The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical Painting in Epiros

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[La percepción del cruzado en el Bizancio tardío y en las pinturas eclesiásticas tempranas post-bizantinas en Epiros]

Konstantinos GIAKOUMIS University of New York, Tirana C.B.O.M.G.S., The University of Birmingham
kgiakoumis@unyt.edu.al

Resumen: This paper penetrates into the nebulous relations of Epiros with the Latin West after 1204 by examining representations of Crusaders in late Byzantine churches and early post-Byzantine catholica. I shall attempt to unveil the dark and base memories left over by Crusaders (especially of the Fourth Crusade), weave in an alternative way the historical stage that shaped collective memory in peripheral regions, as Epiros and propose a new methodological model for understanding the past at the absence of textual sources. Abstract: Palabras clave: Key words:


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A first version of this paper was presented in the Tenth International Congress of Greek-Oriental and African Studies held in Kryoneri, Attica in 25-28 August 2005. I thank Dr. Angeliki Lymberopoulou, Lecturer of Byzantine Studies at the Open University, UK, for reviewing my article and her valuable comments and suggestions, as well as Mr. Peter Panchy for his thoughtful observations. The present text is the continuation of my former “The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical Painting in Epiros”, in V. Christides, J.P. Monferrer-Sala & Th. Papadopoulos [eds.] (2008), East and West: Essays on Byzantine and Arab Worlds in the Middle Ages, Supplement “G” of Graeco-Arabica (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009), pp. 279-303. Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 7 (2010), pp. xxx; ISSN 1697–2104

The liturgical hymnographers1 treat the soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody in dissimilar ways. XI-XX. it is comprehensible that in the evangelical excerpt [Mt. For the compilation of the Parakletike. Fourth sticheron anatolikon of the Lauds. Sound 6. Sunday Matins. First kathisma following the first stichologia. Matthew even states that this fiction was thenceforth upheld by the Jews to deny Christ’s Resurrection. W. if they upheld the fiction that Jesus’ disciples seemingly stole His body overnight. Matins of the Myrrh-Bearers. H. Sound 3. contrary to the Jews2. Moreover. This assumption is reinforced by both hymnographical and hagiographical evidence. while the combination of the scene with the one to its right (the Descent to Limbo) is very common. PARANIKAS. TILLYARD. Sound 8. 887ff. A History of the Holy Eastern Church. Sound 6. Ode . General Introduction. Sunday Matins. and E. the Synaxarion of Easter Sunday. pp. 1871). it becomes evident that the image as exegesis is not necessarily an objective. Second sticheron of the Lauds. “The Hymns of the Ochtoechos”. pp. 28:1115] the soldiers of the custody are portrayed negatively: having eye-witnessed Christ’s Resurrection notwithstanding. see J. part I. Sunday Matins. J. pp. J. or neutral interpretation (otherwise the soldiers would present Roman or the very common Byzantine features). LVII-LXX. Sound 1. in collective beliefs must have been condemned to Hell alike other disclaimers of faith. which was standardized in its current version as early as the 8th century. the placement of two of the soldiers outside the scene’s red frame and closer to the personified Limbo can promote multiple layers of interpretation. but it could be tailored to suit beliefs of the present. Fourth sticheron anatolikon of the Lauds. pp. A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography (Oxford. Second sticheron of the Lauds. yet in a non-negative way. In most cases the soldiers are presented as eye-witnesses of Christ’s Resurrection. Sound 1.M. Sunday Matins. Second kathisma following the first stichologia. who also promised to support them before the local ruler. PARGOIRE. XV-XIV and V (1949). In one 1 2 I followed the standard Greek version of the Parakletike. Third sticheron anatolikon. M. Anthologia Graeca Carminorum Christianorum (Leipzig. Using perceptive and iconographic methods of art historical enquiry.. C. 1971). Sunday Matins. L’Église Byzantine de 527 à 847 (Paris. WELLESZ. 2.M. Sound 2. Sunday Matins. they later accepted a bribe by Jewish prelates and elders. Second sticheron anatolikon of the Lauds. Sunday Matins. Fourth sticheron of the Lauds. 1905).B. therefore. Transcripta III (1940).Konstantinos Giakoumis 46 Having shown the realistic similarities of the soldiers of the custody with Latin knights. Sound 5. NEALE. The Apolytikion of Sound 6. the soldiers of the custody were certainly considered as deniers of the divine nature of Christ and. Having denied to profess Christ’s Resurrection. Sound 2. (London. Sunday Matins. 1850). Saturday Vespers.

