West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 1

WEST COAST DEBATE
PHILOSOPHER AND VALUE HANDBOOK VOLUME 9
American Political Philosophy

Edited by Matt Taylor, Jim Hanson, and Brian Simmonds Written and Researched by Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, Sarah Stone
PHILOSOPHERS JAMES MADISON ALEXANDER HAMILTON RALPH WALDO EMERSON JOHN DEWEY WOODROW WILSON FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT TOM HAYDEN HOWARD ZINN JOSEPH NYE, JR. RALPH NADER LANI GUINIER THEDA SKOCPOL bell hooks PETER SINGER

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 2

WEST COAST DEBATE
PHILOSOPHER AND VALUE HANDBOOK VOLUME 9
Edited by Brian Simmonds, Matt Taylor, and Jim Hanson Written and Researched by
Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, and Sarah Stone
About this Handbook The Philosopher and Value Handbook introduces you to arguments, values and philosophers. This volume focuses on American thinkers in philosophy and political theory who will be useful in Lincoln-Douglas value debates. Each chapter begins with an essay explaining the life, work, and ideas of each thinker. It concludes with evidence quotations that attack and defend the philosopher's ideas. Using the arguments in this Handbook We encourage you to read the briefs you will use. Highlight (underline) the key lines you will use in the evidence. Cut out our evidence, incorporate your and others¶ research and analysis and make new arguments. File the materials so that you can easily retrieve them for debate rounds. Practice reading the evidence outloud. Practice applying the arguments to your opponents¶ positions. Practice defending your arguments in rebuttal speeches. Use West Coast Handbooks as a Beginning We hope you enjoy our handbook and find it useful. In saying this, we want to make a strong statement that we make when we coach and that we believe is vitally important to your success: DO NOT USE THIS HANDBOOK AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR YOUR OWN RESEARCH. Instead, let it serve as a beginning. Let it inform you of important arguments, of how to tag and organize your arguments, and to offer citations for further research. Don¶t stagnate in briefs--build upon them by doing your own research. Use the essays to brainstorm research areas and use the evidence and bibliographies as a starting point for your exploration. In doing so, you¶ll use our handbook to become a better debater. Photocopying West Coast Handbooks Our policy gives you the freedom to use the handbook for educational purposes without violating the hard work that we put into the handbook. You can photocopy this handbook under the following circumstances: 1. You can make multiple copies of up to five pages of each West Coast handbook for a class handout. 2. You can make multiple copies of briefs that include evidence from this handbook as long as these photocopied briefs are significantly different from the ones in this handbook and include a significant number of pieces of evidence from sources other than a West Coast handbook. You may not electronically share or distribute this handbook with anyone other than those on your team. For other situations, you can also e-mail us at wcdebate@aol.com and seek our consent.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
JAMES MADISON ................................................................................................................................. 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 10 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE ..................... 11 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT ........................................ 12 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY ...................... 13 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS .......... 14 ALEXANDER HAMILTON................................................................................................................. 15 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 19 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED ................ 20 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD................................................................................ 21 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY.................................................................................. 22 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST ........................................................................................ 23 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS ................................................................................................................. 24 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 29 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR.............................. 30 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION...................................... 31 AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE....................... 32 FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS .................................. 33 RALPH WALDO EMERSON .............................................................................................................. 34 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 39 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE ..................................................................................................... 40 POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR......................................................................... 40 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT................................................................................. 41 CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE, TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ............................. 41 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION.................... 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE ................... 43 JOHN DEWEY ..................................................................................................................................... 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 49 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING ....................................................................................... 50 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS ........................................................................ 51 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY .......................................... 52 DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED ...................................................... 53 DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY ....................... 53 WOODROW WILSON......................................................................................................................... 54 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 59 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS................................................................ 60 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE............................................ 61 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM ........................................ 62 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE, BUT REPRESSIVE ............................. 63 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT .................................................................................................................. 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 68 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT .............................................................. 69 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT .................................................................................. 70 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY, PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION .................. 71 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE ........................................................ 72 TOM HAYDEN..................................................................................................................................... 73 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 77 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE......................................................... 78 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM .............. 79 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE ................. 80 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE, BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE ............................. 81

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......................... 82 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................... 89 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED ......................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 117 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY . 131 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................................................................. 147 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD ............................................................................................................ 139 PETER SINGER ............................. 149 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www............................................................................................................................. 87 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED ................................................................................................................ 88 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ............................................................... 118 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY ......................................................................................................................... 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE ................... 107 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS ........................................................................................................ 120 THEDA SKOCPOL ............. JR......................... 136 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST .......................................................com ..... 110 LANI GUINIER ................ 146 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL .................................................................... 128 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE ............................................. 99 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED ....................................... ...................................................................................................................................................................... 109 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE ......................................................... 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................................................................................. 126 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD .................................................. 130 bell hooks....................................................................................................................wcdebate.......................................... 137 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook................................................................................................................................................................................. 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................. 129 MATERNALISM IS FLAWED ......................... 145 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 129 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN ................................................................ 97 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING ............................................................................................... 135 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE .. 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................................................................................... 98 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG .......................................................................... Volume 9 Page 4 HOWARD ZINN............................................................. 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................... 96 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY ................................................................. 138 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY............... 116 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM ............................ 91 JOSEPH NYE................................. 148 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD .......................................................... 106 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST ........ 127 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED ................................................................................................................................................ 108 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY.......................................................... 90 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS ........................................... 111 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................... 100 RALPH NADER ..

when he served on the Virginia delegation in the Continental Congress. showing his freedom from dogmatism. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. as opposed to a myopic concern for individual states and localities. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. As a result. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. Without a predominant concern for the nation as a whole. Madison wondered how a more effective national government might take shape.S. No. Madison feared no effective national government could be formed. The problem as he saw it was too great a regional identification. Indeed. Madison was an important figure in the early political life of the country.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. was that of ancient lawgivers like Solon and Lycurgus. and the structure of representative government remain influential. Seriously. including George Clinton. Interestingly enough. James Madison. His idea on the separation of church and state. and scholarship on the American founding is no different. president." The example to follow. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels.com . like the other leading figures of his generation. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. one of the youngest. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights.James Madison was a unique member of the group known as the Founding Fathers. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. Madison didn¶t adhere devoutly to the party line of any of the three major factions (Federalist. Reports that Madison and Clinton invented ³The Funk Bomb´ to contribute to the national defense are unverified. though: Madison was the smallest U. He stepped onto the political scene in 1780. THE LIFE OF MADISON It is with this problem that James Madison enters the picture.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. he suggests in Federalist 38. in fact. Madison was much younger than many of the other founders. reasons of enlightened men crafting a document in the best interests of all. or Democratic-Republican) of the time. Madison eventually concluded that constitutional conventions were a necessary device for allowing those like himself--those whom he called 'the most enlightened and influential patriots'--to escape from the hold of democratic institutions. anti-Federalist. who died in office in 1812. both of his vice presidents passed on in office. is often placed into one or another ideological box. Not easily categorizable. though. A Constitutional Convention was necessary ± but not for the reasons you might suspect. like the other leading figures of his generation. and then discuss the ideas he brought to the table. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. he often split with co-author Alexander Hamilton on the issues of the day. men of "preeminent wisdom and approved integrity" who nonetheless were compelled to act outside the bounds of regular authority. As a result. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. Madison scholars agree today ± what Madison and the boys wanted to do was (in Rosen¶s words) ³to circumvent the people. Most importantly. When the Articles of Confederation began to fail. standing 5" 4" and weighing about 100 pounds. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. We¶ll begin by examining the manner in which Madison busted onto the nation scene in 1780. As COMMENTARY MAGAZINE¶s Gary Rosen put it: Every academic field has its schemes of classification.wcdebate. which he identified in THE FEDERALIST PAPERS as factionalism. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. even if just temporarily. the avoidance of oppression. Madison was original thinker given to philosophy. Though he was a co-author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. Volume 9 Page 5 JAMES MADISON Every academic field has its schemes of classification. and scholarship on the American founding is no different. James Madison. is often placed into one or another ideological box.

The majority voting bloc is probably not going to be together in unanimity until the end of time. Madison is famous for having sought to avoid "the tyranny of the majority. The idea is that they might use their power to stifle the rights of others.) What does the principle of reciprocity say? Let¶s get into that when we discuss the notion of majority tyranny itself before getting into what Madison thought that this condition might cause. While he was hardly alone in this viewpoint ± Hamilton was another who worried about the majority of people rallying against the few who were elected to govern them ± Madison put the most effort into thinking about the philosophical implications. Either they will become the next majority. MADISON ON THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Madison worried about the overarching power of a powerful mass of people. especially if that mass had coincident interests. This does happen in politics all the time. and hence have the power to govern. You often see a good soldier get rewarded with a plum position when his or her party takes power. the self-interested majority worries that the minority may attract defectors from the majority and become the next governing majority itself. Madison is famous for his advocacy of a federal system with checks and balances to provide stability and satisfy most all interest groups. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Majority group members will worry that the minority may attract defectors from the majority group. Thus.´ Reciprocity is the notion that what one group does to another is reciprocal ± what goes around comes around. like John Ashcroft. MADISON ON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM As an author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. Let¶s just say ³it worked´ and move on. This includes the existence of the electoral college and the bicameral legislature system. he had ideas about what the ideal state would look like. People will vote to actualize their own wants.´ But here¶s where Madison¶s principle of reciprocity comes in: the majority might be self-interested. We¶ll examine the criticisms of Madison below. As a skillful politician. getting ahead of myself ± but I couldn¶t help it. In organizing a republican democracy. the majority will look to the long-term. but they aren¶t blind. he was able to get what he wanted for that state. the majority is inherently self-interested. Volume 9 Page 6 ³Paradoxical as it may sound. Hence.wcdebate. The safeguards are based on what Madison termed ³the principle of reciprocity. needs and desires. one must take care to build in safeguards against this. republican Constitution only by means of an aristocratic coup of sorts´ writes Rosen ± a charge that Madison¶s critics then and now would jump all over. ³Tyranny of the Majority. What might that mean? Well. This might cause problems where the majority runs roughshod over the rights of the minority ± hence. where the House of Representatives is thought to represent the masses and the Senate the landed elite. Madison's theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity´ as a means of dealing with the unwashed heathen masses pillaging the rich. even though that person is unqualified and unworthy of the job. As a philosophically inclined individual. Madison seems to have concluded that America would get a sound. Let¶s not belabor the point. (Sorry. after all.com ." He did so through placing both substantive and procedural limits on democratic majority rule of the country. or will merely have the power to make life miserable for the people who made their lives miserable over the past however many years.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

Knowing that most Americans didn¶t support granting the delegates to the Constitutional Convention the power to make a new government. Even Madison¶s own words at the time provide a pretty damning indictment. this is part of the logic of the federal system. The struggle continues to this day. a prominent issue in public life then as now was the role of religion. This viewpoint manifested itself in 1784-85. Was the church a positive or a pernicious influence? How best to adapt to its power? The answers to these questions led to the modern notion of two separate spheres for church and state. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals and lose their efficiency in proportion to the number combined together.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. he wrote "that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. Could it "be a sufficient restraint? It is not pretended to be such on men individually considered. The document. as Madison consistently rejected tax support for religious institutions.wcdebate. He consistently repeated these views in speeches of the time. including one given at the Federal Convention on June 6. where he argued that there was "little to be expected" from religion in a positive way. Volume 9 Page 7 So winning candidates don¶t have to ONLY pay attention to the majority.com . he believed that separating the two institutions served religion best as well. CRITICS OF MADISON People who criticize Madison (and generally Hamilton) do so on one basis: that he was an elitist who was interested in preserving the rights of wealthy white landowners and not much of anybody else. 1787. 1787. organic food labeling laws. Again. The church. Power is to be kept as separated as possible among interest groups and even elected officials." In the most famous of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. Madison reasoned. who warned of the deadly nature of a ³priest-ridden culture. He wrote in a pamphlet called MEMORIAL AND REMONSTRANCE a defense of these decisions. did best when it was unencumbered from the mandates of a state apparatus. This helps to explain his support for what we today call the separation of church and state. Will its effects be greater on them considered in an aggregate view? Quite the reverse. with Jefferson considering Madison an aristocrat) and men like Patrick Henry and his supporters on the other. with Jefferson and Madison on one side (though they split on many other issues." Even Jefferson." Madison wrote. The politician always has to be on the lookout ± just ask Bill Clinton. In a memorandum entitled "Vices of the Political System" (1787) he express skepticism that religion could prevent oppression under a system of republican governance. Their charges have serious merit. They¶ll be voting on tons of issues (road building bills. he warned that it might become "a motive to persecution and oppression. he had this to say: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In fact." The debate raged on.´ wasn¶t as pessimistic about the social utility of the church. then the potential for abuse is minimized. While his father was an Episcopalian. and Madison had a key role to play in it all. published November 22. is celebrated by Madison¶s acolytes as "the most powerful defense of religious liberty ever written in America. Speaking of potential for abuse. who betrayed his core constituency with Republican style policies to the tune of sweet re-election. minority preference laws) that may either alienate their political support base ± or attract minority members. Indeed. written in June 1785. Number 10. If power is temporary and fluid. he kept his religious beliefs largely private. MADISON ON RELIGION Madison had serious doubts about the role religion played in public life.

it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the people possessed a "natural right" to reject the acts. and attacked both Madison and Hamilton for it. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. is contained in FEDERALIST PAPER NUMBER 49: As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government.´ he meant that the majority of Americans (still rural farmers. Volume 9 Page 8 We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. including the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798. they are known to have a double effect. and the summation of his argument. . In order to stay away from factionalism and prevent the people from losing faith in government. the mass of American people. His final shot at Jefferson. the people must not be allowed or required to challenge every decision made by the ³better class of men´ ruling them. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. and its practical influence on his conduct. When the examples. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude.wcdebate. not particularly wealthy) might gang up and plunder the rich. A reverence for the laws. and that bypassing that consent was unjust. A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. which should be declared "void and of no force. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates. and acquires firmness and confidence. which John Marshall¶s Supreme Court seemed destined to enforce. Madison reasoned. IN CONCLUSION Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. which fortify opinion. when left alone. Jefferson believed that the federal government ought only have the powers expressly granted by the people. This "unreflecting multitude´ was. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. which Jefferson (and every sane person) thought were unconstitutional. . having witnessed the first events of the French Revolution. . that "no such obligation can be so transmitted.com . Madison wanted to deliver power into the hands of a ³better sort´ of people ± the rich. the powerful. like man himself is timid and cautious. Jefferson wrote a letter to Madison in 1789 as Jefferson was preparing to return to the United States after four years as ambassador to France. In a nation of philosophers." Jefferson would fight Madison on many policies over which they differed based on these principles. The reason of man. And in every other nation. the people Jefferson feared and mistrusted. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. in Madison¶s view. When Madison said ³tyranny of the majority. this consideration ought to be disregarded.´ Jefferson also battled with Madison and Hamilton over the ³implied powers´ doctrine. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. Perhaps the defining quotation from this period and this viewpoint comes from John Jay. the government must continue to go about its business as usual.´ Jefferson was a staunch critic of this viewpoint. Jefferson¶s first principles included the idea that government was only just with the consent of the governed. the third author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS: ³the people who own the country ought to govern it. Madison replies? In order to promote stability of government. Jefferson asked his colleague "Whether one generation of men has a right to bind another?" He concluded. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. are antient as well as numerous. which time bestows on everything. Jefferson said that if the federal government was to violate its own laws. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. while this doctrine effectively gave the governing bodies power to do whatever they thought was best.

A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. they are known to have a double effect. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. whose populist ideas lost out in the long run to Madison¶s aristocratic notions. the most based in a sense of ethics. they¶re worth checking out. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates. and acquires firmness and confidence. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. like man himself is timid and cautious. When the examples. are antient as well as numerous. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. . In a nation of philosophers. which time bestows on everything. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. Even if you disagree with their ultimate conclusions. and the most passionately argued. The reason of man. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. and its practical influence on his conduct. this consideration ought to be disregarded. . this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. which fortify opinion.´ The youngest of the founding fathers. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. A reverence for the laws. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he had more influence than most any of them ± even Jefferson.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. Volume 9 Page 9 James Madison should be known for a lot more than being a short guy who had a wife named ³Dolley. And in every other nation.com . to have the prejudices of the community on its side.We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. His FEDERALIST PAPERS are the most philosophical. when left alone. .

November 15. THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS: THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN JEFFERSON AND MADISON.gov/loc/madison/symposium. Marvin.com . Richard K. James. Hutson. 1995.html and http://www..com/federalist10. John. Meyers. Smith. Noam. Lancej. March 16.cato. Hanover. James. http://federalistpapers.html.loc.gov/loc/madison/symposium.. 2001. Matthews.wcdebate.com.html and http://www. Gary. Chomsky. 1787. Volume 9 Page 10 BIBLIOGRAPHY Banning. Mattern. 1776-1826: New York. Rewards. accessed April 22.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. http://www. Irving. 2000. Beard. 2002." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. COMMENTARY MAGAZINE. March 16. THE SACRED FIRE OF LIBERTY: JAMES MADISON AND THE CREATION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC.html. Banning. James Morton. Kans. http://www. Samples.html and http://www. James Madison's "Advice to My Country" (Charlottesville. David.html. 1995.loc.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper.Y. Lance. "James Madison and the Social Utility of Religion: Risks vs.loc. http://www. 1995. http://www. 1780-l792: Ithaca. THE MIND OF THE FOUNDER: SOURCES OF THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF JAMES MADISON. N. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY.gov/loc/madison/banning-paper.gov/loc/madison/rosen-paper.org/dailys/11-15-00.. June 1997.loc.gov/loc/madison/symposium. Charles historian. 2001.loc. Z MAGAZINE.html. November 22. March 16.. Madison. ed.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper. THE LIFE OF JAMES MADISON: Indianapolis. 1912. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. ³James Madison: Federalist. 1981. 10. N.. Rosen. 1941-61. Library of Congress. Va. Brant.H. IF MEN WERE ANGELS: JAMES MADISON AND THE HEARTLESS EMPIRE OF REASON: Lawrence. All of Madison¶s FEDERALIST PAPERS are available at http://federalistpapers.´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. FEDERALIST PAPER No. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION.loc. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.html and http://www. University of Kentucky. ed.html. under the name Publius. 1997). ³Was James Madison an Original Thinker?´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM.loc. 2001. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www..

to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. or of interest. We should stick with Madison's idea of a federal republic and preserve the Electoral College. http://federalistpapers. These must be chiefly. November 15.cato.org/dailys/11-15-00. It will be found. and of public and personal liberty. np. November 22. at the same time. FEDERALIST PAPER No. http://www. By a faction. accessed April 22. proponents of pure democracy will call for the abolition of the Electoral College. without violating the principles to which he is attached. He will not fail.html. to set a due value on any plan which. provides a proper cure for it. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate. as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. have. 2000. accessed April 22. http://www. therefore. whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole. I give Ms.cato. However the election turns out. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. 2002. and confusion introduced into the public councils. THE ³FEDERAL WILL´ IS MANIFESTED BY THE AMERICAN ELECTORAL COLLEGE John Samples. 2002. particularly. 1787. Among the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union. that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens. that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes. if not wholly. 2. the evidence. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations. cannot certainly be too much admired. He found that fair given the influence of large states in other areas. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. on a candid review of our situation. James Madison. that our governments are too unstable. none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS THE BEST GOVERNMENTAL POLICY John Samples. and. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY.com/federalist10. in truth. p. adversed to the rights of other citizens. for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements. and alarm for private rights. been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished. Hillary Rodham Clinton. or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community. indeed. Washington's newest celebrity. that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments. equally the friends of public and private faith. as was wished and expected. but it would be an unwarrantable partiality. Clinton opposes the Electoral College only because Al Gore might lose the presidency despite getting a plurality of the popular vote. both ancient and modern. November 15. and that measures are too often decided. but it will be found. Sen.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority.com . as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. 2002.org/dailys/11-15-00. np. Her opposition to the Electoral College is entirely in step with her underlying philosophy of government: centralizing liberalism. Clinton more credit than that. accessed April 22. Volume 9 Page 11 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE 1. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC CONTROLS FACTIONALISM AND VIOLENCE James Madison. p. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation. 3. I understand a number of citizens. this amalgamation gave small and medium-sized states more leverage in presidential elections than they would have in a popular vote. What about the Electoral College? Madison thought it embodied the "federal will" of the nation. not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party. As Madison knew. The instability. 2000. Some will say Ms. 10. But that philosophy contravenes the spirit of our Constitution as expressed by its primary author. which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. is the latest convert to this cause.html. By that he meant that the Electoral College included both the will of the nation as expressed in the popular vote and the will of the states in a federal system (every state large or small gets two electors).wcdebate. injustice. who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion.html.

and they hoped strong states would limit an expansive central government. FEDERALIST PAPER No. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention. November 22. accessed April 22. increase this security. 2002. which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole. Madison's point about federalism is also well taken. is enjoyed by a large over a small republic. The inference to which we are brought is. can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction.com/federalist10. that the CAUSES of faction cannot be removed. A common passion or interest will. http://federalistpapers.cato. who have patronized this species of government. 2002. it clearly appears. and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. again. -. against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the Union. np. and render them all subservient to the public good. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. np. accessed April 22. And we will do so just as bold policy successes in the states have shown the value of these "laboratories of democracy. 2002. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans. Theoretic politicians. 1787. Volume 9 Page 12 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT 1. FEDERALIST PAPER No. in almost every case. It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests. FEDERALISM IS BEST James Madison. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. p. 10. FEDERALIST PAPER No.html. be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions. have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property. MADISONIAN FEDERALISM SOLVES FOR BETTER DEMOCRACY John Samples. Hence.html.wcdebate. 3. and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual. by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens. have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights. http://federalistpapers.com . http://federalistpapers.com/federalist10. If we abolish the Electoral College. in many cases. Nor. From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy. November 15. 2002. The Founders feared the arbitrary exercise of political power. in controlling the effects of faction.html. their opinions. In the extent and proper structure of the Union. can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations. a communication and concert result from the form of government itself.is enjoyed by the Union over the States composing it. November 22. the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage. 10.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its EFFECTS. p. BECAUSE THE ENLIGHTENED WON¶T ALWAYS RULE." 2. np. p. Does it. we will make it harder for the states to provide this essential defense of liberty. at the same time. we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. in fine. 1787. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. 1787.org/dailys/11-15-00. accessed April 22. 2000. 4. consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here. be felt by a majority of the whole. that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS MUCH BETTER THAN A DEMOCRACY James Madison. http://www. p.html. November 22. who assemble and administer the government in person. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties. np. they would. accessed April 22. and their passions.com/federalist10. ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists. PURE DEMOCRACY WOULD BE DIVISIVE AND FRACTIOUS: FEDERALISM IS BETTER James Madison. 10. therefore. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the Union will be most likely to possess these requisite endowments.

and excess" of the representatives of the people by the ability and virtue of men" of great and established property -. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men." And again. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". a great majority of the people will not only be without land. 31. In advocating a long term in order to give independence and firmness to the Senate." 3. Madison warned the convention that in framing a system which they wished to last for ages they must not lose sight of the changes which the ages would produce in the forms and distribution of property. p. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. Wilson. NOT PEOPLE Charles Beard. as we have understood have sufficiently appeared. Governor Morris wanted to check the "precipitancy." Madison doubtless summed up in a brief sentence the general opinion of the convention when he said that to secure private rights against minority factions." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1912. the force. historian." Mr. the power will slide into the hands of the former. the mind or sense of the people at large. King also agreed that "property was the primary object of society. 31. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. hence.wcdebate. These will either combine. in a certain quarter. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority. Madison urged: "In future times. p. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. 31. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. 2. These may in time outnumber those who are placed above the feelings of indigence. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. and at the same time to preserve the spirit and form of popular government. and in his opinion. In the tenth number of The Federalist. was the great object to which their inquiries had been directed." and Mr. -. historian. "the majority. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. but second. An accurate view of the matter. they will become the tools of opulence and ambition. MADISON ADMITTED FAVORING INEQUALITY Charles Beard. men who from pride will support consistency and permanency. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. MADISON WANTED ARISTOCRACY. but symptoms of a levelling spirit. who urged that "the government ought to possess. not only first. he added. to give notice of the future danger. under the influence of their common situation. 1912.com . correctly stated the sound historical fact when he declared: "Life and liberty were generally said to be of more value than property." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. historian. nevertheless. he described these impending changes: "An increase in the population will of necessity increase the proportion of those who will labor under all the hardships of life and secretly sigh for a more equitable distribution of its blessings..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. what is more probable. certainly it ought to be one measure of the influence due to those who were to be affected by the government. -. Mr. They were anxious above everything else to safeguard the rights of private property against any leveling tendencies on the part of the propertyless masses. NOT DEMOCRACY Charles Beard.Such an aristocratic body will keep down the turbulence of democracy. MADISON¶S VIEW PROTECTED PROPERTY.or. he contended. 1912.If property. No agrarian attempts have yet been made in this country. would prove that property was the main object of society. in which case there will be equal danger on another side.aristocracy. having such coexistent passion or interest. According to the equal laws of suffrage. from which the rights of property originated." While these extreme doctrines were somewhat counterbalanced by the democratic principles of Mr.. Volume 9 Page 13 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY 1. in support of the argument for a property qualification on voters. changeableness.. but without any other sort of property.. then was the main object of government. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government. in speaking on the problem of apportioning representatives. p. Governor Morris. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority.in which case the rights of property and the public liberty will not be secure in their hands.

the phrase ``rights of property'' means the right to property. estate. Among Madisonian scholars. and the rise of corporate forms of economic enterprise. his biographer observes. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology.'' These conclusions are often qualified by the observation that Madison. In a current official document.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Furthermore. as some historians do. corporation or other organization (whether or not organized under the laws of any State). and is crucially different from others in that one person's possession of such rights deprives another of them. well born. the leading Framer of the constitutional system was an astute and lucid political thinker. the property of landed proprietors would be insecure.'' delivering power to a ``better sort'' of people and excluding ``those who were not rich. Whatever one's assessment of those years. But the formulation is misleading. ```Person' is broadly defined to include any individual. 8. p. or any government entity. political power must rest in the hands of ``the wealth of the nation. branch. trust. When the facts are stated clearly.wcdebate. by the late 19th century the founding doctrines took on a new and much more oppressive form. led to a completely new meaning of the term.'' he meant humans.'' giving land to the landless. When Madison spoke of ``rights of persons.'' men who would ``sympathize sufficiently'' with property rights and ``be safe depositories of power over them. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. associated group. But the growth of the industrial economy. CAPITALISM HAS SIGNIFICANTLY ALTERED THE WAY WE SHOULD SEE MADISON Noam Chomsky. that these principles lost their force as the national territory was conquered and settled. In the debates on the Constitution. James Madison.com . and ``secure the permanent interests of the country. Z MAGAZINE. 8. p. In both principle and practice. typically material property. The system that he and his associates were designing must prevent such injustice. we can appreciate the force of the doctrine that ``the people who own the country ought to govern it. Madison pointed out that in England. Z MAGAZINE. Madison declared.pre-capitalist. 2. MADISON WANTED TO PROTECT THE RICH MINORITY AGAINST THE MAJORITY Noam Chomsky. June 1997. A CONSENSUS OF MADISONIAN SCHOLARS AGREES HE WAS AN ELITIST Noam Chomsky. association. whose views largely prevailed. One may argue. the native population driven out or exterminated. ``to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority. Property has no rights.'' a concept that doubtless would have shocked Madison and others with intellectual roots in the Enlightenment and classical liberalism -. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. June 1997. he urged. and the constitutional system generally. or prominent from exercising political power. Z MAGAZINE. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. offered only limited public participation in the political arena. Volume 9 Page 14 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS 1. An agrarian law would soon take place. p. sought to balance the rights of persons against the rights of property.'' which are property rights. June 1997.'' To achieve this goal.'' ``one of [the] favorite maxims'' of Madison's influential colleague John Jay.'' while the rest are marginalized and fragmented. 8. a personal right which must be privileged above all others. if elections ``were open to all classes of people. there is a consensus that ``The Constitution was intrinsically an aristocratic document designed to check the democratic tendencies of the period. and anti-capitalist in spirit. partnership. 3. It is the responsibility of government.

Volume 9 Page 15 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Alexander Hamilton is probably best known as one of the authors of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. Hamilton first began to press the ideas that became extremely important in the formulation of the union ± he believed in a strong central government and a strong national bank.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. an anti-federalist who would scrap mightily over those issues with Hamilton throughout their lives. and generally made himself a pain.wcdebate. He was the only delegate from New York to support the ratification of the constitution ± but he did so vociferously. Hamilton constantly rebuked him in public. In those papers. Hamilton wrote a scathing letter attacking Adams. Hamilton was politically active throughout his life. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. then his ideas. rebuke and scandal. opinions that broke strongly from one notable politician of the era ± Thomas Jefferson. an influential series of pamphlets arguing for a federal constitution to replace the Articles of Confederation. Shortly before the presidential election of 1800. THE LIFE OF HAMILTON Hamilton started his career with military action during the revolt against British colonialism. blackening Hamtilon¶s eye and ratcheting up tension between Hamilton and Adams ± not to mention Hamilton and Burr. One of those actions was to inflame Hamilton¶s feud with Aaron Burr as well. Either way. Much of this is forgotten today. But of all the political ideas and economic philosophy that Hamilton offered to the world.an aristocratic. making it available to the general public. Let¶s start the process of remembrance with an exploration of his life. coercive. were extremely important during the early days of the United States. While Hamilton intended to closely control distribution of his missive. After Adams was elected President. as an aristocrat. After Washington died. was vocally against states¶ rights. HIS IDEAS Hamilton. While Jefferson was not necessarily a states¶ rights proponent in the way we understand these terms today. Due to Hamilton¶s inside connections. talked to cabinet members in attempts to undermine Adams¶s policy. THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. He would hold to this model in large measure for all his life. Hamilton cited the British government as the best model for the new government -. Either that. or the fact that he was killed by political rival Aaron Burr in a duel. his political rival Aaron Burr secured a copy for himself. He saw centralization of authority as necessary to protect essential functions. he was an influential figure in the early days of this country who is too often overlooked today. centralized union that would be a representative republic. the letter contained some confidential cabinet information. making one legendary speech where he attacked the states¶ rights ideas of William Paterson. he also offered a life of tragedy. Burr then PUBLISHED a copy of it. famously serving as a delegate at the Constitutional Convention and encouraging the advance of federal power. This model would have devices that would protect class and property interests. This is one of many issues that he and Thomas Jefferson would clash on. which Hamilton published (along with John Jay and James Madison) under the name Publius. Hamilton signed the new American Constitution for his state. he did argue that the American government was being divided into a struggle between the ³aristocrats´ who fear and mistrust the people and the ³democrats´ who trust the people and consider them the most trustworthy repository of the national interest. the leadership of the Federalist Party split between Hamilton and John Adams. He served as a Lieutenant Colonel under George Washington for four years during the Revolutionary War. When the Constitutional Convention was convened.

44) that "wherever the end is required. The Swiss economic historian Paul Bairoch (in his book ECONOMICS AND WORLD HISTORY) has argued that this shows America does not have its roots in so-called ³free trade." one could think of him as one of the first ³big government liberals. The Opinion sees Hamilton flesh out his view of the implied powers of the constitution. and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power. This is perhaps the most concrete consequence of Hamilton¶s idea of implied powers. he claims. "implied powers. The document argued for a system of protective duties designed to promote the interests of American businessmen and manufacturers. Jefferson was considered a Democratic-Republican. Hamilton had to work magic ± in the form of his now famous Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bank ± in order to convince his longtime friend. Hamilton¶s basic argument is a qualified version of one used by Madison himself in the Federalist. allowing it to do things that many of the anti-Federalists opposed. opposed the project and intended to veto the bill. wherever a general power to do a thing is given. Hamilton¶s staunch ally." Washington passed the Bank Bill in February of 1791. He wanted to protect the working classes against what he saw as the onset of aristocracy and monarchy. As early as 1776. Because he advocated the constitutional doctrines of liberal construction.wcdebate. duties and other legislation designed to shelter fledgling industries. the means are authorized. Volume 9 Page 16 As labels of the day went. HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS His economic ideas were no less radical. the legacy of Britain. was a vocal opponent of the national bank.´ as is often claimed. These doctrines meant that even if a role for the federal government was not explicitly stated. he suggested the direct collection of federal taxes by federal agents ± a fairly radical stance in such an anti-tax climate. Today. His REPORT ON MANUFACTURERS (1791) was the first major departure from Adam Smith¶s WEALTH OF NATIONS (1776). Hamilton¶s interpretation opens up the federal government¶s role considerably. In fact.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. shortened to Republican. or not immoral." and the "general welfare. and which are not precluded by restrictions & exceptions specified in the constitution. In 1781 he promoted the idea that a nonexcessive public debt would be a good thing." Ironically. who always mistrusted the financier set (and the federal government). One of Hamilton¶s lasting legacies is the creation of a national bank. they became relatively widespread in the early days of the United States. They probably would not have agreed to the constitution if they had known some of the things he had in mind.´ This kind of liberal constructionism is deeply at odds with what is called ³strict constructionism. Hamilton was the Federalist¶s Federalist. America probably would not have successfully industrialized at all if not for Hamiltonian policies of protective tariffs. every particular power necessary for doing it is included. or not contrary to the essential ends of political society. Madison (with strict constructionist logic) claimed that the national bank was unconstitutional since the constitution did not explicitly approve such an institution. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ Because Hamilton¶s economic ideas were so influential.´ These ideas were later codified in the decisions of Supreme Court Justice John Marshall. it could be interpreted under on of the more broad clauses of the constitution ± such as the clause that says it¶s the job of the national government to ³promote the general welfare.com . This was also one of the most controversial agendas he advanced. Jefferson. impressive or important. (no.´ which argues that the federal government only gets to do what the constitution EXPLICITLY says it gets to do. Hamilton¶s logic: "[the government has] a right to employ all the means requisite. Even then-President George Washington. we would call this viewpoint ³protectionism.

administering no relief to our real disease. which the urban elite would benefit). where Hamilton repeatedly ripped Burr in public speeches." he said. Aaron Burr had been a political rival of Hamilton¶s since at least 1777. Perhaps the most balanced view came from Madison. and as novel as it is extraordinary. Allegedly. disputed the geographical distribution of the benefits (Jefferson thought farmers would get screwed. more centralized government. His morals -. Hamilton¶s response: "It is a strange perversion of ideas. Jefferson decried Hamilton¶s desire to increase the public debt. Benjamin Franklin Bache. will only be more concentrated in each part. as should be clear. punishable by fine and imprisonment. which is democracy. accusing him of engaging in a monarchical conspiracy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. "Men. More on that in our final section. These acts made illegal the publication of "any false. Even sometime allies recognized the elitist tendency in Hamilton. and consequently the more virulent. without any counterbalancing good. confronting Washington with a list of 21 objections to Hamilton¶s proposed policies. his customary colleague." This shows his opinion of the average American." He referred (in his last letter on politics) to democracy as a ³disease." Hamilton¶s ideas seemed to Jefferson to be a lot closer to King George III than to any American thinker. so get over it. Jefferson considered rich men who used their capital to invest in enterprises not their own (who we might today call venture capitalists) to be the lowest forms of life on earth. here¶s a translation: yeah. he pardoned all of those convicted. There are a lot of Hamiltonians still around in American politics. the poison of which. Twenty-five men were arrested and their newspapers forced to shut down as a result of this legislation ± including Benjamin Franklin's grandson. at least he had SOME integrity and honor about him. That culminated in the elections season of 1804. And we¶re just going to get richer as the country grows. editor of the Philadelphia DemocratRepublican Aurora.´ saying that "a clear sacrifice of great positive advantages. and the greater merit of co-operating faithfully in maturing and supporting a system which was not his choice. DENOUMENT We know about the scandal that ended up killing Hamilton. If his theory of government deviated from the republican standard he had the candour to avow it. Perhaps his sternest rebuke to Hamilton came based on Jefferson¶s moral objections investment speculation.well. and the moral qualities of integrity and honor in a captivating degree. when Burr sent a contemptuous letter to Washington about Hamilton.) Hamilton constantly disputed Jefferson¶s claim that the general public should control government. HAMILTON¶S OPPRESSIVE IDEAS Hamilton¶s notion of a strong national government did err on the side of oppression at times. saying this behavior ³nourishes in our citizens vice & idleness instead of industry & morality. that¶s a price I¶m willing to pay. that men should be deemed corrupt & criminal for becoming proprietors in the funds of their Country. and everyone else knew it too. scandalous and malicious writing. then his closest aide. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." For those of you that don¶t speak Old Uptight American. compared to Jefferson¶s continued desire to trust the public. and many other things. This is best evidenced by his warm support for the final form of the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798.com . If some farmers lose out on their land and enterprises so that my friends and I can run the country. (When Jefferson was elected. as much due to his belief in free speech as to his desire to stick his thumb in Hamilton¶s eye. by a subdivision. These laws were mostly used to silence dissent. has been awarded him by a suffrage now universal. the translation from Old Uptight American: Hamilton preferred a more robust. At least he admitted it and didn't overtly destabilize the government.wcdebate. "are reasoning rather than reasonable animals. I know he was smart. Volume 9 Page 17 Jefferson hated these economic ideas." Again. Madison¶s final assessment of Hamilton was written in 1831: "That he possessed intellectual powers of the first order. my friends and I are rich." Such publications were made high misdemeanors.

.money. Volume 9 Page 18 But he crossed the line when he said (at an event attended by a Burr supporter. you get the impression that they were these morally upstanding men of a bygone era where honor was protected at all costs.com . It gets better.. and Frederick Muhlenberg ± thought they had found evidence that Hamilton was misappropriating government funds. Reynolds was a clever pimp who was now harboring some very destructive information on one of the highest officials in the country. Three congressmen -. Some Hamilton apologists insist that. though he showed up to the duel and took a pistol.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. while Clinton was the child of a single mother. And the money wasn¶t for speculation (though that is apparently how Reynolds used it ± proving Jefferson¶s maxim about the moral character of speculators). It wasn¶t even the juiciest. not the government's. Reynolds had evidence. and sexually predatory as the ones we see today. When Reynolds found out he demanded ³satisfaction´ . without sacrifices which would have rendered me unworthy of your esteem. Reynolds said that Hamilton could continue the affair so long as the money kept coming. the three congressmen were satisfied by Hamilton¶s explanation. That¶s when it got weird. motivated. Maria. it was on. But it was not possible. the public could be kept in the dark no longer.but he said it was his own money. Hamilton¶s note to his wife. But the Burr scandal wasn¶t the only hot water Hamilton found himself embroiled in. in Sports Center parlance." No word on whether he penned a similar missive to James Reynolds¶ wife. my love for you and my precious children would have been alone a decisive motive. but a BRIBE. al. was bragging that Hamilton had given him money out of the treasury to play the stock market. James Reynolds. As historian Lisa Marie de Carolis noted. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Hamilton was having an affair Hamilton with Reynolds' wife. written directly before the duel with Burr. a shady character currently in jail. until July 1797.wcdebate. went to Hamilton's office to confront him.´ Amazingly. he had more dirt on him that he wouldn¶t dish just yet. he did not intend to fire at Burr. it just ain¶t so ± and it¶s somewhat comforting that the politicians of days past were just as sleazy. And. ³Mr. and by the press). As I hope this essay makes clear. a still more despicable opinion" of Burr. That money had changed hands.. .James Monroe. . and while Clinton merely threatened to bash William Safire in the nose. Burr challenged Hamilton to a duel and killed him. greedy. both saw their records tarnished by stunning sex scandals. At that point. Hamilton was technically born illegitimate. They apparently did. Monroe et. when Hamilton headed up the Treasury Department. That happened in 1792. Hamilton actually followed through with physical violence against a political rival. One could make a strong case for Hamilton as the Bill Clinton of his day: both were extremely intelligent. A journalist reported to the country that Hamilton "could detail . too.Adieu best of wives and best of Women. is the final record from his life: "If it had been possible for me to have avoided the interview. that though he held "despicable" opinions of Burr. when a pamphlet was published with the allegations. CONCLUSION When you learn about the so-called ³Founding Fathers´ in school. Hamilton admitted he had given James Reynolds money -. and agreed to keep it quiet. natural politicians. Abraham Venable.

.. Charles. Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America. ALEXANDER HAMILTON: PORTRAIT IN PARADOX. Morton J. Loyola University. 1997. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. NATIONAL REVIEW. 1994 http://www. Jacob E. Chomsky.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. THE REPORTS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Department of Alfa-informatica. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. Gerald. Brookhiser. Syrett. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE POLITICAL ORDER. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology.htm. de Carolis. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1964. accessed April 29. 1959. University of Groningen. Richard. THE PAPERS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Washington/London: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. AMERICAN. New York. Miller. Lisa Marie. John C. Stourzh.zmag. 1912.org/chomsky/talks/9410-education. p.2002. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://odur. New York: The Free Press. 1999. historian. Chomsky.rug. Elkins. 1970. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Frisch. Chicago. Cooke. Cooke. 2002. October 19.html. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. 13. ed.let.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 19 BIBLIOGRAPHY Beard. THE AGE OF FEDERALISM. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE IDEA OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. Mellon Lecture. Harold C. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Noam. 1991.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. ed. 1985. 1982. Morton J. accessed May 1. SELECTED WRITINGS AND SPEECHES OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 1993. Noam.com . Jacob E. January 1995. Z MAGAZINE. Stanley and Eric McKitrick. Frisch. senior editor. 1961--79. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Charles Scribner's Sons. New York: Harper & Row. ed. New York and London: Columbia University Press.

the others have contended that the rights of the crown in this article devolved upon the Union. http://federalistpapers. however. A man must be far gone in Utopian speculations who can seriously doubt that. and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. For the Independent Journal. Territorial disputes have at all times been found one of the most fertile sources of hostility among nations. 1787. FEDERALIST PAPER # 7.html. STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED BECAUSE HUMANS ARE VINDICTIVE Alexander Hamilton. whose situations have borne the nearest resemblance to our own. till it was relinquished in the treaty of peace. November 14. weaknesses and evils incident to society in every shape? 3. 2002.html. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. The States within the limits of whose colonial governments they were comprised have claimed them as their property. under a continuation of the Union. 1787. constitutes nations natural enemies. To presume a want of motives for such contests as an argument against their existence. For the Independent Journal. It has been the prudent policy of Congress to appease this controversy." 4. A dismemberment of the Confederacy. UNION IS THE ANTIDOTE TO HOSTILITY BETWEEN NATIONS Alexander Hamilton. http://federalistpapers. that vicinity or nearness of situation. p. Perhaps the greatest proportion of wars that have desolated the earth have sprung from this origin. by prevailing upon the States to make cessions to the United States for the benefit of the whole. np.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. BECAUSE THE WORLD ISN¶T PERFECT. 2. and would create others on the same subject. vindictive. An intelligent writer expresses himself on this subject to this effect: "NEIGHBORING NATIONS (says he) are naturally enemies of each other unless their common weakness forces them to league in a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC. that it has from long observation of the progress of society become a sort of axiom in politics. 2002. and the dissolution of the Union would lay a foundation for similar claims between them all. Volume 9 Page 20 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED 1. 1787. in the event of disunion.com/federalist7. November 14.com/federalist6. what reason can we have to confide in those reveries which would seduce us into an expectation of peace and cordiality between the members of the present confederacy. So far is the general sense of mankind from corresponding with the tenets of those who endeavor to lull asleep our apprehensions of discord and hostility between the States. p. accessed May 2. 2002. From this summary of what has taken place in other countries. either by actual possession.wcdebate. 1787. would be to forget that men are ambitious. unconnected sovereignties in the same neighborhood. There still are discordant and undecided claims between several of them. accessed May 2. was at all events an acquisition to the Confederacy by compact with a foreign power. would revive this dispute. or through the submission of the Indian proprietors. WE NEED A STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT Alexander Hamilton. November 14. This. or only united in partial confederacies. np. and which usually went under the name of crown lands. To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent. especially as to all that part of the Western territory which. to afford a decided prospect of an amicable termination of the dispute. We have a vast tract of unsettled territory within the boundaries of the United States. in a state of separation? Have we not already seen enough of the fallacy and extravagance of those idle theories which have amused us with promises of an exemption from the imperfections.html. This cause would exist among us in full force. http://federalistpapers. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. This has been so far accomplished as. was subjected to the jurisdiction of the king of Great Britain. TERRITORIAL DISPUTES CAUSE STRIFE: STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENT IS NEEDED Alexander Hamilton. For the Independent Journal. It is well known that they have heretofore had serious and animated discussion concerning the rights to the lands which were ungranted at the time of the Revolution.com/federalist6. p. 2002. accessed May 2. http://federalistpapers. if these States should either be wholly disunited. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6.html. and rapacious.com .com/federalist6. it has been said. November 15. For the Independent Journal. the subdivisions into which they might be thrown would have frequent and violent contests with each other. accessed May 2. extinguishing that secret jealousy which disposes all states to aggrandize themselves at the expense of their neighbors. would be to disregard the uniform course of human events. np. and their constitution prevents the differences that neighborhood occasions.

abilities which were by nature unequal.com . in their understanding.rug. Securing the support of the wealthy was only a first step in his complete economic picture. http://www. and opened up wider vistas in international trade and domestic industrialization. This was Hamilton's most controversial position about which he was quite frank. regulate banking practices around the country.did not mean to say all were equal in. would prevent the corruption which might result if the bank were run by government officials as was the Bank of England. in the Directors of a Bank.intellect. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. "The Primacy of Property Rights and the American Founding.let." Hamilton explained that a national bank would provide a safe depository for government funds. Hamilton saw it as no less than an engine of national prosperity and a necessary ancillary to his overall plan. liberty. 1997. and which would incite fierce protest on the part of those who feared that Hamilton aimed to create an aristocracy. simply drawing on realities that he felt. or social capacity. The bank proposed by Hamilton would be a national institution run by a private board of directors. 2002. The accumulation of wealth was not Hamilton's goal. represented by the Virginia opposition. 1997. whereas paper wealth was fluid. NOT FORCED EQUITY David Upham. as usual.. and. magnetic sense. their conception of human equality necessarily excluded equality of condition.org/tii/students/GarveyEssay97Upham. Landed wealth. and the pursuit of happiness. steady.htm. accessed May 1. np. The Founders¶ attachment to economic freedom was in no way.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. University of Groningen. Hamilton reasoned. accessed May 1. moral developments. and that the equal right to employ unequal talents would necessarily lead to economic inequality. he wanted to encourage the use of private wealth for beneficial enterprises. HAMILTON¶S NATIONAL BANK WAS AN ENGINE OF PROSPERITY Lisa Marie de Carolis. pointing invariably to its true pole.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. of their own interest.let.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. As Alexander Hamilton stated in the constitutional convention: "It is certainly true that nothing like an equality of property existed: that an inequality would exist as long as liberty existed. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. HAMILTON BELIEVED IN EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY. Hamilton's vision was dynamic and made use of all the possibilities of a young nation with unlimited resources and boundless potential. He explained: "The keen. as proprietors. accessed May 1. The "authors of that notable instrument. would benefit the nation as a whole in the long run. among which are life. Private ownership. p. They defined with tolerable distinctiveness.rug. provide a uniform currency. http://odur.. was limiting and limited. as it were. University of Groningen. although not necessarily equitable. . As Lincoln repeatedly emphasized.html.htm. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. Department of Alfa-informatica. and that it would unavoidably result from that very liberty itself.¶ This they said and this meant. Department of Politics.2002. in what respects they did considered all men created equal²equal in µcertain unalienable rights." 2." Independent Institute Website. HAMILTON¶S SUPPORT OF THE WEALTHY DIDN¶T INTEND TO CREATE ARISTOCRACY Lisa Marie de Carolis. Volume 9 Page 21 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD 1.independent. 3. Hamilton envisioned a strong economy in which everyone could participate and profit. Department of Alfa-informatica." Moreover. http://odur. the equality proclaimed in the Declaration is not an equality in all respects. . not only did the Founders¶ understanding of equality not include all kinds of equality (such as the equality of economic condition championed by the Progressives). provide capital for investments and industry.. Industry would diversify labor. University of Dallas. thus creating more jobs and income sources for a burgeoning population.2002. and loan the government money in times of emergency. They believed that everyone had an equal right to exercise his individual abilities to acquire property.. the prosperity of the institution . opposed to the principle of equality. Hamilton was. 1997.

p. Z MAGAZINE. The basic attitudes coming into this century were expressed very clearly by Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of State. but were striving with all the resources of political wisdom at their command to set up a system of government that would be stable and efficient. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. These ideas have become ever more entrenched in educated circles. Chicago. shows conclusively that the members of that assembly were not seeking to realize any fine notions about democracy and equality. 3. http://www. historian. 1994. p. the masters have long sought to contain popular struggles to expand the range of meaningful democracy and human rights. HAMILTON SOUGHT TO PRESERVE THE POWER OF THE RICH Noam Chomsky. in tracing these evils to their origin. but it is being caged." as Alexander Hamilton termed the "people" with horror and indignation as he was laying the foundations for state-guided industrial democracy. whatever cast it takes." or even influential. In the mind of Mr. Robert Lansing. That's the hysterical and utterly erroneous reaction that's pretty standard among people who feel that their power is threatened. p. January 1995. but now perceive that they can do better.zmag. 2002. Lansing warned of the danger of allowing the "ignorant and incapable mass of humanity" to become "dominant in the earth. in passing. attitudes that led to Wilson's Red Scare.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. of course. 13. COMMON PEOPLE A MENACE Noam Chomsky. Loyola University. Randolph. sometimes quite literally. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. every man had found it in the turbulence and follies of democracy. The architects of policy can move on to establish a utopia of the masters based on the values of greed and power. The beast may not yet be tamed. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. speaking for a host of others). HAMILTON FEARED DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM Noam Chomsky. Volume 9 Page 22 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY 1.html. Restating the Doctrine without equivocation. as Jefferson's fears and Bakunin's predictions were increasingly realised. he "had been taught by experience the danger of the levelling spirit. Hamilton." Mr.wcdebate." 4. He said there was the idea that your people are a great beast and that the real disease is democracy. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology." Mr. Madison. the evils they had experienced flowed "from the excess of democracy. October 19. in offering to the consideration of the convention his plan of government. Z MAGAZINE. Mellon Lecture. urged that "all communities divide themselves into the few and the many. We may recall. which destroyed labour and independent thought for a decade. as he believed the Bolsheviks intended.the main concern. HAMILTON BELIEVED DEMOCRACY WAS A GREAT BEAST. that they can dismantle the social contract that has been in some measure achieved. as it was called.org/chomsky/talks/9410education. preserved to posterity by Mr. Eighty years earlier Alexander Hamilton had put it clearly. 13. that. 2. perhaps rightly. and that a good Senate seemed most likely to answer the purpose. observed "that the general object was to provide a cure for the evils under which the United States labored. It therefore became necessary to renew with much greater intensity the constant campaign to tame and cage that "great beast. accessed April 29." and he confessed that while he was still republican. Professor of Linguistics at MIT. in advocating a life term for Senators. sometimes in chains of dogma and deceit. np. That's Hamilton. in which privilege is enhanced by state power and the general population lack rights apart from what they can salvage on a (highly flexible) labor market. an important victory. 31. January 1995. 1912. rolling back the threat posed by the "great beast" that keeps trying "to plunder the rich" (Alexander Hamilton and John Foster Dulles. p. The first are the rich and well born and the other the mass of the people who seldom judge or determine right. HAMILTON THOUGHT THE ³WELL BORN´ SHOULD RUN THE COUNTRY Charles Beard. that some check therefore was to be sought for against this tendency of our governments. Gerry. that fear of democracy and freedom has always been one of the factors motivating the terror and sometimes outright aggression undertaken to eliminate "rotten apples" that might "spoil the barrel" and "viruses" that might "infect others. being independence. They feel. every page of the laconic record of the proceedings of the convention." in the terminology favored by leading planners -.com . Indeed. safeguarded on the one hand against the possibilities of despotism and on the other against the onslaught of majorities.

nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. and a more diverse economy. Nevertheless. he contended. Hamilton based his program primarily on the British model. Mr. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. 31. indebts the nation to foreign powers. p. Securities. 1912. Hamilton dismissed Hume's warnings and instead focused on the positive aspects of national credit. The House of Representatives. warning that a funded debt necessitates oppressive taxes to pay the interest. http://odur. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority." 3. In order to stimulate the economy.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. Hume emphasized the many evils of a credit-based economy. np. HAMILTON RELIED ON THE WEALTHY ALLYING THEMSELVES WITH STATE POWER Lisa Marie de Carolis. Hume observed. and in his opinion. University of Groningen. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". creates dangerous disparities in wealth. . p. by the system of checks and balances placed in the government. in concluding this splendid piece of logic.let." while the Senate was to preserve the rights of property and the interests of the minority against the demands of the majority. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. HAMILTON IGNORED HUME¶S WARNINGS ABOUT THE SYSTEM HE FAVORED Lisa Marie de Carolis. p. "the majority. "was so formed as to render it particularly the guardian of the poorer orders of citizens. he added. 1997. However. from which the rights of property originated. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. He wrote in 1780: "The only plan that can preserve the currency is one that will make it to the immediate interest of the monied men to cooperate with the government in its support. hence.htm. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. but pointed out some advantages to a credit-based economy. 2.com . the availability of which enables merchants to engage in more extensive trade enterprises. np.wcdebate. provide ready capital with the value and function of specie. with variations more suited to the United States' unique characteristics. Department of Alfa-informatica. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. the convention safeguarded the interests of property against attacks by majorities.let. Volume 9 Page 23 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST 1. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton.. and thus helps spread "arts and industry throughout the whole society. In the tenth number of The Federalist. historian. accessed May 1. Hume felt that the evils greatly outweighed the advantages.htm." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Department of Alfa-informatica. accessed May 1. The support and capital of the nation's wealthiest citizens would provide the foundation and security of his system.No plan could succeed which does not unite the interest and credit of rich individuals with that of the state. HAMILTON¶S GOVERNMENT IDEAS FOCUSED ON PROTECTING THE RICH Charles Beard. and renders the stock holders largely idle and useless for everything but playing the market. 1997. 2002. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. Hume in particular was cautionary about the British system. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. Hamilton needed big investors. whereas paper capital fosters a more international mentality.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. University of Groningen. Mr. Hamilton pointed out.rug. 2002. Hume contended. http://odur. the "invigorating principle" which would infuse the United States with the energy and international respectability he had envisioned. the continuing vitality of the British economy was enough to prove the efficacy of their system." Landed wealth.rug. having such coexistent passion or interest. makes "country gentlemen" out of wealthy merchants. Public credit was to become the pillar of Hamilton's fiscal reform package.. which in turn makes commodities cheaper and easier to procure.

and the various potential pros and cons to such a political system. The contingent of people who felt that the proposed Constitution had too strong of a Central government were known as the Anti-Federalists. Moreover. support for it was by no means unanimous. the Anti-Federalists were not as organized in their publications. Anti-federalists. The Anti-Federalists also used pseudonyms borrowed from past figures from Rome (as well as other names). Jay. therefore. The inability of the federal government to take care of a lot of problems. These papers. There have been a variety of different approaches to that question over the years. Therefore the issue of liberty was foremost in the minds of Americans when considering how to craft a government of their own. Anti-Federalist differ from the Federalist Papers in a few significant ways. seemed to the Federalists a clear signal that a new Constitution was needed. the benefits of which were lost in such a massive government. This essay will explore the context surrounding the Anti-Federalists. who did which paper (Hamilton. The Confederation could not collect taxes. but instead have had a profound influence upon the entirety of American politics. some of the major figures behind the movement. James Madison. and partially to the fact that history has not glorified their accomplishments as it has the Federalists. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the identity of the authors of the Anti-Federalist papers is not always known. They felt that the essence of democracy could only be carried out on a small scale.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. HISTORICAL CONTEXT The driving issues in early American political theory arose as a response to the treatment of the original colonies by Great Britain. a great deal of writing was done by various political figures that advocated different positions on what direction the country ought to take. but it is not always conclusive which actual person lies behind what name. Although far from universally read at the time ± the pamphlets were mostly published in New York ± a group of 85 documents which came to be known as the Federalist Papers came to be the most famous articulation of Federalist views. with that of the Anti-Federalists being one of the most extreme. or a great many other things that are matter of course for the federal government today. amending the Articles required unanimity among the states. written by Alexander Hamilton. as opposed to the republican government that connected to the citizens only via mediating representatives. all connected to the desire to have independence from the tyrannical rule of the British monarchy. regulate commerce. Contemporary readers might feel as if these terms are backwards. During the time of various Constitutional Conventions. However. The American Revolution came about for a myriad of reasons. or Madison) is well documented. given that in today¶s lexicon ³federalism´ refers to the doctrine that the federal government should not encroach upon the proper powers of the states.wcdebate. Even though the Federalist Papers bore the same pen name. which established a very limited central government with strong powers left to the individual states. Secondly.com . and back at the time of the signing of the Constitution the Anti-Federalists were those opposed to it on the grounds that it gave too much power to the federal government. many called for some kind of reform. notably the Shays Rebellion that occurred in Massachusetts for half a year before it could be quelled. and John Jay under the pseudonym ³Publius. This is partially due to the less organized nature of the Anti-Federalists. supported a more direct democracy. it is important to keep in mind that terminology changes. First. Although the new Constitution was passed largely the way that the Federalists hoped it would be. Viewing these and many other aspects of the Articles as deep flaws. The first attempt was guided by the Articles of Confederation. there is not an established number to each document or speech that constituted Anti-Federalist contributions to the political debate. the Anti-Federalists are no mere moment in history.´ advocated a much stronger central government than what the Articles provided. Volume 9 Page 24 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS Perhaps the greatest question that American political theory has struggled with is to what extent the power of the federal government should be limited. Given their position in history as one of the main political groups at the time of the crafting of the Constitution. This federalist camp by and large supported the proposed Constitution that was being debated at the Conventions.

