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THE BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN TRADE SYSTEM; THIRTEENTH-FIFTEENTH CENTURIES*
zantine Empire had been characterized the existenceof an economyof by that was moreor less active. Comparedto Western Europe,it was exchange with a a state with a great amount of visiblewealth,with a monetizedeconomy, which has been called "the dollar of the Middle Ages," and with cities currency werepresentand active, whichhad a trueeconomiclife.In thissociety,merchants have becomeonlydimlyvisiblein the uninterested sources; surviving althoughthey state. Even in the Comnetheiractivitieswere closelydirectedby a protectionist in nian period,at a timewhen Italian merchants began to acquire trade privileges the Byzantinelands, the exchangeeconomyof the Empire flourished; Constantito and othercitiescontinued function major trading as centers; nople,Thessalonica, have even profited from the increasedeconomic and the Byzantinemerchant may the great economic and Constantinople, activityin the Eastern Mediterranean.' as of politicalcenterof the Empire,was still veryimpressive the participants the theirshipsin late June 1203: "Or poez savoirque mult FourthCrusadesaw it from cil Costantinople qui onques mais ne 'avoient veile; que il ne pooient esgarderent mie cuidierque si richevillepeiistestreen tot le monde,cum il virent halz murs ces et ces richestours,dont ele ere close tot entora la reonde,et ces richespalais, et ces haltes yglises,dontil i avoit tant que nuls nel poist croire il ne le veist a l'oil, se et le lonc et le le de la ville, qui de totes les autresere soverains.Et sachiez que il n'i ot si hardi cui la car ne fremist; ce ne fu mie mervoille, et que onques si grants ne affaires fu emprisde tant de gentpuis que li monz fu estores."'2
* I am grateful ProfessorsR. S. Lopez and G. Pistarino,who generously to made several of the Genoese sourcesavailable to me, and to Professor Oikonomidesforkindlyhelpingme clarify N. some of my thoughts. Two importantstudies appeared after this article had been accepted for publication. M. Balard's La Romanie gdnoise (Rome-Genoa, 1978), although essential for the study of Genoese trade in the Levant, does not touch on my subject, except tangentially.N. Oikonomides'monograph, Hommesd'afaires grecset latins en Constantinople (XIIIe-XVe siecles) (Montreal, 1979), is a parallel contributionto the history of Constantinople and of Constantinopolitan trade in this period,and therefore importantfor the problems discussed in this article. 1 M. F. Hendy, "Byzantium, 1081-1204; An Economic Reappraisal," Transactions of/the Royal Historical Society,5th series,vol. 20 (1970), 31-52. 2 Geoffroi Villehardouin,La de ed. conquitede Constantinople, E. Faral, I (Paris, 1938), ch. 128, p. 130: "I can assure you that all those who had never seen Constantinoplebeforegazed very intentlyat the city,having never imaginedtherecould be so finea place in all the world. They noted the high walls and
of the ROM the beginning its existenceand untiltheFourth Crusade, By-
The resultsof that enterprise, fallof Constantinople partsof the Empire the and to Westernersin 1204, created novel political and economic conditionsin the conditions whichwereonlypartlyalteredby the Byzantine Eastern Mediterranean, ofConstantinople 1261. As faras the ByzantineEmpirewas concerned, in recapture of with the fallof the Citymeantthe beginning a new phase in Byzantinerelations but they WesternEurope. Until then,these relationshad been increasingly close, and diplomatic, and frequently underbe said to have been primarily political may at the initiativeof the Byzantines. After1204, and until the end of the taken existencein 1453, diplomacyformed only one, and Byzantinestate's independent area in Byzantine relationswith WesternEurope. the most important, that not on is More significant the presenceof Westerners soil which was or had recently Before 1204, this presencehad been sporadic and more or less been Byzantine. controlled the Byzantinestate. After1204, therewere areas whichwere taken by laterthe Genoeseand the Catalans overby Westerners-theFrench,the Venetians, settled there-in -and which never returnedto Byzantine control.Westerners numbers. most of the islands, parts of the Morea, parts of Greece-in significant They formedpolitical entitieswith which the Byzantines had to fightor deal. RelationswithWesternpowers,both thoseon Byzantinesoil and thosein Europe, now became paramountin Byzantineforeign policy,at least untilthe middleofthe whenthe Ottomansbecame a primary fourteenth power.As fortheinternal century inI historyof the Byzantine territories, suggestthat that also was profoundly under Byzantine both within the areas fluencedby the presence of Westerners and control(such as the Venetiansand Genoesein Constantinople othercities) and of outsidethe frontiers the state. of The interaction the Byzantine state, the WesternEuropean states, and the on Westernsettlers Byzantinesoil is evidentat severallevels.At the dynasticlevel, thereis the factthat Byzantineemperors soughttheirbridesin theWest: six out of of ten emperors the last dynastymarriedWesternprincessesor commoners;and At withthemWestern theseladiesbrought retinues, ideas, and customs. the political between Byzantium and the West on relevel, therewere constantnegotiations to quests for crusades, efforts avert crusades, and discussionsof churchunion.3 in of Finally, in the formation social and economicinstitutions the Byzantine, one may discernparallel developments and Frankish-held Venetian, countryside, in and in thecase ofthearistocracy closeinterconnections the case oftheagricultural population.4