Ὄντως παράνομοι. and. πῶς οὐ διέῤῥηξε τὰς σφραγίδας. 1979). clearly indicated a common belief that they were deniers of the Resurrection4. the soldiers of the custody are literally called “enemies of Christ”: “Ἡ ζωὴ ἐν τῷ τάφῳ ἀνέκειτο. καταλιπὼν καὶ ἐν τῷ τάφῳ τὰ ἐντάφια αὐτοῦ. 392. verses 11-17. ἤλθον οἱ μαθηταί. καὶ ἔλεγον· Εἴπατε. Fourth troparion of the Myrrh-Bearers in Sound 2. and the stone was sealed. how much more would it be for them (the 3 4 5 VII. This interpretation is in line with patristic evidence which. ‘Homily XC’. ὅτι ἡμῶν κοιμωμένων. σφραγίσαντες τὸν λίθον. ἀορασίᾳ πατάξας. soldiers guarded Christ as a sleeping king.. after emphasizing in how many ways the soldiers experienced the divine nature of Christ5. the Lord rose”). Ode VII. καὶ σφραγὶς ἐν τῷ λίθῳ ἐπέκειτο· ὡς βασιλέα ὑπνοῦντα. compare also with the Fourth Sticheron Anatolikon of the Sound 5 Sunday Matins’ Lauds in Sound 2: “Ὄρθρος Κυριακῆς. There is no literary context allowing for a different interpretation as to who are Christ’s enemies. τὴν ἀτελεύτητον ζωὴν δωρούμενος. In his XC homily. Matins of the Myrrh-Bearers. μάλιστα δὲ καὶ γυμνόν. If money was so tempting for the disciple (= Judas). cf. ὁ τὸν θάνατον πατήσας. John Chrysostome. στρατιῶται ἐφύλαττον Χριστόν· καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτοῦ. Sound 5. καὶ ἔκλεψαν αὐτόν. καὶ τὸ μέγα ἔλεος. μείζονος ἡμᾶς θαύματος ἠξιώσατε.The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine . in Έργα. while not naming the custody soldiers as Christ’s enemies. It is interesting to relate that in modern Greek there is still in use an expression relating the custody soldiers with the silenced knowledge of the Resurrection and. any silenced knowledge. Έλληνες Πατέρες της Εκκλησίας (Thessaloniki. Yet.” Chrysostome maintains that the earthquake during the Crucifixion took place only for the sake of soldiers: JOHN CHRYSOSTOME. ἀνέστη ὁ Κύριος” (“[While] Life laid in the Tomb. Αὐτὸς ἀνέστη αὐτεξουσίως ὡς Θεός. in wider context. Σήμερον προῆλθε τοῦ μνήματος. Fourth troparion of the Myrrh-Bearers in Sound 2.. after blinding his enemies. Matins of the Myrrh-Bearers. St. The soldiers? The Jewish people? Do not wonder how money corrupted the soldiers. XII. in the first kathisma following the second stichologia. Ode VIII. Ἔχουσι τὴν γνώσιν οἱ φύλακες. p. Καὶ τίς κλέπτει νεκρόν. 47 occasion the soldiers are portrayed as if they had not eye-witnessed the Resurrection3. . Sound 5. Sunday Matins. First sticheron of the Lauds. Sound 5. Fifth troparion of the Myrrh-Bearers in Sound 2. portrays them not only to be more corrupt than the Jewish people and Pontius Pilate. Δεῦτε ἴδετε Ἰουδαῖοι. but also more money-thirsty than Judas: “Do you realize that all of them were corrupted? (Pontius) Pilate? For he was convinced. “ἔχουσι γνώσιν οἱ φύλακες” (the guards know). καὶ τῷ γένει τῶν ἀνθρώπων. Ἦχος β΄. in the Matins of Sunday. Δ΄ Στιχηρὸν Ἀνατολικόν.

καὶ οἱ καταδεξάμενοι ταύτην ἀνεφάνησαν δυνάμει τοῦ Σωτήρος… [Meretakis E. Οἱ τότε μὲν στρατιῶται ἀργυρίῳ προδεδώκασιν τὴν ἀλήθειαν.Konstantinos Giakoumis 48 soldiers)?”6. Οὐδὲν τῆς ἀγαθότητος ἀπωνάμενοι ἐγκλείουσι τάφῳ ὅν οὐδὲν τῶν ὄντων χωρεῖ καὶ σήμαντρα ἐπιτιθέασι ἡμῖν τὴν σωτηρίαν φυλάττοντες καὶ δεδιότες τὴν ἀνάστασιν στρατιώτας φύλακας ἐφιστῶσι τῷ μνήματι. To various degrees the custody soldiers were also negatively treated by other 4th century Church Fathers. ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχιερέων διεσώζοντο· ἀλλ’ ὀλίγοι μὲν ἐπείσθησαν Ἰουδαίων τότε. Έλληνες Πατέρες της Εκκλησίας. ἡμεῖς πείσομεν αὐτόν»· καὶ εἰ ἐκείνους πείθετε. p. ὁ κόσμος δὲ ὑπήκουσεν· οἱ κρύψαντες τὴν ἀλήθειαν κατεκρύφθησαν. Μὴ κάμῃς ἀνόνητα. μὴ εἰς ἀσέβειαν ἀναλώσῃς τὰ σά. v. Εἰ γὰρ παρὰ τῷ μαθητῇ τοσαύτην ἐπεδείξαντο τὴν ἰσχύν. λέγει· «γυναῖκες ἐρχόμεναι ἀπὸ θέας. Μᾶλλον δὲ τὶς εἶδε νεκρὸν πολεμούμενον. Ἀλλὰ μὴ θαυμάσῃς εἰ χρήματα στρατιωτῶν περιεγένετο. Λόγος Ε΄ τῷ Ἁγίῳ Σαββάτῳ ὑπὸ Ἀμφιλοχίου Ἰκονίου. πολλῷ μᾶλλον παρὰ τούτοις”. ἡμῶν κοιμωμένων»· καλῶς ἄρα καὶ τοῦτο ὡς ἐξ αὐτῶν προεῖπεν Ἠσαΐας· «ἀλλὰ λέγετε ἡμῖν καὶ ἀναγγέλλετε ἡμῖν ἑτέραν πλάνησιν». Ἀλλ’ ἐκείνοις μὲν ἐπῆλθεν ἡ καταδίκη παρὰ Ἠρώδου· ἀπολογήσασθαι γὰρ οὐχ εὔρισκον ἐξ ἀγνοίας. οὕτω καὶ οἱ τὸν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τηροῦντες οὐ κατεδικάσθησαν. St. καὶ διὰ δόσιν ἀργυρίου πείθουσι τοὺς στατιώτας. καὶ γυναῖκες αὐτοπτοῦσι. Κυρίλλου τοῦ Ἱεροσολύμων ἅπαντα τὰ ἔργα: Κατηχήσεις Φωτιζομένων (ΙΓ΄-ΙΗ΄) Μυσταγωγικαί. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ἐθεάσαντο τὸν ἀναστάντα· καὶ γινώσκων Ἠσαΐας ἀρχιερέων μὲν τὸ εὐτελὲς. ……… Περάμεινον [ὦ Ἰουδαῖε] τὴν τρίτην ἡμέραν καὶ ὄψῃ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μανίας τὸν ἔλεγχον. τῶν δὲ γυναικῶν τὸ στεῤῥὸν τῆς πίστεως. δεῦτε· οὐ γὰρ λαός ἐστιν ἔχων σύνεσιν»· ἀρχιερεῖς ἀσυνετοῦσι. Last. οἱ δὲ νῦν βασιλεῖς δι’ εὐσέβειαν ἀργυρένδυτον καὶ χρυσοκόλλητον τὴν ἁγίαν Ἐκκλησίαν ταύτην…… «Κἄν ἀκουσθῇ τοῦτο ἐπὶ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος. XII. Τὶς ἤκουσεν τελευτὴν ἀμφιβαλλομένην καὶ δέος ἐμποιοῦσαν τοῖς ἐργασαμένοις. ὅτι οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ νυκτὸς ἐλθόντες ἔκλεψαν αὐτόν. ‘Homily XC’. μὴ κατὰ Θεοῦ . Eusebios of Emesa9 and Apollinarios of Laodikeia10. verses 11-15. p. τὸν δῆμον τὸν Ἰουδαϊκόν.] (1994). καὶ ταύτην κρύπτοντες διὰ τὸ ἀργύριον. Τὶς εἶδε νεκρὸν φυλαττόμενον. 398. JOHN CHRYSOSTOME. like St. αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐπείσθη· τοὺς στρατιώτας. Amphilochios of Ikonion8. Κατήχησις Φωτιζομένων ΙΔ΄. τὸν Πιλᾶτον. Ἐγήγερται ὁ ἀναστὰς. in Έργα. ἀλλ’ οὐ πείθουσι τοὺς νῦν βασιλεῖς. but not 6 7 8 “Ὁρᾷς πάντας διεφθαρμένους. 92]. 2. Thessaloniki. Καὶ ἐλθόντων τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀπαγγειλάντων πάντα τὰ γενόμενα εἶπον αὐτοῖς· «εἴπατε. τὴν οἰκουμένην οὐ πείθετε· διατὶ γάρ. Cyril of Jerusalem7. Ἐσφράγισαν μὲν οὖν ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι διὰ Πιλάτου τὸν τάφον. ……… παῦσαι τὴν πηγὴν τῆς ζωῆς προσχῶσαι φιλονεικῶν· παῦσαι τοῖς ἄρχουσι ἐνοχλῶν καὶ περὶ φρουρᾶς διαλεγόμενος· παῦσαι τὸ ψεῦδος ὠνούμενος καὶ τοὺς πολίτας κινῶν. ὥσπερ τοῦ Πέτρου ἐξελθόντος ἐκ τῆς φυλακῆς οἱ φύλακες κατεδικάζοντο. 90. ιδ. [ed. οὗτοι δὲ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἰδόντες.