Even were polling perfectly accurate. When the words ³big´ or ³small´ are used to describe governments today. there are a host of different possible options to be argued for. Another prominent Anti-Federalist was George Clinton. Ironically he ended up Vice-President to Madison. One such person is Patrick Henry. Clinton despised Madison. This ensures that oftentimes the majority opinion does not even constitute over half of the population. there is no way for Representatives to actually know the desires of the people they are voting for. George Clinton was the first governor of New York during the ratification of the Constitution. To understand Anti-Federalists merely in terms of modern-day states-rights discourse would be in a sense misleading. which the Bill of Rights provided (to some extent). The closest way to understanding the will of the electorate ± polling ± is remarkably inaccurate. There would be no way for common individuals to stroll onto the floor of Capitol Hill any time they wished and have a real voice in crafting national legislation. Clinton acquiesced. Volume 9 Page 25 WHO THEY WERE While the issue of which Anti-Federalist authors were behind the works of pseudonyms such as ³Brutus. making most of the people¶s wishes going unheeded. the thread running through them all was a mistrust of too massive a government. while he never supported the Constitution. But what liberties are being shoved aside in the current system? The premise behind AntiFederalism goes deeper than knee-jerk mistrust of the federal government. Henry did not support the Constitution that was eventually passed in 1787. but when it was approved by the requisite nine states at the Convention in his very own state.´ or ³Federal Farmer´ may be an ongoing debate.wcdebate.´ Clinton did his best to block ratification of the Constitution. Since potential actions to be taken by Congress are almost never a black and white issue.com . one of his greatest criticisms of it was the lack of any explicit limitations upon the powers of the federal government.´ ³Old Whig. This is democracy at its most tenuous. This is because when a regime is in control over a large enough populace. And it is true that Anti-Federalists would argue for a less massive government. While of course they all had minor differences. that the government has. direct democracy becomes simply unfeasible. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. There are a great many other important Anti-Federalist thinkers: James Winthrop. some of the more important figures in the theory are well known. and others. No. For one. Robert Yates. ideas. while they share some of the same beliefs. it is typically meant to designate the bureaucracy. Clinton authored some of the Anti-Federalist papers that were published under the name ³Cato. Direct democracy of that sort is appealing to Anti-Federalists because it makes up for the myriad of shortcomings in the current system of ³representation´. and later would become Vice President for both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. where representatives are elected with the supposed task of voicing the opinions of all of the people in Congress. Anti-Federalism is an entirely different view of what government means than is considered in contemporary political discourse. not the one in the Funkadelic Parliament. cultures. and so on. THE CASE FOR THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS So what is it that is positive about the theory of Anti-Federalism? The primary emphasis is upon promoting liberty and freedom. While the Bill of Rights was not included in the initial signing of the Constitution. but they would also stress that said governing body has to be concerned with a vastly smaller area than the US currently is. it becomes all the more difficult for any group to get the policy they want. Especially given the US¶s self-proclaimed status as a melting pot of races. or amount of control. it was promised to be included by Congress shortly thereafter. The first major premise in Anti-Federalism is that true government is only possible on a small scale. and only samples a small part of the population. one of the authors of the Federalist Papers.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Richard Henry Lee. the problem of majority tyranny arises. Henry associated the Federalist supporters with the kind of aristocracy that the Revolutionary War was meant to free America from. Today what we have is a republic. but took the post after his own Presidential ambitions were dashed. While his famous quotation in which he prefers liberty to life became one of the central rallying cries of the Revolution. Samuel Bryan. The inclusion of a Bill of Rights into the Constitution is owed in part to Patrick Henry.

an important political theorist from this century. many of the Anti-Federalists papers make explicit reference to Greek and Roman societies ± before they developed strong tyrannical central governments ± as being ideals insofar as democracy is concerned. say. Anti-Federalism dovetails nicely with one of the main tenets of Hannah Arendt¶s belief on the nature of politics. Once all private demands are met. Only that way can the desire to life a public life. it would seem difficult to coordinate efforts. No one struggling to earn enough money to survive. whereby one toils to take care of private necessities.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. find that situation lacking. precisely because they see participation in politics as an end to itself. There is the possibility of public appreciation of work. Even if every state kept standing militias. and similar pursuits. the political sphere and one¶s own relationship to it can be safely ignored. such as food and shelter. But even if stringent campaign finance reform measures were to pass. the highest type of human activity is what Arendt says the Greeks considered true ³action´: politics. have the time and resources to become a serious politician. Anti-Federalists desired the smaller town-hall type governments were individual could have a say and come to some consensus about issues that affected them and their town. She draws upon Greek culture in her book THE HUMAN CONDITION to explain the various degrees of human activity. To achieve enough public recognition to get elected. but instead that understanding the rationale behind the Greek priority of action in the public realm sheds light on why AntiFederalists find value in pure democracy. then one can spend their time caring for the polis (city). But even if all of the things above were not true. interestingly enough. The current controversy over money spent in campaigns is telling. Provided that a Senator votes the way someone theoretically would want them to. this is often not the case.com . This is not to suggest that the Anti-Federalists merely wanted to copy the Greeks. The same problems that were apparent at the time of the Articles of the Confederation are still present in a system that devolves a great deal of authority. Volume 9 Page 26 Part of the problem stems from the type of people that are going to be the Representatives in a large republic. Indeed. The difference lies in the fact that our conception of politics is as a means to an end. In other words. AntiFederalists. and without a strong federal ability to tax. In fact. there is no way a national army Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. which encompasses crafts. The lowest is that of labor. Therefore. people tend to be only concerned with issues such as representation insofar as they get what they want. This problem has gotten even more out of control given the importance of self-advertisement during campaigns. While it is certainly possible for a person of a different station to understand the situation of a common person. contends that the highest form of human existence lies in the participation in politics. The next highest is work. Anti-Federalists would still have a large problem with the massive republic that we live in today. one can readily find fault with such a small-scale system of government. the arts. be achieved. there would still be cultural and economic barriers that would make it extremely difficult for anyone but the elite class to realize the goal of playing a role in the public sector. on the other hand. one would have to not be tied to any sort of private concerns that would distract from that goal. The reason for this is because. Christopher Duncan explains why it is that Anti-Federalists place intrinsic value upon direct democracy. the type of person who is elected into office will never be the same type of person that she or he is supposed to represent. and therefore used slavery to divest themselves of the need to do tasks that they consider menial.wcdebate. What is to stop one state from deciding to use aggressive force against another to take. and therefore be happy and free. Arendt. First and foremost is a problem with security from threats both internal and external. and Senators and Representatives were somehow able to represent the wishes of their constituents completely accurately. Therefore the most glory came from being an honored statesman in the city-state. let alone the middle class who spend a great deal of time working to (for example) put their kids through college. THE CASE AGAINST THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS As pretty of a picture of an idyllic small town democracy this paints. many Anti-Federalists charged that it was elite interests that motivated the structure of the government set up in the Constitution. some economic resources? Threats from other countries are even more frightening. The ancient Greeks despised labor. Finally. The Anti-Federalists argued that a result of that type of government would be that only the elite would have the capability to run for office. but it is often still private in nature. The incapability of internal uprisings and the like to be dealt with a weak central government was arguably shown back as early as Shay¶s Rebellion. How can a rich white Senator born into privilege know how difficult it is to be poor? It becomes difficult for any interest aside from the elite¶s to be advanced in government.

The 50 states retain a massive amount of control over criminal laws. Countries don¶t just go around attacking each other for land nowadays. This case was but the most visible of a massive effort by the federal government to outlaw a host of racist policies held by many States. is it not obvious that life and peace are more important? Being free from one¶s own government is hardly a concern when another country is invading. but it is a huge issue now.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. economic prosperity seems to be a direct result of a strong federal government. Strict laws governing the states are needed to keep them accountable for their environmental damage. and the government. and so forth. The negative effects of industry in one county or state could most directly affect another area completely. there are a variety of important tasks that can only be performed by the national government that seem integral to maintaining a healthy economy. a brand new turn is taken in the relationship between individuals. hope is not lost yet. The most famous example of this comes with the controversy concerning segregation in the South. In that sense there likelihood of an attack against the US might decrease. While the fundamental motivation for the Anti-Federalists was the protection of liberty through democracy. Many authors claim that the federal government has proven to be selflimiting in such a fashion so as to avoid the pitfalls the Anti-Federalists predicted. with those citizens lacking any method of recourse. A strong central government seems to be a prerequisite of peace and order. it is very possible that their mistrust of a strong central government was not merely reactionary fear stemming from their dealings with Great Britain. Would the technological and cultural progress that has been made in the past two hundred years be possible in a country with decentralized governments? Yet another goal that has become of more importance in recent years that seems impractical without a strong central government is the protection of the environment.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. None could be performed during the Articles of Confederation. Environmental disputes were not much of a problem back in colonial times when the majority of the United States had yet to even be charted by European settlers. such as funding of the sciences and arts. internal commerce. In addition to security. One of the revolutions in the past hundred years has been the increasing role of the federal government as the protector of individual rights from state discrimination. Nor is there a complete disregard for the rights and powers of the states even within this system. While the Anti-Federalists sought to organize small like-minded communities. Few would call the powers that the federal government claims right to now ³tyrannical´ by any means. This picture of rights flips on its head the problem envisioned by the Anti-Federalists of a tyrannical national government. A thriving economy is a necessary condition for a lot of other things. Volume 9 Page 27 could be built and maintained that would comport to the standards necessary to be competitive. Many authors specifically respond to some of these criticisms and explain why they might not seem as problematic as they seem. As for internal problems. By passing amendments that protect rights not merely through limiting the power of the federal government but instead positively restricting certain behavior of the states and local governments. countries would no longer have cause to resent the US throwing its superpower weight around world affairs. With regard to the security issue. environmental theory has taught that those situations are dangerous given the transitory nature of pollution. it is natural that uprisings like the Shay¶s Rebellion would occur during a country¶s birth pangs. rights. These protections against discrimination apply to sexism and other forms of oppression through the Equal Protection amendment. Having a national bank system. but there is less reason to believe such events would be a matter of course without a powerful federal government. There might not be any way to have stopped that discrimination throughout the country in the system promoted by the Anti-Federalists. the Federal Reserve ± all are functions that are distinctly national in character. schools wouldn¶t allow blacks the same educational opportunities. Even if there is some sacrifice of liberties in order to make those things possible. one might question the incentive for other countries to attack the United States if it were more decentralized. Power over such things as taxation has certainly not spiraled into overwhelming tyranny.wcdebate. Given how complex the economic system is today. Until the Supreme Court decision of Brown versus the Board of Education of Topeka. wars tend to start due to tensions over disagreements. RESPONSES TO SOME OF THE ATTACKS ON THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS While this list of problems might seem difficult for the Anti-Federalists to overcome. issuing bonds.

One thing that is important to keep in mind for the purpose of utilizing this theory in a debate round is that one does not necessarily have to advocate every thing that the Anti-Federalists would. and it can even create tensions in a society where the wealth is increasingly becoming concentrated in a small percentage of the population. can be much more fundamental to human happiness than amassing material wealth. The Federalist model did establish an effective system for pursuing one¶s private wishes. Given the swing in opinion towards protecting the environment and ending discrimination. As the lower class gets larger and poorer. the Constitution may have been promoted mainly by Federalists. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Just because power would be devolved to a large degree does not mean that national laws would not work pending the acceptance of the majority of states. federal governments. Money alone cannot produce happiness. it is natural to question just how successful the country is economically. it is logical that even without things like strong Supreme Court decisions it is still plausible that those problems would be voluntary dealt with by the states.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Perhaps the widespread depression exhibited in American society today is a result of the alienation felt towards one¶s fellow humans. Participation in a public democracy. Even if the federal government has not proven to turn into a tyranny. Instead. has many potential benefits and downfalls. True happiness is found in one¶s civic existence. excluding most people from participating in it in any meaningful way. but its inclusion of a Bill of Rights.com . no matter what the Gross Domestic Product statistics say.wcdebate. no political system is wholly comprised of one ideology or another. as Hannah Arendt suspects. The most skillful use of it will be to argue for a particular type of democracy that actually involves people. local. Moreover. The American political tradition has always been a product of the dialectic of both of those movements. such as greater states rights in a particular area. Truly understanding the various twists and turns of American politics requires a grasp upon its roots in both the Federalist as well as Anti-Federalist traditions. there is little denying that politics in this country has become an affair of the rich and elite. CONCLUSION Anti-Federalism. It is certain that the country would be less economically prosperous if it had developed more along AntiFederalist lines. as a political theory taken in general. and therefore in direct democracy. its principles of maintaining a genuine democracy can be utilized to argue in favor of smaller changes. It can be used in its specific historical context to criticize or justify the Constitution. as well as a few other modifications to it are distinctly Anti-Federalist in nature. Both theories have strong advantages and disadvantages that can be used to shed light on a variety of political issues in our own day and age. or to help argue for or against other political objectives that would affect the balance of power between the people and their state. but economic might is not necessarily the highest aim for a country. instead of merely a republic where no one¶s interests but the very powerful are furthered. Volume 9 Page 28 Issues such as the environment and minority rights could be dealt with in a collective fashion. but those are nothing more than glorified necessities taken too far.

1987. Hoffer. Ralph. Richard. WE THE PEOPLE: FOUNDATIONS. 1958.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1986. Simon & Schuster. THE HUMAN CONDITION. 1993. TAKING THE CONSTITUTION SERIOUSLY. Walter. AND LETTERS DURING THE STRUGGLE OVER RATIFICATION. WHAT THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS WERE FOR. University of Chicago Press. 1969. Volume 9 Page 29 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ackerman. Georgetown Press. Christopher. DIRECTIONS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. Robert. 1992. Arendt. University of Colorado Press. 1981. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. Sinopoli. University of Chicago Press. Berns. Northern Illinois University Press. 1981. Ketcham.com . FROM MANY. Dolbeare. THE DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION: FEDERALIST AND ANTIFEDERALIST SPEECHES. 1992. and Storing. Alfred Knopf. inc. Herbert. Wood. 1997. Bruce. Herbert. Penguin. Harvard University Press. Library of America. Hannah. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Murray. THE COMPLETE ANTI-FEDERALIST. Duncan. Bailyn. University of Chicago Press. THE ANTI-FEDERALIST PAPERS AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION DEBATES. 1995. Dry. Kenneth. ARTICLES. A POLITICS OF TENSION: THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND AMERICAN POLITICAL IDEAS. Storing. 1992.wcdebate. John Wiley & Sons. THE RADICALISM OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Bernard. Gordon. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT.

ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. any thing like the extent of the United States. 1997. Anti-Federalist Writer. in many respects. in the words of Hannah Arendt. he soon begins to think that he may be happy. a legislature. very diverse. If we apply this remark to the condition of the United States. it was an opportunity to transform themselves and expand their circle of concerns while encouraging others to do the same. but would be composed of such heterogenous and discordant principles. ultimately disempowering. Their manners and habits differ as much as their climates and productions. the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views. 170-171. Volume 9 Page 30 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR 1. The United States includes a variety of climates. p. and of course are less protected. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. as would constantly be contending with each other. This is the theoretical thread that ties Anti²Federalist thought together. and in some opposite. This will retard the operations of government. and without virtue there can be no happiness. p. 3. the manners. and. there are trusts too great to be placed in any single subject. so also was that of the Romans. In a large republic there are men of large fortunes. In a large republic. it is subordinate to exceptions. 2. formed of representatives from the respective parts. in process of time. of consequence. In a small one. The laws and customs of the several states are. great and glorious. and vicious to an extreme´ are but his way of saying that without the sense of attachment and empowerment that comes with public participation. The productions of the different parts of the union are very variant. turbulent. ³banish the citizens from the public realm into the privacy of their households. 38.com .wcdebate. it is true. The question the Anti-Federalists worried about was not how we organize our polity for order and greatness but how we organize our polity for public happiness and political salvation. there will be a constant clashing of opinions. abuses are of less extent. each would be in favor of its own interests and customs. The Grecian republics were of small extent. that their governments were changed from that of free governments to those of the most tyrannical that ever existed in the world. and interests of the people should be similar. the people. and demand of them that they mind their own private business. GOVERNMENTS THAT RULE OVER SIMILAR PEOPLE OPERATE MORE EFFICIENTLY Brutus. better understood. diverse. that it will ultimately. It is the notion that the Constitution as a centralizing. by oppressing his fellow citizens. and the representatives of one part will be continually striving against those of the other. Self-government for the Anti-Federalists was not just a mechanistic device to ensure the safety of their fortunes. SMALLER SCALE POLITICS ALLOW FOR HAPPINESS VIA A GENUINE PUBLIC SPHERE Christopher Duncan. Political participation for the Anti-Federalists became an end to be pursued as well as a means. the interest of the public is easier perceived. 37. and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country. of consequence. FROM MANY. extended their conquests over large territories of country. would not be too numerous to act with any care or decision. we shall be convinced that it forbids that we should be one government. document will leave them bereft of their power to save themselves.´ History furnishes no example of a free republic. Both of these. IT IS EMPIRICALLY SHOWN THAT ONLY SMALL GOVERNMENTS AVOID CORRUPTION Brutus. he has interest of his own. are in general lazy. and more within the reach of every citizen. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Professor of Political Science. If this be not the case. Anti-Federalist Writer. and their interests. FROM MANY. and the consequence was. sentiments. cowardly. and depends on accidents. 1997. p. Agrippa¶s claims that ³freedom is necessary for industry´ and that ³in absolute governments. there can be no virtue.´ This would certainly be a torturous existence for a people who believed their individual chance for redemption was tied intimately to their shared public life. and consequently of less moderation. and their sentiments are by no means coincident. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. 1995. and prevent such conclusions as will promote the public good. In a republic. be the climate what it may be.

consists in security.wcdebate. is best obtained in moderate governments. the phenomenon of white bloc voting makes race-conscious districting a properly narrow means to further the "compelling interest" in full freedom for black Americans -. or the opinion. Professor of Political Science. and the complication of interests. will oppress and grind you²where. were open to a good deal of ³relative´ interpretation). If that latter clause is read correctly. Using an innovative mixture of campaign news stories and public opinion surveys of voters. whose ambition for power. too.the compelling interest of solving racial problems through representation in Congress by those who share a commitment to this unique interest in political liberty on account of their membership in the historically "raced" community. and aggrandizement. Political liberty. other than those basic natural laws (but these. and to work together. ANTI-FEDERALISM STOPS RACIAL DISCRIMINATION James Etienne Viator. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Keith Reeves demonstrated the continued presence of bigoted attitudes among white voters." ONLY ANTI-FEDERALIST POLITICS ALLOW TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE MULTIPLICITY OF INTERESTS Christopher Duncan. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. the science of government will become intricate and perplexed. and this racially biased voting excludes blacks from the fair and equal representation recommended both by the Anti-Federalists and Section 2 of the VRA. not on questions of the general welfare but on questions of mutual and general welfare. FROM MANY. nor compact. or at least in the opinion we have of security. Loyola University New Orleans School of Law. 2. there was a series of particular ³welfares´ that could only be considered general when in fact the question at issue was one of mutual concern as determined by the state itself.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. in that under the Articles of Confederation there was no ³truth or Platonic form. 1997. Thus the mode of operation was consensual rather than majoritarian or adversarial. Communal welfare and justice were both the products of local political conversations. to whose contumely you will continually be an object²you must risque much. ONLY SMALLER LIMITED GOVERNMENTS ALLOW LIBERTY Cato. and observe. connected with their political distribution. and this security therefore. Mr. the great Montesquieu again observes. what can you promise yourselves. and too mysterious for you to understand. 1995. Associate Professor of Law. either limited or despotic. which results in the continuing existence of white bloc voting. on the score of consolidation of the United States. the latter. beget a confidence in the people. In other words. and any attempt to conflate the judgments of those independent entities had to be agreed to by them and the like associations involved in order to be legitimate. 2000. is a government derived from neither nature. 42. shared racial experience and the legacy of white hostility and bigotry constitute the compelling reason for majority-black districts as a necessary means to effectuate the Anti-Federalist insight that in order to guarantee liberty "like best represents like. depends in a great measure on their limits. into the hands of individuals. The distinction here is once again of critical importance from a theoretical perspective. p. Spring." Thus. from the vast extent of your territory. From this picture. that transcended the local community and its own particular determinations about right and wrong. which accounts for the nine-vote decisionmaking threshold and the provisions for unanimity with regard to amendment that marked the Articles. p. useful or not. and by which you are to be conducted into a monarchy. This moderation in governments. which produces this security. Volume 9 Page 31 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION 1. they have agreed to protect each other from external dangers to their collective²not individual²liberties. by indispensably placing trusts of the greatest magnitude. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. It is this stubborn persistence of racially polarized voting that confirms the enduring wisdom of and necessity for the Anti-Federalist view that representatives should be "made of the same stuff collectively as their constituents. 37-8. and the equality of the manners. or the opinion. Furthermore. into one government²impracticability in the just exercise of it²your freedom insecure²even this form of government limited in its continuance²the employments of your country disposed of to the opulent. p. rather. where the mildness of the laws. it should be clear that there was no such thing as the general welfare of the country. LOYOLA JOURNAL OF PUBLIC INTEREST LAW.com . Anti-Federalist Writer. Locke remarks. 78.

West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 32
AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE 1. AN ANTI-FEDERALIST SYSTEM WOULD BE VULNERABLE TO FOREIGN ATTACK Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 9. The first of the advantages is the increased safety from foreign attack that comes with Union. ³Among the many objects to which a wise and free people find it necessary to direct their attention that of providing for their safety seems to be the first.´ Other nations must be prevented from having just causes for warring with the Americans and they must also be discouraged from attacking injustly on the pretext of trumped up charges. With the Union the Americans will be less likely to present just causes for war to foreign nations because there will be a single interpretation of the law of nations and of treaties. That single interpretation will not be dominated by the unjust desires of any part of the Union. Moreover, should the national government provide a just cause for war to a foreign nation it is far more likely that the dispute will be settled without recourse to war with one large nation than it would be with several smaller confederacies. Publius notes the reality that ³acknowledgements, explanations, and compensations are often accepted as satisfactory from a strong united nation´ when they would not be accepted from a weaker power. 2. THE ORDER THAT COMES FROM A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT OUTWEIGHS LIBERTY Thomas E. Baker, Director of the Constitutional Resource Center, BYU JOURNAL OF PUBLIC LAW, 1999, p. 76. In any civilized society the most important task is achieving a proper balance between freedom and order. In wartime, reason and history both suggest that this balance shifts to some degree in favor of order - in favor of the government's ability to deal with conditions that threaten the national well-being. It simply cannot be said, therefore, that in every conflict between individual liberty and governmental authority the former should prevail. And if we feel free to criticize court decisions that curtail civil liberty, we must also feel free to look critically at decisions favorable to civil liberty. To conclude his historical exegesis, the Chief Justice brings us back one last time to Lincoln's dilemma to ask and answer rhetorically, "Should he, to paraphrase his own words, have risked losing the Union that gave life to the Constitution because that charter denied him the necessary authority to preserve the Union? Cast in these terms, it is difficult to quarrel with his decision." 3. ADVANCES IN CULTURE AND TECHNOLOGY MAKE ANTI-FEDERALISM IMPRACTICAL Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 291-292. The specific limits of federal power envisaged by the Founders in 1789 are gone, and any effort to roll back federal power to what it meant at the Founding would be foolish as well as utterly impractical. Even the harshest critics of New Deal jurisprudence acknowledge that changes in society, culture, and the economy require a different kind of national authority today, both practically and as an interpretive matter. Hence, notwithstanding any purported claims of fidelity to original intent, the limits on Congress proposed by today's advocates of judicially-enforced federalism in fact look nothing like any limits that existed when the Constitution was adopted. The question thus becomes, which process should determine the appropriate revised allocation of authority between the federal government and the states: constitutional politics or judicial edict? Mesmerized by the mantra "our Federal government is one of limited powers," the Justices assume that it necessarily falls on them to define new limits - some limits, any limits, even if those limits bear no resemblance to anything imagined by the Founders or observed in the past. But imposing novel judiciallydefined limits just for the sake of having judicially-defined limits is an ill-conceived formalism. In a world of global markets and cultural, economic, and political interdependency, the proper reach of federal power is necessarily fluid, and it may well be that it is best defined through politics. Certainly, as we have seen, this is more consistent with the original design than the Court's new made-up limits-for-the-sake-of-limits. Embracing the hurly-burly of politics while paying attention to how states protect themselves in that domain is a much "truer" interpretation of our Constitution.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 33
FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS 1. STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT IS SELF-RESTRAINING Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 252-3. North Carolina lawyer-planter Archibald Maclaine, writing as Publicola, made the charge of Anti-Federalist duplicity even more explicitly: I find some people are so strangely infatuated, as to think that Congress can, and therefore will, usurp powers not given them by the states, and do any thing, however oppressive and tyrannical. I know no good grounds for such a supposition, but this, that the legislative and judicial powers of the state have too often stepped over the bounds prescribed for them by the constitution; and yet, strange to tell, few of those, whose arguments I am now considering, think such measures censurable - The conclusion to be drawn here is obvious - The objectors hope to enjoy the same latitude of doing evil with impunity, and they are fearful of being restricted, if an efficient government takes place. 2. A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT ENSURES PROSPERITY AND INCLUSION OF MINORITIES Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 7-8. Publius¶ original argument about how a people can secure the advantage and avoid the disadvantage of majority rule rests upon a distinction between species of popular government. In a pure democracy, where people gather to rule themselves directly, he writes, the danger of majority faction is unavoidable. Such a form of government can exist with only a small territory, and in a small community it is virtually certain that there will be a majority with the same partial interest. In a republic, however, the problem can be avoided. The difference between a pure democracy and a republic is that in the latter the people do not rule directly, but through representatives. Representation yields a number of happy advantages for Publius, but the decisive one is size. A republic can be very much larger than a pure democracy, and because it is larger it can include a great variety of people with many different kinds of economic activities and, hence, a multiplicity of interests. The existence of many distinct interests means the existence of many interest groups or factions. The existence of many factions rather than merely two makes it likely that there will be no majority faction. All factions will be minority factions and each faction will be prevented from using the government unjustly by the fact of majority rule. ³Extend the sphere,´ Publius writes, ³and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens.´ 3. A FEDERALIST THEORY OF LEGAL RIGHTS STOPS DISCRIMINATION Daan Braveman, Dean and Professor of Law, Syracuse University College of Law, THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY, February, 2002, p. 619. Perhaps the most significant breakthrough in the transformation process occurred in Brown v. Board of Education. In striking down state segregation, the Supreme Court dramatically altered the relations between the states and the national government, and made the federal courts the primary guardians of federal rights. In the years following Brown, the lower federal courts became the litigation forum for state school segregation cases, as well as actions challenging a wide range of other state activities, including zoning, reapportionment, police misconduct, and prison conditions. Notably, Brown was not decided in isolation but rather at a time when the world outside the courtroom was changing dramatically. The other branches of the federal government had a national and international agenda, which included the expansion of federal rights and a federal interest in protecting those rights from state deprivation. "A new spirit of nationalism" replaced the isolationism of the turn of the century and, as Judge Gibbons stated: "In the global village, deference to local solutions for problems that transcend local interests is a quaint anachronism." By the 1960s, the structure envisioned during Reconstruction was firmly established. Individuals had federal rights, federal remedies, and a federal forum to challenge state conduct that violated federal law.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 34

RALPH WALDO EMERSON
"It is one soul that animates all men." -Ralph Waldo Emerson INTRODUCTION Ralph Waldo Emerson surely epitomizes the uniqueness of 19th century American philosophy. Emerging at a time when American thought was struggling to forge its own identity, reflective of both the optimism and the cynicism of the American political experience, Emerson¶s transcendentalism is a spiritual and philosophical reflection of his time. But it is also an inspiring statement of the universality of human experience. By painting humans with broad brushstrokes as half-animal and half-divine, and by attempting to chronicle humanity¶s relation to the ³absolute,´ Emerson is the American Hegel. Emerson¶s work included poetry and personal essays as well as philosophy, and there is a heavy religious element in all of his writing. Nevertheless, his work contains important implications for political philosophy. In this essay I will attempt to explain his philosophy as a whole, but I will also pay special attention to the political implications of Emerson¶s work, along with the way in which these political elements can be used in value debate. EMERSON¶S LIFE AND TIMES Ralph Waldo Emerson was born in Boston, Massachusetts in 1803, into a family whose male members were typically clergymen. He studied divinity at Harvard. Well-educated and taught to embrace open-mindedness as well as religion, Emerson was ordained a Unitarian minister in 1929. He was a good speaker, delivered a good sermon or two, but something was missing. ³He would begin his sermons with words from the Bible, but would gradually find himself discussing the unfathomable ideals found in nature,´ or abstract philosophy. He had problems trying to find ³his way back into the Bible to close the speeches.´ Although some of his parishioners liked his style, others did not. ³Stumbling for appropriate words at the bedside of a dying veteran of the American Revolution,´ the dying man reportedly told Emerson: ³Young man, if you don¶t know your business, you had better go home´ (www.litkicks.com). Although he had entered into the ministry with high hopes (and Unitarianism has always been a liberal and progressive religion, even back then), Emerson resigned from ministry and journeyed to England in 1832 following the death of his first wife, Ellen Tucker. She had died of tuberculosis after they had been married only eighteen months. This broke Emerson¶s heart and caused a deep spiritual crisis. His time in England was spent cultivating friendships and intellectual associations with people like William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, John Stuart Mill, and Thomas Carlyle. Needless to say, by the time he returned to America, Emerson had a newfound optimism, as well as a greater understanding of philosophy. He returned to America in 1834, but tragedy would strike at his optimism once again. That same year, Ralph Waldo¶s brother Edward died. To make matters worse, his brother Charles died in 1836. Emerson would be a haunted man the rest of his days. His writings and lectures contained dark clouds even in his most arduous attempts to celebrate the glory of humanity. By the time Charles had died, Emerson had remarried (his second wife was named Lydia Jackson), settled in Concord, and begun to publish essays about the human spirit, freedom and independence, and the undesirability of following tradition. Among these early essays was one of his greatest, ³Self-Reliance,´ a polemic about the necessity of complete individual freedom (http://www.pbs.org/wnet/ihas/poet/emerson.html, www.litkicks.com). Emerson co-founded a journal, and collected a group of fellow writers (both male and female; like his friend John Stuart Mill, Emerson believed in women¶s emancipation), and started a tradition known as the New England Transcendentalists. Expanding outside that small circle of colleagues, Emerson discovered one of the most influential thinkers of the 19th century, when he met and wrote a letter of recommendation for Henry David Thoreau. Two decades later, Emerson would again contribute to the intellectual history of America by promoting the work of poet Walt Whitman. Along the way, he promoted Buddhism and other eastern religions, opposed slavery, fought for women¶s equality, and remained a dedicated, if cynical, proponent of democracy.

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and politics. and perfection was unattainable." where matter. seemed to de-value understanding in favor of heavenly emotions. Volume 9 Page 35 Ralph Waldo Emerson died of pneumonia on April 27. while the realm of "becoming. To understand transcendentalism. academic science of modernist philosophy. a continent perhaps more ready for it that Europe had ever been. they could only contemplate it. however. 669). However. unchanging." In this section I will argue that it is possible to trace several complimentary (if sometimes contradictory) ideas in Emerson¶s writings.. In this sense. his differences from Plato (especially in Emerson¶s faith in humanity and democracy). it is impossible to systematize or categorize Emerson¶s thinking. he lost a spouse. Emerson had a habit of characterizing important figures of his time as somehow transcendent. Brown. Plato. Plato believed that the realm of "being" was absolute. even as they sought to reform the conditions of the time. removed from day-to-day history. EMERSON¶S IDEAS "Whosoever would be a man. This paradoxical figure would influence a certain strain of American thought well into the 20th century. Emerson. and lived through the Civil War. he had his house burn down. inspired civil disobedience advocates from Ghandi to Martin Luther King.. certain major themes stand out in his writings. must be a nonconformist.. 1882. This mystical trust in human transcendence led many of Emerson¶s contemporaries to view him less as a philosopher than a divine seer of sorts. and incorruptible." where the things and ideas we contemplate exist in a state of unchanging consistency. Plato envisioned a realm of "perfect forms. one must first and foremost understand its derivation from Platonism. And his marriage of philosophy. a child. p.wcdebate. He held Daniel Webster in such high esteem for Webster¶s opposition to slavery that he identified Webster as ³representative of the American continent´ (Thomas J. Today. But he remained. theology and poetry brought romanticism to America. Spring." Things changed. at least in principle. optimistic about humanity. was a degraded and corrupt reflection of "being. he was even more a mystic than Plato. But humans could never really reach such a world.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. values. two brothers. Ordinary humans could contemplate this world of spirit provided they shed their worldly concerns and concentrate only on philosophical ideals. non-linear thinking as an alternative to the dry. 2000. and have great potential for debates over morality. who he saw as intrinsically tied to the transcendent and divine. Philosophers usually seek some kind of analytic understanding. in contrast. since ³-isms´ are usually systems. He influenced Henry David Thoreau and. Even to call it ³transcendentalism´ seems a stretch. immaterial.A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds. Emerson was the first major thinker in America to offer up non-Western. one of the most influential thinkers in the history of Western civilization.To be great is to be misunderstood. was the first major figure to posit a distinction between spirit and matter. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. As George Santayana characterizes him: Similarly. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and Emerson was as anti-systemic as they come. and his mystical vision of ³feeling´ or ³mood´ over logic as the basis of human understanding. His life had never been as peaceful and content as his privileged New England upbringing might have predicted. living entities died. I will describe his Platonic conception of spirit as primary and matter as secondary.com .. in doing so. people and history existed.

Emerson viewed emotion as the emanation of the divine. come so close to any question as your spontaneous glance shall bring you. comprehensive understanding. being and becoming. more than he trusted logic and analytic thought. As mentioned. He was very close. because. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ Like the German and British Romantics. unlike Plato. whilst you rise from your bed. Like many of transcendentalism's central themes. which he saw as our connection to the divine. Emerson put forth a mystical sense of "vision. on the other hand. Like Hegel.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 36 Emerson's transcendentalism was an optimistic version of Plato's distinction between spirit and matter.wcdebate.stanford. at the end of "Circles. "Intellect"). 3. with your best deliberation and heed. it would make sense that a transcendentalist would value the ³spirit´ of emotion more than the analysis of individual thoughts. This was reflected in Emerson¶s faith in democracy. the notion of a "unitary soul" uniting all humankind seems more "Eastern" than "Western." But the idea that we are all joined by one common soul has immediate and important political implications that give a strong metaphysical basis to the American political ideal of equality. He wrote: "Our spontaneous action is always the best. holds that all living creatures and things of the earth are united as something mystically higher and more whole than the sum of their parts. transcends the old Aristotelian maxim that things cannot be both true and false. the past is always swallowed and forgotten. Whereas Plato ultimately appealed to reason and a kind of logic to govern philosophical thought. Although. In the world of flux that he depicts in that essay. Emerson believed human beings and human endeavors were innately good. there is nothing stable to be responsible to: "every moment is new. Emerson really means to "accept. based more on feeling than analysis. or walk abroad in the morning after meditating the matter before sleep on the previous night" (Emerson. I wish to concentrate on this last point a little more. Emerson believed that it was possible to ³think too much. In other words. to being a pantheist. as corruptible facets of the realm of becoming.´ 2. Emerson¶s "epistemology of moods" is an attempt to construct a framework for encompassing what might otherwise seem contradictory outlooks. Emerson and the other transcendentalists turned toward the mystical world of the Romantics. in this respect. After all. Emerson. higher understanding. Since that connectedness is more real than the analytic separateness of individual thinking. believed it impossible "to extricate oneself from the questions in which your age is involved. Transcendentalism. He means to be irresponsible to all that holds him back from his self-development. he did believe that a mystical spirit-reality existed and was the true inspiration for human greatness. It was fortunate that Emerson believed history and human interaction were important. and in turn viewed the divine as an aggregate reflection of all creatures and things. as its name implies. Emerson believed contradictory premises were simply stepping-stones to a higher. a system of government Plato categorically rejected. history. as we shall see." including emotions such as love. or doctrines. "the clangor and jangle of contrary tendencies" (CW3: 36). Plato rejected human matters." he writes that he is "only an experimenter«with no Past at my back" (CW2: 188). Emerson trusted instinct and emotion.edu/entries/emerson/). Emerson combined this idea of the essential unity of all things and creatures with a belief in the innate goodness of humanity. This is apparent in Emerson's position against slavery. as the basis of genuine knowledge. the coming only is sacred" (CW2: 189) (http://plato. This serves as a useful transition into Emerson¶s belief in the connectedness of all creatures and things.´ and in doing so lose the spontaneous connection to creation and nature that Romantics saw as vital to a higher kind of understanding. It is instructive to note that Emerson differed from Plato in a few important ways: 1." as he puts it. You cannot. viewpoints. This way of thinking has been called Emerson¶s ³epistemology of moods. politics and the like. Emerson did not believe history or human interaction were irrelevant. That is why.com .

they will perform virtuously. he also extolled the virtues of capitalism. Those arguing against Emerson can gain a great deal of ground by citing the numerous instances where his thoughts lead to mystical pronouncements instead of solid and warranted conclusions." Like friendship and reading.' ´ (Thomas J. In his essay ³Self-Reliance. democracy offered a variation of the process by which other individuals act as "lenses through which we read our own minds. In this way. Obsession with power: As much as Emerson extolled the sins of slavery and patriarchy. OBJECTIONS TO EMERSON As already noted. since governments are not the ultimate source of morality. presumably. the necessity of self-reliance. through Nature. Some critics. democracy. or other distinct groups. Emerson was a strong supporter of civil disobedience against unjust laws. but it also reflects Emerson¶s desire to be a truly ³American´ thinker at a time when Americans were confronting and conquering ³the frontier. ³self-reliance´ is valuable to Emerson because he sees ³power´ as something that makes us human." some geniuses manage to serve large groups because they 'stand for facts.´ Emerson¶s embrace of civil disobedience comes from two areas of his philosophy: antimajoritarianism. 2000. morality is more important than obeying the law. There are two more important political implications found in Emerson. Insofar as human beings embrace their connection to transcendent. Emerson is part Plato (humans must understand the transcendent world in order to be good) and part Aristotle (humans must actually practice virtuous behavior to be in tune with the divine). divine virtue (which Emerson also calls ³beauty´). 669). however imperfect. critics sometimes contend that he glosses over many injustices that are on par with slavery. Volume 9 Page 37 For Emerson. "the otherest. and it inspired Henry David Thoreau¶s entire essay ³Civil Disobedience. First.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. such as rapid industrialization or capitalist exploitation." As each person searches for the perfectly fitted lens. and for thoughts. was a method by which human beings could serve as "lenses through which we read our own minds. and dependence on others as a natural indictment of that power.´ he declared) problematized his political stance against oppression.´ Emerson argues that Nature reveals moral truth. Second. Spring. This obsession with power has long been a rallying point against Emerson. Implications for Debate First. Because he held an almost Nietzschian awe of power.´ The problem is that Emerson never really comes to terms with how his pronouncements on power (³Life is a search after power. This is true of every human being. doubt that it¶s even proper to call Emerson a philosopher. This is the most well-known of Emerson¶s philosophies. In ³The American Scholar´ he argues that institutions and books do not reveal truth as well as can be revealed through our personal relationships with the divine² mediated. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. critics fault Emerson on two levels: Inconsistency and lack of coherent foundation: Emerson was as much a mystic and poet as he was a philosopher. Emerson¶s philosophy makes a very optimistic statement about human nature. George Santayana among them. Brown.com . Emerson¶s philosophy strongly supports civil disobedience and the refusal to follow unjust laws. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and the notion of morality transcending states and governments Second. Emerson refused to see distinctions based on skin color or national origin as being more important than the common humanity that unites Black and white. Because of this. and the power of individual action. This. This is another instance of the inconsistency cited earlier. of course. explains his opposition to slavery and his position in favor of women¶s emancipation. p.wcdebate.

In this way. Third. Volume 9 Page 38 Although critics accuse Emerson of justifying evil. would probably call for a unity of intentions and consequences.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. exploitative systems (such as ruthless capitalism). It may even be an alternative to deontological or utilitarian modes of ethics.F.com . Hegel (who believed all bad states of affairs would transcend into good things). Emerson is like John Stuart Mill (who believed capitalism would evolve into a just economic system) or G. Emerson¶s eloquence. These ethical codes arguably allow one to escape from various moral responsibilities by assigning greater and lesser values to respective moral commands. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. his optimism about humanity and democracy. This may be among Emerson¶s most ³Platonic´ philosophical notions.W. However. his stance often seems anti-foundationalist and anti-analytic. deontological ethics mandates the disregard of consequences. compensate for his imperfect attempt to do justice to the paradoxical nature of human existence. since all phenomena and actions are linked in some way. because it is a reflection of transcendent beauty and goodness. while utilitarian ethics mandates an exclusive focus on consequences. meaning that there will be a certain awkwardness involved in using his ideas for the sometimes-binaristic world of debate. it may be reasonably replied that Emerson simply believes seemingly miserable situations (such as poverty) will ultimately culminate in human growth and transcendence. Emerson takes virtuous behavior to be among the highest ethical goods. As noted above. and his powerful statements against human bondage and majoritarianism. Transcendentalist ethics. Debaters interested in incorporating Emerson into their arguments should be cautioned that he is far from a systematic thinker. It serves as an intrinsic justification for moral behavior. For example. on the other hand.wcdebate.

