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The Nature of a Creole Continuum Author(s): Derek Bickerton Source: Language, Vol. 49, No. 3 (Sep., 1973), pp. 640-669 Published by: Linguistic Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/412355 Accessed: 10/02/2010 22:06
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THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM
DEREK BICKERTON

University of Hawaii
Hitherto, post-Saussurean linguistic theories have been unable to provide satisfactory descriptions of a creole continuum. This paper reviews previous attempts in the field, and indicates the need for a different theoretical orientation-one which would replace static, synchronic models of polar dialects with a single dynamic model incorporating both these and all the intermediate variations. In support of this argument, two sub-systems of the Guyanese creole continuumthe copulative and the pronominal-are described in terms of the dynamic evolution of the continuum as a whole; and it is demonstrated that, far from being an area of random variation, such a continuum represents a series of developmental stages ordered in accordance with basic principles of linguistic change. Finally, it is claimed that both the theory and the methodology advanced here cannot be limited to creole situations, but must have universal validity.1 PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE CONTINUUM

1.1. The general nature of a creole dialect continuum has been understood at least since Reinecke & Tokimasa 1934, and its specific application to the Caribbean (in particular, Jamaica) has been extensively discussed over the past decade (Le Page & DeCamp 1960; Alleyne 1963; B. Bailey 1966, Ch. 1; DeCamp 1971, etc.) The last-named writer uses the term 'post-creole continuum'; but since something marginally, if at all, different from the original creole language frequently constitutes the basilect of the continuum, 'post-' can be misleading for Jamaica or Guyana, if not for Trinidad or the Black dialect system of the U.S. So far, we have had descriptions of such basilects (e.g. Turner 1949, B. Bailey 1966-the latter by far the most rigorous to date) and, more rarely, of their corresponding acrolects (e.g. Pompilus 1961). Little, however, has been done on the area between them; and indeed, according to Alleyne (1963:25), 'measurement of linguistic ability for purposes of classification of a speaker or of situating him at a particular point in the continuum is a difficult if not impossible task'. 1.2. Whether this difficulty arises from the nature of the task itself, or from limitations imposed by a particular theoretical orientation, is open to question. Post-Saussurean linguistic theory, whether structural or generative, is singularly ill-adapted to handle a continuum situation. As Chomsky (1965:3) roundly states: 'Linguistic theory is concerned primarily with an ideal speaker-listener, in a completely homogeneous speech-community ... This seems to me to have been the position of the founders of modern linguistics, and no cogent reason for
1 An earlier and slightly different draft of this paper was presented at the Caribbean Linguistics Conference at the University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica, in April 1971. I am grateful to the participants for their discussion, and also to William Labov and Charles-James Bailey for their detailed comments; any errors or omissions remaining are my sole responsibility. The research on which the paper is based was assisted by a grant from the Ford Foundation for the Dialect Survey of Guyana. 640

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641

modifyingit has been offered.'In fact, orthodoxlinguistictheory dealt exclusively in terms of static models of discrete languagesand dialects, and data in which could not readily be incorporated such models were consignedto the 'wastebasketof performance' (Labov 1969:759), absolvingthe linguist of any might obligationto accountfor it. The only possibilityopenin such a framework seem to be 'to capturethe variationswithinthe two poles by additionalrulesto the grammarsof each' (Alleyne 1964:25)-which, as Alleyne himself realized, which runs one immediatelyinto the problemof how to decide,non-arbitrarily, variation to relate to which grammar.Indeed, no one seems even to have atThose who essayedthe continuumat all foundthemtemptedsuch a procedure. selves obligedin practiceto fall back on ad-hocmethods. 1.3. Allsopp 1958, 1962 deservesevery credit for his pioneeringwork on the with which he recordedall Guyanese continuum,and for the scrupulousness variant forms;few linguistsso fully satisfy Labov's 'principle accountability' of the (1969:737-8,fn. 20). But inevitably,considering time at whichit waswritten, his worksuffersfromtheoreticaldefects. Perhapsthe most criticalof these is its attempt to relate all the variants describedto some homogeneous'Georgetown dialect';recognitionthat this is an impossibilitymust be the beginning,not the of studiesin Guyana.In at least one respect,however, finishing-point, continuum his Allsopp'swork is far from being superseded; field methods(use of surreptitious recording,of an intermediaryto set up 'pseudo-real' situationsetc.) still containvaluablelessonsfor the field linguist. 1.4. The second attempt I shall deal with (B. Bailey 1971) is not an actual description,but rather a novel and ingenious technique for determiningthe distance of given (non-polar)texts from either pole of the continuum.Briefly, it consists of countingthe numberof rule changesnecessaryto convert a text into one or the other, then expressing result in terms of a proportionwhich the will show the text's approximate positionon the continuum.(The precisedetails need not concernus here.) Unfortunately,it is based on an assumptionwhich followslogicallyfrom generativeprinciples, which,as I shall show,is almost but certainly incorrect: that the continuum is simply producedby the random mutual interferenceof two discrete and self-consistentgrammars(in this case the grammars JamaicanCreoleand StandardJamaicanEnglish).If this were of the case, the continuumwould be non-rule-governed; principleddescriptionof it would be quite literally impossible,and one's sole recoursewould indeed be ad-hocdescription individualtexts. In all fairnessto Bailey, I must emphasize of that it is clear,fromher presentation,that she herselfregardsthe techniqueas a utilitarianstop-gapratherthan as a contribution theory. to 1.6. Finally, DeCamp 1971 avoids the pitfalls of the two previousattempts: he realizesthat the continuumis not amenableto either monosystemic bisysor temic treatment, yet he accepts the fact that it must be rule-governed. His discovery of the existenceof implicationalrelationsin the continuum-crucial for generallinguisticsas well as for creolestudies-constitutes such an immense advanceon previousanalysesthat it may seem churlishto criticizeit. However, all explorers sufferthe same handicap;their view of the terrainwhichthey con-

1969 etc. consequently the linguist's task is to find the rules. while deeply indebted to all three. 2.-J. and lexical items is sufficient basis for a strict implicational model. the syllable-final consonant clusters /tt id/. one should say 'mesolects'. Bailey (196970. not merely forms from the polar lects. Bailey 1971 points out. in the light of my own data. SOME THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS 2. but in fact. acrolect inflected to be). E. as C. object pronoun (basilect am. 'conceptualist'. constitute either a creole continuum or the description of one. or perhaps I should say is already emitting its first lusty cries. for convenience I use the term 'mesolect' to cover all isolects between the two polar ones. phonological. Others which we shall not have space to discuss are doz. wor).) and C. its lineal parents are Labov (1966. 0 for locative verb (basilect de. rather than to 'sacrifice' inconvenient data. Some which we shall have occasion to deal with later on are i and shi for 3sg. However.-J. are peculiar to itself. if not always in phonetic shape. fern. A second weakness is failure to incorporate intra-individual variation-the case of the almost ubiquitous speaker who sometimes says pikni and sometimes child.2. our metatheory breaks down the Saussurean dichotomy between 2 To be strictly accurate. he hasn't got a continuum to place them on. the fact that DeCamp considers only binary alternates must now appear as a defect. I have suggested that what creolists need is a metatheory as rigorous as the structuralist or generative ones. Such forms render unreal any statement in terms of binary choice. unsystematic selection of items from different linguistic levels is not much help when it comes to the task of description.642 VOLUME NUMBER3 (1973) LANGUAGE. until the contrary can be proved. until he describes it. abstract nominals such as oplifment.g. If DeCamp has a strong claim to being its godfather. Even if the belief is valid..) The interpretation that follows. To achieve its stated ends. is strictly my own. acrolect (h)or). drawn from a community very similar to the one DeCamp was describing) that any random selection of grammatical. A third weakness is the belief (highly dubious. but with a wholly different concept of language. we regard empirical data (unlike the generativists) as no less and (unlike the structuralists) as no more 'real' than abstract relations. non-emphatic did. doz bi. We thus assume. acrolect woz. Such a one is even now in its birth-pangs. en as negator. and we exact point-by-point congruence between the two. DeCamp may argue that what he is doing is placing his speakers at their appropriate points on the continuum. The new metatheory takes linguistic variation as the center rather than the periphery of language study. however.1. and many more. quer will never be as clear and all-embracing as that of those who painlessly follow in their laboriously hacked paths. 49. dem as plural article. . tshupitnis. The metatheory is. bin for copula (past tense) in the environment _ PRED ADJ (basilect 0. An implicational ranking of speakers does not. however much these may conflict with theoretical preconceptions. 1971 etc. that all variation is rule-governed. in itself. one characteristic bf the mesolect2 seems to be that it contains. but forms which in function.