the loftytowerscirclingit, and its rich palaces and tall churches,of which therewere so many that no one would have believed it to be true if he had not seen it with his own eyes and viewed the lengthand breadth of that citywhichreignssupremeover all others.There was indeed no man so brave and daringthat his flesh did not shudderat the sight. Nor was this to be wonderedat, fornever beforehad so grand an enterprise been carriedout by any people since the creationof the world." and theLevant,1204-1571,I (Philadelphia, 3 The latestworkson the subject are K. M. Setton, The Papacy and J. Gill, Byzantiumand thePapacy, 1198-1400 (New Brunswick,1979). 1976); 4 On the "Observations on the Aristocracyin Byzantium," DOP, 25 aristocracy,see G. Ostrogorsky, of Arrested in (1971), 1-32; and A. E. Laiou, "The ByzantineAristocracy the Palaeologan Period: A Story Viator,4 (1973), 131-51. On the rural institutionsof the occupied Byzantine lands, see Development," D. Jacoby, "The Encounter of Two Societies: Western Conquerors and Byzantines in the Peloponnesus Les en afterthe Fourth Crusade," AHR, 78 (1973), 873-906; idem,La /6odalitd Gracemddidvale. "Assises de Romanie": sources,applicationet difusion (Paris, 1971); idem,"Les 6tats latins en Romanie: ph6nombnes
to on Indeed, it is clearlytoo simplistic speak of Westerninfluences Byzantium after1204. In some areas, and primarily its economiclife,the ByzantineEmpire in was very much dependenton the West. This fact is strikingly obvious afterthe 1320's. Byzantium became a hinterlandto Italian-dominatedmarkets,and its economycannot be discussed except in connectionwith the activitiesof Italian in merchants the Eastern Mediterranean. In the Palaeologan period, and most clearly until the late fourteenth century when political factors-primarilythe Ottoman conquests-began to interfere formedan economicunit heavilywith economicones, the Eastern Mediterranean withinwhichgoods circulatedaccordingto specific patterns.The area consistedof and the Black Sea Greece,the Aegean and Ionian islands, Crete,Constantinople and Asia Minor; Alexandria,Syria, Cyprus,and Cilicia also formed area, part of this unit. Economically,the Eastern Mediterranean was importantto the West both forits exportsand forits imports.Many important productswere exported to WesternEurope: grain,oil, fruit, animal products,and sugar from Cypruswere sent to Italy and were sometimes to the rest of Europe. As a food exreexported to to porter,this area was of great significance specific parts of Europe, primarily Venice.5Not only food, but men (slaves) and raw materialsfound theirway to WesternEurope: cotton,linen,silk,wax, alum,lead from wool from Crete, Cyprus, and acorns forthe tanneries.6 This area was also an importer some European of industrialproducts. The primaryimport was cloth of all kinds: Lombard and Flemish cloth,velvets,finecotton cloth. Metalwork and arms were also exported fromthe West to the Eastern Mediterraneanand even to Egypt, despite papal prohibitions. Soap was an importantVenetian export.7Venetian residentsin the coloniesof the Eastern Mediterranean seem to have imported manyof theirnecessitiesfrom mother the in the fourteenth a in country: century, merchant Cretewith ties both in Venice and in Alexandriaorderedsoap and cloth forhis familyfrom
sociaux et 6conomiques," 15th InternationalCongressof Byzantine Studies, Athens, 1976, Rapports, I; P. Topping, "Coexistence of Greeks and Latins in Frankish Morea and Venetian Crete," 15thInternational Feudal Institutions Revealedin theAssizes of as of Congress ByzantineStudies,Athens,1976; Rapports,I; idem, Romania, theLaw Code of Frankish Greece(London, 1949); J. Longnon and P. Topping, Documentssur le des dans la principautd Mordeau XIVe sidcle(Paris, 1969). de rdgime terres du 5 The best generalworkon the subject continuesto be W. Heyd, Histoiredu commerce Levantau moyen dge,I and II (Leipzig, 1923). On the grainpolicy of Italian cities,see H. C. Peyer,Zur Getreide Politik oberitalienischer Stddte 13.Jahrhundert in (Vienna, 1950). For some of these products,see F. Thiriet,Ddlibdrations des assembldes vdnitiennes concernant Romanie,I (Paris, 1966), nos. 529 (1346), 368 (1317, Cretan wine rela exportedto Flanders); II (Paris, 1971), nos. 729 (1364), 866 (1384); R. Cessi and P. Sambin, Le deliberazioni del Consiglio dei Rogati (Senato), serie "mixtorum,"I (Venice, 1960), XV, 356; R. Morozzo della Rocca, Lettere mercanti PigniolZucchiello di a (1336-1350), Fonti per la storia di Venezia (Venice, 1957), no. 1 (1336). Cf. F. Thiriet, La Romanie vdnitienne moyendge (Paris, 1975), 303-18; E. Zachariadou, "Sept trait6s au in6ditsentreVenise et les 6miratsd'Aydinet de Mentes6(1331-1407)," StudiOttomani pre-Ottomani e (Naples, 1976), 229-40; M. Abrate, "Creta--Colonia veneziana nei secoli XIII-XV," Economia e Storia, 3 (1957), 251-77. For Genoa, see J. Heers, Genesau XVe sidcle,activitd et sociaux (Paris, 1961), dconomique problames 340-44. 6 J. Heers, "I1 commercionel Mediterraneoalla fine del secolo XIV e nei primi anni del XV," AStIt, 113 (1955), 157-209; Thiriet,Ddlibdrations, no. 529 (1346); Morozzo della Rocca, op. cit.,no. 9; Cessi and I, Sambin, op. cit.,XVI, 358. 7 II Libro dei Conti di GiacomoBadoer (Costantinopoli1436-1440), ed. U. Dorini and T. Bertel6,Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estreme Oriente (Venice, 1956), 240; Thiriet,Romanie,340.