306 (section 149). K. Ευδόξιος Κ/πόλεως. this argument is raised precisely because the soldiers transcend the pictorial frame of their scene approaching the adjacent scene. as “whoever does not confess Christ as Lord and Son of God is an anti-Christ”11. St. PAPACHRISTOPOULOS. enjoins the faithful to “hate Christ’s enemies”. Limbo 9 10 11 12 13 φαντάζου τὴν νίκην. 49 least. 150 (section 37. while the soldiers ‘after accepting a considerable bribe’. p. P. Since the coupling of Marys at the Tomb with the Descent to Limbo is quite common in Byzantine paitnings. v. patron and/or the viewers of the Custody at the Sepulchre / Rejoice scene in question. the Apolytikion of Easter: ‘Christ is risen from the dead. I suggest that in the visual memory and religious beliefs of the artist.Ἀστέριος Ἀμασείας (Βιβλιοθήκη Ελλήνων Πατέρων και Εκκλησιαστικών Συγγραφέων. ἀντίχριστός ἐστιν (I. The link between Judas and the soldiers is also evident in the commentaries of Apolinarios of Laodikeia: “Καὶ Ἰούδας μὲν άργυρίων προδίδωσι τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐπιλαθόμενος ὧν εἶδεν σημείων. In provincial. Check. 1991). μὴ θαῤῥήσῃς τοῖς ὅπλοις. 1968). Ακάκιος Καισαρείας. p. 1992). οὐ ἐμποδίζεται ταῖς σφραγῖσιν. in the adjacent subject of the Descent to Limbo. 91 (134-136). K. SAKALIS. to whom we should probably attribute the authorship of the first kathisma in Sound 5 following the second stichologia of Sunday’s Matins in Sound 5. Λούκιος Αλεξανδρείας. this suggestion is reinforced by the approaching of the soldiers with the Limbo/Hades represented in the next scene by their depiction outside the pictorial frame of their scene12. οὐκ εἴργεται στρατιώταις. Christ tramples down Death13. in Ιωάννου του Δαμασκηνού Άπαντα τα Έργα. both Latin knights and the soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody. 209. Ἀμφιλόχιος Ἰκονίου . Ὅπλοις ἀνάστασις οὐ κωλύεται. shared a common condemnation to Hell [fig. Indeed. PAPACHRISTOPOULOS – G. Pursuing iconological methods of inquiry. p.). Ευνόµιος Βεροίης. or captivates Limbo14. Απολινάριος Λαοδικείας. Death. popular fashion. Ευνόµιος Κυζίκου. Ευσέβιος Εµέσης. 9 (Thessaloniki. LXXI. having ‘announced the archpriests’ what they saw. verses 1-2)].The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine . 72 (Athens. they silenced in a profound way and spread rumours of what had not happened”).. Νεµέσιος Εµέσης (Athens. BONIS. οὐ κλέπτεται χρήμασιν. 10]. 1994). μὴ παρακοιμίσῃς τὸν ὄχλον τῷ μνήματι. ‘Ιωάννου τοῦ Δαμασκηνοῦ Ὁμιλία εἰς τὸ Ἅγιον Σάββατον’. Μισήσωμεν οὖν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτοῦ. μὴ δῷς μισθὸν στρατιώταις ἕτερα ἀνθ’ ἑτέρων εἰπεῖν. by death trampling down Death and to those in the tombs giving life’. for example. first part. KOUNAVI (ed. See K. G. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται «ἀργύρια ἰκανὰ λαβόντες». Περί την Αρειανικήν Έριν:Αστέριος σοφιστής. Πᾶς ὅστις οὐχ ὁμολογεῖ τὸν Χριστὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ Κύριον. p. . Βιβλιοθήκη Ελλήνων Πατέρων και Εκκλησιαστικών Συγγραφέων.. εἰρήκασι δὲ τὰ μὴ γενόμενα” (“Judas betrayed Jesus for money putting aside all of the miracles that he witnessed. ἅ μὲν ἰδόντες «προαπήγγειλαν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι» τεράστια ἐσιώπησαν. John of Damascus. Αέτιος Άντιοχείας.