-J.' There does seem to be something obsessive and unmotivated (by empirical data. nullement necessaire a 1'6tude de la linguistique". one of the weaknesses of previous formulations has been their failure to distinguish adequately the two domains. there is a lect B wherein application of rule x alternates with application of rule y'. or 'inherent variability' as Labov calls it. Bailey's 'panlectal implicational scale' (1969-70. below. which in turn constitutes a selection from the totality of possible sets of rules for human language'. that terms such as 'isolect' or 'panlectal grid' are purely abstract. Table 6. 'Marcel Cohen. in given environments. 'a dialect of Y'-already deeply rooted in popular usage-have led a kind of double life. 2. Bickerton 1971) is whether the existence of such rule conflicts necessitates 'variable rules' which would estimate. which we may define as 'any possible set of rules such that it will differ from adjacent sets of rules on a panlectal (implicational) grid by only a single rule-conflict or resolution of such conflict'. 8 According to a recent commentator (Mounin 1968:38). be accepted by any other linguist at present. moreover. . the relative probability that x or y would be applied. Terms such as 'the language X'.3 Language is then seen as a dynamic process evolving through space and time.THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM 643 synchronic and diachronic studies.3. and to coalesce into an arbitrary whole. 'leaky' grammars. will serve to clarify it as well as demonstrate its efficacy. but I hope that the empirical study based on it. It follows that to speak of 'dialects' or even perhaps 'languages' may be misleading. 4 The more extreme form of this statement would not.) and objects which those theories were used to analyse. cf. being simultaneously elements in theories ('all and only the sentences of a language'. it should be clear that such instability. It will be noted. variants that fit no system. from ?3 onward. Whatever the outcome. conflicting native-speaker intuitions-all the problems that vexed previous formulations are now seen as the inevitable consequences of spatial or temporal segmentation of what is really a seamless whole. A RULE CONFLICT may be defined as 'a situation where. at least) in the eternal dichotomizing of the 'father of modern linguistics'. or C. I think. III:110). between an isolect A which contains a rule x and an isolect C which contains a rule y. un des plus anciens et des plus fideles collaborateurs de Meillet.. a closer relation between theory and data becomes possible when the two are more clearly separated conceptually. forms a necessary and vital part of language. etc. and is indeed none other than the locomotive of linguistic change. issue within the new metatheory (Labov 1969.4 these terms merely seek to freeze at an arbitrary moment. Paradoxically. or it may not. One current. Indeed. et un "cadre . The more abstract approach summarized here may seem awkward and unfamiliar at first. A more appropriate unit to work with is the ISOLECT. if relatively minor. I hope to deal with it at length in a forthcoming study of the evolution of the Guyanese continuum. phenomena which in nature are ongoing and heterogeneous.. A PANLECTAL GRID may be defined as 'the totality of possible sets of rules for an (arbitrarily limited) area in space and/or time. A given isolect may be realized by one or many speakers. y a vu et y voit toujours un t6moignage du "temperament dichotomique" de Saussure.

In the material to be presented in this paper. Some. we shall see two clear tendencies constantly at work. It is this process which gives rise to the characteristically mesolectal forms referred to in ?1.4. internalize rules which were but vague and inaccurate approximations of English rules. they would not simply internalize a handful of English rules among their predominantly creole ones. even while the over-all drift of the system toward English was maintained. the creole continuum owes its existence to the fact that. Now there is every reason to believe that the behavior of these complementizers is paradigmatic of the continuum as a whole. of course. we can now examine the continuum. rejecting (or rejected by) the superordinate culture. In turn. NUMBER 3 (1973) 2. dominant in the community as a whole. probably early in the last century. I do not in any sense wish to imply that they are random or unprincipled. A previous study (Bickerton 1971) limited itself to a very narrow areaalternation of tu and fu as complementizer-and showed how the apparently random distribution of these two items could be accounted for on the basis of a rule change which was initiated. Not all. The human mind is a good grammar-formingtool. even where raw data are scant or defective. 'Approximations' are not strictly speaking misinterpretations.644 LANGUAGE. finding in that output a limited but variable percentage from the target lects. a slowly increasing segment of the creole-speaking population was provided with both opportunity and motivation to modify its linguistic behavior in the direction of the approved variety. since in many cases this limited percentage would be insufficient for adequate analysis. this we may call the tendency toward partial selection. after emancipation.5. these approximations would form part of the input to the grammars of the next generation of speakers. would inevitably internalize marginally different grammars. I have described mesolectal rules as 'approximations' of English rules. For many others. thus people in situations such as I have outlined. VOLUME 49. which is to make the minimal adjustment in one's grammar consonant with new data. that the speaker internalizes his grammar by inducing rules from the output of those with whom he comes into contact (a part of generative theory which I think can surely be retained). in all former treatments. while for others it has scarcely begun. which was then successively generalized to other environments while simultaneously filtering down through socio-economic strata. then. in many cases. Assume.5. Its effects are reinforced by those of the second tendency. they would. 2. In consequence. the social. set up cross-currents that slowed up the over-all evolution of the system. and economic barriers between whites and non-whites were gradually but progressively weakened-while white norms remained. responded equally. thus perpetuating them. In other words. These forms-the likeliest. opportunity and motivation were severely limited. political. Moreover. and which is in consequence complete for some sections of the community. this is perhaps a special case of a far more universal tendency-there are no leaps in nature-usually known as the . With the foregoing orientation in mind. to be shoveled into 'parole' or 'free variation' or some similar conceptual dustbin-turn out to be the key developments without which the true nature of a creole continuum cannot be understood. at least until very recently. in a very limited environment. but rather selections of a genuine part (though only a part) of the actual target rule.

few or one level(s) of discourse. and ethnic groups. The data on whichthe presentpaperis basedrepresent attemptto overcome an or at least reducethese defects. sometimessurreptitiously. or an accidentalone of extant corpuses. They continue. in speeches. it was recorded by several differentpersons (all but myself native Guyanese)-sometimes openly.social of classes. It is worth askingwhethertriviality is a necessarypropertyof speech data. and folktales.As a result of the operationof these two tendencies.and StandardGuyaneseEnglish as the other. I certainly do not wish to suggest that either Guyanese Creole or Standard Guyanese English consists of only a single isolect.streets. I shall in each case begin analysiswith the most homogeneous section of the corpus(the Bushlotsample. whichis (as I hope to show) fully describable.To minimizethis. SOME METHODOLOGICALCONSIDERATIONS 3.It cannot claim to be an ideal corpus-which would simply be total access to the speech production of an entire community-and. in a continuumsituation.and is limited simply by the difficultiesof processingmore material. to be convenient for informal use.bars.can be implicationally ranked. . Changesin theoryinevitablyinvolvechangeson the level of methodology. however. certainly they are unsuitable for use as primary terms in formal analysis.5 Eventuallythere comesinto existencethe continuum situationwith whichwe are by now familiar.The input to the individual's gramis mar-device. and such use here is merely to assist the reader in conceptualizing the over-all situation.the panlectal grid which has 'deep' GuyaneseCreoleas one of its boundaries.It representsthe output of nearly three hundredspeakers. Chomsky's Since. limited to few or one speaker(s). it is very much open to question whether the categories GC.wherethe inhabitantsof a in singlevillagewererecorded a singleinterviewer(withtopicsand circumstances by 6 By this.schools.It includesinterviews. far from being the chaos of randominterference that is generally implied. wherethere is immensediversity both betweenand within individualspeakers.THE NATURE OF A CREOLECONTINUUM 645 of 'principle least effort'.could not unfairly be describedas 'that body of data from which a homogeneous grammar may most easily be derived'. theory and. vis-A-visthe traditionalcorpus.1.jokes. SGE have any validity.workshops.reminiscences. from representatives all Guyana'ssettled regions. given an appropriate of course.recorded shops.discussed detailin Bickerton1971).To reduceobserverbias. the continuumrepresentsan orderedand principleddynamicprocess. graduallybecomespopulatedas more and moreintermediate isolectsare realizedby actualspeakers.appropriate tools. and far more heterogeneous. linguist can no longerrely on intuitions. conversations. Indeed. simply a body of speech data differingfrom the traditional corpus in only two respects-it is quantitatively greater. Yet for a decade the linguistic corpus has been dismissed as 'trivial'. his own or the anyone else's.Thus.The traditional corpus. It containssome quarter-million words.it has the disadvantage that differentparts of it are not alwaysreadilycomparable with one another. and private homes.whichformsthe basis of his native competence. with very few exceptions.whose contributions rangefrom a few sentencesto severalthousandwords. yet where such individuals.no one even remotelyapproximates 'ideal speaker-hearer'.

The reader will note a slight variation from normal practice in implicational tables. 3. Next comes the question of what to describe first-for the description of an entire continuum would be an enormous task. of course. Such a process is one of the many means of cross-checking provided by a really heterogeneous corpus. where. pluralizers. i. on the evidence before us. and so on. alone or otherwise. It will be observed that in most cases such pairs are made up of consecutive numbers. since a high number of 14's would indicate that the form allotted to the index 4 should perhaps have been allotted to 2. It seems as well to recognize this fact by admitting cases as non-deviant where a rule conflict persists 'unbroken' (i.g. most rule conflicts in the continuum are resolved fairly quickly. in all columns to the right.e. the presence of a basilectal index ALONE in a given column implies the presence of similar indices in all columns to the left.g. This provides a further check on the validity of the sequential ordering. e. that such occurrences are quite distinct from isolated deviances at some distance from the item's regular place of disappearance (e. The presence of two numbers in a single cell indicates the existence of a rule conflict. determiners. Finally. between its inception and resolution. the basilect form will be numbered 1. more heterogeneous. but a few. 23 etc.g. one can illustrate how the continuum works by selecting one or two relatively self-contained areas in the grammar. This consists of allotting numerical indices to alternating and equivalent items in their order away from the basilect. however. it should be clear that implicational relations can hold only between basilectal and non-basilectal items. and not between different non-basilectal items. isolect O's 12 in Col. I shall therefore analyse. the next form (if in that category there is a next form) will be numbered 3. E. sections. 3. and would have yielded very similar results.. 3 for isolects K and L would normally be considered deviances. To be sure. copulative and quasi-copulative forms. persist. and only then will I compare results obtained from other. NUMBER 3 (1973) held constant). in Table 5.. The highest number in any category will indicate the acrolectal form for that category.e.. since the basilect has no precise equivalent of English have+en. far beyond the scope of a single paper. However. Since some categories show only two alternates. while the presence of a non-basilectal index. implies the presence of similar indices. no lect containing only the second member of the 'conflict pair' intrudes). we need a convention for presenting quite complex material in the limited span of an implicational table. 'perfect tense' would be an inappropriate category. 9 of the same table). and second. e. the l's in Col. alone or otherwise. This merely means that we have to restate the normal implication conditions as follows: deviances apart. analyses of. E. VOLUME 49.g. 3. or the entire verbal system would have been equally possible. while others show four or more. that these involve categories reaching right across the continuum. the form first replacing it will be numbered 2. for reasons which are sometimes rather obscure. singular pronouns.. the former indicate the existence of a prolonged rule conflict.4. first.g. The choice is a random one.3. It should be clear.2. One must ensure. negation.646 LANGUAGE. 12. .