La pratica della mercatura. "Commercio..easily convertible. Crete. is. H. cit. trans. Lombard cloth. op. A.8 also played another. Laurent. Les Actes de Cagla du notaireLambertodi Sambuceto1289-90 (Paris. fish. of well trainedto take advantage ofit. cit. 8 Morozzo della . costumeset march6sdes draps de laine au MoyenAge. "The Marketin Theory and History. 11The most famous manual is Francesco Balducci Pegolotti. R.some were an Of the conditionsthat characterize international and more obviouslypresentthan others. through East made its way to Europe. finallyand fundamentally. La draperie Pays-Bas enFrance etdans les pays mdditdrrandens (XIIe-XVe MoyenAge. areas and about the ratesof conversion. Morozzo della Rocca. cit.economic The Eastern Mediterranean of whichthe merchandise the East and Far role. the article by W. Morozzo della Rocca. Neale. presumably. Caffa. 360 (1316). passim. ed. Champagne cloth.wine. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS and Venice. "Mode. cit. found that the "Sultan" wore.9 Venice and Pera and CaffaforGenoa wereimportant in as In its function an import-export market.and in Crete. of informed the availabilityof country They kept the mother ports. linseed oil.the Eastern Mediterranean this market.180 ANGELIKI E. Lesser Armenia. and ed.their and variedwithpoliticalcircumstances. Here is a partial list of commodities in Caffaor forwhich Caffawas a centerof transactions:wheat. Gibb [London. Many of these factorsmay as in Mediterranean the late MiddleAges. Polanyi. note 5). incense.after1353. passim. 15-16. and J. (supra. and disseminating be seen to exist in the Eastern to divisionof labor." Annales. Pearson."Currency in of some currencies particular wereso easy that it was possibleto utilizethe rate of exchangein loan transactions was transactionsin order to conceal usurious interestrates." passim. Therewerenetworks Venetian and Genoese businessties. Ibn Battuta. Heers. exchanged 1929]. H. W. see M.silk of Sogdiana. Travels in Asia and Africa. and Alexandriawere major afterthe late fourteenth this period. and therefore the existenceof widely accepted or easily convertible by currency. 1935). by the afterthe costs of transportation price formation.Ddlibdrations (supra. at least to the Italian merchants. passim.'0 in a modern marketsystem. This was a transitarea.Constantinople.. indeed. Tana for importance outletsforthe easterntrade. and H. who worked bound by family and later Florentine merchants. 1957). Alexandria. It is characterizedby the level. a moneyof account. 1093-1117. alum.. op." ibid. 324 [chapterXIV]). 12 Thiriet. Gines et l'Outre-Mer. op. millet. cf. Marketinformation weresufficiently and the traders readilyavailable. see esp..Currency was.particularly outletsthroughout century. of acquiring as well as by the existenceof efficient existenceof banking. An international of functioning a supply and demand mechanismthat resultsin a fairlyuniform have been eliminated.. M.26 (1971). a European fabric "called mutanfar" (Ibn Battuta. wax. even fora lock and keys he did not trustthe local Cretanblacksmiths orderedthese itemsfromhome. 1325-1354. Un grand commerce des sidcles)(Paris. 357ff. the Eastern bankers and money changersexisted in large numbersthroughout about the prevalence information Traders' manuals give detailed Mediterranean. This was. Trade and Marketin theEarly Empires (New York.slaves. Balard. 9 Heers. 1936). Evans was Mass. I. Heyd. on festiveoccasions. au d'exportation the export trade in Italian and European cloth.12 Rocca. perhaps as (Cambridge.nos.salt. skins. althoughneverin such strength to result marketeconomy. C. carobs. Arensberg. On I. note 5). and/or otherBlack Sea Tana. 1973).Syria. in citiesall over the East: Constantinople.The term of some of the characteristics an international period exhibits does not simplydesignatean area in whichexchangetakes place on an international marketis an allocation device. The hyperpyron extensivelyused in Caffaand the Black Sea area. 10C. visitingMali. 2. A. techniques linked It economicinformation. op. no. especially no.and better known.