but also transcend the red line dividing the two scenes further approaching Death/Hell [fig. the curse slain. see FULCHER OF CHARTRES. is personified [fig. HALLAM (ed. 64-66. . as during the ByzantineNorman wars (1081-1185)15. E. Chronicles of the Crusades: Eye-Witness Accounts of the Wars Between Christianity and Islam (London. 2006].ukonline.htm> accessed in 11 March. ZIANGOS.). First. Historia Hierosolymitana. for through Him who took flesh from you Hell has been taken captive. Chronicles of the Crusades. two major bridgeheads of the East were used by the First Crusade armies as a transit station to proceed to the Byzantine capital with a special permission granted by Emperor Alexius I Comnenus. 18] in the form of an unkempt. 1096-1099)16 and the Fourth Crusades (Boniface of Montferrat. <http://www. pp.Konstantinos Giakoumis 50 or Hades (Devil). see ANNA COMNENA. since the different panoply pieces of our soldiers belong to different periods of time. pp. Epiros had repeatedly been used as springboards of Latin expeditions against the East. where did the local artist or the patron draw his models? I suggest that the panoply parts of the scene’s knights (dating in different periods) could be seen locally. Anna Comnena. The Alexiad. the First (Raymond of Toulouse and Hugh of Vermandois. C. Alexiad. The Latin knights/custody soldiers of the bordering subject not only are represented at the same height with Death/Hell. Adam recalled. accessed in 07 March. From Byzantine sources. while in spite of his provincial training. This been shown. see N. in <http://web.html>. Durrës and Vlora. in A. HALLAM (ed. 1921). Virgin Mother of God. two more questions remain unanswered. For a brief account of the Byzantine-Norman wars. pp. Eve set free. 78-79 (digitally reproduced in Medieval Sourcebook. and we given life. edu/halsall/source/comnena-cde. From western primary sources. dark and chained man.co. In no other place has the artist repeated this transgression. 10].fordham. 1989). 1202- 14 15 16 I can roughly cite a Theotokion following Sunday’s Lauds ‘You are most blessed.). The First Crusade: The Accounts of Eyewitnesses and Participants (Princeton. who have been thus well-pleased. pp. accessible in English in E. 2006]. 33-36. Συμβολή στο Νέο Ελληνισμό (Athens. ‘Matins for Sundays and Feasts’. Being a place of great strategic importance. Therefore in praise we cry: Blessed are you. KREY. Glory to you’ (EPHREM ARCHIMANDRITE. Φεουδαρχική Ήπειρος και Δεσποτάτο της Ελλάδας.uk/ephrem/matsun. his drawing abilities leave to me no doubt that the proximity of the soldiers with Hades and the transcending of the dividing line by the former to further approach the latter are utterly intentional to intensify the link between the Latin knights and Hell. 1974). 10:7. old. death put to death. Christ our God. 52-55 (where extracts from William of Apulia’s Gesta Roberti Wiscardi). On the Crusades.

Theophylaktos of Ochrid23. A. but crusading expeditions … took place often.. HALLAM (ed. The Cross and the Crescent (New York. Book 10:347 cited in E. as Angeliki Laiou relates. a few miles opposite the region of Sarandë. “Byzantine Trade with Christians and Muslims and the Crusades”.. p. 1987). it is worth mentioning that the 1120s were punctuated by crusading 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 As Villehardouin relates. p. W. A History of the Crusades. A History of the Crusades. E.. Shek. Second. Having said that the Crusader expeditions were far more often than we customarily take into account. caused no little disturbance. 51 1204)17 [fig. their reputation was further blackened in Epiros after they seized and burnt Kanina. La Conquête de Constantinople. see E. Yet.C. “Valona”. 1938). in A. MILLER. 1984). MOTTAHEDEH (eds. they were hideously defamed. By J. HALLAM (ed. Chronicles of the Crusades. We are accustomed to taking into account of the major crusades. edited by E. Dokumente të Periudhës Bizantine për Historinë e Shqipërisë. …. “The “Crusades” were a frequent phenomenon of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Alexiad. The First Crusade and the Foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge. 55. 17]. cf. Vlorë and Jericho in 108120 and Corfu in 108421. even though their alleged acts of cannibalism was more often rumoured than practised24.). p. VII-XV. trans. S. 1. and certainly the Christians and Muslims of the area were aware of the fact”18. P. while endeavouring to refrain from pillage and disorder22. pp. 1. K. 74. 185. XV (Tiranë. P.The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine . LAIOU. 1978).72. It can be maintained that the artist or the patron had seen knights with their own eyes. 160. 2001). 1999). this was only accessible to me in an Albanian translation. The Journal of Hellenic Studies 37 (1917). 324. Chronicles of the Crusades. For Villehardouin’s account (GEOFFREY OF VILLEHARDOUIN. 155-156. p. . S. pp. BOZHORI. The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World (Washington D. pp. the First Crusaders under Bohemund (1096) en route from the Epirotic coasts to the east. BILLINGS. ANNA COMNENA. While the First Crusaders advanced to the Middle East. Perhaps the painter might even have kept sketches of them or some knights had lost their lives in the battles of the region and their panoplies were taken as booty and used as models for the artist. extract Nr. 126.). MAALOUF. p. 213. M.: Dumbarton Oaks. why must western knights have locally a negative reputation? While the Normans were considered by the Byzantine elites as little more than barbarians19. 69. Moreover.G. 39ff. Rothschild (London. LAIOU – R. FARAL (Paris. RUNCIMAN. p. as accounted by St. The Crusades Through Arab Eyes. A.). by April 1203 most of the Fourth Crusade army had embarked at Corfou. RUNCIMAN.