4. 18. for five-place ones. 13. containing 1. 8. in downward-only. Berbice) speakers. 26. we shall here consider upward-and-downward vs. 15. 1 - - 1 1 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 - - 1 1 1 1 - 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 42 2 2 - 2 2 2 2 2 12 12 12 - 2 2 12 12 2 2 2 ( 2 2 2 - D2 2 2 - 2 2 2 la (= Table 9. 17. downward-only scalability. 15. The use of the latter type here is doubly motivated. 19. 25. 4. and 2 as possible indices) is about 66 %. 10. lower among higher indices alone must be counted. so that a deviance-free table would be 100 % scalable. Data of Table la according to conventions of ?? 3. 6.THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM 647 3. 19. 7. or lower among higher indices as deviances. 25. tu tu - fu fu tu tu tu fu tu fu tu tu tu tu tu tu 3. 22. However. If in one respect I may appearto have relaxedimplicationalstrictness. scalability indices shown as percentages in subsequent tables represent the sum of non-deviant cells divided by the sum of cells filled. 26. 1 = fu. 16. II (after desiderative and other 'psychological' verbs). 12. figures around 90 % can be regarded as adequate. 2. it is 50 % or less (and some of the tables which follow are more than five-place). 17. 6. Distribution of tu and fu. 5. 14. TABLElb. 1. 11.e. 9.6. 14. 21. Scalability is a formal measure of the extent to which implicational tables are 'well-formed'. and III (in all other environments). divided among categories I (after modal and inceptive verbs). for Bushlot (W. 24. sincechancescalabilityforthreeplace tables (e. Deviations circled. 24. In practice. In upward-anddownward.5. one may count either higher among lower. thereis anotherin whichI have certainlytightenedit. 12. 28. . 20. it corresponds SPEAKER I II III SPEAKER III 1 II - I - 1.3-3. there is more than one type of scalability. First. 7. 5. 11. 22.g. Note the reversed position of Cols. 27. Bickerton 1971). 2. 27. 13. 28.64%. 2 = tu. 21. 9. 20. i. scalability = 94. 10. 16. I-III. 8. 23. TABLE tu tu fu tu/fu fu tu tu tu/fu tu tu tu/fu fu fu fu fu tu fu fu fu tu/fu tu/fu fu tu/fu tu fu fu fu fu fu fu tu/fu fu No data tu No data fu tu tu tu/fu tu tu/fu fu fu 3. 12. maintain the conditions specified above. Onecheckon the validity of implicational tables is the extent to which they are scalable.

with respect to tense-aspect markers. Bailey 1966:13-14). we will have to conclude that. c. As a link between Bickerton 1971 and the present paper. These vary relatively little across the continuum. isn't that what the girl is?' *na chupit di gyal? I do not wish to suggest any deficiency in Bailey's table. two close back vowels. and 'predicate copying' in topicalized sentences (note that 'copying' does not apply to noun phrases) :7 (1) a. e ee. Indeed. short and long fully-open centralized vowels. Table 9 of the former is here first repeated (Table la). Bailey does for Jamaican Creole. b. Table 1 in C. in the basilect. VOLUME 49. there is no such thing as zero copula. a lower index among higher ones indicates just this. scalability figures for implicational tables would be little if any better than chance. always yielding figures equal to or less than those which may be derived from the upward-and-downward type. (3) a. Consonants are: p b t d k g. a aa. w y (/j/) h. We are now in a position to examine copula and quasi-copula forms in the Guyanese continuum. i ii. we can show that. u uu. oo.4% scalable upward-and-downward. 'adjectives' behave in many ways like all verbs and. First it is necessary to dispose of some creole folklore. f v s z sh (///). it is more rigorous.g. as against 67.' i ogli mo dan jaan 'He is uglier than John.e. then expressed in terms of the foregoing conventions (Table lb).g. I r. but vowels are much less stable. it seems likely however that judgmental and speech-data tables would require different treatment.6 It should hardly need saying that. if the continuum were really formed by random interference between polar lects. a short back open or slightly centralized vowel. a long back mid-close vowel. isn't that what the man does?' *na tiif di man? na chupit dz gyal chupit? 'Stupid. three diphthongs. a short front mid-open and a long front mid-close vowel. comparatives. and others fewer. Thus if we treat adjectives as surface verbs (as B. more basilectal behavior. (2) a. 7 The orthography for all citations from Guyanese speech is based on that originated by Cassidy 1960 and subsequently used in most publications on Jamaican speech (e. There are slight differences between the vowel systems of the two areas. in the basilect. 1966:42-3and supporting arguments can be drawn both from abstract syntax and from the African languages to which Caribbean Creoles are related)..' na tiif di man tiif? 'Steal. The use of implicational tables in linguistics is too recent for there to be any literature on their typology. E. Second. Although some speakers consistently distinguish more vowels.-J. the oft-repeated assertion that creole languages 'have zero copula'. many Guyanese use approximately the following system: two close front vowels. E. i. ai au ea. m n ng (/n/). and any unique representation of them can be no more than a rough guide to the reader. B. d.1. short and long. j (/d3/) ch (/tJ/). NUMBER 3 (1973) to the intuition that most deviance is 'backward'. o. which deals. not with actual speech data.2% downwardonly. . THE GUYANESE COPULA SYSTEM 4. 6 hau i wok! 'How hard he works!' hau i taal! 'How tall he is!' i taak mo danjaan 'He talks more than John.648 LANGUAGE.g. b. short and long.. b. reversion to earlier. but with judgments of acceptability. they observe identical rules with respect to exclamations. Bailey 1970 is 91. exactly like stative verbs.

'adjectives' take the past marker bin to denote simple past. mi no 'I know.' g. you GET j. na wan baks di man tiif? 'Wasn't it a box (that) the man stole?' f.' wen rais yala.' (b) Introducing cleft and pseudo-cleft sentences: (6) a.' d.' 4. laik hau yu daadi de 'just as your father was.' b. (a) Equative. yu a redi fi kot 'When the rice is yellow. not (as with non-statives) 'past before past'. wen rais yala. and zero marker to denote non-past. i a redi fi kot.' (d) Locative.' e. in Guyana. abi de a striit 'We were in the street.THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM 649 e. i.' (e) Existential (in 'exposed position'): (9) a. if a tuutrii ayu 'if there are two or three of you. *wen rais yala. not (as with non-statives) simple past. B. di weda bin difren 'The weather was different. more functions than Bailey indicates for Jamaica. linking co-referential but formally non-identical NP's: (5) a. Bailey 1966:32-3).' f. abi a lil bai an lil gyal 'We were little boys and girls. dem daadi de bitwiin dem kuli 'Their father was (living) among those East Indians.' c. The remaining functions of English be are distributed between two verbs. I am knowing it is ready. a di seem ting hapn in ada vilij 'It was the same thing that happened in other villages.' b. mi waak 'I walked. ready to cut. Many reject altogether the continuative marker a.2. i bin get gon 'He had a gun.' (c) 4Introducingimpersonal expressions: (7) a. evri sekan a sooja in a vilij 'There were soldiers in the village the whole time. i se dem blak piipl bin stap i kyar 'He said those black people had stopped his car.' b. *na wan baks di man tiif wan baks? Like stative verbs. da a fos yia mi staat 'That was the first year I started.' b. it's ready to cut.' . and the few that accept it alter their meaning accordingly: (4) a. *wen rais yala.' b.' b. a and de (cf. mi a no i redi *'When the rice is yellow. a so abi yuus tu duu lang taim 'That was how we used to do it in the old days. dem wilinfi work bot ook na de 'They are willing to work but work doesn't exist. with adverbials of place: (8) a.' h. the principal ones are as follows. i redifi kot 'When the rice is yellow. Each has. mi wiiri 'I am tired.