Arthur Cushman Jr. Mead. Osgood and Company. Len and Myerson. Ralph Waldo. and Whicher. N. Haight. Porte. GROWTH. 1866). Milton R. eds. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS (Westport: Greenwood Press. Stephen E. NAPOLEAN. Robinson. 1968).wcdebate. MEANING (New York: Dodd. Black. NATURAL HISTORY OF INTELLECT. Merton M.. THE TOPICAL NOTEBOOKS OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Columbia: University of Missouri Press. THE BEST OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON: ESSAYS. Emerson. Ralph Waldo. 1978). A YANKEE IN CANADA. EMERSON¶S ANTISLAVERY WRITINGS (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1978).: Friends of the Dartmouth Library..Y. Ticknor and Fields. EMERSON¶S NATURE: ORIGIN. 1990) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Emerson. Gougeon. Gordon Sherman. RALPH WALDO EMERSON: A BIOGRAPHY (New York: Viking Press. 1969). 1981). WITH ANTI-SLAVERY AND REFORM PAPERS (Boston. Joel. eds. POEMS. ed. Ralph Waldo. AND OTHER PAPERS (Boston: Houghton. REPRESENTATIVE MAN: RALPH WALDO EMERSON IN HIS TIME (New York: Oxford University Press. David. ed. YOUNG EMERSON SPEAKS: UNPUBLISHED DISCOURSES ON MANY SUBJECTS (Port Washington. Konvitz. POWER. N. EMERSON ON EDUCATION: SELECTIONS (New York: Teachers College Press. eds.. 1941). THE EARLY LECTURES OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. FORTUNE OF THE REPUBLIC (Boston: Hougton. Volume 9 Page 39 BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen. Emerson.: Kennikat Press. WEALTH (New York: Scott-Thaw. Emerson. Alfred R. 1966).H. 1982). Gay Wilson. Ralph Waldo. APOSTLE OF CULTURE: EMERSON AS PREACHER AND LECTURER (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.. Joel. McGiffert. 1954). 1959). Huggard. 1878). Mifflin. 1900). Smith. 1995). William Allen. Emerson. INDIAN SUPERSTITION (Hanover. 1903). 1947) Emerson. Ralph Waldo. Ralph Waldo. ADDRESSES (New York: W. 1938). Ralph Waldo. J. ed. THE CONDUCT OF LIFE: NINE ESSAYS ON FATE.com . Emerson. EMERSON AND THE PROBLEM OF WAR AND PEACE (Iowa City: The University Press. and Ferguson. Sealts Jr. Susan Sutton. OR THE MAN OF THE WORLD (Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

among sordid objects. Beauty. 15. the sun as its candle. the opinions. One measure of a man¶s character is his effect upon his fellow-men. The high and divine beauty which can be loved without effeminacy. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. The world thus exists to the soul to satisfy the desire of beauty. 2000. Truth. 2.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. an act of truth or heroism seems at once to draw to itself the sky as its temple. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. namely. We are taught by great actions that the universe is the property of every individual in it. as most men do. he may creep into a corner. 12. and makes the central figure of the visible sphere. POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR 1. Pindar. and goodness. and the day. 1986. American transcendentalist philosopher. VIRTUOUS ACTS ARE BEAUTIFUL AND EXPRESSES THE RATIONALITY OF THE UNIVERSE Ralph Waldo Emerson. Every rational creature has all nature for his dowry and estate. In private places. and the frame will suit the picture. WE DERIVE POWER FROM BEING VIRTUOUS AND HONEST Ralph Waldo Emerson. out of deference to others has been a sacrifice of a certain amount of his power over other men. No reason can be asked or given why the soul seeks beauty. Every natural action is graceful. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. Willingly does she follow his steps with the rose and the violet. and abdicate his kingdom. 1986. 2. if he will. BEAUTY IS THE ULTIMATE END OF THE UNIVERSE AND ALL ACTIVITY Ralph Waldo Emerson. and bend her lines of grandeur and grace to the decoration of her darling child. For every man knows whether he has been accustomed to receive truth or falsehood² valuable opinions or foolish talking²from his brother. It is his. This element I call an ultimate end. God is the all-fair. in its largest and profoundest sense. He may divest himself of it. The visible heavens and earth sympathize with Jesus. is that which is found in combination with the human will. and this knowledge must inevitably determine his respect. Beauty is the mark God sets upon virtue. And any one who will steadily observe his own experience will I think become convinced. Phocion. 1986. and beauty. of the spiritual element is essential to its perfection. p. Every heroic act is also decent. and nature became ancillary to a man. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. 15. associate themselves fitly in our memory with the geography and climate of Greece. A virtuous man is in unison with her works.--the persons. And in common life whosoever has seen a person of powerful character and happy genius will have remarked how easily he took all things along with him. 13. Homer. American transcendentalist philosopher. Only let his thoughts be of equal scope. every departure from his own convictions. is one expression for the universe. only let his thoughts be of equal greatness. but he is entitled to the world by his constitution. and causes the place and the bystanders to shine. are but different faces of the same All. The presence of a higher.com . American transcendentalist philosopher.wcdebate. that it to say. that every false word he has uttered. Socrates. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. p. VIRTUOUS ACTS PLACE US IN UNISON WITH THE POWER OF NATURE Ralph Waldo Emerson. Volume 9 Page 40 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE 1. Nature stretches out her arms to embrace man. p. American transcendentalist philosopher.

in each other¶s actions. if a hurricane of party feeling and a combination of monied interests can beat them to the ground? What is the use of courts. I question the value of our civilization. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. TRANSCENDENT MORAL LAWS EXIST IN HUMAN INTUITION Ralph Waldo Emerson. TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE 1. if all the guarantees provided by the jealousy of ages for the protection of liberty are made of no effect. and no judge exerts original jurisdiction. 1986. for. For virtue is the very self of every man. I cannot accept the railroad and the telegraph in exchange for reason and clarity. THE TRUE SOURCE OF MORALITY IS IN THE UNWRITTEN LAWS OF HUMANITY¶S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE UNIVERSE AND EACH OTHER Ralph Waldo Emerson. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. 72-73. fear. when I see that the public mind has never less hold of the strongest of all truths. I cannot think the most judicious tubing a compensation for metaphysical debility. Thus in the soul of man there is a justice whose retributions are instant and entire. The child amidst his baubles is learning the action of light. p. 361. American transcendentalist philosopher. motion. American transcendentalist philosopher. 2000. CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE. in our own remorse. or spoken by the tongue.wcdebate. 73. and that an immoral statute is void. They are out of time. and God.com . covers. and in the game of human life. gravity. The sense of injustice is blunted. These laws refuse to be adequately stated. What is the use of admirable law-forms and political forms. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. They will not be written out on paper. The sentiment of virtue is a reverence and delight in the presence of certain divine laws. a sure sign of the shallowness of our intellect. justice. The intuition of the moral sentiment is an insight of the perfection of the laws of the soul. if judges only quote authorities. muscular force. if its opinions are the political breath of the hour? And what is the use of constitutions. WE HAVE A DUTY TO BREAK IMMORAL LAWS Ralph Waldo Emerson. yet we read them hourly in each other¶s faces. and not subject to circumstance. It is therefore a principle of law. pp. love. but are simply declatory of a right which already existed. p. LAWS WITHOUT TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ARE USELESS Ralph Waldo Emerson. He who does a good deed is instantly ennobled. American transcendentalist philosopher. under what seem foolish details. when a bad act of Congress finds a willing commissioner? 2. 2. American transcendentalist philosopher. 362. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 41 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT 1. or recurs to first principles? What is the use of a Federal Bench. They elude our persevering thought. as laws do not make right. man. at every hazard. 2000. It perceives that this homely game of life we play. out of space. it is not to be presumed that they can so stultify themselves as to command injustice. principles that astonish. appetite. that an immoral contract is void. An immoral law makes it a man¶s duty to break it. p. interact. These laws execute themselves. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. It is not skill in iron locomotives that marks so fine civility as the jealousy of liberty. 1986.

´ Implicit in his words are the notion that the civic world is part of nature and subject to its processes and that advancement occurs by cooperating with these processes rather than directing them toward immediate human ends. Emerson was not ³co-opted´ by liberal capitalism so much as he hastened to join it. combination. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. ³Life is a search after power.com . and to conspire with the new works of new days. The political corollary to this belief is an almost unmitigated laissez-faire: ³Trade is an instrument of that friendly Power which works for us in our own despite«Our part is plainly not to throw ourselves across the track. EMERSON GLORIFIED POWER AND ELITISM Daniel Aron. 1999. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. EMERSON SAW CAPITALIST IMPERIALISM AS THE UNFOLDING OF DIVINE WILL Robert Milder.´ Emerson can associate capitalism with ³amelioration in nature. and sketching the ideal political economy under which the superman might best exercise his uncommon talents. ³The Young American´ (1844)²Emerson¶s ³battle cry for the new era of industrial expansion and manifest destiny.´ 2.´ as his editors call it²is therefore less an apology for Laissez-faire capitalism than an attempt like Henry Adams¶s sixty years later to plot the lines of force that were remaking contemporary society. ³Power´ and ³Wealth.wcdebate. p. 68. Emerson was not only synchronizing the predatory practices of the entrepreneur with the harmony of the universe and permitting merchants (as Bronson Alcott shrewdly said) to ³find a refuge from their own duplicity under his broad shield´. 90. pp. In these essays and elsewhere. Emerson¶s respect for power and its achievements is even more glowingly expressed in two others essays. in doing so. and sit till we are stone. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. 1999. not to block improvement.´ he announces. The difference is that where Adams the ironist would dwell on multiplicity and a vertiginous acceleration of energies without immanent purpose or foreseeable end.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p. since aligning himself with the divinely empowered forces of the age was always the condition for a living philosophy. ³marry Right to Might. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES UNCHECKED CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION Robert Milder. who convert ³the sap and juices of the planet to the incarnation and nutriment of their design. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. which displaces the ³physical strength´ of kings and aristocrats and ³installs´ the enlightened forces of ³computation. Emerson the seeker of unity is at pains to assimilate the new forces to a cosmic and social teleology²to survey history for the perspective of the ³over-god´ of the Channing ode and.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 68-69. information (and) science. he was also outlining a code of behavior that the superior man must follow. in its room. philosopher.´ Here he reiterates his preference for the ³bruisers´ and ³pirates.´ the ³men of the right Caesarian pattern´ who transcend the pettiness of ³talkers´ and ³clerks´ and dominate the world by sheer force of character. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. but to watch the uprise of successive mornings. and the successful men who understand the laws of Nature and respond to the godhead within themselves. Volume 9 Page 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION 1. 3. 1962. which alone permits and authorizes amelioration in mankind. By emphasizing the ³anti-feudal power´ of trade.´ are unconsciously fulfilling the plan of a benevolent providence.

com . however. the mystic is obliged in the end to give them all up. to associate Emerson with the ³terrible paucity of alternatives. 31. or Beauty? He could not. 1962. or even of a definite conception of ultimate truth. Benefit. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Boston existed serenely. Common sense and poetry must both go by the board. then. 1996. almost exclusively in the moral world. philosopher. must share this reproach. EMERSON AND POWER. vacant²the image is invoked repeatedly in Henry James¶s and Santayana¶s portrayals of Emerson. As every new category. the poetic and moral categories no less than the physical. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. ³of a conscience gasping in the void.´ He continued. the base.wcdebate. For James. Professor of English at Michigan State University. p. in his 1888 essay. Far from it. EMERSONIAN MYSTICISM VOIDS ALL REASON AND UNDERSTANDING George Santayana. the emptying of his whole heart and mind to make room. its rewards and consolations. Empty. Nature. worship²must presently be rejected for the same reason.´ his inability ³to look at anything but the soul´²was the result of his coming to maturity in a community that ³had to seek its entertainment. that his eyes were ³thickly bandaged´ to all ³sense of the dark. the imagination thus prepares its own destructing.´ 3. philosopher. Emerson¶s memory evoked an unforgettable series of ³impressions´ of New England¶s cultural barrenness. could be ³condensed into the single word Concord. for God. This effect was by no means due to the possession on the part of Emerson of the secret of the universe. 4. the foul. and all the condensation in the world will not make it look rich. as we have said. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LACKS ANY SPECIFIC CONTENT OR DEFINITION George Santayana. By attacking the authority of the understanding as the organon of knowledge. p. p. by substituting itself for it as the herald of a deeper truth. by its very definition. panting for sensations. Volume 9 Page 43 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE 1. like the ³New England (of) fifty years ago.´ James concludes. as Matthiessen notes. and the consciousness of that incapacity was so lively within him that he never attempted to give articulation to his philosophy.´ It was no surprise. 1996. perpetually untested by the ³beguilements and prizes´ of experience.´ ³We get the impression. As far as James was concerned.´ he recalled. The deeper he went and the more he tried to grapple with fundamental conceptions. and having there beheld the transfigured reality. is the surrender of a category of thought because we divine its relativity. ³Emerson¶s personal history.´ the ³achromatic picture´ his environment presented him. so that the end of his purification is the atrophy of his whole nature. Mysticism. Mysticism will be satisfied only with the absolute.´ and no surprise that there was ³a certain inadequacy and thinness in (Emerson¶s) enumerations´ and ³quaint animadversions. For if the understanding is rejected because it cannot grasp the absolute.´ The ³decidedly lean Boston´ of Emerson¶s day was self-enclosed. TRANSCENDENTALISM PLACES ITSELF ABOVE ORDINARY HUMAN EXPERIENCE Michael Lopez. 1962. 2. the imagination and all its works²art. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. dogma. as he thinks. 32. is not representable by any specific faculty. so constantly on his lips. ³like a ministry without an opposition. 35. the whole ³Concord school´ had. with something of the movement of the gills of a landed fish. and as the absolute. Did he know what he meant by Spirit or the ³Over-Soul´? Could he say what he understood by the terms. Law. ³enacted a series of experiments in the void.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. At bottom he had no doctrine at all. James writes (and he means Boston to stand for Emerson). 32-33. an island above the extremes of common human experience. He was not a prophet who had once for all climbed his Sinai or his Tabor. it must be approached through the abandonment of all. EMERSON AND POWER. p. Professor of English at Michigan State University. descended again to make authoritative report of it to the world. and conscience must follow after: for all these are human and relative.´ Emerson¶s ³special capacity for moral experience´²which for James meant Emerson¶s ³ripe unconscious of evil. Emerson¶s limited moral world was. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IGNORES THE EVILS OF THE REAL WORLD Michael Lopez. the vaguer and more elusive they became in his hands. God.´ sealed off.

1859. and Dewey grew up listening to local customers at the store discuss politics and culture. saw students as valuable in and of themselves. Dewey possessed an unreasonable utopian trust in communities. the ultimate test of a theory or idea was whether it ³worked´ for ordinary people applying the theory or idea. After examining Dewey¶s interesting life. There seemed to be different "tracks" for different students. and grow accordingly. Dewey left public school teaching in favor of exploring the alternatives that might be available. Dewey has influenced famous contemporary thinkers such as Richard Rorty and Donald Davidson in the area of philosophy. a distinctively American pragmatist philosopher.wcdebate. on October 20. in philosophy. In 1894. because they have waited upon some power external to themselves and to nature to do the work they are responsible for doing. Maryland. He would come to understand that if teachers and administrators believed in students. What makes Dewey uniquely American is his pragmatism. Two years later. At the same time. Volume 9 Page 44 JOHN DEWEY "Men have never fully used [their] powers to advance the good in life. and taught high school for three years. I will attempt to explain both the philosophy of pragmatism and Dewey¶s educational philosophy. It was at Chicago where Dewey would begin experimenting with Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. A brief synopsis of some general objections of Dewey follows. as well as countless teachers and educational theorists. psychology and pedagogy at the University of Chicago. In the fall of 1882. taught to memorize proofs and facts and histories. Dewey's father owned a general store in the small Vermont community. He was beginning to realize that what separated these extremes was not so much the "natural talent" of students as the philosophical commitments of the instructors and administrators. Students were herded in and out of classrooms. the son of a grocer. Both of these philosophies stem from particular assumptions such as the vitality of experience and usefulness. and the belief that humans can progress and improve themselves over time. at the age of twenty." ²John Dewey INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the life and thought of John Dewey. and received an appointment from the University of Michigan to teach philosophy and psychology. If. still does): It was both a local intellectual center and a community of simple farming and trade.com . Dewey would come to reject the small town provincialism of Burlington in favor of the changing and growing national community that characterized the second half of the 19th century. along with some ideas about how Dewey can be used in value debate. LIFE AND WORK John Dewey was born in Burlington. John Dewey witnessed the kind of community participation that would inspire his views on society. and these divisions were often based on students' economic circumstances rather than any useful distinctions. For Dewey. Not surprisingly. These early teaching experiences no doubt forced Dewey to realize that something was not quite right with the education system in America. Dewey enrolled in the philosophy graduate program at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. and expected to regurgitate them faithfully. Dewey was appointed professor of philosophy and chair of the department of philosophy. the young scholar had experienced a wide range of educational models. and enrolled at the University of Vermont. from the naive provincialism of small town public schools to the progressive possibilities of advanced study in philosophy. By now. it may very well have been his youth in Burlington that inspired that trust.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Burlington possessed paradoxical traits (and in many ways. rather than seeing them as defects to be corrected or workers to be trained. Dewey stayed in Burlington after graduating from the public schools. From a very early age. Vermont. the primacy of collective and community activity over individual reflection. politics and education. He graduated in 1879. as some critics have charged. most students would take advantage of the opportunities afforded them. Dewey held that transcendent ³truths´ were not as important as the collective experience of ordinary human beings. from base "vocational" education to higher forms of learning. he received his PhD.

fred. www. when we see how strongly Dewey believes in cooperation instead of competition. or appeals to the truth of scripture. both as a race and as individuals. and education. but rather in reference to what "works. Similarly.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. He wrote essays and books about epistemology.edu/~mafjerke/dewey. Dewey sees humans as part of nature. although Dewey was no socialist. reach near-certainty about theories or ideas. along with his prolific and rigorous essays in philosophy and psychology. also have a history of change.net/tzaka/deweynew. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF PRAGMATISM Dewey's metaphysical assumptions naturally lead to an embrace of the kind of pragmatism advocated in the 19th century by William James (1842-1910) and Charles Saunders Peirce (1839-1914). No other 20th century American philosopher has enjoyed a greater impact on the day-to-day workings of the system. Dewey's role in vindicating Trotsky is important because it shows how his concern for justice and solidarity overrode his differences with the communists. and he would produce a body of work nearly unmatched in the history of American philosophy. "Truth" for pragmatists is not determined in reference to absolute metaphysical principles. and that history is lived experience (Gordon L. politics. few philosophers are more misunderstood. concerning the philosophy of religion. William James was more concerned about people's personal religious experiences than with the various logical "proofs" for God's existence. Dewey and Trotsky shared a laugh when Trotsky reportedly said "If more liberals were like you. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. James and Peirce believed that theoretical soundness was not a matter of adherence to some kind of transcendent logic. This explains why.org/history/1997/may1997/dewey. A collection of anti-Stalinist left activists and anti-capitalist figures asked Dewey to chair the commission because. the experiments and the progressive thinking also brought Dewey directly into conflict with University of Chicago President William Rainey Harper. This near-certainty results not from an abstract examination of a theory or idea." an effort to clear Soviet revolutionary leader Leon Trotsky of Josef Stalin's charges that Trotsky was a counterrevolutionary sabuteur. and despite this impact. Dewey sees mental reflection as part of the sum of human experience). Dewey's commission cleared Trotsky of all of Stalin's charges. At a gathering of Trotsky's defenders.html). who by all accounts represented exactly the kind of "old school" traditionalism Dewey opposed. Dewey believes that history and experience are collective as well as individual. "A thing is its history" for Dewey. he was viewed by leftists as fair. However. brought national fame to the young man from Burlington. To them.wcdebate.htm) Perhaps one of the most significant. through experience and reflection (in fact. Pragmatism holds that there is no such thing as "absolute certainty. and sees nature as constantly changing. John Dewey died on June 1. I might be a socialist. He influenced teachers and educational theorists all over the world." This exchange speaks volumes about Dewey's philosophy and politics. (http://inst. Like existentialists. genuine experience.shtml). His writings and experiments enjoyed free reign and institutional encouragement. which did not stop Stalin's agents from assassinating Trotsky in Mexico a short time later (wsws. but through a contemplation of the consequences of behaving as if the theory or idea were true. engaged to the child by teachers who visibly value the child. John Dewey would stay at Columbia for the next 47 years. But unlike existentialists." in theory or practice. 1952. and concerned with social justice. Humans may. The fact that he could share such honest and sincere humor with one of the most dogmatic ideologues of the 20th century underscores Dewey's commitment to pluralism. he offered a notion that was both politically radical and educationally sound: Education must occur through real. Dewey left the University of Chicago to become a professor of philosophy at Columbia University in New York City. of Dewey's achievements came in 1937 when he chaired the "Dewey Commission. and least known. He believed that shared experiences were always more important than ideological doctrines. as part of nature. Volume 9 Page 45 his progressive theories of education. impartial. and allow the child to participate in his or her own education.augie. and these experiments. Dewey believes that what constitutes "human nature" is a history of experience. removed from everyday experience.com . This will become important later. ethics." and what coheres with the genuine experience of living subjects. Humans." and Dewey replied "If more socialists were like you. In 1904. I might be a liberal. Ziniewicz.

as a result of collective experience. Dewey insisted. to the maximum benefit of all participants. I could never consider it "true. I may be talented enough to pull off last-minute miracles. then they are valuable parts of the way I know things. Rather. First. Moreover. (http://www. I am part of the world). experience is not (as it was for the empiricists).xrefer. my teacher tells me it's obvious I wrote it the night before. The journey to higher levels of understanding has no end. I do not learn things merely by self-reflection. as there is no absolute certainty: Dewey's 'instrumentalism' defined inquiry as the transformation of a puzzling.com/entry/551811) Finally. which we'll examine in the next section. Finally. I may have this idea because my parents kept pounding it into my head. the simple reception and contemplation of external data. because my teachers warn me about it. Thus. What is required in all cases is the application of intelligent inquiry. test. "community ideals" are those ideas and principles that a community develops over time. the example shows that theories and ideas change. It includes long-term. indeterminate situation into one that is sufficiently unified to enable warranted assertion or coherent action. IBID) Many scholars refer to these pragmatic ideas as John Dewey¶s ³instrumentalism. The best political world is one that maximizes the strength of communities. This explains Dewey's strong support of schools and progressive education. I hold something true as long as my experience verifies it. But unless the "procrastination is bad" idea is validated by my lived experience. At least. They experiment. mediating both the terms of the initial problem and its solution.´ In sum. There are many reasons for this beyond mere progressive political sentiment. (Ziniewicz. I fail. and being in turn transformed by the inquiry. and so on. I may work well under the pressure of the last minute. My assignment is poorly written. instrumentalism holds that humans encounter problems and exercise mental inquiry to solve those problems. and includes reflection as well as interaction.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. where we learn from and with other people. I no longer have sound reason to hold it true. just as available in matters of morals and politics as in matters of physics and chemistry. My experiences include the stories and experiences of other people. Dewey is a strong proponent of collectivism and cooperation. pragmatically speaking. my lived experience is more important than logic or metaphysics in determining the truth or falsity of a claim. I reconsider the original idea. or religious experience. rigorous meditation on ideas and things. we achieve more cooperating with others than we achieve on our own. Dewey's philosophy is an affirmation of humans as part of an ever-changing natural world. in legislation that changes some functions of a government . and the knowledge that is the object of inquiry is. and begin to think that procrastination might be bad after all. as already stated. however. in imaginative rehearsal of conflicting habits of action. At that point. and through trial and error reach a higher stage of understanding. emotional. Volume 9 Page 46 For example. the self-correcting method of experimentally testing hypotheses created and refined from our previous experience. It may even include mystical. In summary. that I should adhere to my schedule and not put things off until the last minute." In fact. experience can be active or passive. Part of this experience is our membership in a community. Dewey supports community ideals because. my experience may contradict the advice of my parents and teachers.wcdebate. propose and oppose. until the inevitable time that my last-minute miracle doesn't happen. Abstract principles are only valuable insofar as they cohere to our experiences of and in this ever-changing natural world. his collectivism stems directly from his belief in the universality of experience as the arbiter of knowledge.com .but in all cases there is a social context. As long as those things add to my understanding of the way the world works (and remember. Second. What counts as 'testing' may vary with the 'felt difficulty' in need of resolution-testing may occur in a chemistry laboratory. I may have the idea that procrastination is an undesirable character trait. When my experience no longer verifies it. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. My lived experience tells me that it is okay to procrastinate. This example illustrates two important aspects of Dewey's pragmatism. For Dewey.

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DEWEY¶S VIEWS ON EDUCATION ³Education is not a preparation for life; Education is life itself.´ ²John Dewey As might be suggested by his pragmatism, John Dewey believed education must be informed by genuine experience, constant interaction, and community values. Although he did not reject the notion that some individuals may be more motivated than others to learn, he nevertheless believed that one's environment was a huge determining factor in one's educational development. In many ways, then, Dewey's theory of education was a direct result of his pragmatist philosophical perspective. (www.infed.org/thinkers/et-dewey.htm) One of the most significant differences between traditional educational approaches and Dewey's "progressive" views of education was his perspective on the role of teachers. Dewey did not view instructors as absolute authorities imposing ideas and practices on students. Rather, he saw teachers as facilitators, guiding students through the learning process, and he believed this ought to be done as democratically as possible. Contrary to the picture some critics have painted of Dewey, he did not believe in some kind of simplistic (and utopian) democracy where students have as much authority as teachers. He simply believed that much more democracy was possible in the classroom; that students could be taught the virtues of democracy by learning to participate, in feasible ways, in their own educational experiences. Dewey rejected the "checklist" rigor of individual assignments and isolated studies in favor of group learning, discussion, and genuine experiences. If students are learning about agriculture, Dewey would rather students visit a farm and share in some of the farm work than just read about farms in a book. If the subject was politics and government, Dewey would prefer that students form their own governments and raise issues and solicit votes than merely listen to a lecture on how governments function in a democracy. OBJECTIONS TO DEWEY Critics of John Dewey¶s philosophy include both philosophers opposed to pragmatism, and political activists opposed to the soft, utopian ³liberalism´ of Dewey¶s political positions. Objections to pragmatism usually come in the form of metaphysical assertions that the truth of a claim is not dependent upon the experiential validation of that claim. To cite the example I used in the section on pragmatism, those opposed to Dewey would argue that the statement ³You should not procrastinate´ has a truth-value independent of my verification of that statement with my own experience. However, more strongly worded objections come from the political side. Primarily, Dewey is charged with having utopian aspirations regarding cooperation and progressivism, but at the same time ignoring real-world barriers to his utopia. Conservatives, for example, charge that Dewey believes all citizens (and particularly students, in regards to his educational philosophy) have the same basic abilities, or the same potential for genius; that Dewey seems to believe that all differences come from the environment. Conservatives believe that people have different abilities, and that perceived ³inequalities´ in society are really just the result of the cold, hard fact that some people are more talented and industrious than others. More criticism comes from those to the political left of Dewey, such as Marxists. For them, Dewey is a ³liberal´ in the negative sense of the term. He believes everyone can ³get along,´ even though Marxists believe that there can be no reconciliation between the ruling class and the working class. Thus, Dewey offers a vision of universal enlightenment and progressive, community virtues, but offers no material means of getting to such a world. The desire that we all get along and progress together is not enough.

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IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE Dewey¶s educational philosophy is in a class by itself, and any value debate topic dealing with education should inspire a great deal of research on Dewey¶s ideas. But in this section I will concern myself only with his general philosophy. The following main points suggest ways in which debaters can incorporate the ideas of John Dewey: Democracy: Obviously, Dewey is a strong proponent of democracy, for unique reasons. Dewey believes that we learn, both individually and collectively, through experimentation and the consideration of all ideas and possibilities. For Dewey, the clash of ideas and approaches found in a healthy democracy is the paradigm example of a progressive society. Necessity of Experience rather than Idealism: Dewey provides a solid answer to philosophers such as Plato, Hegel, Ayn Rand, Leo Strauss, and other thinkers who believe that the ³Truth´ is a transcendent set of principles simply waiting to be discovered. Rather, Dewey believes, we ³make the truth,´ not in some relativistic sense, but through genuine human experience. Moreover, Dewey would accuse these idealist and objectivist philosophers of being foundationally anti-democratic. A natural conclusion to Dewey¶s philosophy is that our collective notions of truth ought to be decided democratically. The idea that ³Truth´ emanates from on high is contrary to the notions of progressive, participatory democracy. Cooperation versus Conflict: Obviously, Dewey believes that we learn more together than we do apart, and that we achieve more when we unite around common goals than when we compete with one another. He rejected the notion of competition in academics and embraced the idea that we can learn cooperatively, helping each other out, learning from common struggles. CONCLUSION John Dewey represents something very important about American philosophy. Instead of being concerned about what is ideally true, metaphysically true, logically true or mathematically true, Dewey was concerned about the truth of what works for people in their everyday lives. This is radically democratizing, and wholly appropriate to a people who, at least in principle, rejected the divine right of kings and the assumptions of aristocracy. It is appropriate to an experiment in democracy amidst pluralism and uncertainty. Debaters wishing to incorporate Dewey's ideas ought to research both the foundations of his pragmatism, and the implications of his pragmatism on his educational theories. Although these two aspects of his philosophy are intimately related, the literature is divided rather distinctively. Debaters might also contemplate the fact that, as they search the library for Dewey's works, they might well be using the Dewey Decimal System, devised by John Dewey to catalogue books in libraries. In many ways, Dewey would be a strong advocate of academic debate. Like the participatory models of education he advocated, debate is an exercise in empowering, involved activity. It is student-centered and relies on the students experimenting, succeeding and failing, and learning from each exchange. In fact, understanding why debate is educational for you can help you understand exactly the kind of education that Dewey wanted for students. At the same time, debaters should be aware that objections to pragmatism are important. Dewey and his followers talk about the importance of democracy and participation, but they seem unable to suggest ways to dismantle the very real power structures that block these possibilities. Perhaps creative debaters can synthesize Deweyan pragmatism with effective political strategies for actually opening up the real, material possibility of change in a world where, despite Dewey's efforts, elitism still remains.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Baker, Melvin C. FOUNDATIONS OF JOHN DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORY (New York: Atherton Press, 1966). Campbell, James. UNDERSTANDING JOHN DEWEY: NATURE AND COOPERATIVE INTELLIGENCE (Chicago: Open Court, 1995). Dewey, John and James Hayden Tufts. ETHICS (New York: H. Holt, 1936). Dewey, John. A COMMON FAITH (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960). Dewey, John. ART AS EXPERIENCE (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1934). Dewey, John. ESSAYS IN EXPERIMENTAL LOGIC (New York: Dover Publications, 1953) Dewey, John. EXPERIENCE AND NATURE (La Salle, IL: Open Court Publishing Company, 1958). Dewey, John. FREEDOM AND CULTURE (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1939). Dewey, John. HOW WE THINK (Boston: D.C. Heath, 1910). Dewey, John. INDIVIDUALISM OLD AND NEW (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1930). Dewey, John. LECTURES IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1899). Dewey, John. LECTURES ON ETHICS, 1900-1901 (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991). Dewey, John. LIBERALISM AND SOCIAL ACTION (New York: Capricorn Books, 1963). Dewey, John. THE CHILD AND THE CURRICULUM, AND SCHOOL AND SOCIETY (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). Dewey, John. THEORY OF THE MORAL LIFE (New York: Irvington Publishers, 1980). Dewey, John. DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (New York: The Macmillan company, 1916). Gavin, W. J. CONTEXT OVER FOUNDATION: DEWEY AND MARX (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988). Haskins, Casey, and Seiple, David I.. DEWEY RECONFIGURED: ESSAYS ON DEWEYAN PRAGMATISM (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999). Nissen, Lowell. JOHN DEWEY¶S THEORY OF INQUIRY AND TRUTH (The Hague: Mouton, 1966). Popp, Jerome A. NATURALIZING PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION: JOHN DEWEY IN THE POSTANALYTIC PERIOD (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1998). Schilpp, Paul Arthur. THE PHILOSOPHY OF JOHN DEWEY (La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1951). Soneson, Jerome Paul. PRAGMATISM AND PLURALISM: JOHN DEWEY¶S SIGNIFICANCE FOR THEOLOGY (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993).

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freedom is a resolute will operating in a world in some respects indeterminate. but power of vision and reflection. Few would perhaps defend this doctrine thus boldly stated. American pragmatist philosopher. We take for granted the necessity of special opportunity and prolonged education to secure ability to think in a special calling. Carry that identity farther. and resolute. like mathematics.´ are not a hindrance to freedom.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. not abstract knowledge and abstract thought. alert. 89. and that the gift operates by a kind of spontaneous combustion.wcdebate. because open and moving toward a new future. 1968. It requires favorable objective conditions. It is complete only in its possibilities. the power to think requires even more conscious and consecutive attention. If the other arts have to be acquired through ordered apprenticeship. The point of simple tension between the two has been passed. abstract possibility but is the possibility of the actual self. Freedom has too long been thought of as an indeterminate power operating in a closed and ended world. PRODUCING CHANGING CONCEPTIONS OF MORALITY John Dewey. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. In its reality. p. Make it not merely an identity in conception but in action. American pragmatist philosopher. the explicit thing. American pragmatist philosopher. Social conditions interact with the preferences of an individual (that are his individuality) in a way favorable to actualizing freedom only when they develop intelligence. and the emphasis is on the other side of the identity between the two. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. is the most difficult occupation in which man engages. That is the basis of responsibility. desire and purpose more flexible. the element of tension or resistance between the two is perhaps the more emphasized. 1968. 298. the possible self does not represent a remote. political and moral matters is a gift of God. Thinking. But the necessary unity between the two is involved. brushes. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. just as the art of painting requires paint. but a necessary factor in coming to be effectively that which we have the capacity to grow into. and you have freedom. The actual self is not complete as long as it is stated simply as given. But we appear to assume that ability to think effectively in social. however. and canvas. FREEDOM CONSISTS IN RECOGNIZING AND ADAPTING TO CHANGE John Dewey. Freedom is the equivalent of the reality of growth. LECTURES ON ETHICS. 1991. 296. 2. but upon the whole we act as if that were true. Volume 9 Page 50 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING 1. Constant and uniform relations in change and a knowledge of them in ³laws. In the idea of responsibility that unity of the natural and the ideal self (that it is the business of the natural self to become the ideal self and of the ideal self to be realized in the natural self) is the prominent thing. 3. p. The most important problem in freedom of thinking is whether social conditions obstruct the development of judgment and insight or effectively promote it. ADAPTING TO SOCIAL CONDITIONS DETERMINES OUR ABILITY TO THINK WELL John Dewey. In obligation. between the natural self and the ideal self. SOCIAL CONDITIONS INTERACT WITH INDIVIDUALS.com . In other words. Judgment or responsibility depends upon the balance between the subject and the predicate. No more than any other art is it developed internally. p. For these take effect in making preference.

FREEDOM REQUIRES THE OBJECTIVE. mere elimination of obstructions is not enough. Since it is a certain kind of object which we want. Volume 9 Page 51 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS 1. rights and demands are products of interactions. and the control of the social environment which is furnished by the institution of property²is a pure absurdity. The question of political and economic freedom is not an addendum or afterthought. American pragmatist philosopher. Pragmatically. There was a time in the eighteenth century when the great social need was emancipation of industry and trade from a multitude of restrictions which held over from the feudal estate of Europe. It is one with our individuality. perfectly real. American pragmatist philosopher.´ A reality which is taken in organic response so as to lead to subsequent reactions that are off the track and aside from the mark. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. MORAL AND LEGAL RULES ARE NOT FIXED AND TRANSCENDENT. explains the otherwise paradoxical fact that the slogans of the liberalism of one period often become the bulwarks of reaction in a subsequent era. 281. the true kind. effective. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. pp. and. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. our being uniquely what we are and not imitators and parasites of others. ABSTRACT FREEDOM IS NOT ENOUGH: WE NEED THE MATERIAL AND ECONOMIC MEANS TO BE FREE John Dewey. in command of capital. they became hindrances and annoyances as the effects of new methods. MATERIAL MEANS TO ATTAIN CHOICE John Dewey. 297-98. and freedom of contract. morally they alone are ³real. 2. it leads to the notion of the duplicate versions of reality. as facts have demonstrated. It lacks the hallmark of value. Adapted well enough to the localized and fixed conditions of that earlier age. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. teleologically. whether moral or psychological. the other phenomenal and kept continually on the jump because otherwise its own inherent nothingness would lead to its total annihilation. one which will be as favorable as possible to a consistent and liberal or growing functioning. which we want or are after. emerged. But the absolutistic logic of rigid syllogistic forms infected these ideas. The movement of emancipation expressed itself in principles of liberty in use of property.´ 2. and are not found in the original and isolated constitution of human nature. 1968. VALUES ARE DEPENDENT UPON REAL WORLD CONSEQUENCES AND CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. use of coal and steam.com . For the conditions that form political and economic liberty are required in order to realize the potentiality of freedom each of us carries with him in his very structure. one absolute and static because exhausted. For ordinary purposes. 48-49. 139. We are all children who saw ³really and truly. But like all other possibilities. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. BUT CHANGE IN RESPONSE TO HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. this possibility has to be actualized. FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY REQUIRE MATERIAL EQUALITY 1. 1968. that is for practical purposes. things which are good for what they lay claim to in the way of consequences. American pragmatist philosopher. p. 1968. I sum up by saying that the possibility of freedom is deeply grounded in our very beings. American pragmatist philosopher. it is this kind. in the problem of personal freedom. which for us monopolizes the title of reality. existentially speaking. which were embodied in a mass of legal decisions. 1968. like all others.wcdebate. is not good reality. it can only be actualized through interaction with objective conditions. needing to be constantly tested by the way in which they work out in application to concrete situations. The notion that men are equally free to act if only the same legal arrangements apply equally to all² irrespective of differences in education. Since actual. that is. Since it is only genuine and sincere things. p. this identification of truth and ³reality´ is sound and reasonable: rationalistically. Failure to recognize that general legal rules and principles are working hypotheses. the truth and the realness of things are synonymous. while it is. much less a deviation or excrescence. pp.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The latter merely liberates force and ability as that happens to be distributed by past accidents of history.

by the informal learning that went on in the home and in the local community and wanted to forge a link between this sort of learning and learning at school. In a game most of the participants know how to play. 114. Deweyism has been caught off guard and overwhelmed by the sweep of events. is also unsatisfactory. for it combined a conception of the child. Dewey¶s treatment of the psychological principle was equally unsatisfactory. as I have reiterated. and thereby to have helped influence the course of events in a progressive direction.´ This led him to oversimplify the dualism between what he called ³internal conditions´ and what is the result of social influences. for it slurs over the dualism between the teacher¶s position as an authority and the legitimate demand for ³participation.S. p. The most it can offer is a reasonable assumption or hopeful expectation that this way may be better than that. 2. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. However. like a football captain. Volume 9 Page 52 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY 1.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the record shows that at every critical turn of American history in the twentieth century. so moral judgments have no verifiable value or weight in advance of their results in action. unless ³democracy´ is watered down to mean just multiplying shared experiences and openness of communication. If ³democracy´ is to include. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION IS FLAWED 1. Their perplexity and powerlessness was first exhibited in the First World War. we are then confronted with current tensions underlying the question of how much ³participation´ is compatible with the freedom and authority of the teacher. which was almost as idealistic as his conception of democracy. 1975. p. 1977. 115. as it usually does. 1975. Instead of playing a directing role. DEWEY FAILS SYNTHESIZE THE TEACHER¶S ROLES AS PARTICIPANT AND AUTHORITY R. without examining the requisite objective grounds for the hypothetical belief. DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORIES IGNORED SOCIAL CONDITIONS R. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. to have prepared and equipped people to cope with them. its adherents have been towed along in the wake of the more aggressive and dominant forces of plutocratic reaction.com . at least in broad outline. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ A teacher is not just a leader in a game. Dewey was impressed. the growth and outbreak of these upheavals. but pupils come to a teacher because they are ignorant. Marxist philosopher and activist. Certainly a philosophy like instrumentalism. DEWEY¶S MORAL PHILOSOPHY HAS NO OBJECTIVE BASIS George Novack. Dewey¶s theory of ethics suffers from the same faults as his theory of knowledge. Just as ideas have no validity before all the returns are in but must be tested afresh in each instance. who is society¶s agent for the transmission and development of its cultural heritage. should have done no less. 256. But he did not ask the questions ³which home?´ and ³which local community?´. to have interpreted their meaning. to some extent. it has been duplicated in every serious crisis convulsing the United States since that time. Dewey¶s view of the teacher. as by Dewey. p. and he or she is meant to be. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. which claims to be so realistic and practical. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM.wcdebate. Any philosophy which had not lost contact with the realities of social life should have been able to foresee. 2. Instrumentalist morality goes from case to case and from one step to the next without reaching any general standards of right or wrong and what makes them so. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. 1977. 251. with a too limited view of what he called ³the social medium. Peters. This disparity between teacher and taught²especially in the primary school²makes talk of ³democracy in education´ problematic. p. an authority on some aspect of the culture. Marxist philosopher and activist.S. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY HAS BEEN DISPROVEN BY 20TH CENTURY HISTORY George Novack. Peters. some suggestion of participation in decisionmaking. for sociologists have catalogued the vast disparities that exist between homes in this respect.

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DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED 1. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF DEMOCRACY IS MYSTICAL AND IMPRACTICAL R.S. Peters, professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, pp. 114-115. Dewey himself never paid much attention to institutional issues. This was not just because he lived before the days when ³participation´ became an issue. It was also because his attitude towards the democratic way of life was semi-mystical. ³When the emotional force, the mystical force, one might say, of the miracles of the shared life and shared experience is spontaneously felt, the hardness and concreteness of contemporary life will be bathed in a light that never was on land or sea.´ I wonder if he always felt like this about sitting on committees! 2. DEWEY¶S BELIEF IN DEMOCRACY IS BASED ON MYSTICAL, RELIGIOUS NOTIONS George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, p. 291. Dewey derived his basic stance toward democracy not, as he contended, from a scientific investigation of the history of society and a realistic analysis of American conditions, but rather from a tradition that was rooted in the mystical equality promised by the Christians. He accused the dualistic idealist philosophers of Greek and modern times of ³operating with ideal fancies´ instead of dealing with the given facts. Yet he committed the same error of metaphysical abstraction in the pivotal question of his whole philosophy: the origin, meaning, and application of democracy. He approached democracy not in its concrete manifestations throughout class society, but as an abstraction to be stuffed with the content he preferred to give it. Democracy to him was less a historical phenomenon than a secular religion. DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY 1. DEWEY IGNORES NATURAL DIFFERENCES AND INEQUALITIES Anthony Flew, professor of philosophy at the University of Reading, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, p. 87. But even if we do concede that this opposite tendency really is implicit in the original insistence upon maximum ³interplay with other forms of association,´ there is no getting away from the truth of Bantock¶s contention that ³there are strong pressures of equality of outcome in the work of John Dewey;´ for if associations are good and democratic in so far as their members share numerous and varied interests, and if education for democracy is to be a matter of concentrating on the development of various but always shared interests, then the variety of those shared interests, and the scope for independent individual development, necessarily must be limited correspondingly. It must, that is to say, be limited by and to whatever happens to be the maximum attainable either by the least richly talented or by the modal majority. Maybe Dewey himself would have been unhappy about the full force of these implications. But he never comes to terms in this context with the truth that people vary enormously in all natural endowments. 2. DEWEY IGNORES CLASS CONFLICT George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, pp. 250-51. Dewey refused to believe that class conflict arises from deep-seated, compelling, and ineradicable causes in the capitalist system. It was an occasional and subordinate phenomenon that could be overcome by joint effort, good will, mutual give and take. He therefore looked to different agencies and means than the Marxists for achieving the desirable ends of a better life. He wrote: ³That work can be done only by the resolute, patient, cooperative activities of men and women of good will, drawn from every useful calling, over an indefinitely long period.´ In other words, class collaboration is the preferable means of social reformation, political action, and moral improvement. Class struggle goes in the wrong direction and gives disastrous results.

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WOODROW WILSON
When most of us think of Woodrow Wilson, we don¶t necessarily think ³philosopher´ -- but that¶s what this visionary president of the United States was. Best remembered as the progenitor of the League of Nations (the precursor to today¶s United Nations) and of the fourteen point program for peace, Wilson¶s name is also invoked by students of international relations theory today in the context of so-called ³Wilsonian idealism´ -- the notion that an interventionist American foreign policy can spawn positive changes in other countries and cultures. This, for better or for worse, is the former president¶s predominant legacy: the liberal internationalism that continues to inform American foreign policy under most Democratic presidents (and some Republicans, such as the first George Bush). Like most historic ³truths´, these simple summations contain quite a bit of accuracy and a little sleight-ofhand. The veracity of these statements depend on one¶s political perspective, on one¶s position in the world, and various other factors. I will try to present diverse perspectives on the life, work and thoughts of this embattled and interesting president. Though perspectives differ on his ideas -- and the efficacy of those views in a swift and fierce world -- it cannot be denied that those views have had a major impact on American and global visions of justice. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born in 1856 in Staunton, Virginia, and grew up during and immediately following the Civil War. His father was a Presbyterian minister, and at times taught college courses. He was inspired by his father¶s religion and love of education. Young Woodrow Wilson first went to Davidson College in North Carolina, but was forced to withdraw due to illness. He graduated what was then the College of New Jersey (and what later became Princeton University) and went on to get his law degree from the University of Virginia in 1879-80 and passed the Georgia bar in 1882. His law practice floundered, though, prompting a career change into government and politics. He returned to school in 1883, studying government and history at Johns Hopkins University. His book Congressional Government was accepted as his dissertation in 1885, and led to his receipt of the Ph.D. degree in political science from Johns Hopkins. To this day, Wilson is the only U.S. president to hold a Ph.D. proving that most presidents just aren¶t too smart. But Wilson was, teaching at Bryn Mawr College, Wesleyan University and Princeton University. After an accomplished career as an author and essayist, he was named president of Princeton University in 1902. From there, politics was a natural step. In 1910, Wilson won the Democratic nomination for governor of New Jersey, subsequently winning the election by a wide margin. His agenda was a progressive one: he focused on preventing the public¶s exploitation by monopolies and trusts. This earned him serious popularity with the masses, and just two years later he accepted the Democratic nomination for president. Wilson called his platform the "New Freedom" platform, and gave keen attention to stimulating the American economy. Again, he earned a landslide victory, winning the presidency with 435 electoral votes out of a possible 531. His brother wasn¶t a governor, and he did not have to cheat to win. True to his word, Wilson followed through on a domestic agenda based on busting corrupt trusts. To this end, he created a dramatic array of economic reforms. He pushed through the Underwood Act (which reformed tariffs and instituted a progressive income tax) and the Federal Reserve Bill (which established our modern banking system, creating new currency and establishing the twelve Federal Reserve banks and their board of governors) in 1913. Yes, we can partially blame Alan Greenspan on Wilson. He also established the Federal Trade Commission in 1914 to restrict "unfair" trade practices.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 55

These economic reforms show Wilson¶s brand of liberalism: create reforms that stabilize a functioning market economy and offer marginal protections for the poor, while promoting international trade to enrich the wealthy. You can see the economic legacy of Wilson in today¶s New Democrats. THE WAR YEARS Some of the controversy surrounding Wilson¶s ³idealism´ involves the way he handled American involvement in World War I, which began in 1914. Wilson, despite growing pressure from allies like Britain (who were losing an entire generation of young men), resisted American involvement in Europe¶s war. In fact, he ran for reelection in 1916 with the slogans "he kept us out of war" and ³peace without victory.´ Conventional wisdom holds that escalation of submarine warfare by Germany forced Wilson¶s hand in declaring war -- the sinking of the passenger liner Lusitania is often cited. It may be, however, that these events came at the same time a revolution in Wilson¶s thinking was brewing --a revolution that would inspire his ideas on how to make peace. Some critics believe that Wilson, despite his public pronouncements, had already decided to enter the fray. They point to that fact that he created the U.S. government¶s first major state propaganda agency (the Committee on Public Information, also called the Creel Commission). The population of the U.S. didn¶t favor war at the time, and the theory goes that Wilson intended to change their minds. At any rate, he asked Congress for a declaration of war in April 1917. This turn of events led the United States into the fight, and led to Wilson¶s famous efforts at peace -- culminating in the Fourteen Points Address of 1918, which we¶ll discuss below. The critics on the right accused Wilson of thinking wrongly that the United States owes an obligation to the rest of the world -- that instead of intervening to help other nations, we should tend to our own business. The critics on the left had then and have now a radically different take: that not only are their few if any places where American intervention can help the rest of the world, the impulse to intervene is itself a pernicious manifestation of liberal internationalism that desires to control the rest of the human community. This type of thinking reveals itself at home, too, when people opposing governmental policies must also be controlled through imprisonment. Historians such as Howard Zinn point to the Sedition Acts that were used to jail opponents of the war. He criticizes the administration for passing such legislation and the Supreme Court for failing to challenge it on a constitutional basis: This shows the irony of liberalism: Wilson supported many progressive social agendas (women received the right to vote when he was in office, for example), but when one¶s own power and decision-making are challenged, that commitment to social progress sometimes flies out the nearest window. Domestic policy aside -- and it was not an insignificant part of Wilson¶s presidency -- most people remember Wilson for his foreign policy, specifically the role he played in the ending of World War I. Let¶s turn to his ideas on that front now.

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What we demand in this war. alike in peace and in war. The removal. Before presenting the fourteen points themselves.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. open-minded. and a colonial system that would provide raw materials and labor for the trading system) and an international market that today we might call globalized.wcdebate. II. is nothing peculiar to ourselves. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas. outside territorial waters. Wilson had this to say about the end of the ³war to end all wars´: ³We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest. based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. that the ideas behind the league have lost their relevance. V. ³I. wishes to live its own life. Why was the peace negotiated by Wilson so controversial at home? Many of his ideas were quite ahead of their time. Open covenants of peace. III. we see the ideas he held most dear in both promotion of peace and economic justice.´ That doesn¶t mean. How to establish justice? The first five points hold up remarkably well in today¶s political climate. where he promoted his plan for peace in Europe. A separate peace had to be negotiated between the United States and Germany.com . FOURTEEN POINTS The best single summary of Woodrow Wilson¶s political philosophy came in his Fourteen Points Address to Congress. a new Republican Congress in the United States rejected the peace negotiated under Wilson. however. skeptical of the League of Nations. after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. However. and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. so far as possible.´ Wilson said.´ One can see in these first several points the framework for establishing what we would call today a ³neoliberal´ economic order -. like our own. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. therefore. unilaterist school of ³diplomacy. Still. of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. The prime points of this neoliberal order include free trade (absolute freedom of navigation. and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims. and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which. except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. A free. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in. they might have been written after the Gulf War by George Bush or Bill Clinton. the removal of all economic barriers to trade.he was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize.one largely supported by both political parties in the United States. including the internationalist tendencies favoring collective security that are even today rejected by many Republicans who favor the big-stick. openly arrived at. Volume 9 Page 56 THE IDEAS OF WOODROW WILSON In 1919. the Versailles Treaty was signed with Germany during the Paris Peace Conference. There. IV. an international regime managing trade. In fact. determine its own institutions. the Europeans considered Wilson a key factor in making peace -. be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression.

and established the progressive income tax. this vision is what¶s behind today¶s U. but made more of these policies¶ effects on the nations in question rather than the impact they had on the United States. in my estimation. then. preferring to think of Wilson as a meddlesome tinkerer who bumbled into trouble by trying to do too much good overseas. Many left-wing thinkers have taken a similar angle.com . is Wilson¶s legacy.´ As we¶ve talked about. he sought to promote trade as a path to peace.N. to see Wilson at once as overly idealistic and overly cynical. while maintaining other kinds of dominance (economic. where Wilson once refused to acknowledge non-democratic governments. But the fourteenth point was the most controversial to the Republican Congress Wilson faced at home. including evacuation of conquered lands. As the far-right author David Horowitz wrote this February: (Of course. etc. and even if we can.´ which mean different things to different people. One scholar on inter-American affairs. a ³consensus´ to Horowitz means something different than what it does to the rest of the world. The right has a somewhat different slant. was quoted in a Cato publication as concluding: Of course. A more concrete term we can grab onto might be ³liberalism´: the belief that government economic or social interventions are necessary to build a just world. they argue.) From another right-wing perspective. It is possible. Others see him as a man who wanted to bring ³peace´ to rich nations and rich men living within them. Points six through thirteen establish the territorial settlements following the conflict. This shows that he believed in government as a positive force for change in economics as in foreign policy. they would argue. Wilson is important to understand as a precursor to today¶s modern liberal politicians. DEBATE APPLICATION Motives are a difficult thing to ascertain in any human being. both in domestic and foreign policy. the nation-building activities have bad tradeoffs. given the myriad factors at play in the formation of one¶s thinking. it¶s overly simplistic to say that only the right favors this line of analysis. Abraham F. Wilson would argue that promoting ³justice´ (through institutions like American democracy) abroad is the best way to get peace. We¶ve talked a bit about the left¶s criticism of Wilson as a Machiavellian liberal who wanted to build a world he and his country could control. to examine the policies Wilson favored rather than muddy the water with simple labels like ³idealism. and arguably the one with the most historic staying power: ³XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.wcdebate. why blunt the focus of American foreign policy by taking on multiple ³humanitarian´ missions? This kind of misguided internationalism. As long as the United States can protect itself with the most powerful military in the world. Lowenthal. solve disputes. and work together toward common goals. Volume 9 Page 57 View this in the context of his domestic economic policy: Wilson established the Federal Reserve Bank. Not even the mainstream right takes him seriously. Overseas. -.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Take the example of Latin America. Some see him as a man who naively believed one powerful country could bring peace to the world.a collective body for the nations of the world to gather and discuss problems. It is better. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. stabilized the economy with numerous reforms that foreshadowed big-government liberalism. His ideas have impacted today¶s Democratic party in at least two major ways. These thinkers claim that it¶s a fallacy to presume we can effectively promote those institutions worldwide. groups like the Cato institute toe a more isolationist line. the establishment of an independent Polish state. But that¶s another story. for example).

for example. This can be explained by the American public¶s marked opposition to the war: he knew from polls what a winning election issue would be. was interventionist by nature. Cox took the Democratic nomination and was beaten by Warren G. he backed the free trade policies that modern Democrats fall over themselves to back. For these reasons. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He passed the Family Leave Act as a domestic reform to marginally benefit working Americans while vigorously pursuing free trade agreements abroad.C. After this effort. where he died in 1924. He believed the government should take an active role in stimulating the economy through establishing necessary regulations at home. CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF WOODROW WILSON When Wilson was president.000 miles by rail around the country.the defense of a nation from an attack by an autocratic and oppressive neighbor (though Wilson wouldn¶t have been a fan of Kuwait¶s oppressive monarchy. Wilson retired to Washington. but then pursued his own policies after employing substantial spin from his propaganda agency. Overseas. as Wilsonian in nature -.. despite his initial reluctance to get involved in World War I. James M. he fell ill and never fully recovered. either). He never saw most of the impact his ideas would have on the world. Harding in 1920. One can see Bill Clinton¶s economic policy¶s roots in Wilson. Foreign policy: Wilson. his dogged pursuit of the Versailles Treaty necessitated traveling 8. D.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Since Wilson was unable to campaign for the presidency. Volume 9 Page 58 Economic policy: unlike his Republican successors such as Calvin Coolidge.wcdebate. it is possible to see both Bush¶s and Clinton¶s attacks on Iraq.com . Wilson didn¶t believe in ³laissezfaire´ (let it be) economics.

zmag.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 1913-1921. Auchincloss. 2. John Morton. http://www. 1990 AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Daniels. Mark. Princeton University Press. South Africa.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adar. Howard. Arthur.africa. Lloyd. Cambridge University Press. Greenwood Publishing Group. accessed April 22. 1956 Rowen. AMERICA'S RESPONSE TO WAR AND REVOLUTION. Herbert. CAMPAIGNS FOR PROGRESSIVISM AND PEACE. Vol. WOODROW WILSON: A LIFE FOR WORLD PEACE. Warren and Lynne Dunn. No. Korwa G. Addison-Wesley Pub Co. 1991 Zinn. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. Arthur. 2000. Gilderhus. 1997 Levin.com .html. 2002. Princeton University Press. 1920-1939. Princeton University Press. WOODROW WILSON: A PENGUIN LIFE. 1998 Chomsky. Z MAGAZINE. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON. 2. 1986 Knock.ufl.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. TO END ALL WARS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE QUEST FOR A NEW WORLD ORDER.htm.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. University of California Press. Viking Press. Noam. May 7. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. November 1994. KEEPING THE COVENANT: AMERICAN INTERNATIONALISTS AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. Kent State University Press. Thomas. accessed May 1. University of Arizona Press. Political Studies Department. 2001. http://web. p.pbs. 2000. Rhodes University. accessed April 22. 1971. PBS documentary. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. WOODROW WILSON AND WORLD POLITICS. Blum. PAN AMERICAN VISIONS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. Louis. WOODROW WILSON AND THE AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC TRADITION: THE TREATY FIGHT IN PERSPECTIVE. 2002. Ambrosius. 1965 Link. WOODROW WILSON AND THE POLITICS OF MORALITY. Norman Gordon. 1980 Link. available online at http://www. Oxford University Press. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Josephus. 2002. 1998.htm. 1995 Kuehl. 10. THE NEW FREEDOM.

pbs. available online at http://www. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. accessed May 1. Mulder. Wilson's also important as the president who presided over a number of major constitutional changes.html. THAT PROMOTED COLONIALISM Korwa G. 2002. 2002. as well as presidential ambition.htm. Wilson matters as someone who followed a progressive political agenda and who established a model for subsequent possibilities.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 2001. Wilson matters as the first modern president. Historian. Political Studies Department. WILSON SUPPORTED MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson. Wilson matters as the person who led the United States into global geopolitics. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. After his visit to Africa. The period of his presidency was a period therefore of extraordinary new assertion of governmental capacity in the United States. WILSON¶S CONCEPTS OF POWER AND SOCIAL JUSTICE ARE STILL USEFUL John M. available online at http://www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com .org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. with Cold War prism taking a centre stage. Vice-President Nixon in his report to Eisenhower explained that "the course of Africa's development. accessed April 22. np. However. PBS documentary. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.ufl.wcdebate. 2001. South Africa. 2. accessed May 1. and women¶s suffrage. The Wilsonian concepts of how political power should be used on behalf of social justice are still defining assumptions for twentieth century American political life.html. Historian.html.africa. 2001. np. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. p. 2. p. Rhodes University. 2. emerging American national interests became defined in terms of combatting communism in Africa and other parts of the world. Volume 9 Page 60 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS 1. some of which had to wait a long time to come back.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. Vol. 2002. Indeed. np.pbs. No. He's not tragic however in the larger scope of American history because what he did was to help us understand the complexity of power both domestically and internationally in ways that we are still working with. In the spirit of Wilsonianism. Historian. p. The direct election of United States senators. accessed May 1. prohibition. p. http://web. PBS documentary. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. 2002. such concerns were evident even prior to much of Africa's independence. IT WASN¶T WILSONIANISM. 3. WILSON¶S LEGACY INCLUDES MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson. 1998. available online at http://www. the US welcomed decolonization and independence in Africa in the 1960s.. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. np.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. Adar.could well prove to be the decisive factor between the forces of freedom and international communism". I see Wilson's life as tragic in the sense that he obviously lost on the League.. PBS documentary. 4.pbs. BUT THE COLD WAR.

No. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Wilsonianism not only challenged dictatorial and authoritarian systems worldwide but it also helped oppressed people become aware of their rights.N.pbs. 1998. 2. No. 2. http://web. I see it at least more in terms of a process than I do in terms of a product. he was never evasive in that way. would promote America's long term interests. limited government. accessed April 22. In this respect. Political Studies Department. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY.ufl. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Social and Cultural Rights. Wilsonianism had a global impact. Vol. It was within this philosophical context that he advocated for the need to make the world safe for democracy. np. Wilsonianism emerged as a distinct policy philosophy at the end of the First World War.html. 2.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. WILSONIAN THINKING HELPED PAVE THE WAY FOR DECOLONIZATION OF AFRICA Korwa G. Adar. It isn¶t the League of Nations but the importance of thinking through a way to the control the potential anarchy and the relations of states. 2002. Rhodes University. the realization of individual freedom.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. http://web. If one wants to talk about Wilson¶s legacy. This idealism culminated in the formation of the League of Nations in 1919. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. PBS documentary.htm. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. Thus. The UN system tangibly paved the way for the process of decolonization in Africa through the UN General Assembly resolutions. South Africa. p. WILSON¶S IDEAS WERE VICTORIOUS EVEN THOUGH HIS POLICIES WEREN¶T Jay Winter.htm. This. What Wilson was capable of was as a president. accessed May 1. accessed April 22. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. He left his stamp upon the way in which American foreign policy has been formulated throughout the 20th Century and the paradox is that a man whose vision was repudiated by the political leadership of his time managed to achieve a way of framing the language of American foreign policy throughout the 80 years since his death. democracy and human rights (or self-determination in general) was equated with the absence of colonialism. the momentum on the issues of democracy and human rights was evidenced with the appointment of Eleanor Roosevelt to Chair a Commission on Human Rights. Wilsonianism was not only internationalised but also institutionalised. AND HAD A GLOBAL IMPACT Korwa G. 3. Historian. WILSON¶S IDEAS HELP CONTROL POTENTIAL INTERNATIONAL ANARCHY John Morton Blum. In his view. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Moreover. Rhodes University.ufl.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. 2002. accessed May 1. In his foreign policy pronouncements vis-a-vis the European colonial powers President Woodrow Wilson advocated for the pursuit of democracy and human rights conceptualized within the context of selfdetermination for the colonized peoples. available online at http://www. with African countries which were independent at the time as well as India and the socialist countries taking the lead. and legitimacy of power held the key to both international peace and the emancipation of humanity from injustice. WILSONIAN PHILOSOPHY HELPED CREATE THE U. Political Studies Department. 2002. 2002.pbs. Adar. For Wilson. p. The results of Roosevelt's Commission were the establishment of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its corollaries the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic. Historian.africa.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. to involve himself in great affairs and to try to find ways in which to work out the problems created by those great affairs. Vol. PBS documentary.html. 2. np. For the colonized peoples of Africa.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2. 2001. 4. Volume 9 Page 61 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE 1. One of the central concerns at the time was how to avoid war and conflict in general. 1998.wcdebate. available online at http://www. 2001. Wilson¶s ideas were victorious even if his policies weren¶t.com . Although the United States did not become a contracting party to the League. South Africa. Such thinking would go on to inform the founding fathers of the United Nations. np. he argued. p.africa. The idea of universal morality was central for Wilson. the crucial priority was the need to establish people-oriented internal and international democratic institutions that would act as the custodians of democracy and human rights as conceptualised within the general rubric of self-determination. np.

S. Volume 9 Page 62 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM 1. and the world did not want the American principles." so the New York Times reported on the eve of the invasion. and to accept the rule of private power.who could teach some lessons to their kindly tutors about what was meant by "democracy" in days when the term was still taken seriously. has taught people to abandon hope for freedom and democracy. That is to continue. If he is. This was one of the successes of the educational program designed for the "doctrinaire monomaniac. "in most Latin American countries. To evaluate what lies ahead. "At first.N. As the matter is now rephrased. As discussed here in July. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. France. revealed by the belief of half the population that the political system is so rotten that both parties should be disbanded. was ambivalent about that power shift" to popular elements represented by Aristide.html.S. p. They were proven right." It is true enough that from the southern cone to Central America and the Caribbean. 2001. And he knows full well what efforts are made to broaden government to include authentic representatives of the overwhelming majority of the population in Latin America. available online at http://www. 2002. or by its traditional master. The Europeans knew this. p. 2. PBS documentary. on a par with "Wilsonian idealism. Ian Martin.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Hakim also surely knows the nature of the "consensus" at home. The military and police forces were established during Woodrow Wilson's invasion as an instrument to control the population. Aristide has been unwilling to shift power to the "enlightened" sectors of foreign and domestic Civil Society and their security forces. The Haitian military. just now attaining the proper broad consensus after many years of education. np. much of it organized right where Hakim speaks. Whether Aristide is allowed to return in some fashion is anyone's guess at the time of writing." Like many other mindless propaganda slogans. The generals continued their resistance to a diplomatic settlement. It seems to me that Wilson failed because he tried to apply American principles to the world. the consensus is "broadly based" in the sense that sustained terror and degradation. accessed May 1.wcdebate. was its friend and protector. the one partial exception to the array of horror chambers that Washington has maintained in the region. the phrase conceals a grain of truth. reported in Foreign Policy that negotiations had stalled because of Washington's insistence on maintaining the power of the security forces. movement from authoritarianism to democracy tends to reflect a more broadly based consensus than is currently the case in Haiti.."Aristide's unwillingness to "broaden the political base" has become a kind of mantra. Washington director of the Inter-American dialogue. it will be under conditions designed to discredit him and further demoralize those who hoped that democracy might be tolerated in Haiti. The Europeans knew that Wilson¶s principles had problems.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy.com . recognized that the U. despite its rhetoric of democracy. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. WILSON¶S ³IDEALISM´ CONTINUES TO JUSTIFY HORRIBLE TRAGEDIES IN HAITI Noam Chomsky. Father Aristide resisted having so many former soldiers in the police force. witness the case of Guatemala. It is intriguing to watch the process at work. He took a kind of an American liberalism and essentially tried to create a form of world institutions: self-determination. Hakim observes.pbs. While Aristide was elected by a two-thirds majority. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. aid and training for that purpose since. we should look carefully at the plans for the security forces and the economy. Consider Peter Hakim. Historian. rejecting Aristide's plea to reduce them along lines that had proven successful in Costa Rica. the head of the OAS/UN mission through December 1993. It hasn't been easy. 10. unlike the U. trusting that "the United States. the things that Americans had evolved over threehundred years and incidentally in the process of which we had killed six hundred thousand of each other in the Civil War because it hadn¶t worked too well. open trade. domestic and foreign. well-informed about the hemisphere and far from a ranting ideologue. Z MAGAZINE. and have been kept in power by U. and Canada. WILSON FAILED BECAUSE HE TRIED TO APPLY AMERICAN PRINCIPLES TO THE WORLD Walter LaFeber. He still keeps his allegiance to the general population and their organizations -. Martin observed. but Administration officials said they persuaded him to accept them. November 1994.

accessed April 22. The principles of democracy and human rights have been persistent. also occupying an important place in the pantheon of American liberalism.pbs. WILSONIAN POLICIES AREN¶T IDEALISTIC: JUST THE SAME OLD REALPOLITIK Korwa G. brought our country into the hell of World War I. Vol.africa. 2001. US policy makers consistently followed the dictates of realpolitik in the era of the Cold War. to say nothing about their weapons" -. accessed May 1. np. and put anti-war protesters in prison. 2. Volume 9 Page 63 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE. Rhodes University.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. themes within the rhetoric of American foreign policy toward Africa since the end of World War II. PBS documentary.htm. but his behavior was often very paternalistic. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. He wasn¶t always comfortable with the fact that democracy is a noisy and messy business. civilized mediation. In the current era. the noise of democracy. Historian AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. who fearlessly spoke out against the war? 3.wcdebate. November 1994. http://www.which the homicidal maniacs in the slums have cleverly concealed. one of those Wilson sent to prison. if at times secondary. p. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. followers of General Cedras and the former Tontons Macoute retain their homicidal tendencies. Z MAGAZINE. WILSON¶S RHETORIC WAS PRO-DEMOCRATIC. 2. p. the American forces who are trying to impose a new order will confront a complex and violent society with no history of democracy. WILSON¶S IDEAS JUSTIFY VICIOUS COLONIALISM Noam Chomsky. conditions are now in place for the tangible and coherent pursuit of an American foreign policy based on democracy and human rights. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Should we not bring forward as a national hero Emma Goldman. "Perspective" on what is taking place was provided in the New York Times by R.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. "Like the French in the 19th century. leaving concerns for democracy and human rights aside. BUT REPRESSIVE 1. His greatest contradiction from my point of view. As for Woodrow Wilson. Political Studies Department. He saw democracy as a tool for creating harmony. "political opponents in Haiti have routinely slaughtered each other. but it is a novelty to see Napoleon's invasion. 3. 2002. 2. Adar." One takes for granted that the vicious terror and racism of the Wilson administration and its successors will be transmuted to sweet charity as it reaches the educated classes. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. like the Marines who occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934. the question emerges as to the resonance of such Wilsonian principles in US foreign policy towards Africa. 1998. np." he wrote. has been an altogether different story. 2002. 2000. 2002. The linking of such Wilsonian precepts with foreign policy practice. May 7. very unsympathetic with and having very little patience for the messiness of democracy. portrayed in the same light. South Africa. WILSON¶S PHILOSOPHY INCLUDED RACISM AND WAR-MONGERING Howard Zinn. or Helen Keller. W. Apple. We might understand this as another small contribution to the broader project of revising the history of Western colonialism so as to justify the next phase. is that his rhetoric was pro-democratic. one of the most hideous crimes of an era not known for its gentleness. who reviewed the lessons of history.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. p. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War.zmag. "For two centuries. sent an occupation army into Haiti and the Dominican Republic. 10.htm. accessed April 22. shouldn't we remind his admirers that he insisted on racial segregation in federal buildings. Backers of President Aristide. that he bombarded the Mexican coast. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. np. p.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3.com . BUT HIS SOCIAL POLICIES WEREN¶T Victoria Bissell Brown.html. available online at http://www. however. http://web. No. very controlling.ufl.

at the Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University. the first president to truly take his case directly to the people. of course -. Another element is that most American of traits. but the threat of a good example of liberalism is still pretty threatening to these people. Volume 9 Page 64 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT Of all the former presidents the United States has seen leave office in the past 100 years. ROOSEVELT¶S IMPORTANCE As I said above. though. popularly known as FDR. The architect of the New Deal. So what¶s up with the bitterness? Well." according to Communist leader Earl Browder. he was perhaps the living embodiment of that ³rugged individualism´ and ³pulling yourself up by your bootstraps´ stuff that conservatives like to bluster about.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. one has doubtless done something right. it is certainly remarkable that the enmity exists more than two generations later in this country. even people that hate Roosevelt acknowledge his importance. Leuchtenburg.but no one accused the far right of being rocket scientists. If one can inspire vitriol of this nature from both sides of the American political spectrum. except Werner von Braun. Even today. Whatever the roots of the anti-FDR sentiment. In fact. the majority of it is due to the success of FDR¶s liberal social programs. you¶ll see conspiracy theorist websites devoted to decrying Roosevelt¶s influence on the country -. which proved that private industry isn¶t the only way to create jobs." (Told you so about the anti-Semitism). Why the hatred from the right wing? After all. a horrific violation of civil liberties and a betrayal of what would appear to be FDR¶s own principles. Historians. He wasn¶t -. Roosevelt isn¶t just the man who pulled the country out of the Great Depression. I say with a smirk. William E. (³But I didn¶t know FDR was Jewish!´ you say. anyway.) We¶ll discuss how that applies in a bit.not a bad record for a man who left office nearly 70 years ago. He passed important legislation.com . FDR nevertheless rose to great heights as a statesman.and academic articles from scholars and think tank employees slathering over why the New Deal was unconstitutional. the charming and affable voice behind the Fireside Chats. while American fascist William Dudley Pelley called him the "lowest form of human worm . but we¶ll get to that below. which tells you we have a ways to go yet in this country. What is legitimate depends on what side of the political discourse you come down on. neither the left nor the right felt they had to restrain themselves when criticizing FDR: FDR was "carrying out more thoroughly and brutally than even Hoover the capitalist attack against the masses. FDR is feted by liberals and reviled by conservatives to this day -. There¶s no way to anger a political opponent than by passing popular and effective legislation. perhaps none (even including Richard Nixon or Bill Clinton) has inspired such virulent criticism and simultaneously vociferous defense as Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Debilitated by a youthful bout with polio. The best example: the massive internment of Japanese Americans in concentration camps. Many saw the New Deal as a cop-out. a bone thrown to the masses who demanded an alternative to the capitalism that was starving them in droves (in their view). The New Deal included massive government spending to create jobs and the creation of the Civilian Conservation Corps. That¶s not to say the left doesn¶t have problems with FDR. anti-Semitism. Only recently has there been mass outcry about this mass violation of human rights. from right to left to centrist. and was generally beloved by the public. All this should tell you that Roosevelt had a monumental impact on American life. He was elected to an unprecedented four terms. agree on this. It also says something about the limits of mainstream liberalism.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. This isn¶t to say that there aren¶t legitimate criticisms of FDR.but there are certainly things we can all now (hopefully) agree on as grievous acts on FDR¶s part. said that ³The presidency as we know it today begins with Franklin Delano Roosevelt.according to Gentile standards. and it happened 70 years ago. It wasn¶t.

Unlike most every other president. someone had to do something fast to preserve the positive aspects of the old order. He figured if America as we knew it was to survive intact. some of that sentiment stems from the same root. FDR saw the economic system of the early 20th century as too harsh. In order to understand these. Jobs for those who can work. say. the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. surpassed only by the legendary Abraham Lincoln. FDR laid out exactly to what he thought humans ought to be entitled: Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.´ This did not stop some of his contemporaries from referring to FDR as "that megalomaniac cripple in the White House.where significantly more power rests in the hands of the executive branch -.and perhaps they are right. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. Perhaps the best manifestation of these ideas came from the man himself. or at the very least an advocate of disarmament. The four freedoms which give the famous speech its name are listed here: One would think that this made FDR a pacifist. the government had no rhetorical or actual commitment to the average working person." But believe it or not. If you¶re starving. from his leadership in World War II to his economic ideas to his intangible inspirational qualities. FDR recognized this. These are the simple. he included economic rights in that list. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. Leuchtenberg continued.began with FDR and his legislative ideas. you¶re a lot more susceptible to someone preaching overthrow of the existing system than. and you have to put your 10-year-old to work in a factory. He also thought there were certain fundamental rights to which humans were entitled. They are: Equality of opportunity for youth and for others. it is important to understand the ideology behind them. He noted ³so powerful an impression did FDR leave on the office that in the most recent survey of historians he was ranked as the second greatest president in our history. The preservation of civil liberties for all. sewing clothes for 16 hours a day for pennies a day (due to no child labor laws and no minimum wage). Before. The ending of special privilege for the few. The thing they both agree on is that a fundamental shift occurred during his time in office.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In his famour ³Four Freedoms´ speech. This is not quite true. foregoing more revolutionary change for institutional reform. The right see him as having betrayed capitalism for a more socialist model. and perhaps they are right. ROOSEVELT¶S IDEAS Much is made of Roosevelt¶s social and economic reforms. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Security for those who need it. someone making a union-won family wage who can provide for his or her family and even be a little bit comfortable. ECONOMIC POLICY: THE DEFENDERS The left saw FDR as a sellout who saved capitalism as we know it when it was on the brink of collapse. as we will see later. too. This is also why the right sees him as a betrayer of unfettered capitalism -. The inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.wcdebate.com . This is why the left sees Roosevelt as a betrayer of social revolution. Volume 9 Page 65 There are many reasons for this. as failing to meet the needs of the public. Many believe that today¶s so-called ³imperial presidency´ -.

All of these were first established under Franklin Roosevelt. Aside from the governmental influx of capital to boost the economy. Specifically. to him. and the blind are not beneficent ideas designed to make the functioning of government and economy more humane. and the blind.com . finance. when voters unceremoniously dumped him in favor of FDR. but no one heard it from the President before then.from the cradle to the grave they ought to be in a social insurance system." You may have heard this ³cradle to the grave´ rhetoric before. and was arguing in the 1950s and 1960s along with Joe McCarthy that Communists were infiltrating the American government. the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. 2). he was a man with certain values (expressed above) that was willing to listen to professional economists about how to achieve those values. Nope. the FDR experimentation resulted in an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which relied on government stimulation of private industry. shouldn't be a member of the social security system. He had his own ideas -. there are lots of people that won¶t let 70-year-old policies go. 3). Social Security. such programs as massive relief programs for the unemployed. industry. Things we take for granted today include: relief programs for the unemployed. He also promoted expanded federal regulation of agriculture. he doesn¶t mention that Kershner was a paranoid. the expanded federal regulation of agriculture. and who continued to adopt laissez-faire policies that deepened the depression until 1932. the National Labor Relations Board. the Securities and Exchange Commission. the aged poor. unemployment insurance and aid to families with dependent children. As evidence. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. pensions for the elderly. the Federal Housing Administration. the Rural Development Administration (formerly the Farmers Home Administration). He points to such agencies as the Export-Import Bank. Higgs writes. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. ³with few exceptions. finance. and labor relations to prevent market failures and offer governmental support of certain businesses in danger of failure.but.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Sure. FDR emphasized his commitment to social security this way: "I see no reason why every child. The reason was not that Roosevelt was revolutionary economic thinker himself -. One of them is Robert Higgs. unemployment insurance. and labor relations. these policies are a power grab by liberal economists! Of course.instead. The FDR years. the Social Security Administration. pathological anti-communist who saw such things as laws against child labor as a sign of the creeping red tide.´ This imprecise term covers a variety of reforms that constitute a safety net for the poor and otherwise disadvantaged. who was president when the Great Depression started in 1929. Volume 9 Page 66 In January 1935. who admits that ³In the construction of the American regulatory and welfare state. He explained his rationale in the Four Freedoms speech: ECONOMIC POLICY: THE CRITICS As I mentioned. the Rural Utility Service (formerly the Rural Electrification Administration). historians have taken a positive view of the New Deal´ -. Higgs and the like paint FDR as a big-government liberal who created federal agencies for their own sake and no other. the Farm Credit Administration. Higgs breaks out the organizational chart of the federal government.´ He does not say this as a compliment. and the creation of Social Security with its old-age pensions. wrote William Barber in his book DESIGN WITHOUT DISORDER. no one looms larger than FDR. and income supplements for dependent children in single-parent families.Barber says he was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" -. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.but he was more a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. Cradle to the grave . from the day he is born. the physically handicapped. were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. the aged poor. the conservative economic theorist. It¶s also pretty interesting how he skips over free-market conservative Herbert Hoover. the physically handicapped. industry.wcdebate. FDR is best known for promoting what is known as ³the welfare state.

)´ Sometimes. Leuchtenberg: ³In Kansas a man went down into his cyclone cellar and announced he would not emerge until Roosevelt was out of office. it seems the argument here is that NO federal agency is EVER justified in helping to stimulate the economy or to ameliorate the effects on a market collapse on average people. this was not the case. One would think. Charming. including Henry Ford.wcdebate. vanden Heuvel has noted. the ONLY) political leader to stand against Hitler from the very beginning. vanden Heuvel argues. FDR would have seen the folly in his most shameful act of the war. was at war with them.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. insuring. And what about all those that got their jollies in hating Roosevelt? My favorite story is this one. isn¶t it a good rather than a bad thing that farmers get subsidies that help family farms stay afloat. By subsidizing. each renders the economy less productive than it could be-and all in the service of one special interest or another. who didn¶t see the murder of European Jews as any of out business. that students have their college loans federally provided. ³Each in its own fashion. United States. The nutty right spread rumors that Roosevelt¶s real name was ³Rosenfeld. the Export-Import Bank. Even if you¶ve got a problem with. Considering that this made him alone not only among the political leaders of the world. (Which he was there. but that¶s the way it is.S. but virtually alone among prominent Americans (many of whom. No similar policies were enacted for Americans of German or Italian descent. being a victim of race-baiting himself.´ and called his policies ³the Jew Deal. Korematsu v. CONCLUSION FDR might be the most important president of the 20th century. FDR signed Executive Order 9066. this much is undeniable. say. It also helps to explain the hatred of FDR by the anti-Semitic right. by the way. The vast majority of it was never returned. Sadly. his wife ran off with a traveling salesman. and one can certainly debate about the impacts of some of them. and thereby diverting resources from the uses most valued by consumers. including Holocaust deniers like David Irving and his ilk. ³interferes with the effective operation of the free market. was upheld by the Supreme Court and stands a valid legal precedent to this day.´ he writes.´ Regardless of how one feels about each of these individual agencies. financing. William J. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. No act of espionage by any Japanese American was ever proven. This nonsense about Roosevelt and about Jews continues to this day among the racist right. so even (gasp!) the middle class and below can attend universities. FDR was the first (and.´ playing to racist notions of wealthy Jews running the government.000 loyal Americans of Japanese descent to prison camps for years. though the U. that old people with no family can rely on Social Security checks rather than cat food in order to eat? WAR POLICY It¶s unfortunate that we have to sum up FDR¶s World War II actions in so short a space. who praised Hitler and continued to trade with Nazi Germany AFTER World War II began). only sometimes. Love him or give in to insane and illogical hatred of him. Famously. which consigned over 100. told by William E. narratives end with perfect poetic justice.com . Volume 9 Page 67 and the Tennessee Valley Authority as ³the offspring of the New Deal´ and argues that they are pernicious in their effects. it certainly serves as a major mark in Roosevelt¶s favor. regulating. and didn¶t think Roosevelt should be sticking his nose in Hitler¶s business as the German leader committed the most horrific act of the 20th century. The legal precedent that justified this vile act. Their property was seized. too. To his credit.

William E. THE JUGGLER: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT AS WARTIME STATESMAN. 1933. Dallek. FDR: THE NEW DEAL YEARS 1933-1937. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. James MacGregor. http://www. Kimball.html.org/wgbh/amex/presidents/nf/resource/fdr/primdocs/socsecspeech. September 1998. 1979. Gallagher. Boston: South End Press. University of Mississippi . 1932-1945.pbs. 1986. FDR'S SPLENDID DECEPTION.html. accessed May 9. Roosevelt. Robert.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. July 1997. Michael V. 17. 1935. 2002. http://www. 2002. Warren F. Davis.org/chat/chat03. Volume 9 Page 68 BIBLIOGRAPHY Burns.ECONOMIC HISTORY. accessed May 1. http://www. http://newdeal. 1959. accessed May 5. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy.´ Jan.shtml.independent. ROOSEVELT: THE SOLDIER OF FREEDOM. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. accessed May 10. 1992.washingtonpost. New York: Dodd. accessed May 02. 1991. Hugh Gregory. 2002. FRANKLIN D. EH. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. July 24.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. http://www. 1985. ³Purposes and Foundations of the Recovery (Fireside Chat)´. Schlesinger. DETERRING DEMOCRACY.wcdebate. Namorato. Mead and Company Publishers. Roosevelt. Oxford University Press. Franklin Delano. Robert. THE COMING OF THE NEW DEAL.feri. Jr.net/bookreviews/library/0024. Franklin Delano. ROOSEVELT AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY. THE FREEMAN.eh. New York: Random House Publishing. Chomsky. Noam. Leuchtenburg. Kenneth S.com . Arthur M.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. 2002. Department of History. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Higgs.1987.htm. 1970. ³A Message to the Congress on Social Security. 2002.htm..NET BOOK REVIEW .

how Franklin D.net/bookreviews/library/0024. http://www. Overnight.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. in the offices there is a feeling of hope reborn. np.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.NET BOOK REVIEW . the notion of the State got little attention in America before FDR.. Roosevelt's Washington. 2002. Roosevelt himself.just where they are going. Department of History. crowds moved excitedly.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. Roosevelt rested his legislative program on the assumption that government should actively seek social justice for all Americans. Although European theorists had been talking about der Staat for decades. p. and in the New Deal that continued throughout. where trading resumed on March 15. observers resorted to the imagery of darkness and light to characterize the transformation from the Stygian gloom of Hoover's final winter to the bright springtime of the First Hundred Days. np. Roosevelt brought the Welfare State to America. accessed May 5.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3." On the New York Curb Exchange. Patterson." noted one business journal. Only a few weeks after Roosevelt took office. 1). After much experimentation. Washington seemed like Cambridge on the morning of the Harvard-Yale game: "All the shops were on display. without which the New Deal would indeed have been mindless and devious. 2. "The people aren't sure. Volume 9 Page 69 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT 1. There was something in the air that had not been there before. Although not a great economic thinker. Designs Within Disorder concentrates on what economists were saying during the New Deal. http://www. In this sense." Again and again.. in short.eh.htm. his opportunism was grounded in social concern and conscience.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears.washingtonpost. not least those who are disadvantaged. was a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. too. Leuchtenburg.htm. http://www.wcdebate. Roosevelt listened to and responded to their suggestions. 2002. It was not just for the day as it was in Cambridge. IN JUST A FEW WEEKS.1987. one eyewitness later remembered. accessed May 1. FDR REPRESENTED A WATERSHED IN ECONOMIC THINKING Michael V.shtml. FDR TRANSFORMED THE NATION¶S ECONOMIC OUTLOOK William E. Gone was the torpor of the Hoover years. 3). EH..washingtonpost. np. FDR WAS KEY TO SOCIAL JUSTICE FOR THE DISADVANTAGED William E. in Barber's opinion. In the homes on the streets. University of Mississippi . ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. years after it had become a fixture in other lands. The historian James T. responding to left-wing critiques of FDR. the stock ticker ended the day with the merry message: "Goodnite. the Rooseveltian years were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p.1987. 2). the political paralysis. the end result was an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which became part and parcel of governmental policy by the end of the 1930s. Starting in the spectacular First Hundred Days. "but anywhere seems better than where they have been. Leuchtenburg." 3. and the ultimate impact these economic thinkers had on long-term federal economic policy. He provided those with more learning and understanding of economic matters an opportunity to develop their ideas. has written: ³Roosevelt was no hard-eyed merchandiser. July 1997.Happy days are here again. accessed May 5. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. the spirit of the country seemed markedly changed. 2002. Similar to his earlier study. gone.ECONOMIC HISTORY. In the case of Franklin Roosevelt. . Barber believes that professional economists had a president who was willing to listen to them and who was a "consumer" of what they had to offer. Namorato.. everyone was joyous. p.com . p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" (p.

No. Leuchtenburg.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.washingtonpost. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. 2002. 2. although promulgated by Franklin D. 1998. As a wartime president. accessed May 5. accessed April 22. "His role in insuring the downfall of Adolf Hitler is alone enough to earn him a respected place in history.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. can now escape from the compelling fact that if it is not framed with reference to the world. np. http://www.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. Leuchtenburg. http://www. given the nature of nuclear weapons.1987. As commander-in-chief. Roosevelt had wide latitude to demonstrate his executive leadership by guiding the country through a victorious struggle against the fascist powers. Roosevelt's high place rests also on his role in leading the nation to accept the far-ranging responsibilities of world power. 2. 2002. and it seems improbable. it is framed with perfect futility.htm.washingtonpost.com . that such a circumstance will ever arise again. np. manifestly indicated US dissatisfaction with the lack of sovereignty for colonised peoples. Wilson's intellectual heir. http://web. FDR HELPED PROMOTE SOVEREIGNTY FOR COLONIZED PEOPLES Korwa G. FDR¶S LEGACY IS THE ABOLITION OF INTERNATIONAL ISOLATIONISM William E. np. "He overcame both his own and the nation's isolationist inclination to bring a united America into the coalition that saved the world from the danger of totalitarian conquest. it had refused to participate in either the League of Nations or the World Court. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. Roosevelt not only supervised the mobilization of men and resources against the Axis but also made a significant contribution to fashioning a postwar settlement and creating the structure of the United Nations. p.ufl. Adar. When he took office.africa. Political Studies Department.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears.htm. Vol. 2. Rhodes University. providing aid to the Allies and leading the nation toward active involvement in World War II. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. in any sector of our national life." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Denied by Congress the discretionary authority he sought. Roosevelt made full use of his executive power in recognizing the USSR. Roosevelt.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. a position he was said to prefer to all others. 2002. Never before had a president been given the opportunity to lead his people to a triumph of these global dimensions. crafting the Good Neighbor Policy. South Africa. So far had America come by the end of the Roosevelt era that Henry Stimson was to say that the United States could never again "be an island to herself. p. the United States was firmly committed to isolationism.htm. and. President Wilson's global campaign as the champion for the silent majority also set the stage for a United States democracy and human rights foreign policy in the twentieth century. late in his second term. No private program and no public policy.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 70 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT 1." 3. FDR¶S INTERNATIONAL ROLE WAS FIRST-RATE William E." Robert Divine has concluded. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. accessed May 5.1987. p. Wilsonian precepts resonated clearly in the messsage of the Atlantic Charter which.

com . taxes. PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION 1. THE FREEMAN. the Roosevelt administration recognized that the president and his Democratic allies in Congress could appropriate unprecedented sums of money and channel them into the hands of recipients who would respond by giving political support to their benefactors. and direct government participation in productive activities. 3. intrusive government that has been trampling on the people¶s liberties ever since. by taxing and spending. np.html. np. which would have increased the national income 30 to 40 percent. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. But however significant his legacies. http://www. balance the budget. he prolonged the depression and fastened on the country a bloated. 2002. never recovered enough to restore the high levels of production and employment enjoyed in the 1920s. In this madness.1 billion. September 1998.independent. stop bureaucratic centralization in Washington²the depression might have passed into history before his next campaign in 1936. np. uncertainty. He was no hero. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE FREEMAN. 2002. and business failures. np.html. incoherent mass of new expenditures. 2002. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. Had Roosevelt only kept his inoffensive campaign promises of 1932²cut federal spending. the American economy between 1930 and 1940 failed to add anything to its capital stock: net private investment for that eleven-year period totaled minus $3. regulations. FDR and Congress. the New Deal served as a massive vote-buying scheme. he got himself elected time after time. http://www. http://www. By wheeling and dealing.wcdebate. 2. ³it was always easy to interest him in a plan which would confer some special benefit upon some special class in the population in exchange for their votes. accessed May 02. As John T. the New Deal did prolong the depression. the New Deal created so much confusion.´ 4. maintain a sound currency.´ and eventually ³no political boss could compete with him in any county in America in the distribution of money and jobs. and hostility among businessmen and investors that private investment. September 1998. In fact. The government¶s own greatly enlarged economic activity did not compensate for the private shortfall. high unemployment. fear. But for all his undeniable political prowess. accessed May 02. FDR¶S POLICIES ACTUALLY PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. by ranting against "economic royalists" and posturing as the friend of the common man. he was an exceptionally resourceful political opportunist who harnessed the extraordinary potential for personal and party aggrandizement inherent in a uniquely troubled and turbulent period of American history. as many observers claimed at the time.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. p. p.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. 2002. p. September 1998.independent. ROOSEVELT¶S LEGACY IS TO TRAMPLE ON LIBERTY Robert Higgs. Roosevelt deserves no reverence. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review.html. But instead. Volume 9 Page 71 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs.independent. accessed May 02. embraced interventionist policies on a wide front. subsidies. THE FREEMAN. The irony is that even if Roosevelt did help to lift the spirits of the American people in the depths of the depression-an uplift for which no compelling documentation exists-this achievement only led the public to labor under an illusion. THE NEW DEAL PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs. p. THE FREEMAN.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.independent. Flynn said of FDR. THE NEW DEAL WAS A MASSIVE VOTE-BUYING SCHEME Robert Higgs. and hence overall private economic activity.html.2 Without capital accumulation. no economy can grow. In the face of the interventionist onslaught. accessed May 02. http://www. Despite its economic illogic and incoherence. the New Dealers had a method. the root cause of the prevailing malaise was the continuation of the depression. Rather. Between 1929 and 1939 the economy sacrificed an entire decade of normal economic growth. especially during the congressional sessions of 1933 and 1935. September 1998. Coming into power at a time of widespread destitution. With its bewildering. After all. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review.

2. http://www. July 1997." so much so that "ten years went by before a Commerce Department economist grew curious about the distribution of income and was surprised to discover that its inequality had persisted almost unchanged from Hoover..html. THE ECONOMISTS SHOULD GET THE CREDIT.ECONOMIC HISTORY. Still. FDR. Roosevelt is lost amidst the intellectual environment that Barber has created. by Noel Annan.eh. 2002. Finally.zmag.shtml. There was one published reaction. but the president himself is seldom even mentioned.. 1992. http://www. University of Mississippi . individuals like Galbraith left the New Deal. 2002. Keynesianism took hold after 1945 only after it had infiltrated the universities (p. indeed revere. accessed May 1." His "enormous bulk" stands between us "and all prior history. DETERRING DEMOCRACY. Department of History. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." Roosevelt and Lucy Mercer "were persons even grander on the domestic stage than they would end up being on the cosmic one. Barber details how Hopkins brought in young academics sympathetic to this approach. University of Mississippi . [His blend of elegance with compassion] adds up to true majesty.owing to his engraving upon the public consciousness the sense that men were indeed equal.. Somehow.NET BOOK REVIEW . accessed May 1. and the immediate post-war era. this demeanor as the aristocratic style. The important fact is that Roosevelt brought us "comfort. etc.. EH. left-liberal social critic Murray Kempton describes the "majesty" of Roosevelt's smile as "he beamed from those great heights that lie beyond the taking of offense." But that is only the carping of trivial minds.endearingly exalted.. Those of us who were born to circumstances less assured tend to think of. in his last chapters.org/chomsky/dd/dd-c02s03. 2002. FDR SHOULD NOT GET CREDIT FOR KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS Michael V. Barber credits Roosevelt with so much in terms of providing economists with an opportunity to influence policy.. through Roosevelt and Truman.. DESPITE ESTABLISHMENT HISTORIANS. Namorato.. who placed their trust in him.splendidly eternal for romance. accessed May 1.eh.a wasteland. DIDN¶T ADDRESS INEQUITY Noam Chomsky. Barber concluded that the Full Employment Act was more of a victory for the opponents of the Keynesian approach than one would have suspected....NET BOOK REVIEW . Chapter 2.wcdebate. a secret love affair. Roosevelt took such complete command that he "left social inquiry. July 1997. 3. Seeing Harry Hopkins' appointment as Secretary of Commerce as a turning point towards official acceptance of Keynesianism. "in the grandest style. the spinners of fantasy could not even approach such heights in the Reagan era. Namorato. Department of History." "That Roosevelt was the democrat that great gentlemen always are in no way abated his grandeur.com ." and met the great crisis in their lives." whatever the record of economic reform and civil rights may show.. World War II. Reviewing a laudatory book on FDR by Joseph Alsop in the New York Review of Books.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. http://www. Barber takes his argument through the later 1930s. no less analyzed in terms of his own thinking on what these economists were telling him and his close advisors.. Finally. EH. 171).ECONOMIC HISTORY. however. The aura of sanctity remains among intellectuals who worship at the shrine.. Volume 9 Page 72 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE 1." Try as they might. who praised "the encomium that Murray Kempton justly bestowed on Roosevelt..net/bookreviews/library/0024. and how people like John K. including many of the poor and working class." He left us with "nostalgia" that is "aching. how the president barely tolerated Thurman Arnold and his anti-trust movement." etc. NOT FDR Michael V. In the end. In fact..net/bookreviews/library/0024.. [We are] as homesick as Alsop for a time when America was ruled by gentlemen and ladies. Galbraith in the Office of Price Administration helped to mobilize America's wartime economy.shtml. Franklin Delano Roosevelt attained similar heights among large sectors of the population.

wrote the national correspondent of The Atlantic. and whether some of the political movements of the time were benevolent or detrimental. challengers of the status quo and defenders of the downtrodden -. and what he and those inspired by him did during the 1960s. He was elected to the state Assembly in 1982 -.S. his life.and when he was elected as a state assemblyman 20 years ago.com . The other defendants. ³he was regarded warily as an invader and outlaw by his fellow lawmakers. Who is right? Well. As some former radicals did. Nicholas Lemann.the issues they tackled ranged from the war in Vietnam to racial injustice to anti-nuclear politics to American economic inequity -. That court based its decision on procedural errors by U. It wouldn¶t hurt to have a gander at what they have continued to do in the ensuing decades. So. As his own website (www. Far from it: Hayden welcomes the dialogue. who were not convicted. were John Froines and Lee Weiner. had a charismatic and thoughtful leader named Tom Hayden who has continued (as an activist and as a California state legislator) to work for change in the American political arena. the Los Angeles Times reported.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. One of those movements. were acquitted of additional conspiracy charges. Volume 9 Page 73 TOM HAYDEN It says a great deal about American academic thinking that we are still arguing about the 1960s. they participated in many controversial events demonstrating their opposition to the Vietnam War. Circuit Court of Appeals.Hayden was convicted of intent to riot at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. He later served as a ³freedom rider. even those ³intent to riot´ convictions were overturned by a federal appeals court. you¶ve gotta admit he¶s led a pretty interesting life so far."´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. his ideas. he was a prominent defendant in the Chicago Seven trial. some of whom even tried to expel him from the Legislature as a "traitor. let¶s examine one of the most fascinating periods of recent American history. he was best known for his 16-year marriage to actress Jane Fonda. All the defendants.wcdebate. In 1969 and 1970. Together. including Froines and Weiner. which he sees as necessary for a rich and stable intellectual culture.does not shy away from nor roll his eyes at debates on the impact of the 1960s. In 1968. there are two camps that feel strongly as regards Hayden and SDS. anti-American louts who have frayed the fabric of the blue jeans of American life. While it¶s certainly impossible to sum up either the SDS or Hayden in just a few pages -.it is possible to sum up the academic debate surrounding them.com) admits. Undaunted by his legal trouble. There are those who consider them to be heroic protestors. we¶ll have to take a look at Hayden. Hayden -. Later. Abbie Hoffman.S. in order to answer that question. though. he was arrested as a member of the "Chicago Seven" for inciting a riot at the Democratic National Convention. Basically. with that said.´ The freedom riders were a group of mostly white students from the north who traveled to the American south in efforts to assist racial desegregation the South. District Judge Julius Hoffman.tomhayden. he has lived in Los Angeles since 1971. Students for a Democratic Society. 1939. Rennie Davis and David Dellinger -. TOM HAYDEN¶S LIFE Regardless of your opinion of Hayden as an activist or as a person. Along with four other defendants -.and those who consider them to be troublemaking. "Tom Hayden changed America". And unlike me. Born December 11. Hayden continued with his activism. Hayden decided to run for elected office.committed to the Socratic and Platonic tradition of logic and rhetoric -.Jerry Rubin. the 7th U.

wcdebate. As one might expect given the racial intolerance prevalent in America at the time -. While a state legislator. The conclusion of the Port Huron Declaration reads: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he credits that issue as one of the factors inspiring the SDS movement: SDS moved from a mere problem identification mode to a serious institutional analysis of American politics. of course. presidential assistant Richard Goodwin. In fact. He backed pro-labor. At least one prominent political figure. African-Americans and Latinos and Holocaust survivors. wrote Sacramento Bee columnist Dan Walters.his radical views often polarized even friendly legislators -. he was given kudos by the Sierra Club and the California League Conservation Voters for backing protection of endangered species and proenvironment record. and other activists of various stripes. former husband of actress. Hayden also has two grown children from his earlier marriage to Fonda. Hayden never decried the existence of the political system as such. Until he was forced out by term limits. author. Hayden fought against university tuition increases.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Hardly a single issue activist or politician. Like many of the so-called New Left groups of the time. and more. which was written by Tom Hayden in 1962. as he was elected to the state Senate in 1992. Hayden wrote the Port Huron Statement while a student at The University of Wisconsin. even when he wasn¶t married to Barbarella.remember. activist. and on and on. But mainstream groups honored him. Then statement encouraged other students to research and understand the world at large. the culmination of seven consecutive electoral victories representing the west side of Los Angeles and the San Fernando Valley. While he didn¶t pass much legislation -.not necessarily the hard Marxist leaning of various communist groups. but a general desire for leveling the economic playing field in the United States. to take action. Indeed. he was "the conscience of the (California State) Senate". has said that Hayden ³created the blueprint for the Great Society programs´ of Lyndon Baines Johnson during his tenure as an advocate for the working poor. and decried the prominence of special interest waste and abuse of power in California politics. Volume 9 Page 74 This didn¶t stop him. Recognizing that this would require revolutionary change. the founding document of Students for a Democratic Society. too. convict. the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was still two years away -.com . hailed by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for his civil rights achievements. IDEAS OF TOM HAYDEN Perhaps the most important item to read in studying the ideology of this and other radical organizations is the Port Huron Statement. That includes student groups. fought for reform of the K-12 educational system. He is currently married to the actress Barbara Williams. It¶s been a tumultuous ride for Hayden. He has an infant son with Williams. husband of actress. the SDS got its name from a desire for what they termed ³true democracy.Hayden decried the injustice of the discrepancy in material wealth and economic opportunity between the white and black communities. again husband of different actress. workers. lots of different kinds. Hayden was called the "legislator of the year" by the American Lung Association for taking on the tobacco industry. Hayden recognized that power could not truly be challenged without alliances between various progressive groups. praised by the Jewish National Fund for his support of Israel. his tenure as a state senator was not the first time Hayden had influenced legislative agendas.´ using rhetoric reminiscent of early American rabble rousers such as Thomas Paine. Unlike many of his fellow radicals.he sponsored numerous bills. convict with his sentence overturned. Activist. the SDS had socialist leanings -. (Look it up. anti-sweatshop legislation -which you might expect of a former 1960s radical. including legislation on behalf of women. kids). What kind of action? Well. politician. Even in his youth.

at least in the United States. of course.or contaminated by.they argue that the student movements essentially defended the right of societies to choose communism -. the university loses the critical detachment necessary to preserve and pass on the core values of Western civilization. this was actually the mirror image of the moral absolutism that Bloom and his allies defended.com . Pursuit of knowledge is then eclipsed by the needs of the moment and the opinion of the masses.. and indeed the 1960s in its entirety. Hayden expanded upon this defense of his philosophy: NPQ: In Bloom's mind. When he was interviewed by the journal NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. on the remoteness of the curriculum from the real dilemmas of life. Volume 9 Page 75 While Hayden has never focused on one issue to the exclusion of all others.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and our friends.Hayden sees as merely a shift in morals. higher education is not separate from democracy. and millions of abstract "others" we knew more directly because of our common peril. and some of the charges they have levied against Hayden. it is certainly possible to decide based on his activist priorities which are the most important to him. symbolized by the presence of the Bomb. improving cultural literacy or improving the quality of life. even people that consider themselves ³progressive´ on one or more issues might not be given to the kind of movement-building that SDS advocated.wcdebate. on the failure of the university to stand as a critical institution representing inquiry.´ It seems. if one is not progressive at all. Like many of his vintage. there was tension in this: many labor groups distrust environmentalists because of perceived inattention to the cause of workers. Let us turn to the latter group now. or Soviet) communism -. Hayden might say. HAYDEN: Bloom has it backwards. Higher education is fully integrated into . insists Hayden to this day. Naturally. Thus. then. Rather than moral relativism..of turning a blind eye to oppression if it suits their political ends. for example. one would hardly be given to support any of the prevailing agendas that Hayden or his allies would. Especially because of the nuclear age. It is not Plato's cave. The editorials I wrote from 1957 to 1961 in the Michigan Daily were based on Cardinal Newman's concept of the university as a community of scholars. This man who makes so much of being able to distinguish between shadow and substance in Plato's cave becomes blind to the fact that the anguished cry of the students in the 60s was not so very different from Bloom's own lament. pacifism and the avoidance of war were a pressing concern for Hayden: as he wrote then. might die at any time. We live in an economy and a culture where ideas are not separate from improving productivity. Bloom continuously asserts that higher education has failed democracy. He responds to the charges of people such as Allan Bloom and David Horowitz thusly: What Bloom and others see as moral relativism -. ³the enclosing fact of the Cold War. And. as long as we have a US Constitution there will be the possibility of strikes or Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. As a result. that Hayden and SDS defended a multidisciplinary activism that recognized the need for progressive groups of all stripes to come together toward overlapping goals. THE CHARGE OF MORAL AND CULTURAL RELATIVISM Conservative academics interesting in revising history have tried to give a black eye to the 1960s student movements by accusing them of moral and cultural relativism -. Quite the opposite is true. the SDS. but it seems difficult for him to comprehend that. on the cowardly silence of the intellectual community in the 50s.they were defending their own brand of moral claims. when the current preoccupations of a democratic society become the primary concerns of the university. that the United States should not engage in what the SDS felt were immoral activities. doesn¶t mean there isn¶t a moral system behind it. Just because it isn¶t your morality. depending on how we view it American society. It's an institution that is a full participant in our democratic society. the Vietnam War provided his activist awakening. brought awareness that we ourselves. The 1960s radicals were not defending Vietnamese (or Chinese.

According to observers.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. He is unafraid of a vigorous and public discussion on policies. even if they weren¶t violent themselves." This would seem to be at least a tacit endorsement of the group¶s tactics.such as a willingness to riot at the Democratic National Convention.com . CONCLUSION -. Many say that the riot was something the SDS planned all along -. Hayden told the group: "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. this is far from undisputed. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.and the vexing corollarly question. who refused to rule out violence as a political tactic. that was the basis of the government¶s case against the Chicago Seven. whether it is justified in an advanced democracy which generally protects freedom of speech -. The question of whether violence is justified as a political tactic -. Because of the overturned conviction.is not something we will concern ourselves with here. OTHER CRITICISMS OF HAYDEN Even if individuals agreed with the goals of the SDS.wcdebate.not unlike many members of the debate community. they might be criticized for methods -. Volume 9 Page 76 other disruptive activity any time the component members of an institution are treated like numbers or feel their point of view is not represented. it¶s this: he isn't afraid to change with the times. Critics cite Hayden¶s speech to the radical group The Weathermen.certainly. However. philosophies and ideas -. at the Weathermen¶s Days of Rage gathering. it is worth reporting and considering that Hayden and SDS were certainly on the edge of the debate. Nevertheless. others maintain that Hayden and SDS were supporters of violent groups. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now.HAYDEN AND DEBATE If there is one thing that we can say about Tom Hayden.

Staughton & Thomas Hayden. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. #4.com . 2002.htm. 2002. Lynd. activist and former California state legislator. Tom Hayden. Hayden.wcdebate. November 27. Radosh. p. New York: New American Library. 20. Volume 4. 1988. Chicago: Holt. activist and former California state legislator. Hayden. http://www.htm. Tom. Tom.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. B1. 2002. REUNION: A MEMOIR. New York: International Publishers. The Other Side. May/June 1997. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. MISSION TO HANOI.html.msu. 1999. December 5. Fall 1987. Horowitz. Hayden. 1972.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01. Volume 9 Page 77 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aptheker. Herbert with prefaces by Staughton Lynd and Tom Hayden. Ronald. 1966 (pb New York: Signet. p. accessed May 1.matrix. Rinehart and Winston. http://www.frontpagemag. the New Left and the Leftover Left. Tom. THE LOVE OF POSSESSION IS A DISEASE WITH THEM. New York: Random House. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left. http://coursesa. 1967). Tom.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1962. Hayden. activist. 2001. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. 1966. Port Huron Statement. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. accessed May 2. David. accessed May 2. WASHINGTON POST. former radical.org/taemj97s.theamericanenterprise.