Thiriet. Her argumentand evidence concern primarilythe stability of wheat prices in Crete in the period ca.e.Bonn ed.Rdgestes. but whether for are economic purely factorsplayed a significant in the formation prices. Nicephori I. Laiou." 292-94. Constantinople theLatins: The Foreign Policy ofAndronicusII (1281and 20 Mass. Zachariadou. 16 (1961).there may be an economic mechanismforprimarycommodities. nos. 937 (1397). 1550 (1414) and 1786 (1420). 1972). 14Heers.637ff. Spice prices and other role of do fluctuate withrelationto important prices politicalevents. 920 des du la (1936): in view of the bad situationin the Romania. however. no. 1280-ca. "Prix et march6sdes c6r6alesen Romanie (1343-1405).even priceinformation would collect. "Commercio. as a centralclearingmechanism. 1958). op. cases where the sources of speak specifically Cretan wheat: Thiriet. There are.I (Paris. Thus. cannot.2 hyperpyra centenarium. note 6). 291-306. II.20My of quiet. especially 207-9. "Prix agricoles en Medit6rran6e la fin du XIVe siecle (1382). we manifestly not." Nuova Rivista Storica."passim. 1300-ca. 686-87.15 one scholarhas recently it. "Prix et marches. and at "normal" times. Particularmembers the tradecomplex of thatit could respondto specific took measuresto make it respondbetterto theirneeds. the Venetiancolonies in the Eastern Mediterranean had both theirproductionand theirexchangeconso trolledby Venice.requisitions. may be remembered It that the per Venetian-Byzantine treatyof 1277 forbadethe export of wheat to Venice when its price at Constantinople rose above 100 hyperpyra centenarium-a price so close to the one quoted above as to suggest that: per a. IsCf. Heers. forthe distribution mechanism. Day.be givena finalanswerat this stage..19 In thelate fourteenth too. was efficient enoughso situations. 19Zachariadou. not periods of scarcity-the price of wheat in Constantinople was somewhatbelow 100 hyperpyra and b. of course. The usual price then was 16-18 hyperpyra 100 per mouzouria. 1328) (Cambridge.see E." Annales. Rdgestes. "Commercio" (supra. sincemerchants century whichwas not immeditheiragents. Gregorae byzantinahistoria. at a time of relativeabundance price of wheat and of relativelypeaceful conditions (late thirteenth century-1340's) the price of wheat in the Eastern Mediterranean exhibitsremarkablestabilityin timeand place. that they would serve the needs of the mothercountryas well as the needs of other colonies.through usefulbut whichwould alert them to the generalmarketconditions.17 economicpriceformation. It is true that noneconomic and monopoliesimposedby politicalpowers-all were such as duties. "Prix et march6s.. 965 (July 1399).II. Cf. Thus. A. the orderis given to buy and storeall available wheat. 13 . century.. 1340. 16-17. in normaltimes-i. this was the general price of wheat in the Romania in the period per centenarium. E. Day." 291-92.16 The questionof priceformation. whichis of criticalimportance.not whetherwe are dealing with a important. cit.in the exportof wheat fromCretenot onlyto Modon and Coron but to the Venetian-held islandsofthe Aegean.That can be seen. hereis that when politicalfactorsdo not interfere argument heavilywithexisting F. 15Thiriet.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 181 in merchandise variousparts of this trade complexso that traderscould go to one of the A or the otherarea.' But thereare some indicationsthat underneath. 1e Zachariadou. nos. 61 (1977). The real question is.13 set of documents the Datini from late fourteenth-early the network showshow complete information fifteenth was. 629-56.which is equivalent to 84. especially 635ftf. On "Cretan" wheat and the possibilitythat it was reallyAsia Minor wheat exportedto Venice throughCrete.unfortufactorsnately. As put in the Eastern Mediterranean the fourteenth exhibitsan amazingeconomic century unityat a timeof greatpoliticaldisunity. A. passim. whenthereis a spellofpolitical we have a certainuniformity pricesin the Eastern Mediterranean.forexample.64-95. 17 J.Rdgestes ddlibdrations Sdnatde Veniseconcernant Romanie. 1340. (1830) (hereafter Gregoras).14 These ately whichfacilitate an are economicinstitutions through adequate manipulation profits As it of marketconditions.