we must now consider a third. within each subcategory. number. For the copulative subsystem. the rule change had to be fully complete within one subcategory before it could extend to the next. (b) after modals and inceptives.' b. in the analysis of Table 2 which follows. abi de til maanin 'We were (there) until morning. (b) sequentially. I shall show precisely how the process works in practice.e. and person is covered in basilectal creole by three distinct verbs (more. In addition to the two tendencies discussed in ?2. and (c) sequentially. If we consider these facts simply as a learning problem for the basilectal speaker. for almost every speaker. In addition. 4. However.650 LANGUAGE. Figure lc. be as auxiliary with -ing. as we shall see. in at least one (predominantlybasilectal) community. selecting a particular aspect of the 'target' or acrolectal rule. within each category. should help to explain why this is so. i. say.' b. nor (at least in the basilect) can either be replaced by zero. . which was dealt with in Bickerton 1971: the tendency to subcategorize by grammatical environment. eebl etc. and compare it with the problem which confronts. I showed that. the subcategories relevant to the introduction of the rulefu -.1-4. the mesolect is grossly under-represented.3. mi de a luk mi kau 'I was (there) looking for my cow. of course. replacing one inflecting verb with two which inflect rather more fully). As has been constantly emphasized by C. VOLUME 49. they begin in a very limited area. This is not just a theoretical model. 4. We may say (if an anthropomorphic metaphor may be excused) that the language change process operates by (a) dividing a given language area into environmental subcategories. which they normally saturate before they begin in the next area.' Sometimes. and Table 3 gives a rather fuller picture of the mesolect.4. the relevant subcategories seem to be precisely those examined in ??4. but which in most treatments is lumped in with it.g. impersonal expressions with gat for type (c)-but a and de will not commute in any of the sentences cited. and for purposes of comparison.e.). there are alternative possibilities-e. In my earlier paper.-J. below. Table 2 shows the distribution of copula and quasi-copula forms for Bushlot by individual speaker. none of which inflect. (The mesolect is another matter.5.' (g) Introducing adverbials of time or manner: (11) a.) We may sum up by saying that the area covered in English by a single verb which inflects for tense.2.tu were (a) after yuus. Bailey. NUMBER 3 (1973) (f) Introducing non-finites: (10) a. notn moo na de fi duu 'There's nothing else left to do. and so on. As Bushlot is a predominantly basilectal area. and I showed that. we may better understand the difficulties which confront both learners and teachers of language in Guyana and indeed throughout the Anglophonic Caribbean. abi de jes seemweso 'We stayed just like that. making the minimal adjustment necessary to the speaker's grammarto incorporate the selection of (b).e. (c) after desiderative and other 'psychological' verbs. the English learner of French (i. I have included a subcategory which is not really a part of the subsystem. if you count items like redi. rule changes never extend immediately to all environments. replacing one all-purpose inflecting verb with another) or even of Spanish (i. and (d) in all other environments of fu as complementizer. frekn.

TABLE 2. although the data of Table 2 are inconclusive on this score. 12. 6. Col. once it is introduced. 13. 5 = cleft S's. a/bina in Cols. adj. Col. Scalability = 95. )3 3 4 Key: 1 = de/bin de in Cols. Col. it extends to all subcategories simultaneously.5. 14. later. 3 = time/maner adverbials. Col. 1 1 1 28. 24. 3. Col. cleft and impersonal sentences still do not acquire it or there) or adopting number inflections (4 in Table 2). 'Partial selection' begins by noting that some of the items in the speaker's repertoire are non-standard. the change process itself develops in accord with the tendencies discussed in ?2. 4 = be with full person concord. Col. 6.. 4. while 'least effort' incorporates them. 19.THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM SPEAKER 651 8 1 2 3 4 5 7 23. 5. 9. 11. 1 1 1 1 21. 3 = iz/woz (no person concord).6%. without at this stage making any changes in the underlying grammar (e. 1 . 4 = preceding non-finite structures. This might seem to contradict the tendency toward environmental subcategorization. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 25. 0/bin in Col. 2 = 0 except in Col. Environments: Col. 10. 5. 9 = V-ing. Finally. 8. 15. Col. 6. Implicational table for copula distribution (Bushlot). 26. I shall try to show why. 1-4. and that. 7. Next. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2.g. 16. 20. 27. 'partial selection' observes the appropriate verb iz and its appropriate past tense woz. 8 = impersonal S's. This development is much clearer and more widespread in Table 3. 6 = pred. 7. there is no longer reason to suppose that they .locative. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 13 13 1 3 3 23 3 ( )3 3 17. and 'least effort' responds by dropping them without always replacing them (2 in Table 2). 7 = NP complement. 1. Col. it seems likely from other evidence that the full set of English inflections is not introduced until (perhaps some time after) iz/woz has taken over all environments. 1 1 1 13 3 3 3 3 3 4 18. but in fact it does not. 2 = existential. once the same verb has occupied all subcategories.

(b) reversal of NP complement and cleft S. the ing form itself is not present. 5 = cleft S's. de. in this paper. (iii) Acquisition of English sandhi (isn't. 1 = locative. Col. 123. and therefore have excluded occurrences of the latter from the table. 4 = NP complement. Note (a) absence of time/manner. doz being the mesolectal habitual-aspect marker. Some details of Table 2 are worth comment. VOLUME 49. yuuz a kyaapinta.) (ii) Random distribution of number inflections. I suspect. wii woz etc. where aiz represents ai doz. Copula distribution: the mesolectal pattern. tshail 'I'm your father. it is. child. This stage comes between 4 and 5 and gives rise to sentences such as: (12) a. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 23 23 l4 1 2 3 3 2 2 99. 3 = non-finites. doubtful identity of equative with continuative/iterative a. 100.90%. to embroil the reader in the Guyanese verbal system as a whole. 3 = be (all forms). nu? 'You're a carpenter. a is eliminated before . in the basilect. 2 = 0. 105.g. 4. aiz go de regla 'I go there regularly'. Col. aren't you?' (These must not be confused with apparently similar forms. 108. First. and yields forms such as i wor. A second point of some theoretical interest concerns the fact that. 7 = -ing.5. 9 is empty because. 119. but merely the most important ones. hence I have deliberately ignored the possible but. 125. NUMBER 3 (1973) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 120. Col. Col. 8 = pred adj. 126.' b. would go on being perceived as separate. 6 = impersonal. 1 _ 23 23 3 3 3 3 3 2 3 23 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 3 3 3 3 23 23 3 3 23 ( 23 23 3 @ 117. This is an early substage of 5.652 SPEAKER LANGUAGE. 2 = existential. e. the upper half of Col. I should also add that these are not the only stages in the process. 102. Others which we may briefly note are: (i) 'Premature' sandhi. 1 = a. 101. The basilectal translation of he (is) walking is i a waak-but a+stem is much more than a mere equivalent of the English present continuous. Scalability = 87. aren't etc. 129. within the pattern of subcategorization already described. and I did not wish. aiz yu daadi. 118. Col. Col. 3 3 3 3 Q 3 3 3 3 3 3 0 3 3 3 3 3 3 TABLE 3. Col. 121. 122.) This is the final stage of all. Col. 124. I think. often delayed because many local teachers still stigmatize these forms as incorrect.

and it would be nice to think that one had uncovered a universal process. existential de. bin. 3 3 1 1 b.7. and perhaps cannot. There is one slight variation from the practice of Table 2. While post-hoc explanations must always be suspect. (14) a. (It should be emphasized that survey numbers represent only the order in which transcribed texts were incorporated into the body of the corpus. sytlistic. no allowances were made for contextual. there are three columns in which it does not. and clause-final position. for reasons to be discussed-but still adequate at 87. the secondary stress carried by de can readily be transferred to another item when zero substitutes. are drawn from all three counties and all class levels from 'middle-middle' on down. some Indian. and when working he used the somewhat risky procedure of attempting an idealized mesolect so as not to 'contaminate' informants with acrolectal forms. . This was one of my assistants (the only one in the sample under discussion). such as 13. but this is hardly possible where. the index 2 has been given to all occurrences of zero. it is worth noting that 30 % of the deviance (removal of which would raise scalability to more than 90 %) stems from a single speaker. has semantic meaning. The same is true of Table 3. unfortunately. a third sample. Speakers. or other differences. occur. Indeed. 2 because the item to be replaced. this must remain a topic for future research. his own norm is quasi-acrolectal (he was a finalyear English major at the time). as compared with be.) Despite some variety in the nature of texts. i dein di kobod.THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM 653 change is introduced into any of the subcategories of de. recorded while himself in conversation with informants. retains some subcategories of both a and de after others have been eliminated. Data for it were obtained by taking all speakers with survey numbers between 99 and 130 who used copula forms in not less than three different environments. It is in the cupboard. stress. answer to 'Who's the eldest?') In locative environments.90 %. de carries stress in all environments: 2 1 (13) a. For all the frequency of zero. Scalability is lower than in Table 2-this seems universal for the mesolect. answer to waapnin? 'How are you?') 1 3 b. I am (unmarked. 123. 4. mi de (unmarked. some African. drawn from Uitvlugt in West Demerara. whether as basilectal PA-copula or mesolectal copula-replacement. and the table has been further simplified by lumping together inflected and uninflected be (index 3. while retaining all the other features discussed here. did not occur in this set of data).6. 4. this particular span of numbers includes recordings by five different individuals made under a variety of circumstances. Table 3 is predominantly mesolectal. since one of the main purposes of Table 3 is to illustrate the spread of zero in the mesolect. It is beyond the scope of this paper to describe or try to account for differential rule ordering among different regional or social groups. the verb occurs in environment #. While Table 2 is predominantly basilectal. It cannot occur in Col. as in 14 and with existential de generally.