I have to say I am glad to have lived long enough to see a new generation of rebels accomplish something bigger here in 1999 than we accomplished in Chicago in 1968 with our disruptive protests at the Democratic National Convention. http://coursesa.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. being gassed myself. For the first time in memory. #4. 1962. Port Huron Statement. Fall 1987. environmental protection and human rights? Are American democratic values and middle-class interests secondary to those of transnational corporations? As a grass-roots movement seeking the overthrow of what it sees as an oppressive system. They were. and a commitment to social experimentation with them. p. WE MUST CONTINUE TO EXPERIMENT TOWARD TRUE DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. at once the spark and engine of change. the workplaces.msu. Seattle '99 was more like the Boston Tea Party than the days of rage we knew in the late '60s. we hope.html. It was honorable to protest that situation. and to this day I am astounded by the fact that of nearly 1000 academic articles written for leading political science journals during the 60s. accessed May 2." That's what Bloom doesn't understand..wcdebate. Comparisons between the World Trade Organization protests here and the protest movements of the '60s became a media micro-industry last week. the patriotism of the corporate globalizers is in question. 2002.. is the pepper spray helping you relive your youth? My response was that it beats taking Viagra. The American political system is not the democratic model of which its glorifiers speak. December 5. 1962. Do the Clinton administration's investor-based trade priorities benefit America's interest in highwage jobs. yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present. 1999. Based on five days of joining in protests.the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally-functional parts. 2002. that we direct our present appeal. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. 2. WASHINGTON POST. marching. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM ISN¶T REALLY DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. THE NEW MOVEMENTS ARE LIKE THE NEW BOSTON TEA PARTY Tom Hayden. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. accessed May 2. 20. on the contrary. My serious take on the question might surprise you. 3. 4. They are the exact opposite of Nazi storm troopers. the government? It is to this latter yearning. One reporter even asked me. But we are a minority . and consolidating the irresponsible power of military and business interests. B1. http://coursesa.msu. one can argue that the finest moment of the university was when students and faculty stopped the university's business-as-usual during a time of national crisis. THE NEW MOVEMENTS CONTINUE THE LEGACY OF THE 60s.but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply-felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed influence to human affairs.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 78 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE 1. do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present. and those who did so should be blessed in our history. activist. B1. In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency. 5. p. np. one which moves us and. Volume 4. activist. p. THE 1960s WERE THE UNIVERSTIES¶ FINEST MOMENT Tom Hayden. sitting on cold pavements and hard floors. In actuality it frustrates democracy by confusing the individual citizen. activist. is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise. the bureaucracies. We were spending $30 billion a year on death and destruction. others today. Port Huron Statement. calling on us not to be "good Germans.matrix.. activist. Professors at Columbia and Berkeley were among the intellectual architects of that war. hundreds of Americans per week were coming home in body bags. activist and former California state legislator. Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity . Our world is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living. WASHINGTON POST. On the contrary.html.com . np. only one was about Viet Nam. December 5.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. p. that something can be done to change circumstances in the school. p. not that of their opponents.matrix. AND HAVE MORE IMPACT Tom Hayden. paralyzing policy discussion. 1999.

wcdebate. Fall 1987. HAYDEN¶S CRITICS HAVE MANY MORE MORAL PROBLEMS THAN HE DOES Tom Hayden. If we accept Bloom's Platonic model . THE 1960s WEREN¶T ABOUT RELATIVISM: THEY INTRODUCED REAL MORALITY Tom Hayden. Did that damage Yale? Did it morally and intellectually cripple the thousand students who participated? I think not. Volume 9 Page 79 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM 1. the 60s introduced morality into an amoral society and a materialistic university. #4. but it can't improve on a black admission rate of 5% or 6%. the whitest universities elitists could want and the income base of the people attending our universities is safely affluent. Does Bloom have a point? Hayden: Of course he has a point. I'll give another example. Volume 4.then of course one of the occasional consequences will be rebellious behavior. p. 2.the legitimacy of questioning everything . Volume 4. Speaking of mindlessness. If there has been an erosion of general education. But far from being a time which gave birth to moral relativism. activist and former California state legislator. and they say those things loudly on the edge of the Oakland ghetto. #4. the president of Yale. What would Bloom make of that situation? His focus is so confused because he chooses his events so selectively. the Dean of Women was not encouraging reading in Greek tragedy. The 60s were an intellectual and intensely introspective decade. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. 20. 3. #4. Fall 1987. How was that caused by the 60s? Those attitudes obviously result from the drive of the marketplace and the tendency of the university to provide for the immediate professional needs of society. led one thousand Yale students to Washington in protest.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. And it did. activist and former California state legislator. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. but it's confused because the cloistered community of scholars Bloom describes has not existed for many centuries. 20. activist and former California state legislator. let's also not forget the 60s are over. BLOOM IS WRONG ± HIS IDEA OF THE UNIVERSITY HASN¶T EXISTED FOR CENTURIES Tom Hayden. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. 20. that erosion comes from turning the university to the specialized uses of society. thinking stopped with the moral indignation over the Vietnam War and racial injustice. He complains that students become economics majors prematurely and they all go to university with fantasies about becoming millionaires. and Bloom knows that. 4. to be much more accurate about the 60s than Bloom. ALLAN BLOOM¶S FOCUS IS CONFUSED: HE SELECTS THE WRONG ISSUES Tom Hayden. p.com . Fall 1987. One week after the Kent State shootings. At my university. Kingman Brewster. She was deploying a network of informants who notified parents of the white girls who were seen socializing with black men in the student union. Volume 4. Volume 4. Was that a worthy undertaking by a university leader? Absolutely. That was the University of Michigan in 1960. the most traditional US Secretary of Education we have ever had. p. Furthermore. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. how are we to interpret Edward Teller's views on limited nuclear war? If academic leaders proclaim that the university is doing the best it can. 20. in the 60s. and it's not anti-intellectual to revolt against those attitudes. how should we regard the official claim that the US was in Viet Nam to stop Chinese communism? Speaking of moral relativism. Wright Mills and Albert Camus rather than Allan Bloom's prescriptions is wrong. That administrative behavior deserved a revolt. To view the 60s as mindless because many of us followed C. Fall 1987. the university will unfortunately reap a whirlwind. #4. NPQ: Bloom argues that. activist and former California state legislator. We have the most conservative president we have ever had. That omission is another reason why his book is so baffling. They spent an entire week involved in the process of lobbying the government to terminate the war. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. p. or Morningside Heights.

theamericanenterprise. Tom Hayden had helped launch Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). including the Black Panthers¶ Bobby Seale.htm. 2002. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. Because of such considerations.com . But that was enough to generate trouble²Hayden¶s real agenda. accessed May 1. HAYDEN PROPELLED THE LEFT WING DEMOCRATS INTO POWER David Horowitz. May/June 1997. This fit with the general strategy Hayden had laid out in private discussions with me. Ramparts editor-in-chief Warren Hinckle decided to participate by publishing a "wall paper. he said more than once. Seale was so obstructive that the judge ordered him bound and gagged.org/taemj97s.theamericanenterprise. former radical. former radical. May/June 1997. Chicago¶s Mayor Daley had recently ordered his police to shoot looters. Volume 9 Page 80 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE 1.htm. 2002. the defendants created a near-riot in the courtroom itself. Hayden and the protesters provided the push and the party rule changes that pushed the antiwar candidacy of George McGovern and propelled the party¶s left wing into power. http://www. HAYDEN AND SDS ONLY WANTED TO STIR UP TROUBLE David Horowitz. A radical street protest would put people¶s lives at risk. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.htm. accessed May 1. were indicted for conspiring to create a riot. it "radicalizes them. During the trial. and the chaos on the convention floor. Hayden¶s plans attracted only two or three thousand people to Lincoln Park. admitted a decade later that the organizers had lured activists to Chicago hoping to create the riot that eventually took place. Four years later. http://www. When he called for a demonstration at the 1968 Democratic national convention to protest the Vietnam War. The picture of a black man in chains was a made-to-order script for the radical melodrama." The trick was to maneuver the idealistic and unsuspecting into situations that would achieve this result. http://www. One of the conspirators. When the dust cleared in Chicago. When people¶s heads are cracked by police. destroyed the presidential chances of Hubert Humphrey and moved the Democratic party dramatically to the left. everybody knew it meant a confrontation with the Chicago police that could prove bloody. accessed May 1. 2. 3.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." as Mao¶s Red Guards had done during the cultural revolution in China. Jerry Rubin. May/June 1997.org/taemj97s. which soon became the largest student organization of the New Left. The ensuing melee changed the shape of American politics.theamericanenterprise.wcdebate. The now-famous pictures of demonstrators being bloodied by police. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE.org/taemj97s. former radical. Hayden and seven other radicals. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. 2002. As principal architect of the Port Huron Statement in 1962. HAYDEN LURED PEOPLE TO CHICAGO FOR THE EXPRESS PURPOSE OF RIOTING David Horowitz. During the riots that followed the assassination of Martin Luther King.

former radical. May/June 1997. former radical. November 27. We¶re gonna barbecue us some pork!" Once the violence started." You won¶t find this in Hayden¶s own memoir. 2001. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. who wrote the famed SDS Port Huron statement in the movement¶s early days.org/taemj97s. a member of mobe. Volume 9 Page 81 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. and Friday [Hayden] was a National Liberation Front guerrilla. HAYDEN REALLY ADVOCATED FIREBOMBING COP CARS David Horowitz. the New Left and the Leftover Left. it will flow all over the city. 2002. and Seale addressed the crowd with the suggestive exhortation that "If a pig comes up to us and starts swinging a billy club. BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE 1. the pacifist group that issued the call to the Chicago demonstration. 2002. According to Hayden¶s own retrospective account. 2002. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left." 4. causing the radical historian Staughton Lynd to comment that "on Monday.htm.theamericanenterprise. that he expected 25 people to die. later told me with somebitterness that Hayden had been "extremely deceptive" in outlining his agenda for the gathering. who alarmed Chicago officials by immediately threatening to put lsd in the Chicago water supply. PREACHING PACIFISM.org/taemj97s. HAYDEN TRIED TO MAKE BLOOD FLOW ALL OVER THE CITY David Horowitz. but it gives the lie to those who argue that there is simply no connection between the early humanist New Left and the later Weathermen. HAYDEN ADVOCATED VIOLENCE Ronald Radosh.theamericanenterprise. Hayden also met before the convention with the Weatherman faction of sds.frontpagemag. http://www. accessed May 1. 2002. which had issued a call for "armed struggle" in American cities. 3. At the event. Hayden proposed to them that "It might be useful if someone were to fire-bomb police cars. http://www. As one of the Weather leaders told me later. one of SDS¶s first leaders. and on Tuesday. accessed May 1. and you check around and you got your piece. Hayden¶s duplicity continued throughout the event." Anyone who knew Tom knew that the bombthrower was the real Hayden. May/June 1997. has condemned Ayers as a "failed terrorist.htm. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. He recruited the Yippies. and Saturday.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01.htm. Having secured pacifist cover. you got to down that pig in defense of yourself.org/taemj97s. HAYDEN WAS A GUERILLA BOMBTHROWER David Horowitz. http://www. he warned one group in New York that "they should come to Chicago prepared to shed their blood. when Hayden told the rioters "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. Hayden gave Bobby Seale a platform in Lincoln Park. Todd Gitlin. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. 5. May/June 1997. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now. Some would like to separate the rest of the so-called moderate New Left from the Weatherman. accessed May 2." and accuses him of responsibility for destroying what he saw as becoming a mass democratic Left. a group organized by Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin.theamericanenterprise. Rennie Davis. assuring everyone that his intentions were nonviolent.htm. former radical. We are so often told by Gitlin and others that Tom Hayden. accessed May 1. Hayden then went to the most radical elements in the Left²those who actively advocated violence as a political tactic²and proposed that they provoke a conflict with the police who would be at the demonstration. http://www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Thursday. Sid Peck. Hayden defiantly incited the crowd to "make sure that if blood is going to flow." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Hayden gave the New Left the alternative of entering into the nation¶s democratic political structure and waging a serious political fight for left-wing social policies within the two-party system.com . Wednesday.wcdebate. It is therefore good that Ayers reminds us of Hayden¶s speech to the Weatherman at their Days of Rage. he«was on the left wing of the Democratic party. showed the possibility of a true democratic radicalism." and he told his co-organizer.

.000 copies. and an autobiographical commentary on politics and history. such as history textbooks used in schools. p. http://howardzinn. Volume 9 Page 82 HOWARD ZINN Howard Zinn is a historian and activist to take note of by any measure. that students can be taught to think critically about the world that they live in. Zinn is not only prolific but is considered one of the most accessible modern historical writers. and ignores the daily lives of ordinary citizens.1 In addition to his historical writing. 507 5 Zack Stenz. rather than shying away from controversy. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. revolutionized the way history is told. it makes them appear more credible and authoritative than their competitors.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In contrast. p. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.metroactive. he has authored several plays. to Zinn¶s personal background 1 Interview of Howard Zinn by Robert Birnbaum.com . 2002. because. he tells the narrative of history from the bottom up. that is. Because many of them are framed in terms of their historical context. no date. narrowly tailored to one academic discipline.´4 for example. ³Zinn and the Art of History. objective. has sold more than 800. History has traditionally been told as though there was an objective truth waiting to be discovered and written. the character flaws of our leaders. the mass media.18. and the lies propagated by ³politicians. 506 4 Zinn. spoken word CDs. in part. 2002. within the context of history. In his essay ³The Uses of Scholarship. either nationally or in terms of his own life.96/books9616. These books have a vested interest in making their version of history appear definitive. but almost universally accepted.html Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Most United States history is told from a perspective that puts the government and politicians at the center. neutral). There are a number of different values and philosophical arguments that Zinn writes about. http://www.´ Zinn critiques what he sees as the sometimes unspoken.org/index23. ³Zinn is a champion of the notion that historical change occurs more through mass movements of ordinary people than through the wisdom and insight of so-called Great Men. This is particularly the case in texts that claim to be at all comprehensive. Howard Zinn takes an entirely different approach to the writing of history. There are four ways in particular that Zinn¶s historical methodology radically different from the norm: he recognizes (and even embraces) the bias in perspective that is a natural part of historiography.´5 This is due. accessed May 11. These are that writing should be disinterested. the church. np.com/papers/sonoma/04. I will address each of these in turn. He received his Doctorate in history from Columbia and is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. The author of more than 15 books. The second way that Zinn¶s historical methodology challenges the dominant orthodoxy is that it describes history from the standpoint of the oppressed. p.htm 2 Howard Zinn. 1997.wcdebate. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. scientific (i. CRITIQUES OF HISTORIOGRAPHY Zinn¶s seminal text. THE ZINN READER. THE ZINN READER. from the perspective of those who have been disempowered throughout each era.2 One of Zinn¶s primary arguments against this approach is that the disinterested and ³rational´ approach to history facilitates a distance between the historian and the subject matter that leads to complicity with evils in history: It is precisely by describing the brutality of war. this essay will engage each of these values in the context he provides. rules for ³good´ scholarship. His progressive history text. [and] popular leaders. he integrates the concepts of historiography with activism. he actively engages it. accessed May 12. April 18-24 1996.e. 503-506 3 Zinn. p. and rational (unemotional). A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. from the author¶s perspective.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE.

The book is organized into nine sections. December 3. a ³Negro college´ in a deeply segregated area."Whenever you introduce a new view of historical events. and various communist. and anti-fascist writers. anarchist. however. and others. 1998. particularly the United States. 2002. YOU MUST ACCEPT PUNISHMENT IF YOU COMMIT CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE This fallacy derives from the glorification of Socrates¶ decision to accept his unjust death sentence.´6 His perspective is that revolutionary and even utopian ideas are crucial for shaking up the stronghold conservatives have over academia. Volume 9 Page 83 with the civil rights movement and the labor movement. NONVIOLENCE. who were engaged in non-violent civil disobedience. the guardians of the old order will spring to the attack. about the role of social protest and civil disobedience within democratic societies. Z MAG. John Stienbeck. Instead. Marx. physically demanding. to take a position as the chair of the history and social sciences department at Spelman College. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. This makes him simultaneously one of the most loved and hated historians of this era. AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES Zinn writes extensively.org/index23. but extends to all of his writing. Zinn argues that if one is punished for breaking an unjust law. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Zinn explained: ³I could see history being made before my eyes by ordinary people who are never written about in the history books. Inspired by his students. and as a result eventually wrote the book DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY (his treatise on civil disobedience). np. Zinn's brand of "bottom-up" history has been reviled by political conservatives. but I will focus on those concerning the role of the social protester. and he confesses that he isn't surprised«. you'll find that most of the legislation passed is class legislation which favors the elite. One of his lesser known books. which favors the rich.wcdebate.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. p. This is the perspective of much of his historical writing (A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES includes lots of infrequently taught labor union history) as well as the chapter of his memoir called ³Growing Up Class Conscious´ from YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN. Zinn came from a working class background. each of which refutes one of the primary arguments made by opponents of civil disobedience. and ³when 6 7 Stenz.htm Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the role socioeconomic class played throughout history greatly effected Zinn. and closely related to the last point." Zinn says. Georgia.´7 In addition to these issues of racism. accessed May 12. he is a proponent of progressive social and economic policy. However. Zinn does not shy away from controversy in either his historical writing or his commentary on modern political events in magazines such as THE PROGRESSIVE.´8 Despite being someone who might be described as having ³pulled himself up by his bootstraps´ to raise from a working class background to a famous intellectual. which was painful. 8 Howard Zinn. as well as many essays about his specific experience at Spelman. in part because of his commitment to stirring up controversy. Finally. and prohibited union membership. Some of these fallacies are specific to the role of the court system in ensuring justice. http://howardzinn. to a great degree. from his role as a professor. is focused specifically on this topic. particularly former Supreme Court Associate Justice Abe Fortas. p. during the depression. lived in tenements. np. Stenz. and his next job as an Air Force bomber.com . his youth heavily influenced his perspective on class in the United States: ³If you look at the laws passed in the United States from the very beginning of the [A]merican republic down to the present day. ³[D]espite his popularity. At age eighteen. then the punishment itself is unjust. Upton Sinclair. This stems. Despite the benefits of that job. he does not identify with those who argue that hard work is all that is needed to get ahead. in nearly all of his books. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. and at a young age was influenced by the writing of Charles Dickens. MOTHER JONES. Third. Zinn is well known for integrating his own personal advocacy and activism with his writing. You'll find huge subsidies to corporations all through [A]merican history. he won a New Deal job as an apprentice shipfitter. he participated in extensive protest with his students. such as his retelling of the colonization of North America from the perspective of indigenous peoples. In 1956 Zinn moved his wife and children to Atlanta.

In a theoretical sense. by Zinn. blocking streets. in the course of a protest.´10 The litmus test for determining the legitimacy of violence in civil disobedience has to do with the degree to which it is discriminating: Violence might be justifiable as it approaches the focusing and control of surgery.g. even thinkers like Gandhi and Thoreau at times defended the use of violence when no other option was available. injustice is sanctioned and perpetuated. for example. Zinn distinguishes between different levels of violence. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY.. Unfortunately. is useful in answering quotations from Martin Luther King Jr. nonviolence is better than violence. Perhaps the most obvious example were the ³sit ins´ in the segregated South which violated laws against trespassing. p. when the segregation was not a public law but a decision by a private business owner. Self-defense is by its nature focused. but the failure of the government to enforce just laws (e. Generally. Martin Luther King Jr. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE LIMITED TO LAWS WHICH ARE THEMSELVES WRONG Statists argue that violating laws other than those which are directly unfair is unjustified. in his essay ³Letter From A Birmingham Jail. 1968. p. Zinn argues that all things being equal.wcdebate. he sees the ultimate end of civil disobedience. a distinction must be drawn between violence against people and violence against property. but instead finds a middle ground between violence and nonviolence. This principle would also proscribe any solution to injustice resulting not from unjust laws. 1968. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the reason this principle is invalid is that it fails to distinguish between important and trivial laws in the context of preventing massive injustice.´ which Zinn argues are taken out of context when they are characterized as arguing that protesters must accept the punishment for their acts of civil disobedience. 45 11 Howard Zinn. and progress generally. as being a nonviolent world. Zinn outlines several situations which demonstrate the inanity of this principle.. Revolutionary warfare. On the one hand.com . This would include violating curfews. 29 Howard Zinn. he points out that the severity of the protest must be weighed against the severity of the injustice: ³Would not any reasonable code have to weigh the degree of violence used in any case against the importance of the issue at stake? Thus. On the other hand. most of the people who respond to this argument are people²such as Malcom X and Ward Churchill²who explicitly espouse levels of violence that may be difficult to defend. 48 10 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In any humanist philosophy. may be morally defensible. Volume 9 Page 84 unjust decisions are accepted. or a local tyrannical elite. Planned acts of violence in an enormously important cause (the resistance against Hitler may be an example) could be justifiable. desegregation). Zinn points out. etc.. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. p. Moreover. Furthermore.11 9 Howard Zinn. because it is counterviolence directed only at a perpetrator of violence«. and Thoreau²who argue for the benefits of nonviolence. a massive amount of violence for a small or dubious reason would be harder to justify than a small amount of violence for an important and a clear reason. This argument. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE ABSOLUTELY NONVIOLENT There are a plethora of excellent theorists²including Gandhi. the more it is aimed carefully at either a foreign controlling power.´9 In fact. One virtue of Zinn¶s writing is that he does not explicitly encourage violence. it treats protest like a game to argue that protesters should accept the penalty for losing instead of continuing their protest to the end. 1968. Zinn writes.

West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. THE ZINN READER. There is no better example of such a case than in the civil rights movement in the United States. Nevertheless. Absolute obedience to law may bring order temporarily. The second justification for the argument that the law (at least in a democracy) has intrinsic value. Zinn¶s argument is that limited violence is justified when the oppression being fought is extreme. do citizens have a greater obligation to ensure lawfulness or justice? Zinn writes: Thus. It is hard to imagine how anyone could read Zinn¶s articles or book chapters about the civil rights or labor movements without sensing the strong sense of pride he feels in American people. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. thus making civil disobedience unjustified. as we have seen throughout history. It is too simplistic to argue that because democracy is majoritarian.¶´ 15 This demonstrates the fundamental distinction Zinn draws between how conservatives define patriotism and how he defines it. but it may not bring justice. as when it forbids rape and murder or requires a school to admit all students regardless of race or nationality. There is also justice«. and order are desirable. thus represents the common sentiment of what is just. and must therefore be followed.¶ what was considered Zinn. when there are no other viable means of successful protest. p. and when the target of the violence is directly responsible for the oppression. In these situations. or anything else. therefore. she is justified in violating laws²even if that lawlessness leads to social instability²to fight to stop the injustice. 370-371 Zinn. Often. This is certainly true at times. the majority denies basic principles of justice to the minority for the sake of the majority¶s benefit. µBut«while it's true that I take a very critical view of the United States government in history. when it protects the rich and punishes the poor. The problem with this view is that it places stability at a premium while ignoring the price of that stability: ³Surely.wcdebate. THE ZINN READER.96/books9616. be it material. and in these cases it is irrefutable that the law ought be followed.¶ Zinn says.com . have ³µcharacterized A People's History as a ³Hate America´ book. accessed May 11. in various terms. they maintain peace and stability. PATRIOTISM AND OPTIMISM Zinn is frequently criticized for not being sufficiently patriotic.´12 The most important question then becomes: when the law does not serve the cause of justice. and she sees no other effective method. Chaos and violence are not. April 18-24 1996. 371 14 Zinn.html 13 12 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and will therefore be just. when an individual sees injustice in the world around her. Many conservative historians.metroactive. stability. peace. the minority is structurally precluded from using the law to advance their rights.18. Zinn argued that ³the great writers could see through the fog of what was called µpatriotism. particularly for a United States historian. social. Thus. There are two primary differences First. 2002. then law and justice are opposed to one another. Volume 9 Page 85 In essence. RULE OF LAW HAS INTRINSIC VALUE / DEMOCRACY MAKES PROTEST UNNECESSARY There are two primary justifications for the argument that the law has intrinsic value and that.´14 It is in these instances that civil disobedience is justified. The first of these arguments is that regardless of whether the laws are just or unjust.com/papers/sonoma/04. THE ZINN READER. is that law is created by the people. I take a very positive view toward the mass movements of people in America who have fought to make the country a better place. http://www. even civil disobedience that has good intentions is unjust. as Zinn writes: ³The law may serve justice. p. p. But stability and order are not the only desirable conditions social life. 370-371 15 Zack Stenz. it will protect whatever the majority sees as just. But when it sends young men to war. civil disobedience may be the only possible method for fighting for justice. Zinn argues that there is a substantial difference between loyalty to the government of a country and loyalty to the country itself.

but the people and the social movements that have fought for justice for all people.progressive. Howard Zinn. However.html 16 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. They've done a very good job of illuminating the various bad policies of the American government. ³Artists of Resistency. accessed May 11.wcdebate. he quoted from the satire A CONNECTICUT YANKEE IN KING ARTHUR'S COURT. http://www. http://www. April 18-24 1996. far from being unpatriotic. Thus.com . accessed May 11. challenging unjust governmental policies is an integral part of being a citizen of a democracy. by Mark Twain: Similarly.com/papers/sonoma/04. http://www. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. Volume 9 Page 86 loyalty.org/zinn0701. July 2001. 2002.html 17 Howard Zinn.96/books9616. attempt to describe a world of oppressive futility. in which the government is overwhelmingly bad and cannot be resisted.´18 One important aspect of Zinn¶s writing is that it does not. but they haven't shown what people have done to resist these policies. ³Artists of Resistency. Zinn feels that the real.progressive.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. by protesting we strengthen and engage in the true democratic spirit of America. 2002.metroactive.html 18 Zack Stenz.¶´ 16 To demonstrate the distinction. July 2001. 2002. His optimism leads him to take a more balanced approach: ³the left hasn't balanced its act very well«.18. in contrast to the perception of his critics. to show people in the present day that they can fight back and win. accessed May 11. Zinn is not purely critical of the United States government and its leaders. Instead.´ THE PROGRESSIVE.´ THE PROGRESSIVE. eternal part of what makes America America is not the government. As he argues in his examination of civil disobedience. And that's a critical thing to do. Only by exercizing the right (and duty) to protest do we as individuals truly participate in democracy.org/zinn0701. he writes history from a perspective which demonstrates the gains that have been made by social movements since the government was established. The second aspect of Zinn¶s redefinition of patriotism is his insistence that criticizing the government. often successfully. is actually one of the best ways of being a patriot.

Howard. 2001 Zinn. Howard. Howard.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Boston: Beacon Press.freespeech. Volume 9 Page 87 BIBLIOGRAPHY Churchill. Boston: Beacon Press. New York: Signet Books. New York: Vintage Books. 2002 Zinn. THREE STRIKES: MINERS. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE.cfm?authorID=97 Zinn. A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES: 1492 TO PRESENT.howardzinn. YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN: A PERSONAL HISTORY OF OUR TIMES. 1997 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Howard. 2000 Zinn. Howard. New York: Seven Stories Press. 1964 FREESPEECH. http://free.org/evolution/articles. http://www.htm HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. et al. 2002. Ward. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES ON LAW AND ORDER. New York: Seven Stories Press. Accessed May 17. 1994 Zinn. 1999 Fortas. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. Abe. Accessed May 17. Accessed May 17. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Publishing. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY : REFLECTIONS ON THE ROLE OF ARMED STRUGGLE IN NORTH AMERICA. Howard. 2002. New York: Harper Perennial. Howard.com . DECLARATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE : CROSS-EXAMINING AMERICAN IDEOLOGY. Howard.zmag.org/ HOWARD ZINN¶S ZNET HOMEPAGE.org/bios/homepage. 2001 Zinn. New York: Harper Perennial. 2000 Zinn. http://www. HOWARD ZINN ON WAR. TERRORISM AND WAR (OPEN MEDIA PAMPHLET SERIES). MUSICIANS.ORG. AND THE FIGHTING SPIRIT OF LABOR'S LAST CENTURY. Howard.wcdebate. New York: Seven Stories Press. 2002. 1991 Zinn. 1968 Zinn. HOWARD ZINN: ON HISTORY. SALESGIRLS. New York: Seven Stories Press.

December 3. and other means have been exhausted. And they used certainly acts of civil disobedience. injustices of all sorts. accessed May 12. 1998. you'll see that it wasn't Lincoln who caused the anti-slavery sentiment in the country to grow. But the idea of civil disobedience is that Law is not sacrosanct. The other is the reason of effectiveness: The purpose of civil disobedience is to communicate to others. The Fugitive Slave Act required the federal government to aid southern slave owners in bringing escaped slaves back to the South. in situations of urgency where very vital issues are at stake. white people.wcdebate. accessed May 12. 3. Sometimes though it's the law itself that's disobeyed. And in the 1850s.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE.org/index23. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University.org/index23. p. You were talking about this going on for hundreds of years. and indiscriminate violence turns people (rightly) away. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn.com . aimed carefully at the source of injustice. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY BE JUSTIFIED BY SPECIFIC CRITERIA Howard Zinn. black people. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. to overt violence: it would have to guarded. One is the moral reason: that violence is in itself an evil. Lincoln was reacting to the growth of the movement that became stronger and stronger from the 1830s to the outbreak of the civil war. And what it does is declare a willingness to decide when laws are consonant with morality and when laws are immoral and support terrible things like war or racism or sexism. Well people in the North. may move from mild actions. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. http://howardzinn. Volume 9 Page 88 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED 1. juries acquitted them.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS NECESSARY FOR JUSTICE Howard Zinn. They broke into courthouses and into jailhouses to rescue escaped slaves. And in a number of cases. they gathered together in committees. 2002. free black people. It hasn't been Congress or the President or the Supreme Court who have initiated acts to remedy racial inequality or tho do something about the government going to war or about economic injustice.htm The principle of civil disobedience doesn't state as a universal that you must always disobey the law (laughter). If you go back a hundred and fifty years ago to the middle of the nineteenth century. And so laws that sustain injustice should be disobeyed. 2.htm I think that the history of the United States indicates that when we have had to redress serious grievances. 1968. to disorder. sometimes the law that is disobeyed is a law against trespassing or a law against picketing and people will commit civil disobedience and trespass as the sitdown strikers did in the United States in the 1930s when they took over factories or as the black protesters did in the civil rights movement in the United States when they sat down in lunch counters and refused to move. limited. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. There are two reasons for such criteria. when they were brought up on charges and put on trial. All this is to suggest what criteria need to be kept in mind whenever civil disobedience.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. December 3. that has not been done by the three branches of government that are always paraded before junior high school students and high school students as the essence of democracy. manifested itself in many acts of civil disobedience against the Fugitive Slave Act that had been passed in 1850. to the 1850s. 48-49. http://howardzinn. What it does do is refuse the universal principle that you must always obey the law. and so can only be justified in those circumstances where it is a last resort in eliminating a greater evil. or in) self-defense. 1998. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DENIES THAT LAWS ARE ALWAYS MORAL OR CORRECT Howard Zinn. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. It's always taken the actions of citizens and actions of civil disobedience to bring these issues to national attention and finally force the President and Congress and the Supreme Court to begin to move. 2002. Because juries recognized the morality of what they were doing even though they had broken the law. and preferably directed against property rather than people. escaped slaves.

and before him. their calls for war. ³It¶s not God¶s law. December 3. for the most part nonviolent. IT MAY BE VIOLATED ON BEHALF OF JUSTICE Howard Zinn. We forget that the information on which the public depends for judging public issues is in the hands of the wealthiest sections of the (true. in their appeals to patriotism. we have found it necessary to go outside ³the proper channels´ at certain pivotal times in our history. we have freedom to speak. thinking about nuclear war. The result of all this is that most of us²when we are honest with ourselves²feel utterly helpless to affect public policy by the orthodox channels. and justice. p. freedom. Undemocratic because it divests you as an individual and the right to make a decision yourself about what is right or wrong and it gives all of that power to that small band of legislators who have decided for themselves what is right and what is wrong. We forget (hence all the emphasis in recent years on voting rights for the Negro) how inadequate is the ballot. that is responsible for the terrible violence of our century. the representative takes over (as Rousseau. 3. and it's a profoundly undemocratic idea to say that you should judge what you do according to what the law says. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. or finally. 1998. ironically. how she felt about her son defying the law. the law of the politicians´ to obey the higher law²what Reverend Coffin and Father Berrigan would call ³the law of God´ and what others might call the law of human rights. by the very government that condemned John Brown to death for seeking a less costly means of emancipating the slave. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. We forget what the history of American politics has shown repeatedly: that there is only the vaguest connection between the issues debated in an election campaign and those ultimately decided by the government. but how much of an audience we can speak to depends on how much money we have). has been directed to stopping the violence of war. http://howardzinn. Historically. a devastating war waged.´) The truth is so often the total reverse of what has been told us by our culture that we cannot turn our heads far enough around to see it. 400-401.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and again during the sit-down strikes of the 1930¶s. DEMOCRATIC LAW IS NOT SACROSANCT..org/index23.wcdebate.htm So the Law should not be given the holy deference which we are all taught to give it when we grow up and go to school. Slavery probably could not he ended without either a series of revolts by blacks. The psychologist Erich Fromm. The feeling is justified. 1997. when Dan went underground. So to me the idea of civil dissobedience is to really enhance democracy. The disobedience of conscientious citizens. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ENHANCES DEMOCRACY Howard Zinn. 1968. Volume 9 Page 89 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE 1. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. 2. that the two-party system is_only slightly less tyrannical than the one-party system. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. We have been naive in America about the efficacy of the ballot box and representative government to rectify injustice. p. accessed May 12. once referred to the biblical Genesis of the human race and the bite into the forbidden apple: ³Human history began with an act of disobedience and it is not unlikely that it will be terminated by an act of obedience. the principles of peace. she responded quietly. that the moment we have cast our ballots. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University.that wealth dominates the electoral process (see Murray Levin¶s meticulous study. (Daniel Berrigan¶s elderly mother was asked by a reporter.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.com . Or perhaps we should say ³ignore man-made law. And the rights of even a portion of the laboring population were secured only by extra-legal uprisings in a wave of violent labor struggles from 1877 to 1914. for Michels¶ ³iron law of oligarchy´ operates to keep us at the mercy of powerful politicos in both parties. 2002. it is obedience to governments. Victor Considerant pointed out) and we have lost our freedom. Surely. Kennedy Campaigning). Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. 65-66. PROTEST IS NECESSARY WHEN VOTING FAILS TO PROMOTE JUSTICE Howard Zinn.

Thoreau was an inspiring figure and a great writer. It is the state¶s duty to arrest and punish those who violate the laws designed to protect private safety and public order. These are not controlling. 1968. must be identified. but which is practiced as a technique of warfare in a social and political conflict over other issues. charged. Just as our form of life depends upon the government¶s subordination to law under the Constitution. 62-63. free of punishment or penalty. in accordance with the provisions of law. Especially if the civil disobedience involves violence or a breach of public order prohibited by statute or ordinance. to make every effort to provide adequate facilities so that the demonstration can be effectively staged. He may be passionately inspired. and as a matter of good sense. 3. For example. unless the law is invalid in general or as applied. persuasion. This is the dangerous potential of mass demonstrations. Police must be trained in tact as well as tactics. The motive of civil disobedience. 1968. however peacefully intended by their organizers. It was true in the case of Mrs. No city should be expected to submit to paralysis or to widespread injury to persons and property brought on by violation of law. and any move that they may make toward violence must be quickly countered. But at the same time. police and citizens must be tolerant of mass demonstrations. It must be prepared to prevent this by the use of planning. and civil disobedience may turn into riot. This is very different from the kind of civil disobedience which is not engaged in for the purpose of testing the legality of an order within our system of government and laws. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. for the rules of law. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. who refused to pay withholding taxes because she thought they were unlawful and she wanted to protest the invasion of her freedom as a capitalist and citizen. He may be motivated by the highest moral principles. p. If he is properly arrested. A citizen cannot demand of his government or of other people obedience to the law. These mass demonstrations. Just as we expect the government to be bound by all laws.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Law violation or intemperate behavior by one demonstrator may provoke police action. so each individual is bound by all of the laws under the Constitution. there is always danger that individual. He cannot substitute his own judgment or passion. it is the city¶s duty under law. Frequently. he should be punished by fine or imprisonment. 2. The city must perform this duty. and convicted. He may. 64-65. ordered.com . and at the same time claim a right in himself to break it by lawless conduct. does not confer immunity for law violation. He cannot pick and choose. as well as practical wisdom. Both of these are essential. It is not merely government that must live under law. it is the state¶s duty to arrest the dissident. so it also depends upon the individual¶s subservience to the laws duly prescribed. and restrained law enforcement. Demonstrators must be organized. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. so that it can be conducted without paralyzing the city¶s life. We are a government and a people under law. Volume 9 Page 90 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED 1. CITIZENS SHOULD NOT VIOLATE THE RULE OF LAW FOR THE SAKE OF PROTEST Abe Fortas. and to provide protection for the demonstrators. Let me first be clear about a fundamental proposition. be right in the eyes of history or morality or philosophy. isolated acts of a few persons will overwhelm the restraint of thousands. 1968. p. whatever its type. An enormous degree of self-control and discipline are required on both sides.wcdebate. civil disobedience is prompted by both motives²by both a desire to make propaganda and to challenge the law. our Constitution and our traditions. Agitators and provocateurs. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. however large and inconvenient. of course. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY SPIRAL OUT OF CONTROL. teach us that city officials. a young man may be advised by counsel that he must refuse to report for induction in order to challenge the constitutionality of the Selective Service Act. This is true in many instances of refusal to submit to induction. or both. Intemperate or hasty retaliation by a single policeman may provoke disorder. and controlled. 70-71. However careful both sides may be. JUSTIFYING ITS RESTRAING Abe Fortas. however noble. whatever their object. but his essay should not be read as a handbook on political science. Each of us must live under law. GOOD MOTIVATIONS FOR CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DO NOT MAKE IT JUSTIFIED Abe Fortas. always involve the danger that they may erupt into violence. But despite this. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. indeed. Vivian Kellems. p.

Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong. In either event ² mere ineffectuality or suicide ² the objective conditions leading to the necessity for social revolution remain unlikely to be altered by purely pacifist strategies. Associate Professor in Science.com . p. Perhaps more worrying are the dispiriting aftermaths following some short-term successes of nonviolent action. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. it is inadequate on its own. pseudo-praxis).html It is important to note that not all uses of nonviolent action lead to long-lasting. as a means for persuading opponents to change their minds as a result of their witnessing the commitment and willing sacrifice of nonviolent activists. if followed to its logical conclusions. in practical terms.wcdebate. The mass suffering that revolution is intended to alleviate will continue as the revolution strangles itself on the altar of ³nonviolence. 2001. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong. Moral persuasion sometimes works in face-to-face encounters. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. The fallacy of such a proposition is best demonstrated by the nazi state¶s removal of its ³Jewish threat. Nonviolent tacticians imply (perhaps unwittingly) that the ³immoral state´ which they seek to transform will somehow exhibit exactly the same sort of superior morality they claim for themselves (i. 44 Absurdity clearly abounds when suggesting that the state will refrain from using all necessary physical force to protect against undesired forms of change and threats to its safety. 2002. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM.. Pacifist praxis (or.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Accessed May 17. brought into being on the basis of the principles of pacifism. There was a military coup later in 1944.edu. To make themselves a clear and apparent danger to the state. Australia. in which case they are subject to physical liquidation by the status quo and are self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. ³ Violent intervention by others divides itself naturally into the two parts represented by Gandhi¶s unsolicited ³windfall´ of massive violence directed against his opponents and King¶s rather more conscious and deliberate utilization of incipient antistate violence as a means of advancing his own pacifist agenda. 2002.uow. Accessed May 17. In El Salvador in 1944.e.´ 2. in which case they will likely be largely ignored by the status quo and self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. but variations do little to alter the crux of the situation: there simply has never been a revolution. pacifism and its attendant sacrifice of life cannot even be rightly said to have substantially impacted the level of evident societal violence. 2001. The new Islamic regime led by Ayatollah Khomeini was just as ruthless as its predecessor in stamping out dissent. was crushed in the Beijing massacre. The aftermath of the Iranian revolution was equally disastrous. NONVIOLENT STRATEGIES ARE UNABLE TO EFFECTUATE CHANGE Ward Churchill. the induced starvation of whole populations and the like.uow. np. more appropriately. History is replete with variations on these two subthemes.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. Bomber pilots show little remorse for the agony caused by their weapons detonating far below. The 1989 prodemocracy movement in China. worthwhile change. p.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall.edu. or. http://www. the successful nonviolent insurrection against the Martínez dictatorship did not lead to long term improvement for the El Salvadorean people. while managers of large international banks have little inkling of the suffering caused by their lending policies in foreign countries. NONVIOLENCE FAILS IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN CONFLICTS Brian Martin. Associate Professor in Science.html The consent theory of power Gandhi approached nonviolent action as a moral issue and. 3. leaves its adherents with but two possible outcomes to their line of action: To render themselves perpetually ineffectual (and consequently unthreatening) in the face of state power. As these conditions typically include war. and continued repression in following decades. Professor of Ethnic Studies and Coordinator of American Indian Studies at University of Colorado. http://www. NONVIOLENCE DO NOT CREATE SUSTAINABLE VICTORIES Brian Martin. or even a substantial social reorganization. p. 2001. While this approach explains some aspects of the power of nonviolent action. at least a relative degree of nonviolence). In every instance. Nonviolent action is not guaranteed to succeed either in the short term or long term. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY. np. violence has been an integral requirement of the process of transforming the state. but has little chance when cause and effect are separated. after a short flowering. Australia. Volume 9 Page 91 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS 1.

Name a qualification that holds weight in the policy wonk world.D program in government at Harvard. He stayed on in that capacity from 1977-1979. That¶s not to say there is something in Nye for everyone. He fluttered between governmental work and university work over the next several years. Longtime professor? Check. he asked Nye to serve as deputy undersecretary in charge of Carter's nonproliferation initiatives. You might think that Nye is merely another old. Nye kept up his prolific writing on international security issues. Nye is currently Dean of Harvard University¶s Kennedy School of Government. He is a Rhodes Scholar. to the extent that Nye is reluctant to adopt the ideological fabric of any particular pigeonhole. after which he returned to Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government to teach. THE LIFE OF JOSEPH NYE. and a graduate of the Ph. The fact that Nye is neither a lifelong government official nor a lifelong academic may have some influence on his thinking. And. and imagine the wings praising Nye as belonging to some giant bird. All the while. Jr. Just look at the wide variety of sources that have praised his work: from Machiavellian realists like Henry Kissinger to loose cannons like George Soros. he is at least apparently willing to try to step outside that rigid intellectual framework as he explores the issues of today. Well versed in foreign policy. I wouldn¶t want to wash my car while that seagull is flying overhead. those are some big outstretched wings. Jr. If we are to think of American politics in terms of the left wing and the right wing. well. He has written more than one hundred articles in professional journals. he is an intriguing thinker who appears to approach each problem as a fresh challenge. let¶s look at where Nye has come from in order to understand where he is today. JR. and his viewpoints are refreshing in their lack of ideological predisposition. and Nye¶s likely got it. and received his bachelor¶s degree in an interdisciplinary major from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1958. Volume 9 Page 92 JOSEPH NYE. Written for the heavy-hitter journals? Check. Nye grew up on a farm in Northwest New Jersey. Joseph Nye. When Cyrus Vance was appointed secretary of state. he is also an influential thinker on the domestic scene. But the guy is a pretty sharp old. is one of the most influential modern voices in American governance and political science. Joseph Nye. The further right won¶t like his reluctance to use American power in every situation. you¶d sort of be right. serving as an editorial board member of Foreign Policy and International Security magazines. It¶s hard to imagine the left cozying up to him very much. bald white establishment guy.com . He seems decidedly less dogmatic than a great deal of his contemporaries who have spent their entire careers in the Beltway or the Ivory Tower. was born in 1937. However. After Jimmy Carter won the 1976 presidential election.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. bald white guy that has worked in the government and worked with universities.wcdebate. from the Democratic establishment sources like Strobe Talbott and Madeleine Albright to academics of all kinds. Nye was recruited to join his transition team as a consultant on nuclear proliferation. While he is certainly a product of his upbringing and intellectual culture. Speaking of his upbringing and intellectual culture. doing his post-graduate work at Oxford University. JR. Intellectual chops that are unquestioned? Check.

we aren¶t going to invade them. It¶s only for a truly dramatic event (like the terrorist tragedy on September 11. Nye is a believer in war as a last resort. That¶s true of most adversaries in addition to traditional allies like Japan. the case of China. for example. 2001) that will of necessity engender a military response." This has not changed since September 11.wcdebate. his views of power and global politics is much more nuanced than the big-stick diplomats that dominate the scene today. ³If China can be brought into a network of rule-based relations. especially in the face of competing and potentially adversarial powers? The answer is a question of containment vs. "Soft Power is your ability to attract others to get the outcomes you want. While Bush has been threatening to invade Iraq almost constantly for the last year. Take. given that a weak China would be more given to lash out to shore up its power -. Bush did by imposing steel tariffs recently) in response. NYE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS While technically Nye falls under the school of ³realism´ in international relations. Engagement is where a nation continues to interact with the adversarial power through trade. other measures (such as the multilateral United Nations oil embargo and other sanctions) are really more effective with less of an opportunity cost.always reacting to emerging situations rather than viewing emerging phenomena through a fixed lens.. that's the ultimate because it costs me almost nothing but I get the outcomes I want. War is an impractical and problematic means of enforcing American interests and desires. We¶re going to either negotiate with them or flex our own economic muscles (as George W. which included the following: Soft power is an important concept to understand. Nye is not. "Hard power is when I coerce you--if I the use a carrot or a stick to get you to do something you otherwise wouldn't do. considering it a ³solution´ that is often actually creates worse problems. Nye¶s idea is that a strong China is better for the world community than a weak China. but it is clearly better than the containment strategy . How. as should be clear. economic.cultural. in fact. that's hard power. despite the United States so-called ³war on terrorism. Will this strategy work? No one can be certain. where one uses foreign policy tools to isolate an adversarial power. does one secure American interests. That said. Volume 9 Page 93 As Nye himself has observed This lack of a fixed plan mirrors his thinking -. An emerging power with one billion citizens and a growing economy. If we disagree with Japan¶s trade policy. China will be a force in the new century. Nye is usually an advocate of engagement. such an evolution may continue. for example. diplomacy and other channels in an attempt to exert influence over the other state. and I don't have to use a carrot or a stick. 2002. Nye is a realist who does seek to advance American interests through the policies he advocates.com . etc. then the United States must not isolate china. He meditates on the differences between soft and hard power in his book THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE. though the Taiwanese don¶t agree) or Japan. Nye reasons.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. An attempt to treat China as a threat. Nye coined the marvelously efficient phrase ³soft power´ to refer to those non-military forms of exerting influence -. But if I get you to want what I want. engagement. If that is true..especially against American allies like Taiwan (an island nation that China considers a part of its country.´ Nye wrote an insightful article with a global focus in the Guardian on March 31. a hawk per se. Containment is a more hawkish strategy. might turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. then. It would be one of Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." Nye has said. particularly in the post Cold War world.

we should be using our influence in a positive manner. Nye takes the line on globalization that you might expect from an establishment centrist. While himself an advocate of a globalized economy and free trade ± believing that the rising tide of economic growth lifts all boats.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. NYE ON GLOBALIZATION Neither a demagogue nor a radical. even the poor ± he is one of the few mainstream analysts who has attempted to seek out ways to assuage the concerns of protesters. such as China. In an article for FOREIGN AFFAIRS. the International Monetary Fund. he at least has attempted to address the flaws in the system some have identified. Nye wrote on ³Globalization's Democratic Deficit: How to Make International Institutions More Accountable. Rather than isolating other nations. that might satisfy the majority of the populace and confer a legitimacy on those institutions they haven¶t seen yet. and that citizens might have better opportunities to influence those decisions. It should be noted that this falls right in line with his idea of soft power: the ³big stick´ approach is a counterproductive one. an establishment journal that some call the most influential in the world. and the World Trade Organization.com . While Nye recognizes this probably won¶t satisfy everyone. He reasons that if decisions are made out in the open.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 94 history's tragic ironies if domestic politics leads to an unnecessary Cold War in Asia that will be costly for this and future generations of Americans. He is keen on avoiding that kind of situation with other powers.´ he wrote. While he surely agrees with virtually none of their prescribed solutions (calling anti-free trade protesters ³demagogues in the street´). As an intellectual who lived through the darkest moments of the Cold War. especially the radical left. it will help allay the fears of most Americans and other world citizens.´ He sets out a program of action for increasing transparency and democratic accountability for actions at organizations such as the World Bank. Nye knows what kind of policies led to increased tensions during that period in history. in his view.

unintended and unpredictable consequences which threaten security instead of enhancing it. the JPRI and Johnson claim that the American military presence overseas. Take. critics would say that the lens he uses to evaluate such phenomena is fundamentally corrupted. His most recent book was just published this year.´ No matter how you slice it. Instead. even if the ³soft power´ phenomenon is true. Even open-minded.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 95 CRITICS OF NYE Critics of Nye fall into several different categories. serves to perpetuate the hegemonic imperialism of the United States just as much as the more realpolitik theorists. critics say.wcdebate. the United States is going to be extending its influence on the world in a manner designed to advance its interests. They have a common denominator -the term ³power. and any military utility of these bases is speculative at best. and he continues to write for the most influential periodicals in print and on-line.S.-Japan relationship.com . people looking for a role for the American military (or even ³soft power´) will probably find an indispensable role for it.are still trapped by the paradigm of American imperialism in the view of these critics.who take a broader view of the American national interest -. liberal internationalist thinkers like Nye -. on too many fronts. However. Similarly. than the U. Nye is a staunch defender of the Japan-U. for example. America keeps itself in the news in a negative manner due to the annual rapes of young Okinawan girls committed by American servicemen. Further left. is engendering a ³blowback´ -. security relationship. Critics of this policy. Johnson argues. Nye¶s defense of the U. it is possible to sketch out the general precepts that Nye values ± and to watch as his thinking continues to evolve. As the old Chinese proverb goes. The mainstream left criticizes Nye¶s optimism about the positive influence of American soft power and the stabilizing character of the American military presence overseas. if you go looking for enemies. Just look at Okinawa. thus preventing a war that is damaging to American (and world) interests. many take issue with Nye¶s notion of the American national interest -and his assumption that advancing the American national interest is in the interest of the world at large. and in Japan particularly. Johnson argued in his 2000 book of the same name. American credibility is diminished. There is no better example of this blowback. This entails both the United States maintaining a military presence in Asia (predominantly on the island of Okinawa) and the United States continuing to exert influence over Japan in international relations. The difference between Nye and his critics is that Nye believes American influence is generally benign or positive. you can be sure this scholar will have something to say about it. No great radical thought here: everyone from the establishment to Noam Chomsky agrees on that.-Japan arrangement might be just such an example of overstretch. The American military bases on the island are the subjects of constant protests from the locals.S. While Nye might say that the United States should continue to maintain a forward presence in Asia in order to prevent a power vacuum in the region. critics say.´ Imperial overstretch is where an empire (like the United States) tries to project power into too many places. you will probably find them.S. For example. It is more likely. according to Johnson. This lens seeks threats in the world for the United States to solve. not enhanced. and that Nye misanalyses available data from polls and opinion surveys. Perhaps there is a reason that Henry Kissinger has praised Nye despite their differences? IN CONCLUSION It¶s always difficult to analyze a scholar¶s impact while that scholar is still producing materials ± especially when that scholar is as prolific as Nye continues to be. Where there is a foreign policy crisis that affects the United States. by this unwieldy and counterproductive arrangement. This type of self-justifying behavior. the distinction between soft power and hard power. including the Japan Policy Research Institute (headed by the noted Asian scholar Chalmers Johnson) argue that the American military presence is more destabilizing than anything. that the arrangement is contributing to ³imperial overstretch´ rather than ³soft power. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.