that it was the Westerntraders. onlysome of the questionsmay be seriously the presentstate of research. Cf. of Less evidentis the effect these conditions upon the economiesand societiesof Several questions may be posed. perhaps. 699-703. meat. aloe. M. gold and silver threads. Venetsianskaja torgovlja v pervoij polovine XV v. 69. cotton.2' As to the questionof divisionoflabor. "Konstantinopolj i sugar. did theseactivitiestake place by countries a level that the fabricof the societyof the Eastern Mediterranean at such remainedintact? Did the increasein commercial activityresultin the creationor or did it spell its demise?And what. imports manufactured products. historiographical for forexample. Romano. (supra. and this was numbers. tians and the Genoesewere establishedherein considerable one of the main cities fromwhichthey ran theirtrade with the Black Sea area. The Veneand all mannerof merchandise. grain. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS and theremechanismfunctions. and otherspices. 22 Zibaldone da Canal: Manoscritto whereit is shown that in Constantinopleand Pera one could buy and sell wax. saffron. tend to returnto a precrisislevel when influenced chance or politicalfactors.relevantto add that prices.wool. 33ff. etc.raw materials. 30 (1969). Cf.linen. amber. nuts. Thus.sugar. It may also be self-evident especially thismarket. it is." VizVrem. op. wine.cotton. skins. wheat.Only theirinfluence price formation still very much currency an open question. of or area whosemain exportsare food. oil. a Venetianmerchant Cretereported its the grainof the Romania had droppedfrom unusuallyhighpriceby something like seventypercentbecause peace had been made withthe Mongolsin Tana.182 ANGELIKI E. the reexport easternluxury Western articlesfrom are whileits primary Europe.As late as the mid. po dannym knigi sietov Dlakomo Badoera. the Italians. rice. wool. examined. cit. The answersmust vary fromplace to place: the effects. Finally. native merchant class. mastich. if any. furs. 73 (16 May 1347). As far as the ByzantineEmpireis concerned. x21 comes that peace has been made with the Mongols note 5). in 1347. honey. who ran and dominated theyhad theaccess to theWestern with theirships.gold and silverthreads. by that in when the crisisis over. Venetians late fourteenth century.given trade complexmustbe The role of the Byzantineeconomyin the Mediterranean as to was That Constantinople and continued function an important examinedfirst. Pegolotti. purpledye. cheese. cloth. .they communications the sea lanes and therefore controlled they created and controlledthe information mechanism. p. is centerof the transittrade of luxurymerchandise certain. interest. "Les prix au MoyenAge: dans le Proche Orientet dans l'Occident chr6tien. expansionof a on werethe effects the ruraleconomiesof these areas? These questionsare of great and of more general importancefor the historyof the Eastern Mediterranean..see Morozzo della Rocca.the answeris to some extentevidentfrom this is an of of the description the economicfunction the Eastern Mediterranean."Annales. silk.a type of intrinsic-value foreprices tend to be stable. also M.for markets.and theirneeds dictated the is on transactions. economic conditions.silk. note 11). (supra.soap. alum.or cinnamon to continued buy herepepper. op.22 For the returnof grain prices to "normal" levels aftera crisis. soap. quicksilver. Sitikov. 50-51. coral. in the economic situation described?Were their own economiesinparticipate or fluenced the activitiesof the Italian merchants. del mercantile secolo XIV (Venice. were very different the ByzantineEmpire and forEgypt.ginger. 18 (1963). R. 1967). From Cretethe information the per in Tana and that therefore wheat which in the Romania used to cost 7-8 hyperpyra modiumnow see costs 5-6.wine. Did these societies the Eastern Mediterranean. pepper. cit. linen. For generalprice stabilityin the Eastern Mediterranean.