4. on this basis. (ii)).' Thus a must be replaced immediately by some formative.g. Nupe-cf. a mi hozbantel mi 'It was my husband who told me. which might even apply to creoles in general (cf. (but not.654 LANGUAGE. thus.' b. 'partial selection' and 'least effort' ensure that unlinflectediz should be that formative. *we iz madon nau dee a potagii man neem di freetas. even when. while both 'subjectless' verb and impersonal-subject-plus-verb are possible. past action'. wen di ool leedi dedwoz di torddeefu dis bai 'When the old lady died. In the third case. this. may be only a special case of a far more general output constraint which would permit only one marker of aspect. it was three days after this boy was born. Now. since the simple deletion of a would merely neutralize the opposition between pairs of sentences such as: (15) a.' I suspect that the reason for this may go something as follows. in 16b-c. if iz midnait i weeki gon bigin kos 'If it's midnight when he wakes up. never occurs at all in present-tense contexts. staat and bil. of negation) for each derivation. *we iz madon nau a potagii man neem di freetas. NUMBER 3 (1973) Nor can zero very well occur in Col. The fact that woz is always realized in past tense with impersonal expressions. g. of course. as distinct from cleft sentences. is far from the disconfirmation of our previous . iz yiaz afta de bil a maakit 'It was years later that a market was built. *wen di ool leedi ded it di tord dee fu dis bai. the last two sentences would be regarded as already sufficiently marked. There is evidence for a rule. tense. whereby aspect markers are deleted in all but the deepest S of any derivation. we iz madon nau woz a potagii man neem di freetas 'Where the Modern (Store) now is. perhaps ungrammatical (woz. 6. across the continuum almost to the acrolect (as in a number of African languages. of course. f.' c. and the addition of a past morpheme to iz would be felt as at least superfluous.' b. mi hozbantel me 'My husband told me. we iz madon nau dee woz a potagii man neem di freetas. *wen di ool leedi ded di torddeefu dis bai. Smith 1969:117) stem+0 indicates 'present state. iz afta da di waata staat iitin 'It was after that that erosion set in. are therefore unequivocally marked 'past'. there was a Portuguese called de Freitas. e. Usually. We have already noted that basilectal grammatical structures persist long after the characteristic basilectal morphemes have been replaced. so this situation cannot be compared with that of ?4. context seems to call unequivocally for some past-tense marker: (16) a. Bickerton & Escalante 1970:258). 5. it or there are the items which originally have zero representation. in impersonal expressions. and they are not introduced until a stage at which be is realized obligatorily in all environments. zero cannot occur because. h.' b. d. plurality etc. VOLUME 49.' c. as in two of the next three examples. Col. impersonal-subject-plus-zero and double-zero realization are not: (17) a. e. wen di ool leedi ded it woz di tord deefu dis bai. he'll start swearing. in turn.

) (Arrows indicate indigenous bilingualism). because of the social stigma attached to creoles generally. etc. its salience as a feature is even greater than this figure would indicate.8. However. I suspect that. since what we are dealing with here is the deepest S.THE NATURE OF A CREOLECONTINUUM 655 analysis that it might appear. and in some phonological environments assimilated) might simply not be heard-or._ _ URBAN CLASSES . Figure 1 is an attempt to suggest some reasons. why zero persists. it does so with great frequency.. 30. etc.g. e. Their next move might be to rationalize away any genuinely basilectal markers that could have leaked into the sample. linguists were looking only for homogeneous systems. is still not entirely clear: namely. not of the creole basilect. to confirm this assumption without doing excessive violence to the data. Here the UPPER CLASS . We can now see one way in which the myth of the 'creole zero copula' may have come into existence. thus i de would be read as i+0+de 'he (is) there'. the texts in Le Page & DeCamp 1960 which led Taylor 1963 to dismiss Jamaican Creole as 'not a creole' were taken from the approximate center of the continuum. but of that process ofDECREOLIZATIONwhich produces the mesolect. As pointed out in B._LANG <- LANG _\-Lower limit SA 'A'/ RURAL CLASSES / (INDIGENOUS (INDIGENOUS 'B' LANGUAGES) LANGUAGES) of Pidgin English \ FIGURE la. Malaya. Likewise. of the 57 filled cells in those columns. since the environments which those columns represent are more common than the others. on the contrary. or even be interpreted as a derivative of English are. In the columns where zero can occur.--. Moreover. of course!). .----_ Lower limit of L2 English A__/ . given the assumption that creoles are 'simplifications' of European languages. 4. in sentences like those of 17. One thing. if heard. if only sporadically. this 'simplification'-if zero copula may be so termed-is a characteristic feature. among the more acrolectal speakers of Table 3. however. until very recently. L-model for 'plural' ex-colony (Ghana. Their first move would probably be to dismiss as 'English interference' all occurrences of be. de could be treated as a phonological re-interpretation of English there (which it also is. contain occurrences of zero-and. Bailey 1971. Even apparent counter-examples such as i de de could always be accounted for by that good old creole standby. as we have now seen. or 53 %. most non-creole-speaking linguists have had trouble in getting anything deeper than mesolectal texts. that analysis would forecast the presence of the past morpheme. a (never stressed. might be written off as a 'hesitation phenomenon' (Guyanese hesitationmarker am can sound quite similar) or other performance feature. 'reduplication'-'he there there'! Thus it is by no means difficult.

e. but ethnic identity--i. As a result of socio-economic forces operatACROLECT A scu mt I Zone of maximum zero c T v FIGURE Ic. France.656 LANGUAGE. It is a perhaps regrettable fact that the most important covariable of linguistic behavior in Guyana is not age. etc. for stylis- . VOLUME 49. education.). NUMBER 3 (1973) UPPERCLASS ----MINGPT CLASS \ _-. or even urbanization. occupation. m = section of continuum occupied by Africans 1 = section of continuum occupied by Indians o = section of continuum formerly occupied by Africans (still semi-available tic effect). ING CLASS Various class 'dialects' of a unitary if non-homogeneous language. L-model forGuyana. most of the speakers of Table 3 are African.. whether the speaker belongs to the African or the East Indian community. All the Bushlot speakers are East Indians. situation in the typical post-colonial 'plural' society (la) and the culturally homogeneous metropolitan society (lb) are contrasted with the Guyanese situation (lc). ING CLASS FIGURE lb. L-model for metropolitan states (England. income.

masculine subject pronoun is (h)i. From these facts. its frequency in other environments increases as one crosses the continuum. (basilect miwan. and also. and I know of no case where it is distinctive in word-final position.g. the 3sg. yours etc. Throughout the continuum. as shown in Fig. for reasons of space. object pronoun merely undergoes vowel lengthening in 'higher' lects. not much reliance can be placed on them as indicators of linguistic change. 'Black English'-the problem is one that merits further study. and would therefore merely encumber the analysis with additional categories. between mi and mai as deictic pronouns).THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM 657 ing in Guyana over the last century or so. the idealist orientation of generative theory takes no cognizance of this. the fact that zero is one of the few forms found in both mesolect and basilect would tend to reinforce its use.8 it is available to them. particularly in style shifting. THE GUYANESE PRONOMINAL SYSTEM 5. as compared with that of items associated solely with one or other of the two. yu oon etc. mesolect mi oon. mine. The simplicity achieved at this price will be used to handle a larger mass of data than was possible in dealing with the rather trickier copula. to rather varying degrees. lc. We may now turn to our second subsystem. and I shall do so from a purely morphological viewpoint-though there appear to be some interesting differences within Guyanese speech relating both to the conditions under which pronominalization can take place and those under which pronouns may be deletable. the reporting of the speech of those they consider beneath themselves socially. but this change is of little theoretical interest as compared with the grosser changes we are considering here. the bulk of the African population has moved well away from the basilect. yu. the commoner a form is. unless phonetic differences are sharp enough (e. Similarly. But doubtless other factors are involved.S. Lengthening of the same kind is the only change to affect 2sg. without any compensating benefit: these include the entire possessive set. The pre-aspirated form occurs even in the basilect under primary stress.1. basilectal mi as lsg. while they do vary. Although comprehension and production are probably always asymmetrical. and-since it obviously has a bearing on the origins of 'copula deletion' in U. I shall examine only singular pronouns. at least in the present corpus. First. But the mesolectal 'floor' of the African. Not all pronouns are variable. the signaling of emotions as diverse as intimacy and deprecation. because of the amount of phonetic variability present in all speech. since for most African speakers the basilect lies within passive knowledge. and so on.9 it should be clear that. must not be regarded as impermeable. There are isolated individuals whose speech habitually lies below it. are relatively rare. the harder it is to discard..) and 2nd and 3rd person possessives yu/ 8 'Passive knowledge' seems to me in every way a preferable concept to 'competence'. two conclusions follow. a very large proportion of the African population lies within that mesolectal zone in which frequency of zero as a replacement form is highest-and it seems likely that. for such stylistic effects as the telling of folktales. . Second.2. 5. 9 Guyanese vowel length is highly variable at the best of times. while much of the Indian population has not. Other forms. Here. yu wan etc.

iz. At first sight.658 LANGUAGE. Again. mesolect. subject: i/shi. But No No Yes 10It should be noted that i.'0 (d) 3rd person masc. (h) 3rd person neuter subject: i/it. basilectal i is replaced by three different forms. where it is also replaced. possessive: i/shi/or. a basilectal form in (d). while in another (f). and with increasing frequency in other environments as the acrolect is approached. acrolect (and as is actually proposed for the Hawaiian continuum by Tsuzaki 1970). not alternants within the continuum). it seems highly doubtful whether am has any kind of etymological connection with him. (e) 3rd person fer. object: am/i/shi/or. shi is a first-replacement form in both (e) and (g). Limiting ourselves for the moment to the 3rd person. is even more improbable. 'true' allomorphs. 5. since its Guyanese version dem seems never to contract-despite the fact that it does so in many regional or 'sub-standard' varieties of English. VOLUME 49. Subject/object distinction . and thus it is unclear how this feature would fit into the evolution of the pronominal system. Gender distinction 2. and for this reason as well as others. Second. and in (f). as follows: BASILECT ACROLECT Yes Yes Yes (except for neuter) Now if linguistic change proceeded according to the principles of logic. the same form does not necessarily have the same status in each category. or have preaspirated allomorphs (i. is a first-replacement form in (c) and (f). there is nothing resembling a bi-uniqueness principle in the replacement process. im. (g) 3rd person fem. Them. as might have been suggested by our informal use of the terms basilect. But am and it have no such forms. but it is not really so. the system might seem totally anarchic. since in some cases one form would have to be arbitrarily assigned to two systems. 1A very few Guyanese speakers have am-usually [Am]-as neuter subject. (f) 3rd person fem. while in the second it is. we may begin by comparing some features of the polar lects. Several features of the system are worth noting. (b) 1st person possessive: mi/mai. None appeared in the sample under analysis. possessive: i/iz.11 (i) 3rd person neuter object: am/it. while the previous two distinctions were being gradually introduced. This already would render suspect any attempt to divide the continuum into three discrete systems. NUMBER 3 (1973) yor.3. Subject/possessive distinction 3. two forms would have to be assigned to one system. First. Thus i. 1. object: am/i/im. these appear always under stress. (c) 3rd person masc. but in the first it is not replaced. the number of variants (excluding purely allomorphic ones) ranges from one to four between categories. (g) and (h). i/its. one would expect the existing similarity with regard to the third distinction to be maintained. (e). another etymon sometimes claimed by amateurs. it is a second replacement. acrolectal it is the replacement for two. This leaves us with the following categories: (a) 1st person subject: mi/a/ai.e. Third.