p. 74 and note 8. while “in 1122 a Venetian Crusader fleet on its way to Palestine attacked Corfu in retaliation for the attempt of John II Komnenos to reduce Venice’s commercial privileges. The Sicilian Vespers. E. cf. ZIANGOS. who fought for him to receive feuds and titles26. N. Ιστορία της Φραγκοκρατίας στην Ελλάδα. 1960). Φεουδαρχική Ήπειρος και Δεσποτάτο της Ελλάδας. 49-50. 253-254 (1285). William Miller states that Boniface of Montferrat manned his army with the rag-tag and bobtail of Western Europe. RUNCIMAN. their presence in the region must have been distasteful to the locals. or in the form of occupation by force of arms. 24-28 May 1984. pp. «Collana Storica di Fonti e Studi» 48 (Genoa. J. I Comuni Italiani nel Regno Crociato di Gerusalemme. 160.). in G. Even though there are no written accounts that I know of recording the impressions left by the Crusaders to the local populations. The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World. it is highly likely that the local inhabitants of Sarandë region felt no different than other Orthodox people. pp. pp. Similar conclusions can be drawn in the case of the subject of Judas’ Betrayal in the church of the Nativity of the Virgin on Maligrad. W. It may also be alleged that. 1984). MILLER. it pillaged Byzantine lands on the way to and from Palestine and extracted the confirmation and expansion of Venetian commercial privileges in the Byzantine Empire”25. 1204-1566 (Athens. 51. AIRALDI – B. George at Dhivër. The church was re-built 25 26 27 28 29 A. as in the case of the expedition of Charles I Anjou who took hold of Corfu and the mainland fortresses in 1266 and kept them until his death in January 128529. S. The Sicilian Vespers: A History of the Mediterranean World In the Later Thirteenth Century (Cambridge.). As for the Fourth Crusade. “The Venetian Crusade of 1122-1124”. 337-350. since Epiros was among the principal target territories of immigrants from Constantinople27. MOTTAHEDEH (eds. p. LAIOU – R. the immigrants must have also shaped or influenced popular dark and base memories about the Crusaders. 136. KEDAR (eds. 1986). RUNCIMAN. p. in A. ZIANGOS. . Last but not least. especially those of the Fourth Crusade. 70. p. Φεουδαρχική Ήπειρος και Δεσποτάτο της Ελλάδας. Jerusalem. 146 (1271). 69-71. RILEY-SMITH. P.Konstantinos Giakoumis 52 expeditions undertaken by Pisans and Genoese by sea. LAIOU. S. whose impressions were described in the beginning of the paper. the region in question was for most parts of the second half of the 13th century a western dominion. either in the form of a dowry given by the Despot of Epiros. cited in N. “Byzantine Trade with Christians and Muslims and the Crusades”. as in the case of the marriage of King Manfred of Hohenstaufen with Helen Angelina (1259)28. As implied by the representation of the soldiers of the Custody in the church of St.