whohad largeestatesinMacedonia ("Peut-on identifier Zamblacus des documents le ragusains?". F. 66. op. Thiriet. 272 (1312).op. 434 (1322). The VenetianSenate passed decreesconcerning sale price of wheat the in Macedonia.42. 32-35). 1961). Kreki6.. a decreewas passed. nos. " "Les V6nitiens Thessalonique dans la premieremoiti6du XIVe siecle.Ddlibdrations (supra. in 1302. 1930]. 376 (1317).23 Untilthe 1350's at least.Dubrovnik (Raguse) et le Levant au Moyen Age (Paris.in conditions Of course. cit.The Byzantine Empire was a food exporterto the West. et al. 25 Laiou.Grain was boughthere and exported. cf. the Black Sea. 351 (1316). In 1344. This large purchasewas also the last one involving Thracianor Macedonian wheat. 346 (1316). allowingthe exportof clothto the "Romania" but ordering that one thirdof the value of the cloth should be investedin wheat..Negroponte. MdlangesCharlesDiehl. 327 (1315). The importance Byzantineand.But thereis no ambiguityabout the largestsinglepurchaseof wheat in this period. Thiriet. of some of the most importanteconomicclauses in Venetian-Byzantine treaties between1268 and themid-fourteenth The Genoese. 156 (1343). 418 (1319). no.VIII.as it would regularlydo later in the fourteenth century.12 (1970). . 447 (1325). shipsfrom carriedclothand Negroponte other merchandiseto Thessalonica and broughtback what is described as the wheat of Macedonia.That this was an unusuallylarge purchaseis illustrated the factthat the cityfoundit difficult by to repay the debt. The originsof this grain are stated clearly: it came fromConstantinopleand Thessalonica and was presumablygrown in Thrace or on the Byzantine Black Sea coasts.Black Sea grainis further of illustrated thefactthatgrainand itsavailability. to in and the Black Sea. 190. I. of Pegolotti)is specifically out as an area from whichwheatwas exported. 212 and 213. and in Macedonia. 321 (1377). This personnagehas been identified N.25 wheat.nos.the Byzantine Empire is not to be comparedas an exportmarketfor 23Thiriet.Rdgestes (supra.Thrace. 347 (1359). ofcourse. Thus. and conditions sale are the subject of by price. cit. In the first halfofthe fourteenth the century.000 for hyperpyra.24 Turkey. BAnescu with the Byzantine aristocratArsenios by Tzamblakon. Chrysostomides. cityof Dubrovnik(Ragusa) sought its wheat in the Byzantine Empire and sometimesbought large quantitiesof it. 186. 57-76. nos..22 (1953). 253 (1323).despitesome restrictions imposedby ByzantinetreatieswithVenice and Genoa. the communeof Dubrovnikfounditselfin debt to some merchants fromGenoa and fromthe Romania. 453 (1326). Pegolotti. 24 B. 323-32. at least until the middle of the fourteenth century. 217. 456 (1327).note 13). nos.Thessalonica had an activegraintradewithVenice. 72.too.In November1339.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 183 The Byzantinelands also functioned both an exportmarketand an import as marketfor Italian products..Constantinople. and in the Romania fromModon up bought to the Straights. A yearlater.presumablyduringthe summer. morefavorablethan thosewhichobtainedforthe Venetians. AlthoughKreki6 challengesthe identification. I [Paris. "Venetian Commercial Privilegesunder the Palaeologi. note 5).The wheat of Rodosto (the best in the Romania. Cessi and Sambin.tradedin Byzantine century.the commune instructed merchants look forwheat first Clarenza and thenin Smyrna. wheat purchased. Constantinople (supra. thereis mentionof annual trips by Ragusan merchantsto a certain"Camblacus" to buy grain. arguments his are not entirely convincing:Kreki6.op. cit. 260-77. J.In 1347. It may be arguedthat thisgraincame from western the part of Greece or the Peloponnesus. 440 (1323). 267-356. I." Studi Veneziani.theGreatCouncilallowedthereexport somewheatfrom Romania of the to the King of Serbia. note 19). forthe large sum of 20." Byzantion. accordingto The hinterland Thessalonicais also singled mentioned.
"De Vicina a Kilia. (1905). important Caffahad been a major centerof wheat purchase and export. note 15).slaves."Les hyperpbres 1 (1962). Zachariadou.passim. The importantchanges in the political situation after 1343 also altered the wheat trade. "Commercio" (supra. 21-32. 27 Heers. passim. 124-26.1973). In the fourteenth. Gerassimov. 16 (1978). when it was besieged by Stephen Thessalonicawas unable Dugan. changes." RESEE. note 6). Byzantinset G6nois aux bouches du Danube au XIVe sibcle. XIV) (Bordighera.to Constantinople. the situationdid not becomestable until 1355. 65-80.skins. cit. These were the major wheat-exporting the Nevertheless.184 ANGELIKI E. (Bucharest. Inter29 M.the but ratherthe Danube Delta. Black Sea centerof the wheat tradeforGenoa was no longerCaffa By 1360-61. . "Prix et march6s" (supra. areas both to Europe the Asia Minorcoast. "Les g6nois dans 1'ouest de la Mer Noire au XIVe siecle. note 9). In 1343. bulgarica. 