´ CURRENT (September 1999). FOREIGN POLICY (spring 2000).. Nye. co-edited with Philip D.. 1986). Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1990). Jr. THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE (New York: Oxford University Press. August 2001) Nye.C. Joseph S. accessed May 1. coauthored with Graham Allison and Albert Carnesale (New York: Norton. THE OBSERVER. Nye. Bound to Lead: THE CHANGING NATURE OF AMERICAN POWER. Joseph S. Jr. 2002.-Feb.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS: AN INTRODUCTION TO THEORY AND HISTORY. Nye. Joseph S.html. Joseph S. Jr. Number 1. King (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Nye. ³Redefining America's National Interest: The Complexity of Values. Nye. Jr. ³Globalization: What's New? What's Not? (And So What?)´ [co-authored with Robert O. 3d ed. 1985).wcdebate. January 2002) Nye.co. Nye.. GOVERNANCE AMID BIGGER. Jr. Joseph S. D. Jr. Zelikow and Davic C. HAWKS. 2002.4384507... BETTER MARKETS (Brookings Institution Press.com . (New York: The Free Press. ³Military Deglobalization?´ FoREIGN POLICY (Jan. Nye. Joseph S.00. 1999) Nye.. Joseph S.. 2000). Keohane].: Brookings Institution Press. 2000. March 31. (New York: Longman.observer. http://www. Volume 9 Page 96 BIBLIOGRAPHY Japan Policy Research Institute.jpri. http://www. Joseph S. Nye. Jr.1. democracy. Joseph S. Nye.uk/Print/0. DOVES AND OWLS: AN AGENDA FOR AVOIDING NUCLEAR WAR.. Joseph S. Nye. GOVERNANCE IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD. Jr. WHY PEOPLE DON¶T TRUST GOVERNMENT.html. Volume V. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Jr. JPRI CRITIQUE. (New York: Basic Books.. Jr.org/jpri/public/crit5.com? Governance in A Networked World. 2002. ³The US and Europe: Continental Drift?´ INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (January 2000). January 1998. Jr.3858. Nye. accessed May 5.. Joseph S.. Joseph S. NUCLEAR ETHICS. 1997)... Donahue (Washington.. Joseph S. 2001). co-edited with John D. Jr. Joseph S. co-edited with Elaine Ciulla Kamarck (Hollis Publishing. Jr. Jr.

The Vatican did not lose its soft power when it lost the Papal States in Italy in the nineteenth century..uk/Print/0. The countries that are likely to gain soft power are those closest to global norms of liberalism. Power in the global information age is becoming less coercive among advanced countries. and that limits the transformation of power. and the Scandinavian states have political clout that is greater than their military and economic weight because of their support for international aid and peace-keeping. whereas others accept the benefits of international markets but worry that globalization is destroying democracy. 2002. 2002. In such a variegated world. such as China. March 31.4384507. THE OBSERVER.html. But most of the world does not consist of post-industrial societies. Prague. 2002.co. 2002. Imperious policies that utilised Soviet hard power actually undercut its soft power. and their coalition has not always been internally consistent. Quebec City. and Brazil.3858. and soft .observer. pluralism.C. http://www. PLURALISM AND AUTONOMY INCREASE SOFT POWER Joseph S. leadership in the information revolution and soft power will become more important in the mix. These protesters are a diverse lot. And countries like the Canada. and autonomy. March 31. 2. Jr.00. Washington.html..4384507. Nye. Some protesters claim to represent poor countries but simultaneously defend agricultural protectionism in wealthy countries.uk/Print/0. if current economic and social trends continue.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Soft power is not simply the reflection of hard power.wcdebate. D. are industrial economies analogous to parts of the West in the mid-twentieth century. India. SOFT POWER DOESN'T DEPEND ON HARD POWER Joseph S. FOREIGN AFFAIRS.remain relevant. THE OBSERVER. 4. Jr. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. accordingly.00.co. even though its economic and military resources continued to grow.uk/Print/0. accessed May 1." For globalization's supporters. LIBERALISM. 2002. those with the most access to multiple channels of communication. http://www.com .org/articles/Nye0701. Much of Africa and the Middle East remains locked in pre-industrial agricultural societies with weak institutions and authoritarian rulers. Conversely. March 31.observer. 2002. Jr. Nye.foreignaffairs. Of all their complaints. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. economic. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. GLOBALIZATION SHOULD BE MORE DEMOCRATIC Joseph S.. and those whose credibility is enhanced by their domestic and international performance. coming mainly from rich countries. Volume 9 Page 97 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY 1. 3. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Nye. Seattle. Jr. Other countries.3858.military. July/August 2001.html.. all three sources of power . http://www. It is becoming difficult for international economic organizations to meet without attracting crowds of protesters decrying globalization. These dimensions of power give a strong advantage to the United States and Europe. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government.00. accessed May 1.4384507. However. http://www. Nye. the Soviet Union lost much of its soft power after it invaded Hungary and Czechoslovakia. They have included trade unionists worried about losing jobs and students who want to help the underdeveloped world gain them. the Netherlands. accessed May 1. SOFT POWER IS MORE IMPORTANT NOW THAN EVER Joseph S. 2002. accessed May 2.3858.co. Protest organizers such as Lori Wallach attributed half the success of the Seattle coalition to "the notion that the democracy deficit in the global economy is neither necessary nor acceptable..html. THE OBSERVER. Some reject corporate capitalism. finding some way to address its perceived democratic deficit should become a high priority.observer. environmentalists concerned about ecological degradation and anarchists who object to all forms of international regulation. this last concern is key.

No one knows for certain what China's future will be. p. 2002. only China can produce an effective containment policy. WE CAN ACCOMODATE THEM Joseph S. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. Isolating other countries is bad policy. np. But it is not true in every case. containment is mistaken because it discounts the possibility that China can evolve to define its interests as a responsible power. p. A POLICY OF CONTAINMENT SIMPLY WILL NOT WORK Joseph S. Nye. 2002. In that sense.. 1998.. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. a crude policy of containment would not work. Washington's current hysteria about China is largely driven by domestic politics. in the new dimensions of military strength in the information age. Nye. 2002. accessed May 3. http://www. it exaggerates current and future Chinese strength. accessed May 3.nyu. p. New powers can be accommodated if they can be persuaded to define their interests in responsible ways. http://www. split over how to handle human rights during Clinton's trip. Jr. 1998. Containment has three fatal flaws. p. historians have known that great wars are often caused by the rise of new powers and the fears such change creates in established powers. http://www. he argued that such a course would make the world more dangerous. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 3. Third. For one thing.´ June 22. China lacks the capacity to project military power much beyond its borders..html. accessed May 3.com . Nye. np. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. which had an expansionist ideology and conventional military superiority in Europe. America's edge will continue to persist. as a quick survey of Asian capitals makes clear.´ June 22. CONTAINMENT HAS THREE FATAL FLAWS Joseph S.´ June 22. Moreover. while engagement can be reversed if China changes for the worse. Second. China's neighbors do not see it as a current threat in the way the Soviet Union's neighbors did during the Cold War. np.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.nyu. EVEN IF CHINA RISES AS A GREAT POWER. accessed May 3. Containment is likely to be irreversible.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. http://www. 4.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. 1998. Jr. First.wcdebate. Three times in two weeks.html.html.nyu. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. I agree. But the current debate between containment and engagement is too simple.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. In an election year. the United States could not now develop a coalition to contain China even if we tried..´ June 22. 2002. particularly given the fact that nationalism is rapidly replacing communism as the dominant ideology among the Chinese people. Only if China's future behavior becomes more aggressive could such a coalition be formed. but it makes no sense to throw away the more benign possibilities at this point. If we treat China as an enemy now. Pessimists about China's future and about America's continuing strength argue for a policy of containment analogous to our response to the Soviet Union after World War II.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. 2. It would be a pity if domestic politics caused Americans to lose sight of our long-term strategic interest in East Asia. Republicans seize on allegations of campaign finance scandals. Volume 9 Page 98 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING 1. 1998.nyu. That is the overarching question the United States faces in its relations with China. np. Jr. Disagreeing with those who want to isolate China. and illegal technology transfers to build campaign issues.html. the House of Representatives rebuked the president over China. Clinton defended his trip in a recent speech. ISOLATING OTHER COUNTRIES IS BAD POLICY Joseph S. we are guaranteeing ourselves an enemy. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. Ever since Thucydides and the ancient Greeks. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. Unlike the Soviet Union. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. Nye. Democrats looking forward to the year 2000. Jr.

JANUS HEAD Vol. More ancient still. Mount Allison University. Entrepreneurial dynamism. real-time.wcdebate. As such it allows for the free play of creative instincts.. http://www. In short. relies on the force of ideas rather than the force of arms. Mount Allison University. 2002. was the contrast between authority and liberty. np. Nye clearly sees µsoft¶ power as the way of the future. a µparadigm shift¶ as some enthusiasts would have it. On the one hand there were those who engaged with the world as it is. Included in this first definition are the ethical values which have been injected into the international arena by a number of mediating institutions. Fall. The comparative dimension was critically important.org/2-2/whunt.. the state-sanctioned application of force comes under the definition of µhard¶ power. insisting that it can be a force for good throughout the world. 4. His concern is with the present and the way in which the future can be brought to the present. 1999. to the test." Space-based surveillance. had given the United States a "dominant battlespace knowledge"-.janushead. by contrast. np. with coercive measures on one side of the divide and co-operative ones on the other. In the study of transnational relations. 2002. Involved as well were competing conceptions of political community. µSoft¶ power was associated with the relative strength of the American economy in relation to its competitors. This assertion rested on the strategic argument that America¶s capacity for accurate.as Operation Desert Storm and Operation Desert Fox presumably demonstrated. it approximates an anglo-American form of capitalism. an idealized version of what this form of capitalism represents. JANUS HEAD Vol. and at a greater philosophic remove. 2. No. Allied to this was a bifurcated view of the nature of public action. µSoft¶ power. 1999. Nye and Owens (1996) examine this from a geopolitical perspective.janushead.. accessed May 1.) Assumed here was a technologically-driven view of American intervention. "a force multiplier in American diplomacy. in his phrase. accessed May 1. Volume 9 Page 99 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG 1.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.org/2-2/whunt. JANUS HEAD Vol. µhard¶ power was about ends and the bottom-line criteria necessary to achieve those ends while µsoft¶ power was about process and the means to an end. (Operation Allied Force. p. direct broadcasting and a high speed µsystem of systems. Thus µsoft¶ power can work in tandem with µhard¶ power.org/2-2/whunt. Jr. or to be more precise. p. in areas where there is not an obvious national interest at stake.cfm. it was further assumed. Mainstream Hollywood movies as well as sophisticated advertising techniques came into this category.cfm. Fall. µHard¶ power was objective. The second seemed to indicate a larger transformation. But on closer inspection these categories seemed to take on an older dimension. 2. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. SOFT POWER STILL DEFENDS AMERICAN TECHNOSTRATEGIC INTERVENTION Wayne Hunt. He implies that it is superior to µhard¶ power because it relies on uncommanded loyalties. Fall 1999.cfm.¶ he argued. np. situational awareness of military field operations exceeds that of all other nations combined. 2002. the strategic balance between µhard¶ and µsoft¶ power has been much commented upon. Nye. In this context. According to Nye. Mount Allison University. put many of the beliefs about µsurgical¶ intervention. 2. http://www. No. by contrast. p. as. The first was readily understandable because it spoke to the traditional role of the state which was to provide for security of the person as well as the security of property. 2. NYE¶S SOFT POWER JUST SEEKS TO PROJECT CAPITALISM Wayne Hunt. was tied to the ability to innovate.janushead. In Nye¶s writings this longer scholarly tradition goes unremarked upon. In his view of the world there is a subtle but implicit business orientation in which the notion of µsoft¶ power takes on entrepreneurial boldness. and on the other there were those who looked to what ought to be. accessed May 1. unquantifiable and indirect. This was observed in the tension between realpolitik and idealism which analysts have long detected in America¶s relations with other powers. http://www. 2. No. NYE¶S VIEW OF SOFT POWER IGNORES HISTORY Wayne Hunt. The terms originate with Joseph S. 2. quantifiable and direct while µsoft¶ power was subjective. 2. as did advances in communications technology. as do the requisite material conditions necessary to sustain this force.com .

http://www. accessed May 5. In some respects. 1." he professed to believe that the poll reveals "Japan and the United States share common interests in the Asia-Pacific region. AND JAPAN Japan Policy Research Institute. aspirations that would not surprise any reasonably studious 15-year-old. mainly over details for implementing new defense cooperation guidelines. Number 1. So we get nuggets such as "countries that are well-placed in terms of soft power do better. the air surrounding Japan's American bases is decidedly unhealthy.S. 2002. whereas 58% of U. January 1998. investment adviser. tried to put a positive spin on the poll's results.S. That may not have been how it seemed at the time.9% of the Japanese and 20.952 people were interviewed. and this is especially so now that we have entered the Age of Terror and anti-terror. money) but also soft power (what anybody else calls influence) that counts. When respondents were asked which nations or regions they believed might pose a military threat to their own country.org/jpri/public/crit5. JPRI CRITIQUE. Yet we must choose. But in working out our strategy. one of the principal architects of last year's revised Security Treaty. and professors Joseph Nye and Walter Mead have come forward to explicate our condition and prescribe programs of policy. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The chief difference. JPRI CRITIQUE.S. Volume V. These are sizeable percentages.-JAPAN RELATIONSHIP IS FLAWED Japan Policy Research Institute. respondents believed that the Korean Peninsula posed a military threat. NYE IS WRONG ABOUT COMMON INTERESTS BETWEEN U. 69% of the Japanese named the Korean Peninsula. accessed May 5.wcdebate. is that Mead has written a valuable book while Nye's effort is feeble. but despite the immense might that that implies. 2002. While approximately half of both Japanese and U. There is a further statistic that should give both sides pause. Both make the same basic assumption: The United States is the world's only superpower.jpri. Feb.' the Japanese.S. Volume V. he argues that it is not just hard power (guns. Number 1.jpri. The latter's little treatise is long on cliches and short on substance. Today.S. NYE SEVERELY MISANALYZES THE DATA ± U. or simply drifting from one crisis to the next.1. respondents think that the U.S.S. Security relationship"-40." JPRI's reading of the same statistics is far less sanguine. 982 responded. so they say. http://www. B1. in a world with such diverse developments -Muslim hostility. planes.there are more options for our country to follow and more spokespeople to advocate them.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. NYE¶S EFFORTS AT EXPLAINING THE POST-SEPTEMBER 11 WORLD ARE FEEBLE Joseph Losos. these books are similar. 2. to put the matter bluntly. Confusing situations produce squadrons of deconfusers.html.S. Moreover. respondents gave the Middle East top billing. 2002. Security Treaty. and that if security is the air we breathe (to use Professor Nye's tired analogy). but commentators are notorious hindsight experts.com . it should tell us that we have become an unwelcome army of occupation rather than of liberation. so that this should be taken as the basis for decision. Joseph Nye.. In Japan. military presence in Asia should be maintained-which Joseph Nye cites as evidence of "the broad public support in both countries for the reaffirmation of the Japan-U.S. In an accompanying article.1. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH. outvote their 'guests' by two to one in calling for a reduction of troops must tell us something.4% of the Americans want the U. the Yomiuri published the results of an opinion poll it had commissioned from the Gallup organization concerning Japanese and American attitudes toward the Japan-U. Only 26% of the U. our freedom to do just what we want is limited. While he acknowledged "some perception gaps between the two countries on military cooperation. increased Chinese potency. for failing to make up our mind. ST. So much for some of those shared common interests. in the U. p. uncertain economic trends and many other crosscurrents -. 27. January 1998. Both authors argue that we cannot retreat from most or all of our present involvements. and the fact that the 'hosts.html. and a rather bad one." Throughout the book there are tables that propose desirable projects.S. Thus.org/jpri/public/crit5. these books definitely differ. of course. Most likely. military presence reduced. 3. perhaps even a superduper power. Last November 30. matters are much harder to figure out. Volume 9 Page 100 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED 1. is in itself a choice.

Volume 9 Page 101 RALPH NADER Great societies must have public policies that declare which rights. and in 1959 published his first article. ²Ralph Nader. and then his political project.wcdebate. he entered Princeton University. and like most immigrants they experienced some dissonance upon coming into the country and witnessing both great acts of public good and objectionable acts of elitist exploitation. took issue with the assumption. NADER¶S LIFE AND WORK Ralph Nader was born in 1934 to Rose and Nathra Nader. Applied beyond our borders. He attempted to get the administration to ban the spraying of DDT on campus trees.000 automobile deaths every year in America. Such policies strengthen noncommercial values. and. After exploring his life. and justified his position with painstaking research and eloquent prose. and so on. and infectious diseases that threaten to jeopardize directly our own national security as well as that of the rest of the world. Nader entered Harvard Law School in 1955. At the time. can provide wondrous opportunities to improve our country. finding these endeavors unsuccessful. I will conclude with some thoughts on using Ralph Nader¶s writings in debate rounds. he wishes that contemporary American politics was full of Ralph Naders. of course. Guided by such values. is almost uniquely attributable to Nader in American politics: corporations habitually blame consumers for defects in their products.com . there were nearly 50. Nader radicalizes the Jeffersonian tradition of democratic participation. The book contained a theme that. environmental perils. The automobile industry spent millions in "public service" propaganda blaming "the nut behind the wheel" for auto fatalities. He researched automobile safety anyway. At age 17. He immediately developed an aversion to the corporate orientation of both the courses and the professors' ideologies. we can better use our wealth and power to benefit all Americans. from the preface to Crashing the Party Among contemporary political figures. By age 14." in THE NATION. but wishes there were others like him. nourished by public enlightenment and civic participation. and simultaneously brings other radical thought into the mainstream. in a larger sense. would encourage patrons at his restaurant to participate in informal political debates. he had expanded the article into a devastating book. came to the defense of small business owners being abused by larger businesses. This essay will explore both the philosophical foundations and the practical political implications of Ralph Nader¶s work and thought. Lebanese immigrants who owned a restaurant in the small town of Winstead. assets and conditions are never for sale. from his student activist days to his two presidential runs. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. I will try to explain his philosophy. just as the rich blame the poor for being poor. Ralph Nader recalls. oppression. Ralph Nader is one of a kind. He had to do most of this on his own. Nathra. as Harvard Law School didn't offer such courses and the professors were enthusiastically uninterested. Nader wanted to study the legal issues involving food production and automobile safety. but wishes he were not. resigned himself to studying Chinese and preparing for law school. By 1965. Nathra and Rose had strong opinions about democracy. Nader believed--and would continue to believe--that car companies simply didn't believe safety was worth the cost. where he would have the opportunity to test his father's enthusiasm for public protest. which. Ralph Nader had closely read the classic journalistic muckrakers of his day as well as several years of the Congressional Record.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. He has been a thorn in the side of corporate power and governmental corruption for nearly forty years. these values can help us astutely wage peace and address the extreme poverty. people who devote their lives to working for reforms and exposing corruption within all power centers. "The Safe Car You Can't Buy. Nader. An excellent student. Connecticut. in fact. just as all perpetrators tend to blame the victims. UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE. and more than twice that amount of permanent disabilities incurred in automobile accidents. illiteracy.

This is Jeffersonian democracy at its most extreme. consumers.´ despite the best efforts of conservatives and moderates to paint him as such. and a plethora of other causes. would have a similar idea in 1970. he seems to have an inherent distrust of academic intellectuals (not a hostility. This is why it is grossly over simplistic to view Nader as merely a proponent of greater government control. "I know of no safer depository of the ultimate powers of society but the people themselves. First and most importantly. contrary to his predictions.. fought for increased water quality. which he exploited in order to launch a career of public service and anti-corporate activism. Many hold him uniquely responsible for Democratic candidate Al Gore's loss to George W. based on their tendency towards theory at the expense of action. (http://www. Nader took voters away who would have voted for the centrist Democrat Gore.org/history/bollier_chapter_3.nader." John Gardner.´ and as such.html) Nader¶s second philosophical premise is that power tends to corrupt unless it is checked by a wide array of citizens. have predicted how competing special-interest factions might not yield the public good. A statement Nader made in 1993 sums up his political perspective: What neither Clinton. In fact. then. indistinguishable from typical liberal democrats. innovative development in American politics at the time. when he founded Common Cause. virtually none have a serious agenda to strengthen Americans in their key roles as voters. The creation of a citizens' lobby to represent the people as a whole -. Why. the democratic "experiment" is about checking excessive power. as the quotation below explains. It represented a creative attempt to reclaim Jefferson's faith in "the people themselves. enduring change will require an institutionalized shift of power from corporations and government to ordinary Americans. in mandatory seat belts and air bags). Since the 2000 campaign. Education and Welfare. While other activists dedicated themselves to ending the Vietnam War. Nor could James Madison. could not have envisioned how moneyed special interests. author of the famous Federalist No. There are two basic philosophical premises behind Nader¶s politics.com . in a democracy.html) THE PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF NADER¶S POLITICS "In a democracy."the public interest" -was a bold. draws upon the American political tradition in much the same way as any social movement. reforms in the Food and Drug Administration. While politicians have now made an art of populist symbolism." But Jefferson. By campaigning to the "left" of Gore politically. and General Motors' attempt to discredit Nader assured his fame. but.nor most other Democratic Party proponents of change seem to realize is that significant. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Nader¶s philosophy can be summed up as ³citizen empowerment. procedural complexities and the brute size of the nation would erode the sinews of government accountability. Because of UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED.. official secrecy. Nader spent the rest of the 1960s expanding his project to include the creation of various task forces and groups of young advocates dedicated to consumer safety and rights.2/nader. Nader's "Raiders. Nader believes that ordinary people must make both corporations and governments more accountable. who had written." as they came to be called." ²Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter Ralph Nader is not a philosopher. most contemporary followers of politics identify Nader with his 1996 and 2000 Presidential runs on the Green Party ticket. a former Secretary of the Department of Health. Volume 9 Page 102 The book launched the consumer rights movement. 10 essay. workers. (http://bostonreview. Nader has continued to organize grass roots activists against corporate power and irresponsibility.wcdebate. albeit reluctantly. of course. a good government lobby that focused primarily on procedural reforms such as campaign finance reform and government ethics. First.edu/BR18. the people are the ultimate authorities. taxpayers. Of course. should corporations be held to the same standard as politicians? There are several sensible reasons for this. He is also not a ³radical revolutionary.mit. the highest office is the office of citizen. simply a distrust). some decades later. and shareholders.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Throughout the next thirty years. Bush in 2000. Congress enacted tougher automobile safety laws (eventually culminating. it is argued. it is also a contemporary application of Jeffersonian democracy to conditions he and the other founders could not necessarily have foreseen: The inspiration came directly from Thomas Jefferson. In 1969 he and his comrades formed the Center for Study of Responsive Law.

and increasing public financing of elections. to institutionalized. Term limits would increase opportunity for ordinary citizens to participate in government. not exist without the collective masses that sustain them. sometimes stretching centuries into the future. They are not heeding the warnings of Justice Louis Brandis and Henry Stimpson and Ella Herue. Wealth is not generated through the individual actions of individual innovators. Such an argument assumes what many capitalist apologists assume without proof: that citizens possess near-perfect information about public and private transactions and the effects of corporate decisions. giant corporations. literally. He does not call for the end of corporations or market economies. rather. a socialist. Reform our corrupt campaign finance system: Nader is a strong proponent of viable campaign finance reform. He is in favor of more accessible voter registration. and discourage ³career politicians´ who tend to become cynical and greedy. and since advertising does not normally reveal the truth about the production process. We are losing the two great pillars of American law. 56 Over the past two presidential races. many on the anti-capitalist left see Nader as wanting to "save" corporations and capitalism by forcing reforms that smart corporate executives would favor as a way to make themselves look better. Facilitate voter initiatives: Nader wants to make it easier to vote. They can control resources and make large-scale decisions about production and distribution. In fact. Set term limits for Members of Congress: Term limits allow the system to constantly rejuvenate and reinvent itself. over the past few decades. which should belong to everyone. most recently. referred to Nader as an anti-capitalist. Second. They can make decisions that have far-reaching environmental and economic effects. Nader is none of these.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ ±Nader. literally. limiting the amount of money people can spend on political campaigns. sellers need consumers.com . torts and contracts. Corporate law firms are composed of lawyers who have forgotten what it means to be a professional and who are themselves losing their independence. Little did I know then that in 1999 this very thing would be occurring. who warned about corporate law firms losing their independence to corporate clients by becoming mere adjuncts to the corporation's priorities. 1999. p. the kinds of "checks" which defenders of corporate power claim exist are not really effective. 2. a communist. checks must exist on corporate power because the classic individualist metaphors of entrepreneurship and hard work hardly do justice to the corporate juggernauts.wcdebate. Reclaim the public airwaves: Nader is very concerned that radio and television waves. any elected or appointed political leader. Volume 9 Page 103 Corporations have as much power as. And. Since most corporate decisions are made behind closed doors. Some less-than-eloquent critics have. Finally. the multinational status of many corporations makes them. even a Stalinist. wealth is a social creation: capitalists need laborers. and the use of referendums and initiatives to increase public control over the lawmaking process. He was instrumental in encouraging ³public access´ laws Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. citizens do not have the kind of information that voters in political elections possess. and also increase the number of things people vote for and against. All of these reasons provide sound philosophical justification for an increased watchdog role on the part of concerned citizens. Ralph Nader has tended to stress the following points as a political program: 1. 4. The classic argument is that citizens "vote with their dollars." Aside from the fact that this means people with a million dollars get a million votes. 3. So corporations need to be accountable because corporations could. "above" the laws of most nations. we had a joke that at Harvard they teach you how to distort the law of contracts and contract the law of torts. He sees the democratic process as little more than a joke if elections come down to who has the most money. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. and the resources extracted from the earth do not belong to any one individual in some a priori sense. NADER¶S POLITICAL PRINCIPLES ³When I was in law school. are available to the highest bidder. and frequently more power than.

Although Nader is not simply a pro-government liberal. or voting for Nader: Sam Smith is right when he points out that the liberal establishment in the Democratic Party--which includes the current congressional leaders of the party--''yawned as the Clintons disassembled their own cause and became incensed when Ralph Nader dared to defend it. because people respond better to self-management than hierarchical management. they were still comparatively closer to those ideals than were the Republicans and George W. OBJECTIONS TO NADER To answer Ralph Nader's underlying political philosophy is difficult. To begin with. and often makes things considerably worse. At present. 5. Steverman) reports. "the Green Party has a dozen chapters around the state. Volume 9 Page 104 requiring cable companies to devote some of their stations to public use. Bush. they simply find ways around the tough regulations rather than ways to comply with them. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. especially liberal Democrats. but the Green Party's current plans. and they are planning to run a candidate for every statewide office in Wisconsin. " Ralph Nader's 2000 Green Party presidential run angered many Democrats. at a time when many citizens seem to be drifting to the right. One must assert and prove not only that capitalism is desirable. Regulations fail.'' (VILLAGE VOICE. Green Party activists say they have learned a lot since 2000. his ideas clearly include tougher regulations. Of course. only four of which existed before the 2000 election.com . as some would say in reference to Bush." In Wisconsin. many people advocate pollution trading permits rather than strong regulations against pollution. but if they are threatened with punishment. as recent events demonstrate: The Capital Times (5/21. Even many non-libertarians favor measures such as tax incentives rather than regulatory schemes to make corporations behave better. since they alienated the voters who ended up either not voting at all. libertarians claim. including candidate Jim Young for governor. Libertarians generally believe that regulation of the market never yields the results intended. 2002) Another source of objection to Nader¶s ideas is found in libertarian philosophies. while Gore and the Democrats may not have been as faithful to Nader¶s ideals as the Greens were. higher taxes for corporations. The problem here is not merely one election. May 7. if successful.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. say Greens end up hurting the very causes that they support by playing the spoiler in many races. but also that elitism is desirable." (THE BULLETIN'S FRONTRUNNER. Democrats. Democrats respond that. 2002) The argument is that we must be willing to compromise. This is because those people believe that. He believes that ordinary people are not stupid. This is an ongoing argument. Along the same lines.wcdebate. we should settle for checks on that drift rather than try to get everything. could frustrate Democrats in Wisconsin and around the country even more. shareholders possess minimal power compared to the day-to-day power of corporate executives.´ we end up with nothing (or. The idea is that people respond favorably to carrots (rewards). It places in question Nader¶s whole philosophy of stubborn and dogmatic insistence that only his platform is viable and democratic. Most of these platforms stem from the overarching desire on Ralph Nader¶s part to increase citizen empowerment. May 21. and more restrictions on what people can do with their money. It is much more fruitful to concentrate on the pragmatic implications of Nader¶s beliefs than to question whether democracy and citizen empowerment are good things. Nader supporters responded that the Democrats had themselves to blame for the election loss. many people are angry that Nader¶s dogmatic and ³purist´ run for the presidency in 2000 supposedly cost the Democrats the White House. especially when they are given a chance to participate in the large-scale affairs that determine so much in their lives. if we hold out for ³everything. to accept some of what we want. Create shareholder democracy: Nader wants shareholders in corporations to have greater power over corporate decision-making. worse than nothing!). He would like to see much more of this.

wcdebate. we should keep it in check. Debaters wishing to explore more about Ralph Nader can do many things: read his books.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Greater participation by third parties and citizens¶ movements can help this happen. since such ideas prevent the excesses that fuel the anti-capitalism movement. read commentary about him. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and even update their files with the daily news reports about Nader and his movement. Unlike so many of our sources. most of the objections to Nader¶s ideas work well within the general framework of libertarianism and belief in a minimal state. Were it up to him. Nader eschews elitism. Ralph Nader inspires three main ideas with immediate and far-reaching implications on value debate: Capitalism can exist with checks and balances: Traditional value debates about capitalism and its alternatives tend to be very black-and-white. Writing about a living person is a lot different than writing about a long-dead philosopher. since it¶s what we have. and that lesson might itself serve as a reminder that alternatives must be pragmatic. Ralph Nader continues to make news every day. but he argues that. However. Alternatives to capitalism and globalization can be explored through a widening of the political arena: Conversely. Ralph Nader advocates the notion of citizen participation and a breaking down of the distinctions between government and people. CONCLUSION Ralph Nader is currently America¶s loudest and most passionate advocate of citizen participation and greater corporate accountability. not merely philosophically. in the strongest democratic traditions. One side argues that capitalism is necessary because it maximizes individual freedom. either-or. Democracy must be participatory: More than any other idea. IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE In my mind. it remains to be seen whether advocates of Nader¶s ideas can articulate the sense in which citizen empowerment differs from traditional advocacy of government intervention. government is the people. After all. but with many historical examples of the disasterous effects of unchecked power among governments and corporations. He might also open the door to more radical alternatives to the kind of politics and economics we seem destined to accept in the status quo. Nader is no fan of capitalism. while the other side emphasizes the problems of selfishness. his stubborn insistence that the people not compromise with those in power cost him a great deal of credibility in 2000. debaters might argue that political and economic alternatives exist. and not just theoretically attractive. and that we should explore those alternatives by broadening the political arena. Debaters may even be able to argue that the ideas of people like Nader are essential to capitalism¶s survival. At the same time. exploitation and imperialism.com . it would be citizens making the news instead of corporate news agencies. Volume 9 Page 105 Overall.

UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE [Expanded ed. Burt. Katherine. Ralph. 1972). Ralph. Charles. Nader. THE MADNESS ESTABLISHMENT: RALPH NADER¶S STUDY GROUP REPORT ON THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF MENTAL HEALTH (New York: Grossman Publishers. 1996). 1977). CRASHING THE PARTY: TAKING ON THE CORPORATE GOVERNMENT IN AN AGE OF SURRENDER (New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Nader.J. Ralph Nader Congress Project. 1974). ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK (Chicago: Regnery Gateway. 1997). 1973).: Prentice-Hall 1972). THE RALPH NADER READER (foreword by Barbara Ehrenreich (New York: Seven Stories Press. 1986). NO CONTEST: CORPORATE LAWYERS AND THE PERVERSION OF JUSTICE IN AMERICA (New York: Random House. Nader. Nader. CORPORATE POWER IN AMERICA (New York: Grossman. Martin's Press. RULING CONGRESS: A STUDY OF HOW THE HOUSE AND SENATE RULES GOVERN THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS (New York: Grossman Publishers. Chu. Robert F. NADER AND THE POWER OF EVERYMAN (New York: Grosset & Dunlap. Isaac. 1976). Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Nader.wcdebate. Gorey. Ralph.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. THE BIG BOYS: POWER AND POSITION IN AMERICAN BUSINESS (New York: Pantheon Books. Franklin D. CITIZEN NADER (New York: Saturday Review Press. Nader. Hays. McCarry. Volume 9 Page 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY Buckhorn. THE MENACE OF ATOMIC ENERGY (New York: Norton. Ralph. RALPH NADER¶S PRACTICING DEMOCRACY 1997: A GUIDE TO STUDENT ACTION (New York: St. Ralph. Dan M.com . Ralph. N.] (New York: Grossman. 2000). Nader. 1975). 1972). Nader. NADER: THE PEOPLE¶S LAWYER (Englewood Cliffs. TAMING THE GIANT CORPORATION (New York: Norton. Ralph. 1982). 2002). 1975). Martin's Press. THE CONSUMER AND CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. 1973). Ralph. Ralph. Nader.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.com . Homelessness and poverty are affecting large numbers of families and people than ever before. inflation is down. loan guarantees. 1986. Adam Smith knew that the ideology of the ³invisible hand´ was an idealization quite removed from market reality. 2. and genetic engineering are added to the stresses of conventional chemical. THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE SHOULD BE THE CONDITION OF THE POOR AND OPPRESSED Ralph Nader. If someone were to ask how much injustice exists in society.´ Working at high levels of abstraction. we would begin to see that twenty-five percent of children grow up in poverty and that this is the highest in the western world. CORPORATE WELFARE SIPHONS FUNDS FROM OTHER PRIORITIES Ralph Nader. production. totaling record amounts of consumer debt. Yet. This is very far from the way modern corporations plan to reduce risks through market power and to get the public to help pay their costs through tax breaks and other subsidies. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. 521. CAPITALISM REQUIRES CHECKS AND BALANCES Ralph Nader and William Taylor. limiting their ability to deal with reality. what Congress hears is that our economy could not be better. When Alan Greenspan reports to Congress every few weeks on the state of the economy. subsidize companies ripping minerals from federal lands. Corporate welfare programs siphon funds from appropriate public investments. perpetuate anti-competitive oligopolistic markets. The data one would use is arguably nonexistent. political activist. If the oligarchy controls the yardsticks by which we measure progress and justice. bailouts. Poor or oppressed persons are often downtrodden . Volume 9 Page 107 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST 1. CUTTING CORPORATE WELFARE.having accepted their condition and resigned. 13 Corporate welfare²the enormous and myriad subsidies. political activists. debt revocations. enable pharmaceutical companies to gouge consumers. tax loopholes. giveaways. p.´ the ³invisible currency. and marketing technologies. I think that the level of injustice in our society is partly a reflection of expectation levels. then we become very uneasy with the state of affairs. 56. 1999. 2000. 2. political activist. 56. If we were to use the people's yardsticks to report on the state of the economy. 1999.´ the ³invisible gene.wcdebate. then they also control agendas and that is what is happening. To introduce more managerial foresight and honesty. and unemployment is down. p. then those executives may think harder about how their work affects people. mass famines. he uses oligarchic indicators that imply the economy could hardly be better . political activist. schools.´ and the ³invisible bureaucrat. the stock market is up. CORPORATE POWER THREATENS THE PUBLIC GOOD 1. and weaken our democracy. artificial intelligence. We are then at a point where such a question cannot be answered without a firm understanding of our past. If people think more about how major business executives work. p. If the larger society has a higher expectation level. clinics. The need for distance grows more insistent every day²the mounting challenges of doomsday weapons. pampered executives can distance themselves from everyday life. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. Smith¶s ³invisible hand´ of 1776 has been joined two centuries later by the ³invisible atom. those at the peaks of corporate power need to have their thoughts and actions better known to the public. p. and public utilities are in extreme disrepair. THE BIG BOYS.profits are up. ELITE CONTROL OF THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE ENSURES FURTHER INJUSTICE Ralph Nader. There are a record number of consumers filing bankruptcies and living beyond their means in order to subsist.´ the ³invisible pollutant. Eighty percent of the workers in the bottom eighty percent of the job force have seen their wages decrease since 1973 when adjusted for inflation. injure our national security. discounted insurance and other benefits conferred by government on business²is a function of political corruption.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. how would you respond? The criteria for analyzing a just society is very primitive and unclear.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. state offices. It would destroy family farms and undermine consumer protections such as those ensuring that the food you eat is not compromised by unsanitary conditions or higher levels of pesticides and preservatives.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. we won¶t be able to compete. hoping to insert a special tax exemption or subsidy in the dark of night and have it voted on before the public (or even most Congressional representatives) know it exists. Operating under the deceptive banner of ³free´ trade. political activist. and environmental protections won by citizen movements across the globe in recent decades.com . multinational corporations are working hard to expand their control over the international economy and to undo vital health. STATE. or even national effort in the United States to demand that corporations pay their fair share of taxes. By contrast. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. provide a decent standard of living to their employees. and unaccountability: these are the watchwords of global trade policy-making. abstruseness. Enactment of the free trade deals virtually ensures that any local. 1993. and they know all to well from experience that threats of this sort are often carried out. for example. the North American Free Trade Agreement) and an expansion of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).S. Capitol. the U. GLOBAL FREE TRADE UNDERMINES LOCAL. citizenbased initiatives generally succeed only if they generate public debate and receive widespread support. or even at the United Nations. in the halls of the U. An unprecedented corporate power grab is underway in global negotiations over international trade. p. 1993. ³You can¶t burden us like that. water. 6. and make workplaces less safe. It would cost jobs. The Fortune 200¶s GATT and NAFTA agenda would make the air you breathe dirtier and the water you drink more polluted. GLOBALIZATION HURTS DEMOCRACY AND PROMOTES AUTOCRATIC SECRECY Ralph Nader.wcdebate. Narrow. will be met with the refrain. THE ENVIRONMENT.-Mexico-Canada free trade deal (formally known as NAFTA. depress wage levels. Secrecy. The megacorporations are not expecting these victories to be gained in town halls. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE.´ This sort of threat is extremely powerful²communities already devastated by plant closures and a declining manufacturing base are desperate not to lose more jobs. the U. The process by which a policy is developed and enacted often yields insights into who stands to benefit from its enactment. and land. and implementation of the trade agreements is designed to foreclose citizen participation or even awareness. in a bold and brazen drive to achieve an autocratic far-reaching agenda through two trade agreements. 3. 3. p. or limit their pollution of the air. political activist. corporate lobbyists roam the corridors before a budget or tax package is to be voted on. called the Uruguay Round. state. AND NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY Ralph Nader. 2. We¶ll have to close down and move to a country that offers us a more hospitable business climate. Volume 9 Page 108 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS 1. safety. adoption. 1 Citizens beware. AND WORKERS¶ RIGHTS Ralph Nader. 1993. If you do. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE.S. Every element of the negotiation. private interests inevitably prefer secrecy. p.S. Congress. political activist. GLOBALIZATION UNDERMINES HEALTH. They are looking to circumvent the democratic process altogether.

and social system. NADER¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY WOULD CULMINATE IN TOTALITARIANISM Dan M. professional ³public interest´ advocates would acquire a substantial amount of power to make decisions in both the private and public sectors. ³Public interest´ advocates would become new power-brokers. is not considered adequate to achieve the ³public interest´ or the ³common good. 20 What is clear is that Mr. which has been and remains in vogue in Western thought. away from the individual and into the hands of the government and ³public interest´ groups. Testimony is often given on behalf of the ³public interest´ before congressional committees and federal regulatory panels. NADER¶S ADVOCACY TRANSFERS POWER FROM INDIVIDUALS TO ELITES CLAIMING TO SPEAK IN THE ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ Dan M. Burt. But it is a radical departure from U. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. They do not put much faith in the democratic process that has been America¶s unique tradition for the past 200 years²that is.wcdebate. In other words. p. p. p. 8. and the economic votes we make every day with our money at the cash register. de-centralized political. It embodies an inherent distrust of traditional political and social organizations to represent the public adequately and to wage the fight for the ³common good. In some cases. America would become a more centrally governed and less free. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. This most often takes the form of intervention in the regulatory processes of the federal.S. This is a distinct political ideology. In this regard. Government would have an especially large influence on the functioning of the economy and. government would probably become more authoritarian or even totalitarian by encroaching more on our private lives as workers. economic. and seek to change it. Nader and his groups seek a greater politicization of life in America. Mr. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and local governments. 1982. where more decisions will be made by a few to affect the many. Burt. political tradition of the last 200 years.´ NADER IS ELITIST AND TOTALITARIAN 1. 20 Instead. on our daily lives. with its heavy reliance on individual choice. Burt. Ralph Nader seeks nothing less than a transfer of power in America. President of Capital Legal Foundation. Burt. NADER¶S ADVOCACY DESTROYS INDIVIDUAL CHOICE AND THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS Dan M. the political votes we cast regularly at the ballot box. and consumers. In sum. SEC. 2. Volume 9 Page 109 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY 1. individualistic nation. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ ADVOCACY UNDERMINES DEMOCRACY Dan M. Our diverse. President of Capital Legal Foundation. 1982. EPA and similar agencies do²the ³public interest´ groups would appear to want more politicization of life in America. President of Capital Legal Foundation.´ ³Public interest´ groups seek an alternative means of influencing decision-making in both government and industry. President of Capital Legal Foundation. employers. and it does not square with the common view of the nature of the public interest. the groups elect to fight the issues out before the courts.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 135 In place of our system of modified and limited individual choice and private enterprise²we certainly recognize and welcome much of what FDA. p. And it has been and would be a government they run. 1982. or in the investment markets. in turn.´ 2. and their ideology would have immense impact on political and economic activities and society as a whole. state. 1982. Nader and his network distrust the current political and economic system in the United States. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. at the bank. ³Public interest´ advocacy has become one of the signs of our times. a new elite of un-elected.

2. 2000.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. now vying for the Reform Party presidential nomination.it grants corporations some legal status as individuals. concentrated corporate power and the excessive disparities of wealth. although limiting his campaign spending to under $5. the one that ended apartheid. NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE RHETORIC OVERSIMPLIFIES THE ISSUES Paul Krugman. in his first major speech after leaving Congress. Nader presented his campaign as a "pull to the left" for the Democratic Party. Professor of Economics at MIT. p. In 2000. Michael Kinsley. He isn't like you and me. had it right when he characterized the Nader reason-for-being as "irritating others for the public good." reads the statement. p. July 25. July 25. who put forward economic nationalist slogans that drew favorable comment from Buchanan. he blamed liberalism for the Columbine school shootings. saying he has "learned a lot in the last few years about corporate power. we are the happiest. Those demonstrations were led by union officials and liberal and environmental activists.000" to Mexico. p. it seems to be not consumer protection but general hostility toward corporations. Newt Gingrich disgusted many people when. but which Nader denounced because of his fear that African companies would be "run into the ground by multinational corporations moving into local economies. or any corporation. Everyone knows about Nader's furious opposition to global trade agreements. NADER IS A NATIONALIST WHO EXPLOITS AMERICANS¶ FEAR OF IMMIGRANTS Patrick O¶Neill. Cohen. the Nader campaign intends to raise $5 million dollars. or Pfizer. 2000.corporate influence.wcdebate. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. C3." At the same time. Ralph Nader published an article attributing those same shootings to -. NADER IGNORES THE CONTRIBUTIONS CORPORATIONS MAKE TO OUR PROSPERITY Laurence D.com . A-19. in 1996 he "received nearly 700. columnist. Professor of Economics at MIT. healthiest.like the laws of every market economy -. markets. most prosperous nation in the world. 3.000. 2. Volume 9 Page 110 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE 1. Because multinational corporations go their amoral way. he said.S. NADER PRACTICES A RHETORIC OF FEAR AND OVERSIMPLIFICATION 1. because chemical companies have to put their gunk somewhere. Nader's 1996 campaign was marked by nationalist themes." The Green Party's press release states that "Nader's advisors claim that his campaign will help turn out the vote and could assist the Democrats in taking back Congress. NADER¶S OPPOSITION TO TRADE AGREEMENTS HURTS DEVELOPING NATIONS Paul Krugman. According to the February 21 Green Party news release announcing Nader's bid. the product of freedom to acquire and strive and create for personal gain. must be bad for the world.000 votes and finished in fourth place.) Similar fears led Nader to condemn South Africa's new constitution. But several days before Gingrich spoke." But you can't create a public good until you recognize the reality of a private good. editor of Slate. because insurance companies have to say no to some doctors sometimes. THE HARTFORD COURANT. But it is less well known that he was equally adamant in opposing a bill removing barriers to Africa's exports -. That's the problem with Ralph. The North American Free Trade Association treaty means "we're exporting jobs--probably about 350. columnist. Nader says he will concentrate on "democracy. At times Nader's hostility to corporations goes completely over the edge.a move that Africans themselves welcomed. A-19. October 22. THE MILITANT. prevent patients from getting drugs that might give them a decent life and prevent a moderate who gets along with business from becoming president. If you look for a unifying theme in all these causes. p. 2000." The campaign will have similar themes to the effort of four years ago." Nader will invoke "the message of last year's Seattle demonstrations against the WTO. March 6. He complimented rightist politician Patrick Buchanan. because -.000 to 400. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. To block opportunities for corporate profit he is quite willing to prevent desperately poor nations from selling their goods in U.I'm serious -. Nader now apparently believes that whatever is good for General Motors." (Most African countries would be delighted to attract a bit of foreign investment. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. 2000.