and neuter subjects in that order. but overrides. But am is salient because it is the only basilectal form in the system which is not perceived to be present in the acrolect (allowing for phonetic alteration as mentioned in ?5. and (b) that a form already in the system will constitute the replacement. i i i / i i / am am am Gender differentiation takes place first in the feminine subject: II. i shi i / i shi / i shi it It is then completed in the subject by transferring an existing form from the object: VII. At the beginning of the process. feminine. as we shall see.e. 2. until the basilect-acrolect similarity within the distinction has been totally erased. two forms suffice for the eight categories which must eventually utilize seven forms. masculine. other distinctions have been taken care of. even though many of the latter have wholly or partially abandoned it. in imitations by Africans of rural Indians. But the principle of least effort ensures (a) that replacement will precede rather than accompany gender differentiation. gender. i shi i / i i / am am am -and then in the neuter object: III. Thus the basilect is: I. masculine and feminine deictic. only one basilectal form is discarded. as the change process 'recognizes' the salience of am. generalizing remorselessly from category to category. at the end. change operates on the three tendencies already laid down. No. feminine. and neuter object. the principle of least effort is at work. masculine. there are still only three! Only then is the subject/object distinction restored. leaving the subject/possessive one till last. i shi it / i shi / i shi it . The third it does not merely ignore. i shi i / i i / i i it Gender differentiation of the object is then completed by transference of another existing form from the subject class: V. The tendency of partial selection affects only one distinction. i shi i / i i / am am it At this stage gender differentiation is interrupted. and only two new forms are introduced into the system. and the distinction pattern of the mesolect is: 1. No! At the same time. in every case. and the final group. Yes.THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM 659 in fact.2). it always occurs. It therefore becomes stigmatized. in the immediate pre-acrolectal stage. when gender distinction is complete. for instance. The process may be demonstrated by showing the system at each stage. are necessary to introduce the gender distinction throughout. i. The second distinction it ignores altogether until. carrying out the necessary changes with the minimum introduction of new forms: in the five moves which. The system is now: IV. 3. the second group. the convention adopted is that the first group of three forms will represent. i shi i / i i / i shi it Next it is completed in the deictic by further transference of the same form: VI.

Col. 19. SPEAKER 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 VIII. 2 = a. 2 = it). 7. neut.4. obj. isolect A corresponds to stage I. . (1 = i). (1 = i. 5. fem. F to V. 25. subj. 4 1st pers. D to III. 20. and can be fully substantiated by the raw data summarized in Tables 4 and 5. obj. (1 = am. 15. Col. changes proceed in other persons. (1 = mi). 9. G to VI. 6 = 3rd pers. Col. i shi it / iz or / im or it It is possible that for some speakers. 1 1 1 3 1 1 2 3 12 1.660 LANGUAGE. masc. final replacement takes effect. 7 = 3rd pers. Singular-pronoun distribution (Bushlot). Col. neut. 2 23 2 2 TABLE4. while the third remains unchanged over several isolects. 14. Col. 24. Scalability = 100%. 3 = 3rd pers. poss. VOLUME 49. 2 = shi). 1 1 1 16. Finally. C to II. 2. Col. 2 = it). poss. 27. masc. 28. Col. when a point on the continuum has been reached sufficiently close to the acrolect for the non-standardness of pronoun distribution to be perceived. 5 = 3rd pers. 8 = 3rd pers. 1 1 1 1 1 1_ 1 1 1 1 1 11 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 12 12 1 1 I 1 5. i shi it / i 23. (1 = am. which subsumes the most data. obj. they constitute a precise record of what happens in the developmental process. 2 = i). The latter. subj. These changes are in no sense part of some idealized or schematic model. also affords the most precise parallels. 2 = 3rd pers. poss. 21. 12. (1 = i. E to IV. (1 = mi. 6. 11. fem. NUMBER 3 (1973) At this stage. (3 = shi). first by object differentiation restoring the original subject/object distinction: shi / im or it -and finally by possessive differentiation introducing the subject/possessive distinction: IX. Col. 3 = ai). these last two stages are still further compartmentalized. the system attains a kind of homeostasis. 1 = 1st pers. In it. 17. 10. 26. 13.

H = 5. 120. 21. Lects: A = 6. 144. 146. It is possible-indeed likely--that for some individuals or groups the stages are re-ordered. 118. 2 = it). Moreover. there are no female subject pronouns in the sam- ple. is normally only the second in which replacement of basilectal items occurs-moreover. 13. a reversal of the ordering of immediately adjacent stages). but such re-orderingis likely to be minimal (e. 2 = shi). 2 = i. 4 = 3NSub (1 = i. 135. 3 = ISub (1 = mi. 7. 12. P = 107. H to VII. 3 = shi. 24. 20. 148. G = 149. It illustrates the performance of no less than 59 speakers-the 23 speakers of Table 4 plus 36 others. 100. 10. 2 = shi). T = 102. 2 = iz). 139. R = 108. C = 119. 152. 7 = 3FObj (1 = am. 2 3FPos (1 = i. Cols: 1 = 3MPos (1 = i. Q = 105. 124. 2 = mai).03%. 3 = ai). 8 = 3NObj (1 = am. 27. the material is even more regular than that of Table 2. 23. scalability is 100 %. But the evidence of Table 5 is by far the most impressive so far encountered. 9. Well over half the speakers appear purely basilectal. E = 99. 9 = 3FSub (1 = i.117. 136. 0 = 19.N = 125. 4 = or). 140. 2 = lPos (1 = mi. neuter object. 14. Singular-pronoun distribution for 59 speakers. 111. 16. 2 = it). 2 = i. and Q to IX. B = 126. 121.J = 141. 17. and female objects occur only for one speaker. 6 = 3MObj a. 15. 134. F = 11. and we may be the more sure of this since the commonest category. 28.K = 1. 122. Granted these limitations. see fn.M = 156. 5 (1 = am. 25.113.I = 104. 107. 13. 99 and 125 represent the same speaker. U = 103. 26. 106. obtained by taking all speakers with survey numbers between 99 and 160 who . 137. it is defective in that exposition and narrative (as opposed to conversation) do not encourage such a wide range of pronouns. P to VIII. Table 4 follows the pattern of Table 2 in that the mesolect is again under-represented. D = 2. and neither the identity of the stages nor the over-all process appear to be disturbed in any part of the total population of Guyana.THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM ISOLECT 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 661 9 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N 0 P Q R S T U 1 11 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 23 33 23 23 23 23 23 23 23 23 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 C 1 1 1 j 2 1 12 112 |2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 a 1 2 1 1 3 3 23 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 22 2 2 ) 2 ~~~J~~~~~~~~~_3 12 1 J 2 ) 2 2 2 12 12 12 12 2 2 2 2 ) 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 23 3 ( 3 3 2 4 4 2 TABLE 5.g. 3 = im). S . 142. 129. L = 114. Scalability = 88.

Otherwise. Yet despite this. with the exception of lect E. no excisions were made. az i sii blod i doz get ai ton an a tel i wen yu wiidin mosn ool gras an faia tshap 'Whenever she (his wife) sees blood. as well as other factors. If the two highly deviant speakers who occupy this lect were removed. occupation. if untrained and rather paranoid intelligence. shows a fair degree of sociolinguistic sophistication-is given in an appendix to this paper). and say.. African. incidentally. ethnic identity. Although recorder. education. Speaker 99 is a cane-cutter. sex. The poles of his discourse may fairly be represented by the following brief extracts: (18) a. context of situation. e. scalability still reaches 88. age. and despite the fact that the conflation of speakers with similar lects (necessary to reduce the table to manageable size) reduces the number of filled cells by almost half.662 LANGUAGE. speaker 27. the data are as crude as they come-all raa taak. no editing or selection of any kind was undertaken.g. and it is all downward scalability. which is unusual.12The other is a character every bit as deviant. proverb. geographic location. . As a result of the latter stipulation. he has an Indian wife. 75 % of the possible cells are filled-showing that. and I told her that when she's weeding she mustn't hold on to the grass while she cuts it. he is involved in some bizarre kind of love-hate relationship with an alcoholic who was once acquitted on a murder charge. or similar set text was excluded from the analysis (a typical example of such quotation. while barely affecting the deviations. and 0 will probably be aberrant speakers. and he has much closer relationships with his Indian neighbors than do most Africans-in particular.' b. NUMBER 3 (1973) used pronouns in at least three of the nine relevant categories. with primary education only. style.03 %.' This seems by no means an impossible goal. and income of informant. kwekwe formula. she feels dizzy. 'G. My main justification is the hope that they will eventually form a basis for prediction. Moreover. the consistency of the data can in no way be attributed to their paucity. with one exception: material known to be direct quotation from some song. 12Labov (personal communication) very properly queries the validity of post-hoc explanations such as these. one would like to be able to go over a list of such thumbnail sketches BEFOREhearing the tapes. in this table at least. with accompanying context-which.Who are they? Readers of Bickerton 1971 will not be surprisedto learn that one of them is none other than that mauvais sujet parlant. K. the table draws on a section of the corpus amounting to between fifty and sixty thousand words-enough language to fill a fair-sized novel-and reduces to schematic form a total of well over two thousand pronoun tokens. to use one informant's telling phrase. VOLUME 49. downward-only scalability would be only a few points below 90 %. were all variables. i tool mi dee wod nat giv wookaz alauans fu saikl dat i wod sii wi get transpoteeshanso da gud inof. is very active in trade-union (MPCA) affairs at branch level. Ideally. informant's awareness. Indeed. He has an extremely shrewd. and has a lively left-activist's contempt for both sugar-estate management and official union leadership. even where there was both internal and external evidence of a style change on the part of the speaker. mode of discourse.