28 Balard.Attirogatia Chilia da Antoniodi Ponz6 (1360-1361) (Bordighera.29 The importanceof Byzantine grain as an export commodityalso changed at became increasingly as the thistime. the countryside of Ottoman and Serbian raids and conquests.28 wereprimarily whichchangedhandsin Caffa preciousgems. G.After mid-fourteenth century." Actes du XIVe Congrhs II national d'AtudesByzantines.Pricesrose. late medieval economywas strucand. especiallyChilia. Both Pera and to findits way to Genoa and. In the ByzantineEmpire." RESEE. Bonn ed. 20. fromLicostomo and Maocastroin the early fifteenth Caffahad to be provisioned century. sometimes.. and Venice was asked to supply it. Balard. 295-97. halfof the fourteenth and first century. 476. 137. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS wheat with the great granaries-the Black Sea coasts and. Papacostea. Balbi and Raiteri. Fakultetimperatorskago Peterburshago dvuh vselenskihpatriarhovXIV v. wherewheat was the single most Chiliaand Licostomocontinued commodity exportedto Pera. G. the products at a timewhentherewerepoliticaltroubles 1343-44. II.. note 15). Raiteri. trade in agriculturalproducts between the Black Sea area and Constantinoplein the 14th century. aftera certainpoint.see d'AndronicII et d'AndronicIII et leur circulationen Bulgarie. of onceagaincreatedshortages wheat." ByzantinoT. A.26Near the end of the century. the Tatars expelled European tradersfrom international the Black Sea and forbadethe exportofwheat. II. passim. smallwheatmarkets such as the Byzantine turedin such a way that even relatively such as the late thirteenth in one had theirsignificance times of relativestability. Both Venice and Genoa turnedto Withinthe Black Sea area itselftherewere Italy. grainfrom important in even to Caffa the 1380's. 229-38. I. For numismaticevidence for O. 748.27 half of the and through first Since the late thirteenth century.the civil war betweenJohnVI Cantacuzenus for and the regency JohnV Palaeologus (1341-47) devastatedThrace and resulted The Asia Minormarketsalso wereclosed of in a tremendous disruption production." Zapiski istoriko-filologi6eskago 76 universiteta.1971). Venice was obliged to take over the the of provisioning Thessalonicathroughout yearsin whichthe citywas in Venetian 28 loannis Cantacuzeni eximperatorishistoriarumlibri IV. op. Genes (supra. "A la recherchede Kilia byzantine. with the Tatars. often. and Spain forwheat. Gregoras (supra. 16 (1978). Sicily. 1390 and the Timurlane'sinvasionsof the Black Sea area and the conquest of years thereafter. Iliescu. I-III (1828-1832) (hereafter Cantacuzenus). and alum. Pistarino. in fora whilebetween1344 and 1353. 193 and passim. Balbi and S. Notai genovesi Oltremare: Attirogati in a Cafla e a Licostomo (sec.areas which more insecurebecause for became importers longeror shorter had been wheat exporters periodsof time. to feed itselfin 1350. "2itija S. 1975).and the Asia Minor theOttomans by of crisisforceda reorientation the wheat trade. Papadopoulos-Kerameus. S.. 213-36.
670-72 (Sept. 1423). 935 (1439). (1450). n. It is to be assumed that this grainrepresented not of the limitedproduction Epirus but also that ofmorefertile areas.etc.furs.op. wine. cloth.and a greatvarietyof products(perfumes.1288-89(1453). Patras.). 873 (1436).31 Greeceand the Moreacontinued exportwheat. I.1194(1450). 1004 (1443). Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum. 993. Ragusa-nos. then.1190. 1286 (1453). 433 (20-28 Sept. Diplomatarium). Arta. 873 (1436). 120-27.nos.32 But whenever origins thegrainor theportsofloadingare specified. 1193 (1405).33 As forthe Morea. 2018 (1426). 1923 (1424). 848 (19 Dec. or Coron. was occasionallyable to buy wheat fromAgathopolis on the Black Sea coast in the 15th century:Badoer (supra. 1244 (1452).166. op.although small to in Onlywestern the and in the first halfof the fifteenth. both the grainof the Black Sea when conditions were right and wines. some ofwhichno doubt came fromByzantineterritories. 726 (13 June1426). Clarenza. 792 (1436). 431. cit. 902. 1914 (1423). 1421-Feb.throughout fourteenth It went to Dubrovnik.. II. 1422). nos.as well as mention negotiations from of betweenDubrovnikand the Despot ConstantinePalaeologus (1431).however. which aimed at abolishingcustoms duties forRagusan merchants dealingin grain. Thiriet. 762 (1428). 1436). 684 (5 and 14 Oct. nos. 1010 (1443). 668. 1164-68 Kreki6. no. Certainly. 1392). On the Constantinopolitan trade of the first half of the 15thcentury.where the grain mightappear in the sources as grain of to "Romania. 32 Kreki6. Legumes are mentioned. The Ragusan sources they are most frequently show almost yearlypurchasesof wheat and milletin the Romania. 8 (1972). 1276 (1424). 435 (1 Oct. 3 Kreki6. II. 1431). the Arta. 281 (1370). 1161 (1450). * .1189. too. M. no. 846 (25 Nov. furs. particularly fromThessalonica.. 108.34 was one of the most important to Wheat. cit. although once again its importancevaried with political factors. Valona. 870 (1436).) (hereafter Thomas.. M. 1964 (1424). 3 G. no. 683 (22 June 1423). note 13). 1149 (1449. note 24). Kreki6. New York. 871 (1436). was exportedto Dubrovnik fromArta. There were otherexportsas well.Rdgestes (supra. 