It had nothing to do with what I had written. alliterated metaphor that served partisan purposes at the time.´ What do we learn from reading the work of Lani Guinier? What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? To answer the first question. She was.com . which also had elections? Any democratic theory worth its salt has to acknowledge that an inability to vote equals an inability to call one¶s government a legitimate and functioning democracy. a ³quota queen. Let¶s start with what white citizens of this country take as a given: voting rights. including slavery. the right wing said. In the South (and. She examines all kinds of issues relevant to racial politics in this country.´ Guinier continues to teach law at Harvard Law School. That didn¶t stop the hounds once they had been released. it wasn¶t until the mid-1960s that African Americans had the right to vote. can it be said (really) that slaves were living in a functional democracy? How about a non-member of the communist party under the Soviet Union. And even then and immediately thereafter. Period. many places in the North). Volume 9 Page 111 LANI GUINIER Lani Guinier was unjustly passed over in one of the most highly publicized confirmation hearings ever. For understandable political reasons. she believed in quotas for minority hiring in order to make up for the problems caused by systematic racism for the past 200 years in this country.´ Just one problem: Guinier had never advocated quota-based hiring.wcdebate. it isn¶t a true democracy to you. As Mark Tushnet has written: ³Guinier's nomination to head the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division foundered because she understood those tensions and her work makes them apparent. Guinier's intellectual honesty made her politically unacceptable. So the first wave of voting rights laws dealt with these Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Attorney General for Civil Rights because. As for the second proposition -. Voting rights are the essential element of a democracy. and publish books. we get to inspect the ideas of one of the most forward-looking thinkers on race in America. Guinier was unjustly denied her rightful post as Assistant U. the politicians who control the nomination process preferred to keep the tensions under wraps. right? During and prior to the Civil War. but it was a very useful. write manifold articles on the subject of race in the United States. two: Quota Queen.S. we define you by no more than three or four words-in my case. though. In fact. That¶s not just me being partisan. GUINIER¶S THOUGHT Guinier doesn¶t just talk about affirmative action ± far from it. she OPPOSED quotas ± they went contrary to her notion of ³confirmative action. such a right was not truly meaningful. they claimed. As the woman herself said in a subsequent interview on the topic: ³Because we are in a sound-bite culture. Now. you didn¶t get to vote. places dealt with the issue in a straightforward manner: if you were black. For them. if you can¶t vote.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. After all.What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? ± we learn that being an insightful critical thinker instead of a partisan demagogue is a sure way to avoid public service at a high level.´ Guinier¶s version of affirmative action. We get to watch as one of the best legal minds in America grapples with issues to which there are no easy solution: to what extent does the pact inform today? What kind of remedies are effective for centurieslong discrimination? How can we ensure those remedies don¶t inflame the problem. to be fair. or create new forms of discrimination? These are questions without easy answers.

mostly Republicans -. For example. You vote for Jesse Ventura because he says he¶ll battle special interests. people -. it has another value: an instrumental value. Cracking and stacking are more complicated. the votes of minorities can be trumped by the White Folks Vote. You vote for Ralph Nader because he says he¶ll challenge corporate rule. cracking. We had to deal with it in the LAST presidential election. your parents (and certainly your grandparents) might remember a time when Black Americans didn¶t even have the lip-service right to vote. but they have the same result: the legislature has the "right number" of minority representatives. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 made sure of that. minorities often have a problem electing what voting rights law calls "representatives of their choice. Plus. if the right to vote represents full citizenship. The thing is. and created a right to select representatives of choice. You vote for Jesse Helms because you¶re a psychotic racist (hey. and you headed to the polls in Florida. The techniques are known in the voting rights field as packing.wcdebate. imagine you are a member of a minority group (and maybe you are): are your interests being taken into account? Since white folks are the majority in many places. if you go to vote. The Voting Rights Act Amendmnts of 1982 recognized that this was a problem. You sue your vote to elect people who will do the things that you want done.discovered techniques that would guarantee the election of some members of racial minorities while actually reducing the chances that the views of those representatives would prevail in the legislature. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 112 ³formal exclusions´ from the franchise: they FORCED states to allow Black Americans to vote. Hence. racial minorities are so few in number that candidates can simply disregard them. and some guy has a pit bull that snarls at you every time you approach the polls ± do you REALLY have the right to vote? Or. is that concentrating minorities in certain districts means that OTHER districts can effectively IGNORE their interests altogether. we ought to defend it for minorities. indeed. this is far from an issue we¶ve left behind. white people keep electing the aforementioned Mr. The only question was how to actualize this? In the past. this ³turned out to be something between a very bad thing and a disaster for racial minorities. Harvey Gantt. As Tushnet notes. Particularly as it became easy to use computer technology to draw district lines. it takes all kinds). The problem is that in other districts. though. and they are regularly outvoted. What is the solution? Some suggested establishing "majority-minority" districts so that minorities would be assured of candidates that reflected their interests.´ The other problem. alternatively. if you¶re one of the 90 percent of African Americans that voted for Al Gore. and Jeb Bush¶s thuggish state troopers told you to turn around and drive home ± do you really have the right to vote? As you can see.´ After all.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . and a slew of representatives who owe nothing to minority constituents. Something between a very bad thing and a disaster. Helms despite the fact that the Black man who keeps running against him. whites have gerrymandered districts so that minorities couldn¶t overwhelm the white majority and elect candidates of choice. is an excellent candidate who is notably NOT insane. and stacking. you can guarantee the election of a minority representative by packing as many members of that minority as possible into a single district. So. Again. The result is that you get one minority representative. And depending on how old there are. of course.

the tribes Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Reagan was re-elected primarily with the votes of traditional Democrats.com . Hence. stupid things. There would be problems with identifying these policies. People are self-interested. usually Ted Kennedy? GUINIER AND THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Now. you see things like former Washington Senator Slade Gorton cozying up to Indian tribes. or we¶ll filibuster and block the bill which brings the pork barrel project to your district. There are a couple of reasons why. for example. Just because you¶re in the majority now doesn¶t guarantee that you will ALWAYS be. every vote counts.´) After all. economic. why don¶t poor people just vote to take all the money from rich people through taxation? Well. whose theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity. This is especially true in close races or districts where there is an even split in political opinion. there needs to be some check on that abuse. there¶s the well-established propaganda system. For example. or political) ± because they may be the MAJORITY in four years. every interest group is up for schmoozing ± even traditional enemies.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but there¶s another reason.wcdebate. Oregon did in the 1990s) or to do other unconstitutional. So. the first of which is just logical: if the majority votes to legalize cannibalism ± or to legalize discrimination against homosexuals (as my hometown of Canby. They will vote to advance their own interests. When you¶re in power. and you¶ll be in big trouble. not all of which involve modifying affirmative action. Since every vote counts. too: voters and politicians have to think about the long term. even though he spent 30 years trying to screw them sideways ± in a close election.´ This topic is covered in great detail in the Madison essay. it doesn¶t work that way. what is a filibuster but a minority veto ± enacted by a minority of one. you don¶t want to totally ignore the minority (whether racial. (³Give us labor provisions in the FTAA bill. Volume 9 Page 113 Enter Lani Guinier. Sound radical? Ever heard of the filibuster in the Senate? That¶s an example of how. and that includes affirmative action. Guinier has many ideas for transformation of the current situation. It could provide them a valuable commodity (a small voting block) where they could trade votes in exchange for other favorable legislation. some might say there is nothing more democratic than majority rule. of course ± but even requiring a super-majority on all legislation might help minority constituencies. That includes people living in a democracy. SOME OF GUINIER¶S SOLUTIONS We started out discussing voting rights law not just because it¶s an important subject that often gets short shrift. but because it¶s just as integral to the thinking of Lani Guinier as anything else. Some involve changing the internal decision-making structure of state and local legislatures. The second reason is that those are the principles the Republic was founded on. Total majority rule. by merely threatening a filibuster on a certain bill or resolution. a structural reform might be adopted where passing some policies might require a greater margin than a simple majority ± it might take a two-thirds majority to pass policies that could systematically have a negative effect on minorities. And nice as that sounds. Guinier borrows the title of her book from James Madison. but let¶s review some of the high points here. This is one major reason both parties talk about bipartisanship: they want to appeal to voters of the other political party. Similarly. legislators can get concessions on another. That¶s why we have three branches of government ± to stop excesses and abuses of power by those who reach past their intended authority. for one thing.

to revamp their admissions policies based on various factors: Practicing confirmative action.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The best strategy lies in other means. regularly review and seek feedback on its admissions program. More often. try to actively undermine their interests. and abrogate their constitutionally guaranteed treaty rights). Volume 9 Page 114 don¶t want to blast Gorton with both barrels when he¶s in office. Hence. and is relatively easy to understand. This doesn¶t always happen that way. etc. You might be surprised. Her rationale for these reforms is simple. That means includes continually updating affirmative into new policies that Guinier calls ³Confirmative Action. people like Gorton just ignore their traditional enemies altogether ± or worse yet." Guinier's books and law review articles support only one conclusion -. If admissions policies and employment opportunities are truly to be merit-based. Stephen Steinberg. and so poor whites are also considered in programs like jobs and university admissions. college administrators. each institution would. rather than just in name. presumably. programmatic change) thinker. give feedback on. their interests will be better served by legislators.´ This includes modifying preference policies to consider class ± so minorities that are truly disadvantaged get the most preferences. we need to admit that those merit-based criteria exclude certain people ± you¶re not going to get as good grades as other kids. Guinier asks. and would include an assessment of what contributions society as a whole can expect from the student or worker after the preference policy assists them. That¶s why she¶s so concerned with voting rights reform: if minorities can be represented in fact.she believes a quota of minorities taken as representatives of the minority races as a whole will not truly give minorities a fair chance. seeing what is working and what is not. but many liberals consider Guinier a fairly ³conservative´ (in the sense of being careful and wary to offer wild. GUINIER AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION As noted above. This is a flaw Guinier finds in traditional affirmative action. has thoughts I feel are worth considering: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and neither race nor class should not be a determining factor in discussions. This is your basic Ward Connerly school of thought. with its specific mission in mind. though.wcdebate. The conservative critics are relatively easy to understand: we should all be evaluated on an individual basis.com . Guinier's political views in no way support her designation as a "quota queen. (He tried to take away their fishing rights. usually. if you need a 40-hour a week job and/or don¶t get enough to eat. health care projects. What does confirmative action entail? It entails a merit-based approach that is continually evolving. Guinier recognizes this. after all. crush their economic infrastructure. Guinier writes: So a policy of ³confirmative action´ would include economics as a decision calculus. There is a reason. for example. SOME CRITICS Critics of Guinier fall into basically two categories: the conservative and the liberal. However. And it would ask several important questions to guide such efforts: Are admissions processes consistent with the institution's purposes? Do they award opportunity broadly? Do they admit people who demonstrate competence and potential under a range of relevant measures? Are the relevant stakeholders involved in helping formulate. a left-wing critic of Guinier. that Indian tribes hate him so much. because he controls appropriations money for their environmental restoration projects. and carry out the criteria that are adopted? Do their decisions support the institution as a public place? Are graduates contributing back to the institution and the society it serves? This continual review process would involve.

People that are interested in building a more racially just.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 115 CONCLUSION Whether you agree or disagree with Lani Guinier¶s ideas -. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.and whether you disagree with her from the left or the right ± you have to admit her ideas are provocative.com . economically viable future should check out her work.wcdebate.

6/steinberg.mit. Guinier. "Don't Scapegoat the Gerrymander. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute." KENTUCKY LAW JOURNAL 86. Lani.3/tushnet.mit. accessed May 1. http://bostonreview. THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY: FUNDAMENTAL FAIRNESS IN REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY. LIFT EVERY VOICE: TURNING A CIVIL RIGHTS SETBACK INTO A NEW VISION OF SOCIAL JUSTICE. 1-16. Mark. Lani. Lani. 1077-1154.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1999. 89.edu/BR25. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center. 2002. accessed May 1. Tushnet. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994.html. BOSTON REVIEW.html. edited by J. New York: Free Press. 1998. 2002. 1995. Guinier.html. 1998. 1998. "Lessons and Challenges of Becoming Gentlemen. "The Triumph of Tokenism: The Voting Rights Act and the Theory of Black Electoral Success. Foreword to REFLECTING ALL OF US: THE CASE FOR PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION. Boston: Beacon. Ward. Steinberg. March 1991. Smith. Guinier. Guinier. p. December 200/January 2001.6/connerly. accessed May 1. 1998. 1994. Guinier. Lani. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.. 36-37. Vol. 505525." In REBELS IN LAW: VOICES IN HISTORY OF BLACK WOMEN LAWYERS. New York: Simon & Schuster. 5. Lani. Volume 9 Page 116 BIBLIOGRAPHY Connerly. Lani.mit." THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE. Lani Guinier's Certainty. Jr. Guinier. p." MICHIGAN LAW REVIEW. http://bostonreview. "Reframing the Affirmative Action Debate. No. January 8. 2002.com .edu/BR25. "President Clinton's Doubt. http://bostonreview. p. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. by Robert Richie and Steven Hill. p. Guinier. Guinier. Lani. Lani." NEW YORK UNIVERSITY REVIEW OF LAW AND SOCIAL CHANGE 24. C. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.edu/BR19. Stephen. December 200/January 2001.

Guinier is the most prominent voice in the civil rights community challenging such districting. there was seemingly no way she could dispel it: "Unbelievably. but we brand as "divisive" and "radical" the idea of providing similar remedies to include black Americans. about the need sometimes to disaggregate the majority to ensure fair and effective representation for minority interests. GUINIER IS THE OPPOSITE OF A ³QUOTA QUEEN´ Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting." 2. Apparently. her views were not only distorted.on June 4.there still was not a single quote from any of her writings. 9-10/92) because it "isolates blacks from potential white allies" and "suppresses the potential development of issue-based campaigning and cross-racial coalitions. 3. 4. rather than to the political firestorm that raged around them -. Professor of Law at Harvard University. p. some of us feel comfortable providing special protections for wealthy landlords or white South Africans. as it was for Lally Weymouth. The racially loaded term combines the "welfare queen" stereotype with the dreaded "quota. Nor did I write. praising ideas remarkably similar to mine. "Almost everyone is relying on reconstructions by journalists and partisans. both wrote separate columns on the same day in the Washington Post (7/15/93)." a buzzword that almost killed the 1991 Civil Rights Act. Another media tactic against Guinier was to dub her a "quota queen. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. p. No one who had done their homework seriously questioned the fundamentally democratic nature of "my ideas. electoral quotas or 'one black. Volume 9 Page 117 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM 1. so the majority at any moment will be just a transitory coalition of minorities. July/August 1993. The difference is that the minority that I used to illustrate my academic point was not. after the nomination had already been killed -. CONSERVATIVES ARE HYPOCRITICAL WHEN THEY CHALLENGE GUINIER¶S VIEWS Lani Guinier. Clinton's nominee as assistant attorney general for civil rights. he admitted in an interview with Extra!. p. George Will and Lally Weymouth. who after centuries of racial oppression are still excluded. many journalists preferred to simply repeat the charges of ideologically motivated opponents. a Reagan-era Justice Department official." reporter David Margolick wrote -"everyone" including himself.wcdebate. county and municipal governing bodies in America." An entire op-ed in the New York Times -. two conservative columnists. Lally Weymouth wrote: "There can't be democracy in South Africa without a measure of formal protection for minorities. How could Guinier's positions be distorted so thoroughly? Part of the problem was simple laziness: Rather than doing research into Guinier's record." But once the stereotype was affixed to her." George Will wrote: "The Framers also understood that stable. injecting further distortions into the process.Yet these same two journalists and many others condemned me as anti-democratic." a phrase first used in a Wall Street Journal op-ed (4/30/93) by Clint Bolick. the woman known as the 'quota queen' claimed she did not believe in quotas. In an article in the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review (Spring/89).was based on the premise that Guinier was in favor of "segregating black voters in black-majority districts.which appeared on the day her nomination was withdrawn (6/3/93) -. but in many cases presented as the exact opposite of her actual beliefs. color-coded ballots. EXTRA!." Indeed. I wrote instead about the political exclusion of the black minority in local. she stated that "the enforcement of this representational right does not require legislative set-asides. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. EXTRA!. In sharp contrast to her media caricature as a racial isolationist. p. EXTRA!. THE MEDIA ADMITS THEY ARE BIASED AGAINST GUINIER Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas ." columnist Ray Kerrison wrote in the New York Post (6/4/93). July/August 1993. In the media smear campaign against Lani Guinier. EXTRA!. about the minority of wealthy landlords in New York City. 3. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. July/August 1993.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 3. she has criticized race-conscious districting (Boston Review. THE MEDIA DISTORTS GUINIER¶S VIEWS TO THE EXTREME Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas ." In reality. When the New York Times finally devoted an article to her views. July/August 1993. as George Will did.com . tyrannical majorities can best be prevented by the multiplication of minority interests. The problem is that Guinier is an opponent of quotas to ensure representation of minorities." In my law review articles I had expressed exactly the same reservations about unfettered majority rule. 3. the white minority in South Africa. 3. One of the most prominent themes of the attack on Guinier was her supposed support for electoral districts shaped to ensure a black majority -.a process known as "race-conscious districting. two votes' remedies.

³CONFIRMATIVE ACTION´ IS A COMMITMENT TO DEMOCRACY Lani Guinier.minerscanary. and what constitutes fairness for all. between claims of individual desert based on past opportunities and individual contributions based on future societal needs. 2000. np. THE CHARGES OF REVERSE RACISM AGAINST GUINIER ARE LUDICROUS Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . like one¶s family tree or family assets. she was critiquing it.com . in turn. becomes future-oriented and dynamic. It is changing and manifests itself differently depending on how you look at it. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. I tentatively call this a process of confirmative action. p. Merit. Volume 9 Page 118 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY 1. while keeping firmly in mind the democratic purposes of higher education and the specific mission of most institutions of higher education. Harvard Law School. can be chronicled with the proper instruments. accessed May 1.minerscanary. which showcase the experience of people of color and many women. Dynamic merit involves a commitment to distribution of opportunity not only at birth but also through one¶s life. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. even as it demands clarifying and explicitly stating our institutional objectives. Guinier stated that "authentic representatives need not be black as long as the source of the authority.org/mainart/confirmative_action. describing it as a "limited empowerment tool. http://www. 2002. legitimacy and power base is the black community. who carry a commitment to contributing back to those who are less fortunate. June 14.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but to ³lift as we climb.wcdebate. accessed May 1. she was not endorsing the concept of authentic representation.shtml. It requires modesty in our beliefs about what we can measure in human beings. in other words.´ Merit becomes a forward-looking function of what a democratic society needs and values rather than a fixed.shtml. because it takes lessons from both the testocracy as well as affirmative action to confirm a set of experimental and pragmatic actions that begin to link (ad)mission practices for all students to the broad mission and public character of higher education in a multiracial democracy. Our commitment to democratic values benefits from studies like the one at the University of Michigan. It is contextual and resistant to standardized measurement. In doing so. In other words. Professor. allows us to reconsider the relationship between individual merit and operational fairness. 2002." as George Will put it (Newsweek. AND SHOULD INCLUDE POOR WHITES Lani Guinier. A first step is to view ³merit´ as a functional rather than generic concept. But in a Michigan Law Review article (3/91). each of us is then obligated not only to succeed as individuals. Harvard Law School. 3. we must more carefully explore how to measure and what to call merit. July/August 1993. np. 2000. p. June 14. If we are to move beyond the present polarization in a manner consistent with the commitments to fairness and equality that both positions endorse. AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AIDS DEMOCRACY. In this fuller accounting of the democratic values of publicly supported institutions.org/mainart/confirmative_action." But more important. p. That focus. And she was repeatedly charged with believing that only "authentic" blacks counted. we confirm the benefits of affirmative action² but not simply to people of color²by re-casting merit as a practical term that is intimately connected with each institution¶s specific mission. in a multiracial democracy. 3. Professor. we should seek to reconfirm the democratic role of higher education in a multiracial society by re-connecting admissions processes to the public mission of both public and private schools. Many commentators painted Guinier as a racial polarizer who implies that "only blacks can represent blacks. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. quantifiable and backwards-looking entity that. 2. http://www. EXTRA!. 6/14/93)." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.

accessed May 1. given these tensions. BOSTON REVIEW.html. 3. Indian. they mount a frontal assault on the "prevailing selection procedures" of American society: academic standards measured by paper-and-pencil tests. Instead. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994. Unfortunately. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. attracting topflight students from around the world. according to Guinier's optimistic vision. BOSTON REVIEW. we ought to believe -. accessed May 1. their argument is not at all new.edu/BR19.have mistakenly seen politics as a zero-sum game. In 1970. 2002. GUINIER IGNORES THAT RACISM IS TOO DEEPLY ROOTED FOR HER PROPOSALS Mark Tushnet. to see Susan Sturm and Lani Guinier propose "shift[ing] the terrain of the debate. Nor do we lack for evidence about how their proposal would work. BOSTON REVIEW.apparently in the face of the failures of public policy -. is how optimistic and fundamentally conservative she is.6/connerly. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute.mit. GUINIER¶S IDEAS LEAD TO RACIAL POLARIZATION Ward Connerly. one for which we should all be ashamed. December 200/January 2001.edu/BR25. While the City College administration shared their concerns about racial equality and merit. is develop procedures which will allow all of us to work together to find the policies which will do that. free black. December 200/January 2001. octoroon. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute.6/connerly. Their prescription of emphasizing race anew merely resurrects the worst of our history.html. What is most striking about Guinier's work. 2002. in which what one group wins necessarily comes at the expense of another group.3/tushnet. http://bostonreview.mit.edu/BR25. Volume 9 Page 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY 1. and that those failures must result from a more deeply-rooted racism than Guinier is willing to acknowledge. 4. people -. The English Department is also enjoying a renaissance. Which invites the pessimist to reply that the failures of policy show that the principle of reciprocity really doesn't work on matters of importance to African Americans. http://bostonreview. City College¶s experiment has failed. The substantive failures of policy can be eliminated by following the indirect strategy of using the right procedures.html.wcdebate. the history of City College¶s experiment highlights the inherent problems in sacrificing merit on the altar of race. City College of New York embarked on precisely the same social experiment advocated by Sturm and Guinier today: open admissions. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. December 200/January 2001. For her.com . City College¶s School of Engineering remains one of the best schools in the country.mit. Thus. public policy could generate gains for everyone. Students admitted based on their prior academic performance continue to succeed. it was surprising.that society is not so racially polarized.edu/BR25. accessed May 1. Caucasian. SORTING PEOPLE INTO CATEGORIES AS GUINIER DOES IS RACIST Ward Connerly. http://bostonreview. Its efforts to create a student body with the right mix of skin colors have polarized it into two schools. 2002." Sturm and Guinier implicitly concede that preference proponents cannot carry the day while traditional measures of merit prevail. It is a long and sordid history. Thus. etc. Unfortunately. she proposes. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center. EMPIRICALLY.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Both departments¶ alumni often proceed to top graduate programs in the country.6/connerly. accessed May 1. 2. http://bostonreview. GUINIER¶S IDEAS WERE TRIED AND FAILED 30 YEARS AGO Ward Connerly.perhaps most particularly whites -. All we need to do. Hispanic. Sturm and Guinier ignore this fundamental reality. For its entire history. 2002.html.mit. and refreshing. The next step in fulfilling America¶s promise is to create a colorblind state. American governments at all levels have sorted us into categories based on our skin color: slave.

have the resources to pay for expensive prep courses. even if enacted. Sturm and Guinier also make a compelling case that it would be fairer and more productive to judge applicants on the basis of performance criteria. THE SOLUTION IS TO MEND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW.edu/BR25. though. 3. The problem. December 200/January 2001. don¶t fix it. Is so-and-so a "team player"? Does she do her job well? Does he have good communication skills? Does she make the tough decisions? Does he demonstrate leadership? Such judgments are easily tainted by personal prejudices. They may tell themselves that they are driven by realpolitik. THERE IS NO EVIDENCE GUINIER¶S PROPOSALS WOULD WORK Stephen Steinberg." 2. However.edu/BR25.html. Affirmative action is assailed by critics as violating cherished principles of "merit. http://bostonreview. the "testocracy" that is used to assess merit is neither fair nor functional. Though they do not say so explicitly. To be sure. here the syllogism runs into trouble. GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE IMPRACTICAL Stephen Steinberg. At first blush. is that they implicitly advocate these reforms as a surrogate for affirmative action policy." The entire thrust of their argument is to explore alternatives to affirmative action that will broaden access of minorities and women to jobs and universities. two troubling questions arise.mit.wcdebate. Sturm and Guinier declare that "it is time to shift the terrain of debate. this strategy may appear to be a sensible concession to political reality. http://bostonreview.html. As the saying goes. would their proposed reforms of the selection process. http://bostonreview. aside from the advantages that derive from better schooling.html. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Nor will Sturm and Guinier get the concessions they are bargaining for. December 200/January 2001. Sturm and Guinier could have concluded that the case against affirmative action is specious and therefore affirmative action should be upheld. accessed May 1. accessed May 1.edu/BR25. NOT GIVE UP AS GUINIER DOES Stephen Steinberg. Is this not the lesson of Bill Clinton¶s ill-fated proposal to "end welfare as we know it"? 3.6/steinberg. Their ideological enemies will revel in this retreat to a second line of defense by two law professors who are identified with the cause of affirmative action. On closer examination. First. but they end up acquiescing to the reversal of hard-won gains and falling back on reforms that are unlikely to be enacted in the foreseeable future. especially when the people doing the evaluations are white and male and the people being evaluated belong to stigmatized groups. is now poised to deliver the coup de grace. studies have consistently found that performance appraisal ratings of women and people of color are prone to bias." as Sturm and Guinier write in their opening sentence." 2.mit.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Indeed. Instead Sturm and Guinier make a case for overhauling the selection process that evaluates candidates for jobs and college admissions.6/steinberg. which has already eviscerated affirmative action through a series of decisions. 2002. 2002. Volume 9 Page 120 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE 1. The problem is that "for more than two decades.6/steinberg. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. 2002. are Sturm and Guinier capitulating to the anti-affirmative action backlash and prematurely throwing in the towel for the sake of an illusory consensus? Second.mit. Against this background. provide the access to jobs and opportunities that are today secured by affirmative action? The logic of Sturm and Guinier¶s brief can be stated as follows: 1. "if it ain¶t broke. rather than scores on "paper-andpencil" tests.com . affirmative action has been under sustained assault. What evidence is there that overhauling the selection criteria would open up avenues for women and minorities? In most large-scale organizations±corporations and universities alike±employees are routinely evaluated by superiors on an array of performance criteria. December 200/January 2001. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. there are compelling arguments for abandoning standardized tests that favor privileged groups who. Therefore±alas. they seem resigned to the fact that the Supreme Court. accessed May 1.

Theda Skocpol defines social revolutions as. in fact. ³class-based revolts from below. professor and well-known author. Her work focuses on a structural perspective and pays special attention to the specific contexts in which certain types of revolutions take place. Her earlier works focused more on revolution while her more recent literature tends to deal extensively with the United States¶ domestic social policies. As well as political revolutions that transform the state but not society and do not necessarily involve class struggles.) on her behalf (Impersonal at Best). Skocpol¶s work refutes such mechanisms as the best method. especially in analyzing revolutions. She points out that they are accompanied and partially carried out by. This perspective is useful for Lincoln Douglas debaters because it allows for method of examining values within a particular social and political climate and the effect they will have on particular resolutions. STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS.C. they involve the coincidence of political and social transformations. Skocpol a researcher. but she is a wife and mother. Her work includes discussions about the nature of the state. basic transformations of a society¶s state and class structures. Not only is Dr. First. Skocpol and Sociologists for Women in Society (SWS) filed charges against Harvard with the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (E. she then returned to Harvard¶s Sociology Department. that this particular form of change deserves special attention because they are a distinctive pattern of sociopolitical change that has a large and lasting effect on both the country where the revolution occurs as well as other nations around the world. The examples she points to are rebellions that. I will end with a general discussion of the importance of Skocpol¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debaters.wcdebate. EXPLAINING SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS In her early work.´ This type of change is not the only force of change in the modern world. Skocpol¶s way of tying social and political forces together and analyzing those issue which effect both provides debaters with a model for effective argumentation through a discussion of past events. Through comparative historical analysis she helps to create an understanding of international contexts and changes in domestic policies that spawn revolutionary change in a particular society. From 1975 to 1981 she taught as a member of the non-tenured faculty at Harvard (Homepage). The nature of the social revolution is unique because of its mutually reinforcing nature and the intensity through which they work. Dr. It also allow debaters to utilize historical examples without making it sound simply like a list that can be easily countered by a list on the other side. full scale social revolution has been quite rare. She argues that social revolutions involve two coincidences. Other forms of change never achieve this unique combination. Skocpol utilizes her experience in sociology and political science to analyze the nature of public policy and social revolutions. Volume 9 Page 121 THEDA SKOCPOL Theda Skocpol is the Victor S. than other types of societal change. However.O. She is involved in the community around her not only through her books but by contributing to local newspapers. She received her Bachelor¶s degree from Michigan State in 1969 and then went on to study for her PhD at Harvard. ³rapid. From 1981 to 1985 she taught Political Science and Sociology at the University of Chicago.com . Debaters are often drawn to a social science perspective on social change in order to explain the effects of their views on society. social policies and revolution through historical and comparative methods. In addition to all of this responsibility she still finds time to be what she calls her readers to be. In 1981 the all-male department of Sociology at Harvard refused tenure to Dr.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Skocpol argues. She now has tenure in both Sociology and the Department of Government at Harvard.´ (4).E. She then uses her knowledge of history to create a more generalizable framework and allow readers to move beyond particular cases. Thomas Professor of Government and Sociology at Harvard. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. involve class-based revolt but not structural change. by nature. Social revolutions are fundamentally different. In this essay I will briefly describe some of Theda Skocpol¶s most prominant works and the theories she has developed in them. shows Skocpol. a social revolution involves the coincidence of societal structural change with class upheaval. an active citizen. Next. Each section should provide another useful way of approaching domestic and foreign topics in the realm of social policy or social change. She is a native of the state of Michigan.

if it wins.´ The concept of the welfare state began in countries like Australia. New Zealand and Brazil between 1880 and World War I. The structural perspective taken by Skocpol is one that examines.com . and the resources available to the group. During wartime nations like Britain became successful in maintaining and increasing such policies by juxtaposing their model of the ³welfare state´ against the Nazi model. exists in the framework of the ³welfare state. The idea of political-conflict is based in the assumption that.S. Other issues dealt with by the Social Security Act were things such as unemployment insurance. or new class or group interests and potentials for collective mobilization. the United States¶ model. Americans tend to perceive these programs as handouts to people who are lazy and haven¶t earned them. Skocpol examines these issues in order to analyze the way the United States chooses to give out social benefits. which they labeled ³the warfare state. The same method may prove successful in answering a plan that could have detrimental effects. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.S. Britain and Germany where governments enacted laws concerning hour and wage regulations as well as arbitration of labor disputes for workers. The federal government has never created a national health insurance policy and though it offers some subsides for public assistance programs it is left up to the states to administer such policies. their social position. In the past individuals in a variety of areas. in following Skocpol¶s model successfully a debater would outline a particular stance on the resolution. Volume 9 Page 122 Skocpol¶s work draws heavily on Marxist tradition from which she recognizes that class conflicts figure prominently in social revolutions. political science and history being the most prominent have discussed the concept of welfare. For this understanding political-conflict theories are necessary in Skocpol¶s analysis.´ that view is inaccurate. undertakes to establish its own authority and program. These countries also began noncontributory pensions for the elderly. Thus. and examining how their development was effected by who could vote and have an effect on the legislation. The term ³welfare´ has always been a negative term in United States political discussions. which left states in charge of taxes and allowed them to determine coverage and benefits. While all of the previously mentioned nations provided social benefits directly from the nation¶s budget. ³«collective action is based upon group organization and access to resources«´ (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14). She takes the Marxist analysis further by examining other factors that have an influence on social change.wcdebate. which started long after these other nations¶ programs. Finally.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. mass-based movementcoalescing with the aid of ideology and organization. Skocpol takes the work from both of these areas in to consideration in understanding the development of social policies in the U. if affirmed. Then there develops a purposive. This concept makes receipt of such benefits demeaning and citizens attempt to avoid them. could create a situation that would lead to an undesirable revolution. and insurance for workers. not all social revolution is a positive thing. After understanding that a particular class may come to a place where they realize the can struggle for change it is also important to understand how such groups may carry out their objectives. Early social spending in these countries continued to spread to other nations as well including Denmark.that consciously undertakes to overthrow the existing government and perhaps the entire social order. A debater can use this strategy to make the argument that the status quo is good or at least that the case brought about by their opponent. The Social Security Act of 1935 included contributory retirement programs as its only national program. social disorientation. those individuals capable of creating change. for better or worse. changes in social systems or societies give rise to grievances. MATERNALIST SOCIAL POLICY FRAMEWORK In American political debates it is common to hear politicians refer to this nation as a ³welfare state.´ Though many politicians would like to believe that the U. (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14-15) Obviously. the revolutionary movement fights it out with the authorities or dominant class and. never followed a noncontributory model and in only one instance was anything allotted directly from the federal government to the citizens. Hopefully. Her claim is that: First. through this analysis the debater should be able to show how their stance can create positive changes in society. the conditions that cause change.

was published in 2000 and all of the issues that she addresses are still important in current political debates. In order to explain this paradox Skocpol developed her theory of the ³missing middle. This could be followed by reports of the Clinton administration¶s success at keeping the economy up and unemployment rates low. Volume 9 Page 123 The welfare state concept has always been approached from a masculine standpoint. In such a political climate it struck many people as strange that Theda Skocpol would choose that time to speak out about inequality in America. politics and business. She argues that up until this point the role of literature on women and welfare has been to sensitize readers to the subject and it therefore treats the subject through the use of narrative and interpretive essay. which included the charities and the home. while paying the taxes that sustain retirees now and into the future.wcdebate. Skocpol takes on the challenge of creating a straightforward treatment of gender and social policies while learning from the more tentative arguments that have previously been made on the subject. Her theory applies to Working men and women of modest economic means.S. moves away from an understanding of United States history as one where powerful men made all the decisions and women could only make marginal gains under a patriarchal framework. ³U. Welfare literature often ignores the gendered dimension when examining American politics.´ When talking about the middle she refers both to those individuals who fall into the middle of the socioeconomic spectrum as well as the middle of the generations. First. political institutions and variously structured social movements and political coalitions´ (PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS 36). The framework she sets up in this work provides yet another useful mechanisim for analyzing problems with the social and political structure in the United States while finding workable solutions to those issues. This book defends an understanding of the power of various women¶s organizations that make up the women¶s movement in America. This has a number of implications for debate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Most importantly however. Her book. They are adults who do most of the providing and caring for the children.com .people who are not children and are not yet retirees. by examining pensions and programs for males and the elderly as well as subsidies for women and children. Despite media reports that America was in a prosperous time the majority of the country was feeling overworked and underpaid. a widely accepted understanding in the U. (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. A shallow analysis of this problem may yield support for an understanding that American media is inaccurate. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS. this perspective allows debaters to move beyond shallow criticisms of a patriarchal structure to a full understanding of what that term truly means and how it may be an inaccurate criticism of United States policies. The fundamental understanding and belief has been that the public sphere. the subject is not presented as one sided but rather analyzed through an understanding of the interplay between a variety of forces which she claims include women¶s organizations as well as. The work done by Skocpol in her book. the stock market was up and social spending was high as well. in this case the media was absolutely right.S. this different perspective is one that allows debaters to emphasize the role of women in the history and development of United Stats social policy without painting the male population in a negative light. unemployment was down. However. This mentality causes theorists to miss important issues when attempting to understand the history and development of social policy in the United States. Most nights the average American could turn on the news and see President Bill Clinton or Vice President Al Gore promoting their latest policy to put health care in the hands of the people and provide opportunities to the working class. Second it provides a well rounded concept of social policy in the United States. Skocpol alters that reality by examining gendered social policies as well as maternalist policies in her work. having trouble obtaining health care and proper treatment at their jobs and not seeing the great wealth they heard about every night from the news media. Skocpol develops a maternalist theory of the United Stats social policies. THE MISSING MIDDLE The late 1990s were a fairly positive time in American history. THE MISSING MIDDLE. was for males and females were responsible for the private realm. She explains the powerful place middle-class women found themselves in once they began to organize around particular issues affecting their place in society. However.

wcdebate. She points out that political debates devolve into conflicts between what are seen as the ³rich´ and ³poor´ in American society on issues such as welfare. Though the Clinton administration can tout low unemployment rates and a high stock market it is irrelevant to a large portion of the population.S. taking this approach insures that politicians leave out the largest portion of American society. the working population. society and economic life´ (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8). because the theory of the missing middle addresses. The low unemployment rate sounds good but ignores the fact that more Americans are working harder for less money than they have before and a majority of those same people could care less about a rising stack market because they don¶t own stock or have the time to learn how to invest their money because they are too busy getting out there and trying to earn it.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The group Skocpol seeks to address are generally working Americans who spend long hours at a job because they need to feed families and want to create a decent life either as a single parent or in a dual income home. working class parents it provides a realistic mechanism for assessing the resolution which your judges may often relate to. This work is especially important for Lincoln-Douglas debaters to have as a tool when determining a perspective with which to shape the debate for a couple of reasons. This may leave some debaters thinking. are generally ignored in political debates. because Skocpol¶s theory tends to address the unspoken majority in American society she may provide a safer perspective when you are having trouble with audience analysis. Skocpol argues. First. The reason many Americans found themselves feeling overworked at the end of the 1990s while the media reported on the positive status of America was because they were. who Skocpol argues. Those individuals who fall in the middle of the generational and socio-economic spectrum. many of them parents. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 124 The people she is referring to are the one who fall somewhere in between the ³poor´ that are often the focus of welfare debates and the wealthy professionals who are usually defended in political debates by the conservative politicians.com . why would I want to take a middle of the road stance if there will still be a lot of literature that clashes with it? The answer to this is simple. mainly. By examining a resolution through the missing middle perspective you seem to be avoiding the extreme positions and providing a discussion that is more palatable yet it will always clash with the dominant positions in these debates. Skocpol argues that because politicians continue to ignore the middle section of people in America¶s diverse spectrum of individuals they continuously miss the needs of this population. While college student and professors who judge Lincoln Douglas debate may be more amenable to radical discussions on either the right or the left of the resolution these individuals are not always the largest portion of a high school debater¶s judging pool. More recently social policy debates have become an issue of the elderly verses the young. Additionally. ³are truly at the epicenter of the changing realities of U. Politicians tend to juxtapose the needs of an aging population with the programs designed to help underprivileged children. While all of these groups are relevant to discussions on social policy. this theory differs from most current social and political theories in that it stand right in the middle of the dominant perspectives and still provides tons of clash with all of the things around it. Often working parents make up a large portion of the audience at tournaments and Skocpol¶s theory of the missing middle may be the perfect perspective with which to approach a resolution and make arguments that your audience can relate to. and still are.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Skocpol¶s work is useful for any Lincoln Douglas debater who finds themselves in a debate about domestic or foreign social policies. her criticisms and explanations end with plans for practical actions that could bring about desired change. Volume 9 Page 125 LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE APPLICATIONS Some of the implications of this author¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debates have already been outlined in previous sections. which LD tends to draw upon.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Instead. This particular theorist¶s work is a great tool for debaters because she takes the time to analyze situations from a viewpoint that allows the reader to examine historical examples. tied together with values and political context as well as factors such as class. to explain events. they will find useful examples and explanations that support the arguments they choose to make.wcdebate. The final reason that debaters may find Skocpol¶s work accessible is that she does not merely offer an explanation of why things are the way that they are nor does she stop after a thorough criticism of a particular structure. Here I would like to give a more broad discussion of the application of Skocpol¶s work to this activity. No matter what subject a debater may access this author¶s work to find she will end her discussion with a workable solution to the problems laid out in the discussion. Following her structure will allow debaters not only to have a political theory on which to base their arguments but it will provide a logical structure that culminates in a workable mechanism for change that should make sense to the critic. reading Skocpol¶s work will assist debaters in understanding perspectives that may be used to answer their case and providing them the tools necessary for refuting such arguments. In Skocpol¶s book a debater will not only find a framework through which to construct a case.com . She takes great care in pointing out the roots of social policy as well as explaining work done in a variety of fields and showing what other scholars have contributed to the research. Additionally. Her work provides a mechanism for examining proposals made in the form of policy action as well as those that are created more as social changes. She also does a beautiful job of answering those theories that she chooses to disagree with.

April 30.S. Greenberg.´ OFF OUR BACKS.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. 1996. ³Impersonal at best: tales from the tenure track. and Nicole Mellow.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. Terrance C. Steven.wcdebate.171. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS: THE POLITICAL ORIGINS OF SOCIAL POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES. Theda. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1984.W. 28. THE MISSING MIDDLE. Halliday. STATES & SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FRANCE.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Skocpol. 1997.. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. Felicia A. Skocpol. Volume 9 Page 126 BIBLIOGRAPHY Barker. Theda. RUSSIA & CHINA. 1979. 2000. Gretchen. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1982. Kristin Kay. p. New York: Cambridge University Press. Gail Lee. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. THE NEW MAJORITY. 1999. Kornbluth. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science.com . Theda. Case. Skocpol. Boston: South End Press. 1992. p. Ritter. May 31. Skocpol. 1997. September 2000. p. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.183. Dubrow. New York: W. Norton & Company.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. Wineman. Theda and Stanley B. Fall. July 31.

in combination with the postmodern suspicion of theories that make social life sum up into a neat coherent whole. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. September 2000. Rather. Neither neo-Marxists nor Skocpolians offered a model that entirely works for feminist students of welfare. The negotiations and conflicts among politicians. historical sociologist Theda Skocpol delivered a series of blows that threatened to bring it tumbling down. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science.wcdebate. Volume 9 Page 127 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD 1. 3. In The Wages of Motherhood (1995). it provides an analytic concept for understanding the nature of political relations and state institutions. July 31. To this already weakened edifice of Marxian theory.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. However. governmental institutions. the emphasis of both models on determination and autonomy. Kornbluth. these institutionalized forces create policy opportunities and barriers. and elite interest groups account for much of the remainder. the history of social policy is understood by situating it "within a broader.183. 1996. p. and policy feedback loom large. to the emergence of particular government policies from particular governments. SKOCPOL CAN ACCOUNTS FOR INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS BEARING ON POLITICS Kristin Kay Barker.for accounting for the trajectory of social provisions. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States. the literature under review profiles both the tight links between sexism and state policies. "only (extremely flexible) outer limits. This type of policy and law research offers one of the most promising venues for integrating gender in such a way as to both critique and reformulate standard theories and interpretations of AP.. Simply stated. Skocpol pushes social determinants out of her study so far as to load the dice in favor of autonomous state actors. "[C]apitalism in general has no politics.com . However. just as the neo-Marxists admitted the "relative autonomy" of politics while loading the dice in favor of "determination in the last instance" by economic power. and the random walk that such policies often take along their autonomous historical paths. electoral rules. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.S. Case. There is a tradition of research in the area of social welfare exemplified by scholars such as Theda Skocpol and Gwendolyn Mink that has influenced not only scholarship on American political development but interdisciplinary feminist scholarship as well. Research on policy in a historical context tends to be preoccupied with broad theoretical questions that are of concern to feminist and other political theorists. 1997.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. [S]tate structures and party organizations have (to a very significant degree) independent histories. April 30. bureaucrats. In her newest work. that is. weakly bureaucratic "Tudor polity. Skocpol asserts that the early development of American social policy was shaped by a social feminist movement that advocated for the establishment of a maternalist welfare state. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. p. the United States possesses a decentralized. I will necessarily condense her account. Although not always explicitly. In other words.." she argued in 1980. Associate professor of American Politics at University of Texas at Austin and Nicole Mellow.. has helped in describing the complex historical relationships between masculine power and government policy. resulting in over 500 pages of text. Skocpol introduces the term "structured polity" to describe the mix of political autonomy and social constraints that operate to produce social policy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. in her polity-centered perspective (much as in her earlier state-centered model). INCLUDING GENDER IN POLITICAL STUDIES IMPROVES THE ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK Gretchen Ritter.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. Given the enormity of her undertaking. 14 In Skocpol's vision. bureaucrats. Mink follows the development of this welfare state through the New Deal and argues that it was not only gendered but also racialized in ways that lowered the civic status of poor women and nonwhites.a polity-centered perspective -." whereas historic monarchies like Sweden and France have strong central states-has enormous weight in shaping public policy. Skocpol's larger theoretical agenda is to substantiate her framework -." 13 Skocpol and her colleagues redirected the focus of study. Together. political parties and officials. organizationally grounded analysis of American political development"(526). from whether and how economic elites could determine political outcomes. Professor of Sociology. SKOCPOL¶S EXPLAINS STATES POLICIES' RELATIONSHIP TO SEXISM WELL Felicia A. Gender is being used not just to add women to a fixed political picture. 2. a graduate student in the same department.171. the shape of a government in itself-which she takes as mostly invariant over time. In Protecting Soldiers and Mothers (1992).

history may have believed (in Ladd-Taylor's phrase) "that there is a uniquely feminine value system based on care and nurturance" or (in Gordon's) have "imagined themselves in a motherly role toward the poor. which were largely closed to their putative workingclass beneficiaries-so were maternalist policies maternalist in two ways. Many women reformers in U. Although often overlooked in scholarship focused on state provisions to workers." she writes. Skocpol clarifies her operating definition of maternalism by analogy to the "paternalism" she argues characterized most other welfare states. "Pioneering European and Australasian welfare states. Felicia A. the story was different when it came to what might be called maternalist legislation. in Protecting Soldiers and Mothers. More important. MATERNALISM UNDERSTANDS THAT WOMEN HAVE A POLITICAL ROLE AS MOTHERS. April 30. were doubly paternalist: Elite males.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. and children figured prominently in the configuration of early welfare politics.." or as the fractious.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. they were designed by ambitious middle-class women for working-class women. that women as mothers deserved a return from their governments for the socially vital work they performed by raising children. maternalism represents a unique political philosophy that is particular to the historical moment at which it emerged. For over 20 years feminist scholars have outlined the ways in which maternalist rhetoric and strategies were employed in the formation of social policy campaigns and crusades.183. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. post suffrage women's movement. with the latter's perceived best interests in mind. 2.171. 1996. (P. bureaucrats and national political leaders." However. they offer a fundamental restructuring of our current understanding of what is political. [W]hile very little paternalist legislation was passed in the early-twentiethcentury United States. 1997.171. Case. Felicia A. in their processes of creation.S. April 30.S. 3. programs designed "in the best interest" of workers. Readers may also hear in maternalism. echoes of what historians of the early national United States have termed "republican motherhood. federal social programs for mothers." But we can distinguish maternalism from social feminism. These texts continue to advance the larger claim of feminist scholarship that existing categories of analysis fail to capture adequately women's realities. which treated men as fathers and heads of families. Kornbluth. time-bound contribution to political thought. In content. potential mothers. Maternalists were those reformers at the turn of the twentieth century who believed that motherhood or potential motherhood was a legitimate basis for women's citizenship. Case. Maternalist reformers may be familiar to some readers. Historical accounts of the emergence of maternal policies are significant not only because they make for a richer representation of the crucial years of welfare-state development in Western capitalist democracies between 1880 and 1940. SKOCPOL PROVIDES THE CLEAREST UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALIST POLICIES Kornbluth. 317) As paternalist social policies were paternalist in two ways-in their content.S. and/or that governments had a special responsibility to ensure the health and welfare of children. rather than just along the lines their organizations requested. which simultaneously justified a public role for women and affirmed women's primary responsibility for children. republican motherhood. Professor of Sociology.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. they treated women as mothers who made claims on the state thereby. July 31.com . who know them as "social feminists. and in their processes of creation. THE HISTORY OF MATERNALISM SHOWS THE IMPORTANCE OF WOMEN¶S EXPERIENCES Kristin Kay Barker. p. Volume 9 Page 128 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED 1. 1996. p.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. p. exhausted.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. and other reform ideologies by emphasizing its special. established regulations or social benefits for members of the working class-that is. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U.

36. not the idea of child care as public service to all. they represent a different version of how to sustain the corporate capitalist structure.in the interests of the corporate order. New York: Routledge. The case of child care and mothers' pensions reveals both the strengths and the limitations of an ideology rooted in arguments about women's natural capacity as mothers. Volume 9 Page 129 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE 1. While maternalism empowered the early female philanthropists to establish day nurseries and the NDFN to improve them. p. Similarly. Michel. Senior Research Fellow. THIS CAUSES THEIR POLICY INFLUENCE TO OFTEN BE COUNTER PRODUCTIVE. Theory of the State." MOTHERS OF A NEW WORLD (ed. Hence Shamir maintains that if it is good enough to argue for the autonomy of the state and its managers. It was the limited vision of women's rights and responsibilities.centered approaches. 1999. maternalism can also cast public child care as peculiarly unstable enterprise with a self-divided and self-defeating sense of purpose. Instead.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Point for point. Ironically. np. but also maternalism that contributed to the humiliating and punitive treatment of recipients. Shamir sympathizes with Theda Skocpol's thesis that state managers develop their own agendas. 307. law and its carriers had been reduced to a mere instrumentality" (p. teaches American women's gender. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. which continued to be reproduced not only by experts on children and the family. SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE FAILS TO RECOGNIZE THE AUTONOMY OF LAW. but also by policy makers seeking to restrict governmental services for women. 1993. it was maternalism that fueled the campaign for mothers' pensions. after the turn of the century maternalist ideology began to weaken as parent education and other fields challenged the notion of maternal instinct and called for training and professionalization for those who dealt with children." MATERNALISM IS FLAWED 1. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2. MATERNALISM CAN ONLY PROVIDE A LIMITED CONCEPT OF RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES FOR AMERICAN WOMEN. a substantial literature has arisen that critiques the failure of pluralist theories to recognize the centrality of the state as an institutional actor with interests of its own with some measure of autonomy from the economic and political interests that emerge from the market and civil society. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES. she is also the co-editor and author of a variety of works on these subjects. "The Limits of Maternalism. reliance on industrial production which poisons the planet. If the true agenda of the conservative program is to serve the interests of big business. in both class and state. liberal human services leave basic elements of the political economy in tact: structural unemployment. Terrance C. p. Sonya. 1984. Halliday.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. from legislators to bureaucrats to social workers.com . but he criticizes Skocpol and other state theorists for failing to comprehend law's autonomy: "In asserting the autonomy of the state. American Bar Foundation. the hidden function of the welfare state is to maintain political and social stability and to deter fundamental change. the predominance of giant corporations. Author. it is also good enough to take seriously the autonomy of law. and that became maternalism's legacy to the American welfare state. to "do good. Within political sociology. p. THE WELFARE STATE IS AN INSTITUTION OF EXPLOITATION THAT CAN'T BE REFORMED Steven Wineman. This function proceeds despite the conscious of many individuals. severe stratification of power. It is a mistake to view the welfare state policies as representing a qualitatively different system from the conservative program. Fall. What became extracted and reified was the single trope of the woman as mother in the home. 165). Northwestern University.wcdebate. and social welfare history at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Adjunct Professor of Sociology. Koven & Michel).