9) is also that most subject to relapses. It should be clear that the panlectal grid gives us an invariant background against which the true nature and extent of switching phenomena can be studied with a precision never before possible. We may well suppose that am so seldom re-appears precisely because it is heavily stigmatized.13 5. yet in the three columns for which am is the basilectal form (6. the lowest relapse in Col. The significance of Table 5 becomes still clearer if we compare it with Table 6 and Figure 2. that of speaker 100. which for some speakers would wholly or partially eliminate am before fully introducing shi. the a/ai distinction is little more than a function of the difference between fast and slow speech. The area in which change is initiated earliest (female subject. Another point to note is the variable duration of rule conflicts. that is. 5. others extend across several isolects. as 99 this was done by a member of his family alone. E.5. 7.g. (I hasten to add that no other speaker is duplicated in any of the samples analysed here. And of course it should be born in mind that most of the lower deviances. spanning even more of the continuum. In other sections of the corpus. It contains no less than five reversions to i. Col. or associated changes in both. especially nominalizations. Why is this? The earlier deviances in Col.) The difference in his behavior is no fluke: though on both occasions he was recorded surreptitiously. it contains all possible isolects for that area. and as 125 by myself in the company of the same family member. occurred when he was describing the kwekweceremony held to celebrate his wedding when he was a young man (he is now in his fifties). 9 are probably caused by a re-ordering of rules. . The longest concern 1st person pronouns. a number of details in Table 5 are worth noting. it is responsible for no less than 13 of the 17 deviances in the table. Some are resolved so quickly that they do not show up in the table at all. only a single reversion to am occurs. But i. 9. since often the only 'hard' evidence for a style shift consists of the forms themselves). arise through changes in style or topic. spreading rather than contracting in both frequency and functions as the central isolects of the continuum are reached. and in his description he reverted (probably quite unconsciously) to the linguistic norms of his country grandparents.THE NATURE OF A CREOLECONTINUUM 663 The latter is a nice example of how trade-union activity serves as a vector of acrolectal forms. He was concerned to explain to his interlocutor how this ceremony had brought him into contact with levels of rural cultural creolization of which he. perhaps all (one must say 'perhaps'. and the fact that the two items enter simultaneously arises through the use of ai (like the pre-aspirated 3rd person forms) as a carrier of stress. Indeed. Tables 3 and 5. 99 and 125 represent the output of a single speaker. even before mi has been definitively abandoned. I have similar duplications.. excluded here. Table 6 is a panlectal grid for the area under consideration. and these will form the subject of future studies. is like zero.6. 8). mi/mai) which are phonetically most similar: for some speakers at least. Again. and it is precisely these (a/ai. on the other hand. a lifelong resident of Albuoystown (a tough working-class district of Georgetown) had no personal knowledge till then. given A and U as terminal 13As noted under Table 5. cf. It is hardly surprising that it should continue to influence even those areas in which it has already been replaced.

15. The high numbers at either end make it appear at first sight as if the mesolect is relatively underpopulated. 27. 26.3 above). 10. isolects. 2. but we may conjecture it would fall between lects 20-25 (cf. 22. if our sample is anything like representative-and in fact it is probably biased in the direction of the basilect by the inclusion of too many lower-class rural speakers-more than 60 % of the over-all population would fall within the mesolectal area. 12.O - 2 2 2 2 P. 13. S. VOLUME 49. E - 12 12 2 2 F - 2 2 2 2 G - 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 H I - 2 2 2 2 2 2 J. 23. the few deviations will be ignored. T U TABLE6. 2 gives the distribution of speakers across the continuum in the shape of a histogram. for this purpose. if we regard acrolect and basilect as no more than the two terminal isolects. 25.664 ISOLECT LANGUAGE. Panlectal grid for Guyanese singular pronouns. . The equivalences given on the right of Table 6 show that more than half the possible isolects are realized. L M - 2 2 2 2 2 2 N. Note: A complete panlectal grid for this area would have to include two more lects to accommodate the change from shi to or in Col. 17. 6. 20. Fig. ? 5. and that realized isolects are fairly evenly distributed-the widest gap is of three isolects only. 16. K. If we superimpose a table of realized isolects on a panlectal grid (in this case. 3. Thus. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 12 12 12 12 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 123 123 23 23 23 23 23 23 23 23 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 12 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 12 12 12 12 12 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 23 3 3 3 3 3 3 1 1 1 1 12 2 2 23 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 34 4 4 4 4 1 1 1 12 12 12 1 12 2 2 2 2 A B C - 12 12 2 2 D. i. whether there is anything that might be called a 'structural gap'. 4. 18. in fact. 19. we can see how many of the possibles are realized and how many areleft blank. Columns and indices as in Table 5. 8. 5. their combined population is only 23 against a mesolectal total of 36. Obviously. we can also see how smooth the distribution of realizedisolects is. 5 on 6). NUMBER 3 (1973) 4 5 6 7 8 9 EQVALEN EQUIVALENTS 1. 14. 9.Q 2 2 2 2 R.e. 24. 21. This indicates that the term 'continuum' is no mere figure of speech. Our data gave no information on this change. 5. 7. 11.

[6d2/N(N2 1)]}.1. seven occupied isolects in Table 4 more creolized than those occupied in Table 2. DISCUSSION 6. among these thirteen. . Nine speakers occupied the basilect in both subsystems. that one can build implicational scales with any 14That is to say. The inference which might be drawn from DeCamp 1971. Co-efficient of rank correlation. Nor was there.59 {p = 1 . Six occupied isolects in Table 2 which were more creolized than those occupied in Table 4.THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM No. against eight who occupied it only in one. Distribution of speakers on the continuum (based on Table 6). however. isolects of equivalent distance from the polar ones. is only 0. In the whole sample. The foregoing analysis raises many new questions. only ten speakers occupied similar isolects'4 in the two tables as against thirteen who did not. any consistent trend. one of the most interesting of which is: do the implicational relations that hold wIThIN subsystems hold equally BETWEEN them? The two most readily comparable tables are 2 and 4. OF SPEAKERS 19 18 17 665 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 ISOLECTS FIGURE 2.

2. for there is an absolute restriction on their co-occurrence: (19) a. given time. VOLUME 49. mi a wan gud romi 'I'm a heavy drinker.' b. with the tools now at our disposal. upperworking. and which may at times be more crucial than those which hold within them. this paper makes no attempt either to quantify the relative distribution of competing variants. NUMBER 3 (1973) random selection of features.95%) were split. 6. Of course it could be argued that a heterogeneous corpus as described in ?? 3. of course. or to establish covariation between them and extralinguistic factors. The patterns will be found. Yet there AREimplicational relations which hold across different subsystems. no disparagement of such approaches is intended.S.. the Guyanese situation with the Black U.g. doubtless. from its social uses!) can be accounted for in purely linguistic terms. have begun to look for 'variable rules' which would account for these varying percentages. and knowledge of the principles on which they are based. While it is tempting to compare. I merely wished to show that the mechanics of variation (as distinct. mi a wok abak 'I'm working further inland. *a a wok abak.1 and 5. let us see what would have happened if we had dealt with the speakers of Table 5 in terms of socio-economic groups rather than as individuals. In Table 5. for example. zigzagging from subsystem to subsystem and back. Indeed. We should learn enough in the next few years. Unlike most studies of variation (e. it is probably as wrong to look for correspondences between complete subsystems as it is to seek them in random items. He would then. Labov 1966. does not seem to be borne out by the Guyanese evidence. In Table 7. c. both as continuative marker and equative verb.'6 For example. nearly three-quarters of the data was invariant.). it is true.g.666 LANGUAGE. and occupation (corresponding roughly to middle.4 does not lend itself to group analysis. only 38 filled cells of 141 (26. education. like the strings of firecrackers lit outside Latin-American churches on feast days. then pronoun distribution for those groups would be as shown in Table 7. which showed the behavior of individuals. there is reason to believe that too sociological an approach to language can sometimes distort data. we probably do not yet know enough about either to make profitable comparisons. However. Probably there are quite complex chain reactions. E. *a a wan gud romi. one. The same would apply to the basilectal negator na in similar contexts. 35 of 36 cells (97%) are split! An investigator working on group lines would have been driven to assume that variation was a near-universal characteristic of the continuum. Moreover. patience. set severe limitations on the apdo not wish to suggest that this has necessarily happened in other areas. s1 I .' d. and the types of dynamic relationship which this paper has demonstrated would have escaped him completely. the critical factor in the timing of a/ai appearance may be the dropping of a. and lower-working classes). If we divided them into four groups on the basis of income. Wolfram 1969 etc. though. in other words. such an argument would. lower-middle. and that classes differed only by the percentage of a given variable.