V-XV (Valeurs et caractéristiques de la peinture en Albanie aux V-XVe siècles)”. 5-6. Arms and Armour. Akta të Konferencës së Parë të Studimeve Albanologjike (1965). Arms and Armour of the Medieval Knight (London. In the context of medieval Morea. DHAMO. edited by Nestor NEPRAVISHTA . rather usual as from the beginning of the 14th century31. This shield-type became common after 1270s. Delphi. 28-33. E. both of whom wear kettle helmets with basinets. “Vepra dhe tipare të pikturës në Shqipëri në shek. two soldiers flank Jesus. cf. D. EDGE – J. POPA. alternatively called chapel de fer.). PADDOCK. pp. 17 in p. 83 and fig on p. IDEM. pp. D. p. S. Buletin i Universitetit Shtetëror të Tiranës: seria e shkencave shoqerore 2 (1963). E. 27 and fig. GRABAR. 149-151). “Palaeologan Mistra and the West”. 289 (p. LAIOU – R. 1985 (Athens. detail from a 14th century illuminated address from the town of Prato to Robert of Anjou. M. I believe. Suffolk32. 84. see Th. 9-24. in the Church of All Saints. pp. 301 (p.. the ‘Latinization’ of military costumes in narrative scenes is also observed in other former ‘Latin’-dominated regions. J. La peinture murale du Moyen Age en Albanie (Tiranë: 8 Nëntori Ed. While both soldiers extend threateningly their swords towards Jesus. p. Inscriptions Nr. HUTTER (ed. MOTTAHEDEH (eds. 151). P. 1974).. Dh. 53 and re-decorated under the patronage of Caesar Novak in 1368/930. 1984). IDEM. 73 and figure on the same page depicting a knight wearing a kettle hat. on pp. .Kostandin GJAKUMIS (Tirana. 4. 20-24 July. 1987). 154-198. POPA. GERSTEL. 1961). which follows the curve of the body. French synopsis in pp. D. 19. 155). Studime Historike 1 (1984). to argue why these soldiers would be very negatively perceived by the public. It is needless. pp. MOURIKI. ca. “Piktura murale e kishës së Shën-Merisë në Maligrad”. “Kisha e Shën Merisë në Maligrad”. p. Mbishkrime të kishave në Shqipëri. 299 (p. p. IDEM. Piktorët mesjetarë shqiptarë (Tiranë. “L’asymétrie des relations de Byzance et l’Occident dans le domaine des arts au moyen âge”. Th. EDGE – J. While in late Byzantine paintings at Mistra there is a deliberate absence of Latin influences33. Byzanz und der Westen: Studien zur Kunst des europäischen Mittelaltres (Vienna. 13a-b and fig. in I. the one at the right covers his back with a triangular shield curved to the body of the type called the ‘heater’. p. 1998).). 1331.. PADDOCK. 287-288 (pp. 156). from the occasional embossing of haloes to unusual 30 31 32 33 For the church of Maligrad. in Byzantium and Europe: First International Byzantine Conference. in A. 158-160.The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine . I did not manage to consult A. “Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea”. 264 and note 7. Gerstel mentions vaguely that “some evidence has been found in the details of narrative scenes. pp. In the scene of Judas’s Betrayal. 562-566. The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World. 1988). Acton. 239. M. 141-158. similar in form to the one shown in the brass of Sir Robert de Bures.

in A. yet. ca. John Chrysostome. 491-516.-9. 15. 2) Hagios Nikolaos at Maza Apokoronou. scene of Saint George before of the Governor. For these scenes. 4. the Betrayal. 3) and Hagios Georgios at Anydroi Selinou. anti-western visual statements consciously persists up to the first half of the 17th century. The most impressive cases. however. E. she didn’t associate it with the thesis I have hereby attempted to uphold. Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies. passim.’. “Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea”. or the martyrdom of saints was considered by her as a ‘hostile’ and anti-western comments36. 1325/26. doctoral thesis submitted at the Centre for Byzantine. VASSILAKIS-MAVRAKAKIS. MOTTAHEDEH (eds. Η άλλη όψη µιας αµφίδρµης σχέσης. The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World. GERSTEL. pp. 5]. 2. “Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea”. scenes of the Betrayal. I am indebted to the author for bringing these monuments into my attention. subject already discussed by the late Miltos 34 35 36 S. pp.). 1327/28.). pp. I did not manage to consider M. 264-265 and note 6 on p. can be viewed in the early post-Byzantine mural paintings of the Lite of Philanthropenon Monastery’s catholicon on the Isle of Ioannina (painted in 1560). in A. scene of the Marys at the Tomb. LAIOU – R. 1300. MOTTAHEDEH (eds. after which the phenomenon gradually fades out in mechanical repetition of earlier post-Byzantine models. 264. Even though Gerstel identifies a Frankish coat of arms that marks the shield of one of the custody soldiers in the scene of the Marys at the Tomb of the church of St. E. Carrying of the Cross and Marys at the Tomb. The Church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana: Art and Society on Fourteenth-Century Venetian-Dominated Crete. II. Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 32:5 (1982) [XVI. J. University of Bimirngham (Birmingham. 1323. Lymberopoulou has identified a number of similar cases in 14th century Crete. “Western Influences on the Fourteenth Century Art of Crete”. LAIOU – R. and S. ‘∆υτικότροπες τοιχογραφίες του 14ου αιώνα στην Κρήτη. P. see A.Konstantinos Giakoumis 54 representations of soldiers at the Arrest and Crucifixion of Christ”34. PAPADAKI – S. LYMBEROPOULOU. Ευφρόσυνον. Αφιέρωµα στον Μανόλη Χατζηδάκη (Athens. Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress (Wien. 278-279 and fig. the Carrying of the Cross. OEKLAND S. P. 301-311.. 2002). the representation of soldiers in western armour in scenes like the Marys at the Tomb. E. Several post-Byzantine churches and catholica in Epiros provide substantial evidence that such ‘hostile’. J. . S. E. GERSTEL. thereby associating Roman soldiers with Latins35. Oktober 1981). 1992). The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World. in Kypraiou (ed. pp.). Such ‘Latinized’ soldiers appear in at least the following churches: 1) Archangel Michael at Kavalariana Selinou. Geraki.