They did share some fundamental beliefs and assumptions about proper role of government and the proper construction of families. while these gendered assumptions did not necessarily express antagonism between men and women. NORWAY. 2. Spring. PhD. without directly expressing the distinctions between the two concepts. 1996. in the way Gordon sees it. a result of gender values shared by both men and women. Volume 9 Page 130 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN 1. However. to be sure. She has no critique of maternalism". or rather a set of meanings culturally constructed around sexual difference.wcdebate.male and female welfare reformers worked within substantially the same gender system. In the entire book there is no discussion of male power in general or in its specifics -or. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. Gordon is able to underscore that men and women were holding similar visions of the economic structure of the proper family in which the welfare state took its form. the same set of assumptions about proper family life and the proper sphere for men and women. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. Spring. this supposed unity denies that women's agency also derives from other aspects of their social position. after all. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. says Gordon. 1996. PhD. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. Gender is. in a context of male domination.. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. the problems in Skocpol's interpretations are already present in the outset of the book: she fails to produce any adequate definitions of what she means by "paternalist" and "maternalist".PHILOL. but one that did not fit the needs and understandings of many less privileged citizens". it is a difference. and Gordon claims that "she produces an entirely celebratory account of the women's organizations she studies. says Gordon. Gordon thinks it is false to believe that a kind of unity among women was present at this time. to put it inversely. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. np. np. in order to maintain the family wage system. not merely a neutral or benign difference.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In other words. p. NORWAY. SKOCPOL'S ESSENTIALISM REINFORCES A DESTRUCTIVE GENDER BINARY. The absence of such a specification and definition is a result of her failure to ground her concept of gender in questions of male and female power. . of the fact that the forms of political power with which Skocpol is so concerned are shaped by their maleness. they were anything but universal: "they expressed a dominant outlook. researcher at European University Institute.. Gender means "female" for Skocpol.The maternalist strategy was after all a result of women's lack of political power.PHILOL. Skocpol uses maternalism as an opposition to paternalism. often called the two-track welfare system. determined by class as much as by gender. p. Gordon indicates that Skocpol's analysis is not matched by familiarity with scholarly debates on gender. with the exception of the structural differences mentioned above. To Gordon. The stratification of the American welfare system into the social insurance and public assistance program. SKOCPOL'S GENDER ANALYSIS IS SIMPLISTIC AND INCOMPLETE Eirinn Larsen. and thus the concepts of paternalism/maternalism refer to an inequity of power in relation to both gender and generation. Women's activism was as much as men's. Clearly. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." Gordon continues: She [Skocpol] generalizes about these "maternalists" as if they were manifestations of some universal female principle. By not employing gender as a male/female opposition. researcher at European University Institute.com . "Specifically. but Skocpol identifies these commonalties no more than their differences. Eirinn Larsen. was. Gordon continues: "This failure exemplifies ways in which Skocpol's approach to the influence of gender is undeveloped in relation to the theoretical level of much scholarly gender analysis today".

especially Friere. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. self-actualized woman who survived harsh racism. perceived as a productive activity for a young girl to be engaged in. hooks was born in 1952 in Hopkinsville. She points out that. racism and classism. She chooses to use this particular name in honor of her great-grandmother who she sees as a powerful. there are many aspects of his work that have nurturing qualities for hooks and she feels justified in overlooking the sexist tendency. sexism and classism. Though hooks will make reference in her works to scholars who have influenced her work. This is accomplished in most of hooks' work through the contribution of her own life experience. She has been extremely successful in applying her personal experiences in feminism. For her. In her classes. Paulo Friere. WRITING STYLE bell hooks is a scholar. She could often be found curled up on her bed on a mental escape in a good book. Growing up hooks was taught that men did not like to be with smart girls and if she ever wanted to marry. At the university she found herself further away from individuals expecting girls to seek out married life but the sex discrimination was not gone. She knew there was something else out there for her. Unfortunately she realizes that it is this choice that often causes her work to be passed over for use in institutions of higher learning.wcdebate. that too much reading would change her life. politics. Volume 9 Page 131 bell hooks bell hooks is the name chosen by Gloria Watkins as her pseudonym.´ Determined to overcome these notions. In the period from 1980 to 1998 she produced sixteen books as well as numerous articles and speeches. race and gender studies but she more often chooses to write from her experiences and to adopt a more narrative style regardless of the type of work she is composing. She uses her own experience to help others understand the hierarchy that exists in American society.com . The desire to marry was not something bell hooks chose to focus on.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. which allows the author to combine reflex and action. generally taught by white males. and the destructive effects of sexism. Despite this realization hooks continues her practice because she feels the accessibility of her work to those outside of the scholarly community is more important. including hooks. She later returned to California to obtain her Ph. This interest in books was not. highly knowledgeable in a variety of areas including literature. hooks argues that her choice to avoid particular citation formatting of her work is not careless writing but rather a conscious choice to make her writing more accessible. She earned her bachelor¶s degree from Stanford University where she expected to find a more enlightened view on the role of reading and education in a woman¶s life.D. as it might be today. she would have to avoid excessive involvement in books. she found a hostile reaction toward discussions of ³feminism. academia and her southern upbringing to a criticism of society that speaks to readers among a variety of audiences. which was supposed to be the primary goal in every girl¶s mind. her writing style functions as a critical tool that breaks down accepted notions of proper and improper in academic scholarship. From the age of ten she was sure she wanted to become a writer. Friere's work has served as a model of critical consciousness. In her reading hooks found one author who she had a particular connection with. she does not generally conform to rules of source citation or footnoting. Despite the fact the many feminist critics. Kentucky. She follows his model because it is participatory and employs the notion of praxis. Her father feared. it was simply recreated in new ways. Hooks describes her grandmother as: bell hooks is a prolific author. from the University of California in Santa Cruz. hooks continued writing and went on to Yale after graduating. correctly it turned out. have indicted Friere as "partially blinded by sexism"(Women Writing Culture 106). This is part of her attempt to decolonize her mind and the minds of other colonized people. Like everything hooks does.

sex or class. hooks deals with issues that are important in the lives of everyday people. which seek to create a more open society free of oppression on the basis of race. Let's reclaim them. capitalist culture that uses racist. Let's share them. not very different from anything the students could relate to. after gaining a better understanding of bell hooks¶ thoughts on society it would be beneficial for debaters to examine the literature in her books or online dealing with any variety of issues in society from education to politics and medicine. no bussing. We have those definitions. Her argument is that we live in a patriarchal. also occurs in the classroom where students are presented with white heritage and values but not called upon to consider the history of any other cultures and when those cultures are presented they are generally shown as they are perceived by the white historians. which was obvious to her as she took the long bus ride to her all-black school. Patriarchy is the privileging of males over females. No matter your debate topic hooks has probably written something that applies. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Mass media is generally seen as a mechanism for entertainment but with the frequency that it is viewed in American society there is a tendency for individuals to accept those things consistently seen on television as normal. and classist educational policies. The bus riding process seems minor but it was one major example of the racist dehumanization young black children like bell hooks were forced to endure. The prominent group controlling American mass media are white males. Racism privileges one group of people over another based on racial classification. they just got up in the morning and went. RACISM Growing up hooks attended segregated elementary schools. this essay will deal with her general theoretical arguments and the literature on those subjects. Let's start over. in a capitalist society it is those with the most money. hooks discusses pictures in her all-black school that portrayed black people as primitive savages in loin cloths. in a white supremacist society white individuals have the highest concentration of power thus white people are seen as superior to any other racial group. racism within feminism. Because of this values conveyed by television play themselves out in everyday life. sexist. Frequently the media represents black people in subordinate roles to whites and fails to represent their reality or daily concerns. hooks has written so much and had such an effect on so many lives that her name is highly noted but she hope that the lower case letters at least cause people to consider what it is they have attached themselves to. FEMINISM "Feminist politics is losing momentum because feminist movement has lost clear definitions. she argues. Even the smallest elements of bell hooks¶ work are purposeful. social movements and educational biases. There are a few terms that are frequently used in criticisms of the structure hooks describes. Classism creates an elite group. The letters at the beginning of her first and last name are lower case to how that the person is not as important as the message and in hopes that people would become more connected to her words than simply attaching themselves to a name. and it privileges that group over disenfranchised peoples. This process. (KILLING RAGE) There are five major angles from which hooks chooses to analyze white supremacist tendencies in society: American nationalism. No one ever informed her that she was living in a white-supremacist nation. Vernacular is another tool she uses to maintain connection with her roots as well as connections to her audience.com . legitimating standard English. She argues white supremacist values continue to develop in society even today. The lower case letters were an attempt to avoid the status of icon but the name remains one regardless. representations of their value structures and a devaluing of non-white people further marginalizes those groups. It is experiences like these that cause her to point out that the ³world is more a home for white folks than it is for anyone else«´ (BONE BLACK 31).West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 132 She often feels free to alter the structure or grammar of her writing depending on the audience. hooks explains that the mass media plays an enormous role in the construction of images that construct America¶s social reality.wcdebate. hooks argues that this acts as a barrier to self actualization by creating a false consciousness. white supremacist. She indicts institutions and promotes a multitude of values. She remembers getting up in the earliest hours of the morning so that she could make the long bus ride she always noticed as they passed the white school those student appeared well rested because they lived in the area where their school was located. hooks articulates the impact of white supremacist media influence as socialization and colonization of the mind.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY. may even create a new type of feminism for the ideas presented in their work. However. She argues that feminists are made.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY she points out: This is the reason many early feminists lashed out at men. We can share the simple yet powerful message that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression. sexist exploitation. bell hooks is in the business of consciousness raising. At the core of her feminist theory is the assumption that racism and sexism are intimately intertwined forms of oppression. She points out that when feminist politics can be divided and connected only to equality with elite white males it prevents society from recognizing the need for revolutionary change and allows small gestures toward equality to pacify people."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 6) Often people will refer to the feminist movement as a collective whole and while they do tend to come together on many issues each major feminist thinker in American society has their own take on the definition and qualities of feminism.com .wcdebate. hooks argues against the impression that feminism is only. and all manner of printed material that tells the world about feminism. She believes that this is a good definition of the feminism because it does not imply that men are an enemy of the movement. These structures are mutually reinforcing and dependent. In her book. Occasionally an author. is the heart of the matter. Work on personal issues have caused feminists to group together based on their lifestyle. men are not the sole reason there is sexism in society and feminists had to eventually learn to fight the oppressive structures through sisterhood. ads everywhere and billboards. She argues that in order to rectify the problem we must. Let the movement begin again. Volume 9 Page 133 postcards and hip hop music. they perceived them as the problem and the reason for the perpetuation of a sexist structure that allowed them to be dominant. or their critics. RACISM DIVIDING FEMINISM Earlier it was said that there are a variety of definitions of feminism. and always.´ This lead women to begin working on things that most affected them. Let's start there. Feminists who are recognized by the media and the American culture are generally white women and black women in the movement. have often felt marginalized. bell hooks sees feminism as. hooks identifies this as the most destructive force in current feminist ideology. not only on feminist issues but a variety of social concerns. Because of this a more beneficial definition of the feminist movement is the one used above by hooks that provides cohesion. While it is important that feminism address all of the structures that support oppression they have decreased some of their power by dividing on particular issues. Sexism. The women¶s movement has fractured into multiple movements based on the area certain women are most concerned with. and oppression. hooks¶ argument is that these groups need to come to this realization and reunite to regain power for social change. television and radio commercials. not born. hooks¶ version of feminism is one that goes beyond traditional notions of a feminist movement that only deals with women¶s issues to include race. Though hooks advocates unity among feminists she realizes that the prevalence of racism even in the roots of the movement itself create a problem. When talking about a particular feminist position it is important to clarify what the author's point of view is on the subject so that everyone is functioning in the same conceptual framework. she argues. and that individuals who choose to advocate feminist ideals do so as a result of a conscious choice that comes from consciousness raising. like hooks. about women becoming equal to men and she indicts the notion that feminism is anti-male."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 1). not division in the movement. The white supremacist culture has less difficulty recognizing upper class white women¶s experience then the experience of those generally excluded from this grouping. It is broad and able to include institutionalized sexism. Issues of who perpetuates sexism or whom it is directed toward are irrelevant. ³acknowledge the ways politics of difference have created exploitative and oppressive power relations between women that must be contested and changed´(SKIN DEEP 272).´ She argues that most women became involved in women¶s rights movements as a result of their efforts to create change in a cultural setting. As women identified structures that were hindering their self-actualization they looked to their own lives and realized that nearly all structures in American society were part of hooks¶ ³white supremacist patriarchal system. "a movement to end sexism. The goal of her writing is consciousness raising in order to overturn the ³white supremacist patriarchal system.

When faced with a case that advocates a particular ideology. it silences their voices out of the movement further denying self actualization to this group of people. even worse. She provides a unique perspective for creating practical approaches to societal issues. One of the most important issues for hooks as an author is a student¶s ability to read. Manifestations of this racism can be seen in schools as well as in the workforce. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The wonderful thing about hooks for debaters is that she does not simply critique. Finally. Combined with knowledge of social realities and academic subjects hooks is an author many audiences can relate to.wcdebate. in this area she not only has a vast array of works dealing with expression but also mass media and she attempts to come to grips with what society can do to move away from destructive expression without censoring out groups who are already marginalized by the dominant culture. Her theories work well to indict any affirmative case that does not question its own underlying assumptions. Not only is her work easy to locate but it is simple to read. Volume 9 Page 134 White women often speak for black women without fully understanding their experience and thus complicating the problem with increased racist assumptions under the guise of positive social change. LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE bell hooks is a wonderful resource for debaters because of her application to a wide variety of concerns. White feminists also have been known to express connection with black women¶s experiences while completely missing their point of view all together. one of the most important parts of winning a debate is the ability to persuade your audience that the stance you have taken is correct. That makes her a good person to refer to when constructing cases as well. The key is finding the appropriate discussions to have with particular audiences in order to raise consciousness. These are only a few of the many areas bell hooks has chosen to write about. debaters tend to want the information accessible on the computer as well.com . Her criticisms apply to every conceivable area of American life because she critiques the fundamental structures in which we live. She may criticize the educational process in America but her books also discuss what can be done to alleviate detrimental effects of a problematic educational system. Her use of personal experience allows her work o be passionate and compelling. Freedom of expression is another great area to use hooks¶ work. The next great thing about bell hooks is her accessibility. Having the dominant culture speak for black women in the movement is not only damaging because it creates misunderstanding but. Whatever the flaw. using hooks¶ work debaters should be able to uncover the problems with assumptions made in the case construction process. Not only can you find her work but when you sit down to read it you will not be lost. hooks will generally have something to criticize because even when someone is conscious to avoid racism and sexism they often don¶t recognize the critical role class plays in the assumptions we make about the way society functions. She looks at issues of poverty and class and discusses the ways that a feminist perspective addresses those issues. Type the name bell hooks into internet search engines and you will find tons of information. Type her name into any library data base and you are bound to find something written by this author. While white supremacist sexist society guarantees a devaluing of women¶s experiences and their bodies white women will always be better off on this structure than black women because of their race.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. A careful deployment of hooks¶ work can bring audiences to your side. media and the academy. Let¶s face it though. even her publishing company has made parts of the book FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY available on their website for free. This critical approach may seem most accessible for a debater on the negative who wants to critique the dominant stance of the affirmative case. she even writes interesting children¶s books! Bookstores often carry a sampling of hooks¶ major works as well. She wants to make her work something that everyone can understand the issues that are important to her. Because she is so interesting people want to provide information on her.

West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Cambridge: South End Press. ³Black Woman Artist Becoming. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY.wcdebate. SKIN DEEP: BLACK WOMEN & WHITE WOMEN WRITE ABOUT RACE. 1995. bell. New York: Henry Holt. hooks. New York: Doubleday. 1994. hooks. hooks.´ LIFE NOTES (ed. bell. New York: Henry Holt. 1995 hooks.com . Olsen. YEARNING: RACE GENDER AND CULTURAL POLITICS. hooks. bell. Boston: South End Press. Albany: State University of New York Press. and Elizabeth Hirsh. 1995. bell.W. Norton & Company. bell. WOMEN WRITING CULTURE. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. Namulundah. Gary A. hooks. BONE BLACK:MEMORIES OF CHILDHOOD. Volume 9 Page 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY Florence. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. Patricia Bell-Scott). 2000. 1998. bell. New York: Henry Holt and Company. New York: W. 1990. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. WOUNDS OF PASSION: A WRITING LIFE. 1999. 1996. Marita and Susan Richards Shreeve. Golden. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM.

traditions. 1994. this very effort promotes and fosters serious psychological stress and even severe mental illness. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. as I observe them suffer in ways that not only inhibit their ability t perform academically. educational. and class specific. Anglo-Saxon sociocultural traditions functioned as a ³prerequsite to social acceptability and access to the political structure´ (Banks 1988. Once slavery ended. since we who are black can never be white.58). 14.. 1989. gender. Namulundah Florence. p. 11. Students from marginalized cultures find their primary cultural values and traditions inadequately represented and/or denied. White people¶s values. TALKING BACK: THINKING FEMINIST. for the space it sought to own and conquer was the minds of blacks (1995. In a white supremacist society. The subordination of one group¶s cultural traits and characteristics has significant impact in marginalized students¶ experiences of schools and/or incorporation of official curricula. However. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Of course. but threaten their very existence. a ³white´ self. Critical. Embedded in the logic of assimilation is the white-supremacist assumption that blackness must be eradicated so that a new self. 1992. (1981. 1988. just as racism overshadowed any bonding between black women and white women on the basis of sex. these values and traditions are racial. feminist and multicultural critics highlight the fallacy behind mainstream norms and practices. 1988. McNaught. 1998. 67. currently policy makers(Banks. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness.122) 3. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. Insisting on the primacy of racial discrimination. In the United States. p. p. groups such as African Americans. unlike Northern and Western European immigrants.109). hooks.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. This strategy of colonialism needed no country. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. at its very core it is dehumanizing. Boston: South End Press. 1996). AMERICAN SOCIETY HAS A WHITE SUPREMACIST CULTURE. ASSIMILATION HAS A DESTRUCTIVE EFFECT ON BLACK STUDENTS bell hooks. in America. p. 2. 1996). Volume 9 Page 136 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE 1. Nelson et al. feeling and knowing as the norm. Historically. hooks contends: Racism took precedence over sexual alliances in both the white world¶s interaction with Native Americans and African Americans. My concern about the process of assimilation has deepened as I hear black students express pain and hurt. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. THINKING BLACK. hooks succinctly states: In the beginning black folks were most effectively colonized via the structure of ownership. AMERICAN CULTURAL BIAS IS ROOTED IN COLONIZATION Namulundah Florence. Chinese Americans. white supremacy could be effectively maintained by the institutionalization of social apartheid and by creating a philosophy of racial inferiority that would be taught for everyone. 1995. in this case. While assimilation is seen as an approach that ensures the successful entry of black people into the mainstream.com . Essentially. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. p. p. 1998. and practices are engrained in social policies and norms serving as basic criteria for social and economic mobility. colonization of the continent led to the institution of economic. and political structures that primarily served the interests of the colonizers . and Mexican Americans faced greater challenges in trying to assimilate as a result of possessing different cultural traits and characteristics from the mainstream (Banks. It is argued that a pervasive false consciousness is reinforced in society due to the sanctioning of exclusive ways of being. can come into being.wcdebate.

wcdebate. a strengthened when black males and females participate as equals in daily life and struggle. thinking we are trying to take something from each other (whether it is the privileged white woman who thinking that a black woman is trying to take some of her power from her or to make herself more powerful or it is black women feeling like thee are these white women who have everything and want more). np. Associate Professor of English and Women¶s Studies at Oberlin College. suspicious ways that we often view white women. Volume 9 Page 137 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST 1. social critic. 1995. social critic. in response to specific contexts. New York: Henry Holt. active and passive. I want to privilege political commitment because in this culture we do not emphasize enough that you can choose to be politically committed in ways that change your behavior and action. to be capable of being both strong and weak.´ CONFLICTS IN FEMINISM. To advance this agenda we would need to rethink our notions of manhood and womanhood. however relative. 1995. that concerns itself with ending sexism and sexist oppression in our diverse communities. to assume that black folks. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. we would need to recognize biological differences without seeing them as markers of specific gender traits. with different ³inherent´ characteristics. the labeling of black women who engage in feminist thinking as race traitors is meant to prevent us From embracing feminist politics as surely as white power feminism acts to exclude our voices and silence our critiques.75.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Women seem to be particularly threatened when our differences are marked by class privilege..com . sociologically. In this case both groups are acting to protect and maintain the privileges. and anthropologically how we see one another and why it has been so hard or us to change how we see one another. yet black women don¶t unequivocally view white males in the hostile. Often this condescension merely masks the allegiance to sexism and patriarchal thinking in black life. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. 3. Certainly as a group white males have been more oppressive to black women. and all our efforts at self-determination. girls women. particularly sexist black men. to assume that black females are incapable of embracing revolutionary feminism in ways that would enhance rather than diminish black liberation. This would mean no longer thinking that it is ³natural´ for boys to be strong and girls to be weak. 1990. for boys to be active and girls to be passive. What do you do when you are not privileged and have contact with a privileged woman of any race? Or when there is race and class difference? What gives us a space to bond? These are questions we have had trouble answering. CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE INTERSECTIONS OF RACE AND SEX IS KEY bell hooks. New York: Henry Holt. FEMINISM ALLOWS THE BREAKDOWN THE RACIAL DIVISIONS AMONG WOMEN bell hooks. Rather than defining manhood in relation to sexuality. I don¶t think we really understand either historically or in terms of contemporary circumstances why we view each other in such incredibly negative terms. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. particularly sexist black men. we would acknowledge it in relation to biology: boys become men. 69. p. p. professor. We need to do more work examining the reasons white women and black women of all classes view one another with suspicion. Rather than continuing to see them as opposites. Ours task in parenting and in education would be to encourage in both females and males the capacity to be holistic. Certainly. author. with the understanding that both categories are synonymous with selfhood. etc. p. INCORPORATION OF FEMINISM IS NECESSARY FOR BLACK LIBERATION bell hooks. ³A Conversation About Race and Class. it is clear that we cannot create a cultural climate where these conditions exist without first committing ourselves to a feminist agenda that is specific to black life. New York: Routledge. Surely it is patriarchal condescension that leads black folks. and Mary Childers. that they receive in the existing social structure. Feminist theory needs to study historically. author. professor. despite the continued overt racism and racist agendas of those groups of white women who can most easily lay claim to the term ³feminism´ and project their conservative and reactionary agendas. If we start with the premise that black liberation struggle. And I would say vice versa as well. 2.

her passion lost. aside from abortion on demand and contraceptives for all. 53. Healthier. HOOKS FAILS TO PROVIDE AN ADEQUATE ALTERNATIVE VISION Maggie Gallagher. It is clear from her Essence interview the "rage of youth" in Ain't I a Woman is gone. "While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces. and Better Off Financially. In the past hooks has defended this move by arguing she should be allowed to "grow" and should not be pigeonholed. empowering article for Black women. hooks (who insists on the lowercase letters) has nothing but disdain for "reformists" like Estrich who sought only to claim the "class privilege" their brothers enjoyed. p. An unreconstructed black radical feminist. I was impressed with her passion in telling the historical oppression of Black women in America. Black people and especially artists are often pigeonholed. yet at one point. She began Ain't I a Woman in college. However.´ MICHIGAN CITIZEN. lulled into a more "comfortable" and "middle class" existence. Maybe. in recent year Hooks' work seems to have gone the direction of pop culture rather than a critique of dominant culture." hooks is equally disdainful of what she calls "lifestyle feminism. and all manner of printed material that tells the world that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression.a potentially informing. Hooks was an important player in developing Black feminist theory. Buppiedom and Big Houses. Posing as a "feminist author" Bell Hooks' interview with Jada Pinkett in the March issue of Essence magazine falls short of her used-to-be scathing critiques of dominant culture. I read Hooks' first book as a young women in college. NATIONAL REVIEW vol. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." 2. B1. Her follow-up works equally impressed me. staff writer.wcdebate. p.com . co-author (with Linda Waite) of The Case for Marriage: Why Married People Are Happier. 3/14/98.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. television and radio commercials. 1/22/2001. Bell Hooks and her BMW have disappointed me for the last time. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and postcards and hip-hop music. Like Jada. ads everywhere and billboards. love goes the way of BMW's. Yes. Which is exactly bell hook¶s complaint. she has gone mainstream ." in which "the politics was slowly removed from feminism." I wish I could tell you in more detail what hook¶s revolution might look like. HOOKS' FASCINATION WITH POP CULTURE WEAKENS HER CRITIQUE Catharine R. Equally hard to explain is her naive idea that all that prevents the triumph of radical feminism is bad marketing: "Let's start over. but in 123 pages she never gets around to explaining what "ending sexist oppression" means. 50. I was initially excited by the cover story . Kelly.Bell Hooks interviewing Jada Pinkett for Essence . Reformist feminism became their route to class mobility. Volume 9 Page 138 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE 1. like the older civil rights generation. I was surprised by what I read. ³For bell. Hook's interview actually reinforces white-male-dominated patriarchal ideas she built her career fighting.

Volume 9 Page 139 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY 1.´ ³Multidimensionality. rather than as separate and mutually exclusive systems of domination. and heterosexism. Yale Law School. patriarchy. and other scholars have utilized the intersectional model in order to counter essentialism in feminism. J. phenomena. The HRC endorsement controversy reflects broader. and the failure to recognize the multidimensional and complex nature of subordination. Feminists of color and other critical scholars have examined racism and patriarchy as "intersecting" phenomena. 309-310. like the intersectionality theorists.´ ³Multidimensionality. 2. Lesbian-feminist theorists.D. gays and lesbians of color. These "postintersectionality" scholars are collectively pushing jurists and progressive theorists to examine forms of subordination as interrelated. are currently developing a sizeable body of scholarship that extends intersectionality theory into new substantive and conceptual terrains. In particular. Spring 2001.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW. Their work on the intersectionality of subordination has encouraged some judges and progressive scholars to discard the "separate spheres" analysis of race and gender. recently. p.wcdebate. The intersectionality scholarship has inspired helpful analyses in areas outside of the contexts of feminism and antiracism. single-issue politics and have proposed reforms in a variety of doctrinal and policy contexts. and poverty studies. and the social identity categories around which social power and disempowerment are distributed..´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. race-sexuality critics. OPPOSITIONAL STRUCTURES OF RACE AND SEX BECOME BARRIERS TO COALITIONS Lennard Hutchinson. The powerful intersectionality model has also inspired many other avenues of critical engagement.A. University of Pennsylvania.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. J. a growing intellectual movement has emerged that responds to racism within gay and lesbian circles and heterosexism within antiracist activism. Southern Methodist University School of Law. critical race theory. the positioning of progressive movements as oppositional and conflicting forces. I have examined the relationships among racism. and class oppression utilizing a model I refer to as "multidimensionality. respectively.D. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 288-290.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW.." Multidimensionality "recognizes the inherent complexity of systems of oppression . and. have challenged the patriarchy and heterosexism of law and sexuality and feminist theorists. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. heterosexism. arises out of and is informed by intersectionality theory.com . Although heavily influenced by intersectional analysis. In a series of articles. Yale Law School. structural problems in antisubordination theory: the embrace of essentialist politics.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. therefore. Multidimensionality. MULTIDIMENSIONALITY ALLOWS THE EXAMINATION OF MULTIPLE INTERSECTIONS Lennard Hutchinson. law and sexuality.A. the "post-intersectionality" theorists have offered several improvements to the intersectionality model. critical scholars have offered persuasive arguments against traditional. B. While essentialism remains a prominent feature of progressive social movements. Lesbian feminists. Southern Methodist University School of Law. rather than as potential alliances and coalitions. Assistant Professor. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. Spring 2001. These scholars. p. patriarchy. Assistant Professor. University of Pennsylvania.. for example. whose work examines the relationships among racism. have also examined the experiences of persons who suffer from intersecting forms of marginalization and have proposed policies to address the reality of complex subordination. class domination.. rather than conflicting..." Multidimensionality posits that the various forms of identity and oppression are "inextricably and forever intertwined" and that essentialist equality theories "invariably reflect the experiences of class-and race-privileged" individuals. B. The feminist of color critiques of feminism and antiracism provided the earliest framework for analyzing oppression in complex terms.

the decision was met with much enthusiasm and controversy. When Mary Wollstonecraft published her VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN in 1792. HUMANS AND PERSONS: QUESTIONS OF LIFE AND DEATH (Co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1994. INDIVIDUALS. Now. with what he has to say or will reject some of the premises upon which he bases his arguments. As the President of the University noted. His writings include discussion of issues like animal rights. Instead. RETHINKING LIFE AND DEATH: THE COLLAPSE OF OUR TRADITIONAL ETHICS in 1994. A COMPANION TO ETHICS in 1991. His works include DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE in 1973. He was awarded a fellowship by the Academy of Humanities and the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia. He has lectured at Radcliff. PRESENT TECHNIQUES. an MA from the University of Melbourne in 1969. For example.´ and democracy. ANIMAL FACTORIES (co-author with James Mason) in 1980. 1946. ³But some of the controversy arises from the fact that he works on difficult and provocative topics and in many cases challenges long-established ways of thinking -. New York University. While at Monash University. 3 The barrier that causes society to not extend rights to animals is their view that these species are fundamentally different. he began his teaching career and has been teaching and writing since. Australia on July 6. IN DEFENCE OF ANIMALS in 1985. but that society has since realized its mistake. Singer was a professor at the Center for Human Bioethics. He believes that society has become far too complacent. MARX in 1980. and a BA in philosophy from the University of Oxford in 1971. and thinks that they have gotten rid of the last form of discrimination. PRACTICAL ETHICS in 1979. In 1998. He is the author of the major article on ethics in the current edition of the ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA. a woman can claim that she has a right to an abortion. they merely need different considerations. Singer understands that extending rights to animals seems a bit far-fetched. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS in 1975. the Director of the Center for Human Bioethics. His works have appeared in nineteen languages. HOW ARE WE TO LIVE? ETHICS IN AN AGE OF SELF-INTEREST in 1995. and ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT in 1998. and was awarded the National Book Council of Australia Banjo Award for non-fiction in 1995. Monash University. SHOULD THE BABY LIVE? THE PROBLEM OF HANDICAPPED INFANTS (co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1985. and co-director of the Institute for Ethics and Public Policy. HEGEL in 1982. Volume 9 Page 140 PETER SINGER Peter Singer was born in Melbourne. he was given a professorship at Princeton University amid much controversy. TEST-TUBE BABIES: A GUIDE TO MORAL QUESTIONS. Even careful readers of his works will disagree. At age 30.about them. ANIMAL RIGHTS AND HUMAN OBLIGATIONS: AN ANTHOLOGY in 1976. whereas a man cannot physically require an abortion and so does not have this right. He explains that conceding the differences in beings does not mean they are unworthy of equality. sometimes quite vehemently. He was a senior scholar in the Fullbright Program. La Trobe University.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.or ways of avoiding thinking -. instead of classifying those of other races or women as less deserving of rights. 1 When he was hired at Princeton University. and again turns to the women¶s rights movement as an example.wcdebate. Women were given the Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. But Singer explains that equality can be extended with attention paid to detail. it was widely criticized as absurd. He also reminds us that for a long period of time. what makes an individual or creature a ³person.´ 2 SINGER AND HISTORICAL OPPRESSION Singer uses a comparison of ³speciesism´ to the historical concepts of racism and sexism. and Princeton University (where he currently is a professor). we classify members of other species as undeserving. Peter Singer¶s educational experiences include a BA with honors from the University of Melbourne in 1967.com . liberation movements for minorities and women seemed far-fetched. THE REPRODUCTION REVOLUTION: NEW WAYS OF MAKING BABIES (co-author with Deane Wells) in 1984. ETHICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES IN GUARDIANSHIP OPTIONS FOR INTELLECTUALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE (co-author with Terry Carney) in 1986. EMBRYO EXPERIMENTATION in 1990. AND FUTURE POSSIBILITIES in 1982.

6 This consideration is based on two things. In his All Animals are Equal. a new criteria becomes necessary. CRITERIA FOR EXTENSION OF EQUALITY Critics of Peter Singer often offer criteria that attempts to include all of humanity and exclude non-human animals. it is a prescription of the way beings should be treated. differing abilities to communicate effectively. That is.´ 7 These differences make it nearly impossible to create a criteria that encompasses all of humanity. wear them. ³Humans come in different in different shapes and sizes. It would also mean that Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. their interests must be given equal consideration to human interests or any other animal¶s interest.com . Singer explains that if fails since our interests are constructed to always be in conflict with other species. according to Singer. creates divisions between humanity. differing amounts of benevolent feeling and sensitivity to the needs of others. moral capacity. as noted above. 8 There are a few other arguments that Singer answers. and not merely an assertion of fact. After noting the similarity this principle holds with the racist and sexist policies of the past. then it is simple discrimination. Equality. is sentience. The proposed criterion are ways to determine who is worth of having equality extended to them. is not descriptive of they way beings are. we must first have a clear understanding of how he defines equality. 4 Singer concedes that there exist important differences between animals and people. Perhaps the conflict of interests is not real. and use them to do our labor. This would mean that individuals with mental defects still would not be included. points out that all of the proposed criterion exclude some of humanity while including some non-human animals. A difference in ability documented in fact does not justify any difference in the consideration we give them. His critics claim that the reason why infants should be included in the criteria of intelligence and reasoning is because they have the potential to develop those things. We eat them. But because we believe our interests are always in conflict. Others have proposed differing criterion that Singer responds to. a criteria based on equality only in certain circumstances fails. He poses the hypothetical situation of an experiment that needs testing. The criteria agreed upon by Singer. but that does not mean that the basic principle of extending equality to non-human animals is invalid. would that be ok? Singer responds with another hypothetical situation: would the experimenter be prepared to conduct the study using a human infant? If he is not. rather. Dogs. and explains how it is not necessary for a healthy diet. If a creature cannot suffer. we will never give equal consideration. I shall argue. however. factual equality comes with no guarantee that the abilities and capacities that humans have are distributed evenly throughout the population. Because the notion of basing equality on a fact. But if a creature can suffer. or other matters. and a decision can cause that suffering. they come with differing moral capacities. Another proposed criterion to decide upon the extension of equality is intelligence or the capability to reason. do not have that same capability and should not be allowed the right to vote. Thus. Singer notes that. His critics often ask. however. then they cannot have interests. is equality of consideration for different beings may lead to different treatment and different rights. and differing capacities to experience pleasure and pain. differing intellectual abilities. Singer notes how much money and resources it requires to raise animals for food. THE DEFINITION OF EQUALITY Before we can explore the ways in which Singer believes equality should be extended. Singer¶s ideas here begin with the notion that not all human beings are the same.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ 5 This helps to further clarify the notion that equality does not mean an extension of the exact same rights. Volume 9 Page 141 right to vote because they are capable of rational decision making just like men are. The first idea that Singer deconstructs is the notion that equal consideration should hold until there is a clash between the interests of humans and nonhuman animals. if harming one animal in tests could save thousands. The first is the ability of a being to suffer. Singer is quick to explain the problem with this criterion: it necessarily excludes humans who are infants and those who have mental defects. Singer offers the following definition: ³The basic principle of equality. Furthermore. Singer. strength. the determining factor is the capacity to suffer or experience happiness. like intelligence. and the second is if they have interests. Fundamentally. Singer¶s notion of equality is that it is a moral ideal.

Here Singer enters territory that offends many and has helped to create a feeling of hatred towards him. an environmental ethic that is based on human needs does not often differ in policy recommendations from an environmental ethic based on the biosphere as its center. In PRACTICAL ETHICS. rather it is just what the plant does and cannot be anything else. Singer goes on to add that by the logic of those who advocate looking to plant¶s interests. He supports his idea with the thoughts of Paul Taylor. and that even plants are pursuing their own good. Once we ask the question as to why all humans have this worth we are only taken back to the previous issue. SINGER AND BIOCENTRISM Holmes Rolston III and some green philosophers argue that Singer¶s position is detrimental to biocentrism. However. After all. 13 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. policy decisions would be made to protect the environment in the interest of persons. be right to kill him.´9 This dates back to the ideals of the Renaissance and humanists. Since those persons depend on the environment. the good of a missile is to blow up and should be considered. indeed to care for a biospheric Earth. Rolston concedes that our views regarding ethics prior to Singer were too humanist. that ³Singer has proven himself blind to the still larger effort in environmental ethics to value life at all its ranges and levels. those with significant mental retardation. critics of Singer argue that those with mental defects should still be extended equality. too focused on people. and fish. human embryos. Rolston says value comes from having a respect for life.´10 This leads many beings to not get classified as persons. It leaves us searching for the characteristic that all humans possess and other animals don¶t that would qualify them for intrinsic dignity. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed.com . therefore. such as ³the intrinsic dignity of the human individual. The final argument Singer addresses is that humans have an intrinsic dignity." 11 While many people disagree with Singer¶s position. Singer notes that this is couched in many elegant phrasings. This would include brain-damaged people. . Singer argues that you would conduct environmental policy with regards to the interest of those who are granted the status of person.´ or that ³humans are ends in themselves. however. Volume 9 Page 142 sperm and eggs would also have to garner equal treatment as a full-grown being. . fellow humans are not eager to disagree with the view that they are members of the highest order. would be considered persons. He also explains. chickens. The loss of the happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second. Singer dismantles this position by noting that a plant doesn¶t have a choice as to whether or not it grows toward the light for its own interest. if the killing of the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others it would . find themselves in a precarious situation without the ability to distinguish a defining characteristic. Those who advocate this position. but cannot articulate why their criteria of intelligence and reasoning apply. and runs through Judeo-Christian doctrines. to plants. and more specifically.´12 The implications of this view outlined by Rolston are those of an anthropocentric society. like dogs and bears. who details that every living organism has a will to live. many animals. Critics of Singer say that his criteria for declaring someone a person are ³rationality and self awareness over time. human fetuses. few are able to articulate a standard that includes all types of humanity and excludes all non-human animals.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. However. INTERPRETATIONS OF SINGER¶S CRITERIA While Singer does frequently make reference to the fact that most proposed criterion would include some animals but exclude infants and those with mental defects. ³"When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. Therefore. and therefore be seen as unworthy of equality. Singer writes. interpretations of these references is varied and controversial.wcdebate. Singer maintains that this idea only holds up when it goes unquestioned and assumed. Again. and a river is seeking its own good to reach the sea. those with some forms of psychosis. Singer questions this criticism by pondering how we assign value if not based on sentience.

does raising animals for food cause more benefit than harm? R. the way we should strive to make things.M. it would still not justify the use of the creatures as a means to an end. that is. a counter-advocacy of a value that encompasses all those considered ³persons´ would be more beneficial. The first is that it is revisionary. than no life at all. however. Here. Hare takes the position that it is not. Most importantly. even if it is a short one. Many philosophers and their positions seem to invite action. We cannot compare what an animal would have in nature to what they would have in a farm. From a utilitarian perspective. humanity.´ 14 Singer answers this claim on several levels. whether is causes more benefit than harm. he notes that mere existence is not in itself a benefit. Practical ethics have three primary characteristics. This is why Singer discusses action as well as right and wrong. why he tries to make his work easy to read and applicable to individuals. Singer argues that allowing death is as bad as causing death. The second is that in Singer¶s work. He first alludes to the notion that philosophy and ethics should entail action in the introduction to a book that developed from his thesis project at Oxford.com . an understanding of a position. ³As the subject of this book is one that concerns not only those studying or teaching political philosophy in universities but also any citizens. engaging the argument still yields some debate. The confinement that these animals endure. First. This perception that philosophy is not just for the academically inclined and is not to be merely kept in books and the classroom helps to distinguish Singer from not only his contemporaries but philosophers throughout history. Singer discusses the ideas of our responsibility in world famine. will most likely rest on the assumption that humans are inherently more valuable than non-human animals. is irrelevant and uninteresting unless it calls for an action in a way that individuals can have power. PRACTICAL ETHICS The philosophy of Singer is based on the idea of practical ethics. However. especially citizens of a democracy. Any advocacy of valuing progress. in order for an action against an animal to be wrong. it must cause suffering. In Democracy and Disobedience. I have tried to write throughout to write in a way that can easily be understood by those who have never studied philosophy. that is. The implications of the distinction between causing a death and allowing a death carry over from the realm of non-human animals into the world of humanity as well. Volume 9 Page 143 ³THE GOOD OF THE ANIMAL´ Some have argued (and attempted to use Singer¶s utilitarian framework to do so) that raising animals to eat is not causing them to suffer. 16 Singer feels that a discussion of an argument. An understanding of the way things are is necessary to determine the way things should be. etc. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Singer claims that proximity. the painful ways in which they are killed.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. If humans simply took advantage of the fact that animals died. facts matter. Complacently allowing death to happen is just as morally and ethically wrong as dong the killing yourself. the disease and filthy living conditions. SINGER IN DEBATE Singer¶s framework is particularly useful for calling into question the underlying assumptions of your opponent. the absence of a benefit is not harm. Singer explains how philosophy should be accessible to everyone by noting. growth. all suggest a lack of concern for the animals. The question then becomes. The creature would be allowed to live without human interference. He says. but few have gone so far as Singer in making it a primary goal explicitly explained to his readers and audiences. even if the benefit that this existence creates is good. who find themselves faced with a law they oppose. This position is initially weakened by the fact that it ignores the entire premise that killing animals in any way could be simply wrong. Second. A third is that there is an assumption that individual action can make a difference. Singer notes that the way animal production works within the system does not take into account animal suffering.wcdebate. ³For it is better for an animal to live a happy life. but to change it. its purpose is to not merely explain the world and the way it works. is no justification for a lack of action. Unless your opponent can identify why that belief is justified.´ 15 Singer¶s view of accessibility extends to the way people use philosophy. or the distance between an individual and a famine. so breeding a new existence is not some sort of net gain for the animal.

or student.html 2 Princeton Weekly Bulletin. Hare.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . All Animals are Equal. and use animals to further human aims. Peter Singer Gets a Chair. __________________________________________________________________________________ 1 http://www. All Animals are Equal. in moral and political philosophy. is invariably formulated in terms of human equality. Singer also offers a critique of modern philosophy that can be applied in many ways. 9 Peter Singer. December 7. 1973.com/ 12 Holmes Rolston. and academics.princeton. medicine. Wesley J. http://www. Counter values that rely on inclusive values of animals and all life are much more preferable. 5 Peter Singer. All Animals are Equal. Singer and the Practical Ethics Movement. 7 Peter Singer.and this is already an indication of the failure of philosophy to challenge accepted beliefs. 1999.com/ 11 Smith. ³intrinsic worth of humanity. 1999. It calls for a justification of the superiority of human beings that does not rely on rhetoric such as. All Animals are Equal. 6 Peter Singer. 10 Smith. 17 Peter Singer. 15 Peter Singer. Essays on Bioethics. as an issue itself. All Animals are Equal. 4 Peter Singer. All Animals are Equal. All Animals are Equal.M. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account.frontpagemag.´ It also calls for a questioning of the basic assumptions of the age. 14 R.edu/~uchv/index. These lines of study all rely heavily on the superiority of humanity.´ 17 A critical discussion of what makes beings equal must escape the normalcy of an assumption that humans are and animals aren¶t.wcdebate. ³It is the significant problem of equality. Democracy and Disobedience. 16 Dale Jamieson. 1993. 13 Holmes Rolston.frontpagemag. 8 Peter Singer. All Animals are Equal Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1998 3 Peter Singer. The effect of this is that the question of the equality of other animals does not confront the philosopher. http://www. Wesley J. Volume 9 Page 144 Singer¶s advocacy also has implications to any topics that particularly deal with science. 1993. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account. Peter Singer Gets a Chair.

SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. (Belmont. Pojman. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Singer. Peter. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS. ESSAYS ON BIOETHICS. Peter.M. DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE. IDEALS AND IDEOLOGIES. Jamieson. Hare. Volume 9 Page 145 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ball. (Oxford: Claredon Press. (Lanham. 1993). Peter. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. MD: Rowman and Littlefield. 2002). R. (New York: Review/Random House. 1997). ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS: READINGS IN THEORY AND APPLICATION.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. (Malden. (New York: Longman. 1999). 1975). Singer. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2nd ed. PRACTICAL ETHICS. 1998). Singer. Terrence and Richard Dagger. Singer. 1994). 1993). 1973). CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Peter. ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT. Dale. Singer. Mass: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. ETHICS.com .wcdebate.. Louis J. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Peter.

The danger is that reason. p. may instead undermine them. what would it avail? The question is not.wcdebate. are reasons equally insufficient for abandoning a sensitive being to the same fate. there is the very real danger that.. old. The point is that we should not think of animal pain as intrinsically ³ownerless. which may well produce much caring and many kindnesses but will also provoke rivalry and competition. to speak of experiences at all is already to assume bearers for them. as Hume was (partially) inclined to suppose.69. since the alleged pain is not painful to a subject of awareness. animals need to be granted selves if their sensations are to matter morally. and one that threatens to exclude animal experience from the moral realm. Volume 9 Page 146 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM 1. What else is it that should trace the insuperable line? Is it the faculty of reason. rather. The basic biological sense we seek. The natural sensibility that is at issue here is nothing so lofty as love or even universal care. 1999.. the villosity of the skin. 152153. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. thus refusing to grant genuine selfhood to animals. REALIZATION OF THE FAULT OF RACISM IS LIKE REALIZING THE FAULT OF SPECIESISM Jeremy Bentham. than an infant of a day.. It may one day come to be recognized that the number of legs. SPECIESISM ATTEMPTS TO LOWER GROUPS JUST AS RACISM DID Colin. This may seem like a major provision. they necessarily have selves. (This is so whether or not the experiences are conceived to be embodied in an organism. Philosopher and Jurist. which have been defended by some of the great (and not-so-great) religious thinkers of the world. instead of building on our natural impulses. then we will not see why it is morally significant. In other words. 1789. There is the very familiar danger that such feelings. since animals have experiences.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ch. It is not that you bundle some inherently ownerless experiences together and get a self. that form of hypocrisy that 9as has often been said of such ³lovers of humanity´ as Rousseau and Marx) adores the species but deplores almost every individual of it. If we conceive of animal pain in this subjectless way. The French have already discovered that the blackness of the skin is no reason why a human being should be abandoned without a redress to the caprice of a tormentor. Can they suffer? 2. Professor of Philosophy at Rutgers University. but rather a kind of kinship or fellow-feeling. but in fact it is simply a point about the very concept of experience.´ Animal minds are not just bundles of subjectless sensations gathered around a single body. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. in other words. will degenerate into a diffuse and ultimately pointless sentimentality. The day may come when the rest of the animal creation may acquire those rights which never could have been witholden from them but by the hand of tyranny. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. Thus it is wrong to cause them pain. the social sense as such. Solomon. however noble their object or intent. is not so much a particular attitude or emotion as it is a sense of belonging. But suppose they were otherwise. Austin. McGinn.com .by Frege¶s point.subjects of experience. 1999. or even a month. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 3. since pain matters only because it is pain for someone. TOO MUCH FOCUS ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS DIVERSITY AS AN IDEAL Robert C. or perhaps the faculty or discourse? But a full-grown horse or dog is beyond comparison a more rational. p. called agape. in over-enlarging the circle to include everyone and everything or in turning from the personal to the impersonality of reason . Putatively ownerless pain sensations have no moral weight.) So. or a week. XVII. or worse. Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. But I want to be equally cautious about premature enthusiasm for those universal feelings of love.An experience always comes with an owner built into it. or the termination of the os sacrum. If the basis of ethics is personal feeling for those we care about. because this will necessarily be pain for a subject of consciousness. as well a more conversable animal. we will lose precisely that dimension of the personal that produces ethics in the first place. Can they reason? nor Can they talk? but.

wcdebate. 1989. too.the tit-for-tat attitude as such. 10 March 2000.must not be so engineered. but the criminal case was over by May. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. gives himself up. be right to kill him. SINGER MAKES STRONG ARGUMENTS. one must (to some extent) acquire such skills but it doesn¶t follow that such skills are not also (or may not alternatively be) genetically engineered or that the general capacity for strategic behavior. WHY ARE WE AFRAID OF PETER SINGER?. monkeys fooling one another by uttering a misleading cry to distract the others. 3. Therefore. she doesn¶t calculate it. Of course. Few people will ever consider infants replaceable in the way that they consider free-range chickens replaceable." That was April 26. the child dies. Austin. In such cases. animals display a remarkable array of strategic behaviors. Solomon. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. half an hour later. keeping nurses at bay with a gun while he disconnects the respirator that for eight months has kept his comatose infant son Samuel alive. a twenty-three-year-old Chicago housepainter. The Chronicle of Higher Education. Yet many of those who would never act on his conclusions still agree that if an infant really had no hope of happiness. np. The loss of happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second. EVEN THOUGH THEY ARE COUNTER-INTUITIVE Michael Specter. A good poker player doesn¶t sit skimming a mathematical odds book on the one hand and a psychology of facial expressions text on the other.73. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. death would be more merciful than a life governed by misery. When Samuel is free of the respirator at last. but to attribute strategic skill to heredity is not to relegate it to merely automatic behavior. THE DANGEROUS PHILOSOPHER. Singer of being cold-hearted. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed.mother birds pretending to have broken wings to lead predators away from the nest. when a grand jury refused to indict him. it would. writer. 1999. It is not necessarily thinking or negotiating that are essential here. even Darwin himself seems to have erred in giving too much credit here to the role of ³reason´ and not enough to heredity. and Singer knows that. So. FOCUSING ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS INTUITION AND DEVALUES IT Robert C. EUTHENASIA ALLOWS GREATER HAPPINESS FOR ALL Jeff Sharlet. Good game players usually describe their own skill in non-intellectual terms. Critics often accuse Mr. according to the total view. p. 1999. standing in a hospital ward. Successful traders and businessmen often claim (truthfully) that they don¶t ³think´ about what they are doing.without any need on our part to postulate Pentagon-like tactical mentality behind their behavior. if killing the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others. Then Linares puts down the gun and. But to him the symbol of the "tragic farce" brought on by an inhumane adherence to the sanctity-of-life principle is "Rudy Linares. 2. Cook County charged Mr.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The New Yorker. When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. A good billiards or pool player simply ³sees´ the shot. September 6. weeping. a man who measures happiness in numbers and considers love a replaceable resource. They ³just know´ what to do. Linares with first-degree murder. Volume 9 Page 147 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL 1.com . Linares cradles him in his arms until.

RATIONALITY DISTINGUISHES SPECIES AND IS ACCEPTED STANDARD Stanley Benn. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. by reason of not possessing these characteristics. As for the saccharine quality of those Christmas greetings and that biblical fantasy. but as normal for the species. We are not merely at the top of the food chain. 1967. As intelligent and sensitive human beings. Solomon. that is..wcdebate. ad aggressive campaigns on the behalf of sensitivity when we become adults. too. RATIONALITY DEFINES A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HUMANITY AND ANIMALS Robert C. our breeding patterns. We. with its own standards of normality. RATIONALITY IS THE HUMAN NORM AND ALLOWS FOR EXCEPTIONS Stanley Benn. p. 1967. This is what distinguishes our attitude to animals from our attitude to imbeciles. 62ff. Volume 9 Page 148 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD 1. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. above the food chain. or the distinguishing criteria of the class of morally considerable persons. one could argue. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. as opposed to all the other creatures in nature. However faithful or intelligent a dog maybe. It would be odd to say that we ought to respect equally the dignity or personality of the imbecile and of the rational man.com . 69. Not to possess human shape is a disqualifying condition. 1999. If we do not think in this way about dogs. It too. But compassion. that distinguish the normal man from the normal dog make it intelligible for us to talk of other man having interests and capacities. that we should give to the interests of each the same serious consideration as claims to considerations necessary for some standard of well-being that we can recognize and endorse. Austin. it is because we do not see the irrationality of the dog as a deficiency or a handicap.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. it would be a monstrous sentimentality to attribute to him interests that could be weighed in an equal balance with those of human beings. 62ff. too. they are not in fact the qualifying conditions for membership. part of culture rather than nature. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. The characteristics.if. anyone who chose the dog would generally be reckoned morally defective. our habits. and therefore claims. unable to recognize a fundamental inequality of claims. and not just ordinarily dishonest. and this is precisely because a man does not become a member of a different species. just as it would be unfair. one had to decide between feeding a hungry baby or a hungy dog.but there is nothing odd about saying that we should respect their interests equally. p. to steal from a blind man. in an important sense. we can understand that. 3.. We are. We say it is unfair to exploit the deficiencies of the imbecile who falls short of the norm. We have what is uncritically called ³free will. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. for instance. but because rationality is the human norm.. involves a certain distance. Our strange compassion for other species is a ³natural´ projection of our more immediate concerns but something learned and cultivated. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. therefore. we can acknowledge the harshness of the world. as an expression of a certain sentimentality as well as a Christian allegory. the result of so many cuddly teddy bears and puppies when we were children. are rational. But although these characteristics may provide the point of the distinction between men and other species. p. We respect the interests of men and give them priority over dogs not insofar as they are rational. is not opposed to but a consequence of reason.. and yet not accept it at all. 2. of precisely the same kind as we make on our own behalf.´ We are able to reflect and choose our food.

My argument. Professor of Philosophy at Stanford University.Just as Singer¶s substantive impartiality condemns granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of one¶s racial or ethic group. At the same time one noticed a small kitten. a zoo goer. as evidenced by any number of philosophers who simply ³talk a good game. simply because they are men. a need to know about the state of the world and plight of people outside of one¶s own limited domain.wcdebate. or have different abilities than the person engaging in moral deliberation are not considerations that in themselves justify differential treatment. p. that some people have a different skin color. The notion that Singer will develop in ways that may well be strange and new to us. In most cases. Professor at Webster University. a theory which justifies the distribution of goods under which men receive greater benefits and thus have more of their preferences satisfied than women do. AN EMPHASIS ON REASON BY SINGER DESTROYS THE NATURE OF COMPASSION Robert C. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. and they might not be sentiments of equality.According to Singer. This requires what many theorists now call ³empathy´ or ³feeling with´ (which Hume and Adam Smith call ³sympathy´ and which might more accurately be called ³fellow-feeling´). GRANTING ANIMALS EQUALITY HARMS POLITICALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE Lori Gruen. my number three. according to Singer. An adequate sense of ethics requires not only reason but concern and curiosity. perhaps returning to some of those personal sentiments or intuitions might be a good place to go. 1999. WE ALREADY GIVE CONSIDERATION TO ANIMALS Bob Corbett. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. Austin. Volume 9 Page 149 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD 1. a pet owner and so on. most of us are familiar with anti-speciesist sentiments. 1999. They may not be dominant. are from a different country. on the other hand.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. is that Singer. Suppose one were all the things Singer attacks: a meat eater. in a sentence. As Singer discusses the principle. and they many not compete well with contrary interests toward humans. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. are of a different gender. p. it prohibits granting any weight to particular features of a situation. Let me begin with the easiest one.. Reason. According to this principle. unconcerned with the processes of producing meat for the table. however. At the same time.. For example. so does it condemn granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of humans over non-humans. 1999. such differences do not provide a rational basis for differences in our ethical considerations or treatment. one might have an experience that is contrary to this position. The point here is that many of us have some intuitions toward the interests of animals. Many people would be enough moved by the "interests" of the kitten to look for some container to pour the remaining milk into so the kitten might drink it. all that is considered in deciding the morally correct course of action is the strength of the interests or preferences and the degree to which the interests and preferences of those affected will be thwarted or advanced. 134-135. I want to argue that what allows the circle to expand is not reason (in the technical sense of calculation on the basis of abstract principles) but rather knowledge and understanding in the sense of coming to appreciate the situations and the circumstances in which other people and creatures find themselves. p. np. 2. However. COMMENTS ON PETER SINGER'S ANALYSIS THAT LEADS TO SPECIESISM. We would not be absolutely immune to the "interests" of the kitten. adds universal principles to the promptings of our biologically inherited feelings.´ Thus. are not 100% novel. Suppose one were drinking a large glass of milk and had drunk one's fill.com . If we have a hard time grasping his view. we still often have some positive sentiments and intuitions toward the interests of animals. Singer rightly points out that most of us are living examples of speciesism in the same sense that radical Ku Klux Klan's people are racist. Nonetheless. WE HAVE NO NEED TO GO FURTHER. and it requires care and concern. is that reason will also leave those feelings behind... even though our lives as a whole might suggest we were speciesists of the worst sort. 75. the emotional sense that what happens to other matters. and most people seem to. The danger. Solomon.. is a theory that violates the principle of equal consideration of interests. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. simply because they are humans. seemingly hungry and crying. on the role of normative ethical theory) underestimates the power of compassion. 3. in his emphasis on reason (and consequently.

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