provide the point of the distinction between men and other species.if. they are not in fact the qualifying conditions for membership. the result of so many cuddly teddy bears and puppies when we were children. for instance. Not to possess human shape is a disqualifying condition. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. unable to recognize a fundamental inequality of claims.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. it would be a monstrous sentimentality to attribute to him interests that could be weighed in an equal balance with those of human beings. We have what is uncritically called ³free will. to steal from a blind man. 2. that we should give to the interests of each the same serious consideration as claims to considerations necessary for some standard of well-being that we can recognize and endorse.wcdebate. Solomon. of precisely the same kind as we make on our own behalf. too.. by reason of not possessing these characteristics. one could argue.but there is nothing odd about saying that we should respect their interests equally. it is because we do not see the irrationality of the dog as a deficiency or a handicap. The characteristics. 62ff. our breeding patterns.. We respect the interests of men and give them priority over dogs not insofar as they are rational. As for the saccharine quality of those Christmas greetings and that biblical fantasy.com . Volume 9 Page 148 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD 1. but as normal for the species. p. part of culture rather than nature. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. RATIONALITY IS THE HUMAN NORM AND ALLOWS FOR EXCEPTIONS Stanley Benn. involves a certain distance. as opposed to all the other creatures in nature. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. Austin. As intelligent and sensitive human beings. This is what distinguishes our attitude to animals from our attitude to imbeciles. above the food chain. If we do not think in this way about dogs. We. and this is precisely because a man does not become a member of a different species. 62ff. We are. We are not merely at the top of the food chain. However faithful or intelligent a dog maybe. ad aggressive campaigns on the behalf of sensitivity when we become adults. But compassion. RATIONALITY DEFINES A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HUMANITY AND ANIMALS Robert C. we can acknowledge the harshness of the world. anyone who chose the dog would generally be reckoned morally defective.

p. 1999. For example. However. At the same time one noticed a small kitten. 3. such differences do not provide a rational basis for differences in our ethical considerations or treatment. and they might not be sentiments of equality. The danger. we still often have some positive sentiments and intuitions toward the interests of animals. As Singer discusses the principle. in his emphasis on reason (and consequently. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. on the other hand. 2. WE ALREADY GIVE CONSIDERATION TO ANIMALS Bob Corbett. or have different abilities than the person engaging in moral deliberation are not considerations that in themselves justify differential treatment. and it requires care and concern. 75. Let me begin with the easiest one. An adequate sense of ethics requires not only reason but concern and curiosity. The notion that Singer will develop in ways that may well be strange and new to us. Professor of Philosophy at Stanford University. Suppose one were all the things Singer attacks: a meat eater. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. In most cases. Suppose one were drinking a large glass of milk and had drunk one's fill. and they many not compete well with contrary interests toward humans. the emotional sense that what happens to other matters. is that reason will also leave those feelings behind. according to Singer. is that Singer. At the same time.. np. are from a different country. that some people have a different skin color. They may not be dominant. 1999. is a theory that violates the principle of equal consideration of interests. in a sentence.According to Singer. 134-135. however. my number three. Nonetheless. unconcerned with the processes of producing meat for the table. I want to argue that what allows the circle to expand is not reason (in the technical sense of calculation on the basis of abstract principles) but rather knowledge and understanding in the sense of coming to appreciate the situations and the circumstances in which other people and creatures find themselves. so does it condemn granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of humans over non-humans.com . a pet owner and so on. AN EMPHASIS ON REASON BY SINGER DESTROYS THE NATURE OF COMPASSION Robert C. p. COMMENTS ON PETER SINGER'S ANALYSIS THAT LEADS TO SPECIESISM. on the role of normative ethical theory) underestimates the power of compassion. Solomon. Reason... a theory which justifies the distribution of goods under which men receive greater benefits and thus have more of their preferences satisfied than women do... a zoo goer.wcdebate.´ Thus. This requires what many theorists now call ³empathy´ or ³feeling with´ (which Hume and Adam Smith call ³sympathy´ and which might more accurately be called ³fellow-feeling´). adds universal principles to the promptings of our biologically inherited feelings. are of a different gender. and most people seem to. My argument. The point here is that many of us have some intuitions toward the interests of animals.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. seemingly hungry and crying. If we have a hard time grasping his view. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. Austin. We would not be absolutely immune to the "interests" of the kitten. all that is considered in deciding the morally correct course of action is the strength of the interests or preferences and the degree to which the interests and preferences of those affected will be thwarted or advanced.Just as Singer¶s substantive impartiality condemns granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of one¶s racial or ethic group. one might have an experience that is contrary to this position. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. According to this principle. most of us are familiar with anti-speciesist sentiments. simply because they are humans. Volume 9 Page 149 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD 1. p. perhaps returning to some of those personal sentiments or intuitions might be a good place to go. as evidenced by any number of philosophers who simply ³talk a good game. Singer rightly points out that most of us are living examples of speciesism in the same sense that radical Ku Klux Klan's people are racist. GRANTING ANIMALS EQUALITY HARMS POLITICALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE Lori Gruen. 1999. even though our lives as a whole might suggest we were speciesists of the worst sort. WE HAVE NO NEED TO GO FURTHER. Many people would be enough moved by the "interests" of the kitten to look for some container to pour the remaining milk into so the kitten might drink it. are not 100% novel. a need to know about the state of the world and plight of people outside of one¶s own limited domain. it prohibits granting any weight to particular features of a situation. simply because they are men. Professor at Webster University.

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