291). 175]. 21]41.]. PALIOURAS (eds. D. PADDOCK.). see the executioner of St. 20]39. 112. 161.].). fig.. 67. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων [Ioannina. GARIDIS. EDGE – J. ca. John the Baptist (M. 170. in M. whose torturer’s helmet is comparable to 14th century examples (e. EDGE – J. M. fig.g. For similar figures. “Στενές Επαφές – Εικονογραφικές και Τεχνοτροπικές – µε Ευρύτερα Σύγχρονα Ρεύµατα της Ευρωπαϊκής Γενικότερα Ζωγραφικής. PADDOCK. and 175. Tarachos (M.. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. D. p. 121. M. PALIOURAS (eds. 65-75. 116. Arms and Armour. John Astley. 1340. EDGE – J. PADDOCK. Very similar to an equestrian harness of Otto Heinrich. PALIOURAS [eds. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. from the Ordinance of Chivalry. GARIDIS – A. M. Μαρτυρίες από το ∆ιάκοσµο του Εσωτερικού Νάρθηκα (Λιτής) της Μονής Φιλανθρωπηνών. 159). figure above. PALIOURAS [eds. Πρακτικά Συµποσίου «700 χρόνια 1292-1992» (Ioannina. by dragging him behind his galloping horse [fig. the equestrian harness of Otto Heinrich. bear the form of western knights38. 2) The martyrdom of St. GARIDIS – A. whose executioner’s helmet and overcoat is comparable to 14th century examples. 153. p. 103. 143 (up). 15th century English illuminated manuscript by St. a figure. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. Μοναστήρια Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. D. pp. There. Amphilochios. M. fig. the open at the front and lowering at the sides Italian sallet ca. ca. Babylas and his disciples. Arms and Armour. fig. dating 1530s and other German armours dating from the first quarter of the 16th century are the mounted knight who tortures St. 144). cf. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. GARIDIS – A. . 37 38 39 40 41 M. PALIOURAS (eds. PADDOCK. 105. p. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. p. Count Palatine of the Rhine. 113. 1560”. EDGE – J. M. 145-146. p.0s.g. GARIDIS – A. 1993]. M. stands before the ruler40. p. fig. pp. p. M. Epicharis (M.). EDGE – J. 142 (up). p. Similar models have. whose torturer’s overcoat and helmet is comparable to 16th century western harnesses [e. the saint’s executioner is engaged into chivalric dancing figure before he effects the final attack the fatal attack against the saint [fig. pp. Vincent.). PALIOURAS (eds. 160. 78-79. represented in different scenes of martyrdoms. 55 Garidis37. 1480. PADDOCK. GARIDIS – A. Among the several examples that can be mentioned here I choose only: 1) The martyrdom of St. identified by Garidis as a Spanish merchant. Arms and Armour. fig. GARIDIS – A.). represented on the southern wall of the Lite. 162 in comparison with D. M. Marcianus. a great number of torturers. Bishop of Ikonion. In the martyrdom of St. undoubtedly. PALIOURAS (eds. pp. fig. Count Palatine of the Rhine. D. GARIDIS – A.). 3) The beheading of St. 107. 96-97. 172). been utilized to represent the executioners of St. 95.The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine . Arms and Armour. or the Knights Tilting. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. PALIOURAS (eds. GARIDIS – A. pp. M. 1999). 174. the representation of Sir Geoffrey Luttrell from the Luttrell Psalter. Arms and Armour. Exceptionally interesting is the martyrdom of St.

). Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. STAVROPOULOU-MAKRI. EDGE – J. Arms and Armour. 385. Arms and Armour. PALIOURAS (eds. 143 (up). See the scenes of the Massacre of the Innocent. western influences in the armoury of several military saints indicates trends that may shadow the strength of the hereby presented thesis45. the Carrying of the Cross. “Η Μονή Ελεούσας”. 23] dates in 1524 and imitates panoplies of the 12th and 13th centuries43. PALIOURAS (eds. PADDOCK. see D. Joseph of Arimatheia before Pilate and the Marys at the Tomb (see A. pp.). GARIDIS – A. PADDOCK. pp. Christ’s Judgement by Annas. that of St. 277-279. M. For the comparison. EDGE – J.]. EDGE – J. “Το Καθολικό της Μονής Ντιλίου και οι Τοιχογραφίες του”. the Derision and the Carrying of the Cross. D. 22]42. 235 and 244. 231. the Ascent to the Cross and the Crucifixion. M. the Monastery of St. 19b. Patronized by the renowned family of Philantropenoi. cf. Arms and Armour. However. B.Konstantinos Giakoumis 56 Stephen the Younger. M. 14b. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. 387 and 293 on pp. 84ff. 232 and 238 respectively. in the representations of Christ’s Derision. The church in question in unpublished. Pilate and His Suite. Nikolaos of Philanthropenon virtually provides the most palpable examples of anti-western pictorial statements. in M. 455-459 on pp. the Ascent to the Cross and the Marys at the Tomb contain soldiers depicted in a western 14th and 15th century fashion44. GARIDIS – A. Caiaphas and Pontius Pilate. 21a-b. GARIDIS – A. who migrated from Constantinople due to its growing pro-Latin support. Similar. the Confessor [fig. yet. T. D. From other 16th century monuments in the regions of Epiros we can cite the church of the Transfiguration at Veltsista (1568)47. 142 (up). Arms and Armour. In the catholicon of Ntiliou Monastery. M. pp. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. 84ff. figs. PALIOURAS (eds. in M. 114-115. Athanasios at Goranxhi. on the Isle of Ioannina (1542/3).). Cases indicating the ‘Latinization’ of soldiers can also be found in the third 16th century monastery on the Isle of Ioannina. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. T. in M. 20.). Liva-Xanthaki. yet far less impressive examples can also be found in other 16th century monuments of the region. EDGE – J. PADDOCK. 174. 1989). the Eleousa Monastery (third quarter of the 165th century). the Route to Golgotha. the Betrayal. The scene of the Betrayal of Jesus in the church of St. Liva-Xanthaki. 42 43 44 45 46 47 M. and 175. pp. figs. fig. PADDOCK. Dropull (Gjirokastër region) [fig. 391 and 408 on pp. Les Peintures Murales de l’ Église de la Transfiguration à Veltsista (1568) en Epire et l’ atelier des peintres Kondaris (Ioannina. 176 in comparison with D. Papadopoulou. cf. pp. figs. the scenes of Christ’s Derision. the persistence of such examples point to the contrary. 22- . GARIDIS – A. “Το Καθολικό της Μονής Ντιλίου και οι Τοιχογραφίες του”. PALIOURAS (eds. 84 ff. the Carrying of and Ascent to the Cross46. figs.