Class II = lower middle. Le Page (1966:vi) wrote: 'The descriptive analyst freezes for a moment what is in fact a highly dynamic system. Pronoun distribution on optimum group hypothesis.e. and Table 6 showed that the existing distribution was as even as one could reasonably expect. but I believe that the study of Creole languages will help it forward. which does not depend on the existence of any particular speaker or speakers. TU (so as to give the closest numerical correspondence to our real-life social groups). our results would simply be those of Table 8: split cells would still amount to 57. Class III = upper working.' He appreciated the fact that bisystemic description could be no more than a temporary stop-gap (vii): 'Until we have evolved descriptive techniques somewhat analogous to those of quantum mechanics. Let us therefore assume the most favorable possible hypothesis. However. even on this basis. (Columns and indices as in Table 5. unless classes are coterminous with isolects. Class IV = lower working. N-S. The foregoing treatment seems to me to settle the true nature of a creole continuum beyond any reasonable doubt. Pronoun distribution by class. they have to be located somewhere along it. the best we can do is to describe the two ends of the linguistic . and describes it in static terms. would be to assume a fourteen-class system for Guyana (or should it be twenty-one?)-and we would still have to find room somewhere for the upper-middle class! CLASS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 ECT 1 1 123 1 1 12 123 12 12 A-E (N = 30) 1 12 3 123 12 12 12 12 12 F-M (N = 14) 12 12 4 12 23 2 23 2 12 N-S (N = 6) 2 2 23 2 3 2 TU (N = 8) TABLE8.THE NATURE OF A CREOLE CONTINUUM CLASS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 667 9 IV III II I (N (N (N (N = = = = 29) 16) 7) 6) 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 123 123 123 123 12 12 12 12 12 12 2 12 123 123 12 123 123 1234 34 23 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 TABLE7. however speakers perform. Class I = middle. In other words. The "quantum mechanics" era in linguistics has not yet arrived. that the social groups relevant for analysis coincided precisely with sets of contiguous isolects. plicability of group methods. apparent variation would still be more than double that shown in Table 5. In a singularly prophetic passage. However. F-M.3. The only solution. then.) IV III II I 6. and taking our classes as the populations of isolects A-E. limitations obviously not shared by the methods demonstrated here. any class or group approach cannot but increase the apparent variation: isolects must be conflated. One may remark in passing that this is an optimum condition never likely to be met with in practice. Columns and indices as in Table 5. it should be clear that. i. Indeed.e. that the population of social classes is identical with the population of contiguous isolects. and each isolect is by definition distinct from its neighbors. i. it must be emphasized that the panlectal grid is an abstract concept based on a totality of determined possibilities.57 % of the total filled cells. however.

iz won lash in i hed! hi troo di baiz aut a tshuun. the same fundamental laws of linguistic change must apply to all three. the evolution of French from Latin). wel in dooz deez yu yuus tu pul padl-wel yu gat tu sing a shanti tu pul. and accept the fact that language is an ongoing process. da mi gi gyal beli. It is time for linguists in general to stop looking for static systems which have no objective existence. The skeptic. it can be represeated in time also. but for every language situation that is not wholly and indisputably homogeneouswhich in effect means every language situation. Alleyne (1963:27) distinguishes 'this unique type of continuum existing in Jamaica' from those which 'can be represented geographically.. Only when they have done this will they be able to disentangle and account for its real patterns. It must therefore follow that the theory and methods set out above must be valid. indeed. den.g. wel twenti dalaz an hi shal mek. man. along with all other types of material. In other words. while granting the application of a dynamic approach to creole continuums. a creole continuum can be represented in social. as suggested in Bickerton 1971. de put won padl in i. am: ooni las nait mi kom an dem tel lai pon mi. the synchronic spectrum of Guyana today merely reflects a diachronic cut through two centuries of its history. as I understand it. Indeed. may still be inclined to consider these situations as rare marginal anomalies-and this approach. badam! (Material of the type italicized was discarded from the foregoing analysis. horizontally over an area of land' (e. and that. so you miit a faalz yu tai a roop an yu pul op an so an. spectrum in a country like Jamaica and give some indication of the nature of the continuum in between. an hi shal tek som a di moni-gool in dooz deez woz pikin it op so di skuul masta disaid tu mek di greed. his present position is very similar to that expressed in the present paper. French regional dialects) or 'can be seen through time' (e.16 In fact.. APPENDIX ai giv yu a jook: dee woz a skuul tiitsha-yu noo dis gool rosh yiaz agoo-a skuul tiitsha yuus tu get twenti dalaz a mont. were included. if not geographic.) 16 It is only fair to Alleyne to point out that he no longer subscribes to the viewe quoted here. well.668 VOLUME NUMBER3 (1973) 49. dat ai hav got a gorl pregnant . as severely limited in its applicability. LANGUAGE. man! hi troo di baiz aut a tshuun. di gool rosh keem-evribadi roshin in di intiiria. hi kaan see ooni las nait mi kom an dem kain a ting yu noo-da iz raa taak. and creole studies have indeed played the part in their arrival that he predicted. wel hi kom wid. even creolists have provided support for such a position. in consequence. space-and if. an di skuul masta disaid. however. dynamic theory claims that the three situations seen by Alleyne as distinct are in reality different aspects of the same situation.e. am: oonli las nait ai araiv an dee have spooken ontruuts abaut mii.g. quotations of non-formulaic utterances. in consequence. so wen i go nau hi hiir di pooknaka singin.' But the era and the methods Le Page foresaw have now arrived. not a steady state. i. . he shall mek twenti dalaz a dee prabobli. wel hi iz a skuul masta. da iz di hedmasta ov a skuul. not merely for the creole continuum.

. American REINECKE. talk. LE PAGE. MOUNIN. 1:8. Review of Pompilus1961.: MIT Press.S. 1964. University of Hawaii. Universityof Londonmaster'sthesis. and DAVI DECAMP. The English dialect of Hawaii. .PRADEL. University Working Papersin Linguistics. Studies MERVYN 1963. Palenquero: Spanish-based 1970. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. . . Jamaica 1965. R. Pidginization versity Press. BAILEY. 122-131. Inherentvariabilityand variablerules. The Nupe verb..48-58.Cambridge: of UniHYMES.Universityof Londondoctoralthesis. Paris: Editions Seghers. Cambridge. . 1971.105-38. Using data variationto confirm. WALTERA. speechcontinuum.715-62. SMITH. A sociolinguistic description of Detroit Negro speech. CHARLES-JAMES 1969-70. 1970. and A. FREDERICKG. D. WshingCASSIDY. formsin the dialectsof Englishused in Georgetown ALLSOPP.DELL(ed. 45. GEORGES.Universityof Hawaii.90-160. 2:8.4:2. 1960. JOHN E. 1969. Review of Le Page & DeCamp 1960. Paris: Institut des Hautes Etudes POMPILUS. Studies in three-dimensional language theory I-IV.C. Lg. .316-22. Foundations Language 7.JamaicanCreole:can dialect boundaries defined?In Hymes. 1970. 1971. African Language Studies 10..Pronominal (British Guiana) and its environs by people engaged in non-clericaloccupations. 1969.: Centerfor AppliedLinguistics. 2:8.51-4.ROBERT 1966. [Received 23 February 1972] 1934. In Hymes. Caribbean Studies4:3.. LORENZO 1949.Tryingto talk in the new paradigm. Communication politicsin Jamaica. 341-8. of Hawaii. DECAMP. 1971. Saussure.254-67.77-86. 39.109-25. validity of abthe stract syntactic structures. de 'Am6rique Latine. of BICKERTON. Preface to Bailey 1966. -. 1968. and A. and inherent variability of the English copula. B. Working Papers in Linguistics. TSUZAKI. La langue frangaise en Haiti. 1961. Jamaican Creole syntax. 349-70. DOUGLAS. TOKnIASA. . DEREK. London: Macmillan. Lingua24. . and C. D.University of Hawaii. N. NOAM. be N. D. 1969. STANLEY M. V.Towardsa generativeanalysisof a post-creole DAVID.22-61. L. Mass. LABOV..deletion. BAILEY. Speech 9. 2:8.2:4. Cambridge: University Press. --. a creole of NorthernColombia. WorkingPapersin Linguistics. R. 1971. Aspectsof the CHOMSKY.London:Macmillan. WOLFRAM.1-4.C..312-39. TURNER. Expressions state and action in the dialect of Englishused in the Georgetown area of British Guiana. JamaicanCreole. 1963. and creolization languages. TAYLOR. ton. Co-existent systems in language variation: the case of Hawaiian English.THE NATURE OF A CREOLECONTINUUM REFERENCES 669 3:2.ou 1960. 1966.ratherthan undermine. The social stratification of English in New York City. theory of syntax. BERYL 1966. le structuralistesans le savoir. Africanisms in the Gullah dialect. ESCALANTE.WorkingPapers in Linguistics.) 1971.: Center for Applied Linguistics.497-92. 1958.5-30.Caribbean ALLEYNE. Lg. Contraction. of 1962. Washington. WILLIAM.

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