pp. 157-167. EDGE – J. G. 148 on p. cf. Arms and Armour. cf. Arms and Armour. pp. EDGE – J. STAVROPOULOU-MAKRI. 31a and 33b. GIAKOUMIS – K. 60 and 61a. pp. M. Les Peintures Murales. 84 ff. 25]55. fig. pp. George at Libofshë. cf. Nikolaos at Dhuvjan. Arms and Armour. Arms and Armour. pp. One can cite the Martyrdom of St. D. 153-157. M. cf. 144-154. D. Dropull (end of the 16th century)52. GIAKOUMIS. the church of St. M. GIAKOUMIS. PADDOCK. cf. Dropull (1603)53. 84 ff. M. Martyrdoms of Sts.). 144. PADDOCK.]. the narthex of Dryano Monastery’s catholicon (last quarter of the 16th century) [fig. Ορθόδοξα Μνηµεία στη Βόρειο Ήπειρο. Demetrios (A. 114-117. Demetrios at Veltsista (1558-1568)50. GIAKOUMIS. GIAKOUMIS – K. D. GIAKOUMIS.]. Les Peintures Murales. see G. PADDOCK. 84 ff. PADDOCK. D. Martyrdom of St. EDGE – J. 84 ff. 28-33 and figs. EDGE – J. with substantial overpainting from the 17th and the 19th century (G. PADDOCK. 79-81 and figs. EDGE – J. 57. Theodore Stratelates in the church of the Dormition of the Virgin at zervat. Η Ιερά Μονή Ραβενίων ∆ρόπολης (Athens. The Judgement by Annas and Caiaphas (A. 72-75. pp. The 17th century also offers some good examples. Meteora (1566)49.). Dropull (second quarter of the 17th century)54 and the Carrying of the Cross in the naos of the catholicon of the Transfiguration Monastery at Mingul. cf. Ορθόδοξα Μνηµεία στη Βόρειο Ήπειρο. For the monastery. D. pp. EDGE – J.]. 56. which seemingly reproduce 17th century models. Les Peintures Murales. 84 ff. GIAKOUMIS. Arms and Armour. 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 . cf. GIAKOUMIS. p. M. M. 56a. Demetrios and George. D. G. G. GIAKOUMIS. Arms and Armour. M. pp. GIAKOUMIS – K. PADDOCK. the narthex of Barlaam Monastery. GIAKOUMIS. where citations to the relevant literature. 137-153. 300. pp. Ορθόδοξα Μνηµεία στη Βόρειο Ήπειρο [Ioannina. 287. D. For the monastery. Ορθόδοξα Μνηµεία στη Βόρειο Ήπειρο. M.The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine . 84 ff. 29-43). Arms and Armour. while the phenomenon clearly fades out in unsophisticated imitations towards the 18th century. GIAKOUMIS – K. See the soldier next to Longinus in the scene of the Crucifixion [see G. G. From distant memories of the phenomenon in the 18th century we could cite the martyrdoms of saints in the third zones of frescoes. 1994]. 105 on p. 84 ff. (A. Gjirokastër (1666) [fig. 73. Arms and Armour. fig. 150. pp. EDGE – J.). EDGE – J. 84 ff. 24]51 and the church of St. western wall of the church of St. PADDOCK. figs. and particularly fig. Arms and Armour. 1994]. fig.. pp. pp. pp. STAVROPOULOU-MAKRI. p. 1995). PADDOCK. 57 Nikolaos at Krapsi (1563)48. EDGE – J. D. figs. pp. D. Μνηµεία Ορθοδοξίας στην Αλβανία [Athens. STAVROPOULOU-MAKRI. Martyrdoms of saints. Ορθόδοξα Μνηµεία στη Βόρειο Ήπειρο. cf. 84 ff. 160-162. cf. pp. GIAKOUMIS – K.. the Massacre of the Innocents in the catholicon of Ravenia Monastery. The frescoes of the this monument date in the last quarter of the 16th century. GIAKOUMIS – K. figs. Fier (1782)56. 26 and 28-29 (details). 53-55 and 56 and fig. pp. Ορθόδοξα Μνηµεία στη Βόρειο Ήπειρο. 54a. see G. 24. M. PADDOCK. pp.

4. We each have our own histories. which we have made as much by thought as by need. Moschenberg]. and. pp. reordering our pasts to meet the changing needs of the present. we reshape them. Recibido / Received: 14/11/2008 Informado / Reported: Aceptado / Accepted: 57 J. Last but not least. rather than isolated cases. psychologists and neurologists has led to little certainty. as Epiros. over time. not a recording device. Myth and Writing’). choosing consciously or unconsciously to emphasize some experiences and impressions and disregard others. We construct our memories. 3-27. John Bedell57 states that “history. “Memory and Proof of Age in England 1272-1327”. I attempted to interpret expressions of collective base memories of the Crusades in peripheral regions. in this paper. taking into consideration representations of Crusaders in ecclesiastical paintings of late Byzantine and early post-Byzantine churches and catholica. Past and Present 162 (1999). G. pp. by J. Yale French Studies 59 (1980) (‘Rethinking History: Time. when it is not invention. and that it involves many parts of the brain and aspects of the self. Wicke and D. p. “Memories with No Historian”. Crete and. cf. 7-16 [trans. possibly.” With this in mind. the paper introduces an empirical methodology in which a historian can unveil collective memories of the past at the absence of textual sources by looking at and interpreting artworks. Further research in other contemporary monuments of former ‘Latin’-occupied territories could check the theory that such anti-western attitudes reflect general feelings. is memory written down. especially in former western-dominated Orthodox provinces. DUBY. Our memories are shaped by our interactions with others. BEDELL.Konstantinos Giakoumis 58 In his authoritative ‘Memory and Proof of Age in England (1272-1327)’. we do know that memory is a complex process. Morea. . Although the enormous attention paid to memory by philosophers. especially by conversations we have had about shared experiences.

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