927 (1438).thereare documents showingpurchasesof wheat or its export Modon and Coron. repr..nos. M. Cf. 876 (1436).soap. Levadia). 967 (1441). 1392). no. particularly in the regionof Arta after1420.Rdgestes." Antibnajadrevnost srednieveka.) which 30 Thiriet. Rdgestes. cit. II.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 185 Venetianproposalsto the Ottomansforpeace in 1426 included hands (1423-30). I Thomas. 1435). 913 (1437). 1340 (1409). note 5). Thiriet. 903 (1437). Wax. 876 (1436). 937 (1439). etc. the etc. Cotton and linen were exported fromThessalonica and the at Peloponnesusin the fifteenth century. a timewhenthe internalproblemsof the Ottomanshad somewhatslowed down theirconquest of the Balkans. century quantities. 787 (1431).d. Venice. 1957 (1424). Sitikov. 687 (23 Feb. Byzantineexportcommodities the West. (supra. II. The Byzantine importmarket was also quite active.Ddlibdrations (supra..no. 666. nos.The Italians sold to the Byzantinesall sortsof merchandise. note 7).1171-72(1450). (1418).35And there are in the accounts of both Genoese and Venetianmerchants commodities unspecified of origin(oil. 440 (10 March 1393). v v i ego okrestnosti pervoj polovine XV v. al Thiriet. Thessaly merely or even Macedonia." or merchants mightbe instructed purchasegrainin Turkeyor in of Romania. 1424). 237 (1350). 1204 (1406)."Torgovlja prodovolstviem Konstantinopolei cf. cit.3o access to the hinterland a clause whichwould have guaranteedthe merchants of so that the grainof Macedonia could once moreflowto Thessalonica-presumably the city. 1072 (1444). (Venice.op. 1880.op.no. 1697 II. Thiriet.Rdgestes. 432. merchants of both cities traveledthrough the ByzantineEmpire both by sea and by land (as in the route to Adrianople)and were freeto buy and sell most products. 787 (16 Feb. 1154-56 (1449).
op..37 (1967). Genes (supra.who had fled in Constantinople 1453 and stayed in Dubrovnik. 1241 (1452). IV (28 June 1281). "The Provisioningof ConstantinopleDuring the Winterof 1306-1307. At this time. forexample. he saw it partlyin the appearanceofyoungfashionable men who appeared in churchon Sundays dressedin peculiarfashionswith Italian hats and "Persian" dresses. commodity Caffain the late thirteenth item in the accountsof was taken to Tana. This was usually taken to Arta (although after1420. 306 (1373). note 7). passim. cit. center. Actesdes notaires gdnoisde Pdra et de Cafla de la findu 13esicle. III.186 ANGELIKI E.commenda contractsfrequently mentioned the geographicarea It is specifically in whichthe traveling stated that this cloth partnershould trade. op. Byzantion. 555-56. op. 91-113.and Pera. market in particular was so importantboth for the The Constantinopolitan transitand forthe importtrade that in 1368 the Venetian senate pressedforthe 31On the Black Sea grain.was the main Italian exportin termsof value. The Byzantine aristocracy Gregoras complained Nicephorus moneyforItalian cloth. III (27 June 1281). The man was JohnPalaeologus. Badoer (supra. ofthe declineofthe Empire. cit. 263. Trebizond.At the end ofhis History. I. 283. In the earlysixteenth of to limit the consumption expensive cloth and jewelryin order to free sought moneyforinvestment. Laiou. 38 Balard. Oftenthe traveling partnertook whichseems to have been an important trade the cloth to the city of Adrianople.39 to importsof raw materialfrom The European cloth exportedto the Levant was of varyingquality. shouldbe sold withinthe ByzantineEmpireonly.see G. VIII. 237. LXI (23 July 1281). receivedin commenda clothto sell at Adrianople. 1281-1290 (Bucharest. 338. LXII. 1310 (1454).note 9). LXIV. VI (28 June 1281). from whereit in also an important century. was one of the main itemsfor it in whichcommenda contracts weremade amongGenoesemerchants theircolonyat Pera. Balbi and Raiteri. "Mode" (supra. 1237 (1452). I. LXI (23 July 1281). 1239 (1452). both for spent a great deal of everydayuse and luxury cloth. 729 (1426).too. 78. note 15). 1100-1. the Venetians complained about this new activityof the Ragusans (the sale of Ragusan cloth to the Levant).no. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS from Cloth. no. In 1281. 39 Kreki6. 40 Gregoras(supra. Cf. cloth formedthe major item of export. or the reverse.A Byzantine refugee. cloth of local manufacture. French and Italian cloth was they were goingin orderto buy furs.38For the merchantsof Dubrovnik. 15 (1344). note 28).. cf. 41 Heers.since the much moreprofitable closed.primarily theygot fromtheirtradewith the Crimea and Alexandria.had in his possession and gave linedwithblack Florentine as guaranteefora loan valuable pieces ofvelvet clothing. 1191 (1450). 87.40 (also mentioned decriedby Bessarion) makes a neat contrastwith the attitudeof one of the great the of century Genoese exporters Italian clothto the Levant. E. BrAtianu. nos. XXVII. 1292-93 (1453). 1247-48 (1452). 1254-56 (1452). (supra.41 The ByzantineEmpire as an importmarketseemsto have been quite significant. XLI (11 July 1281).Occasionallyfurriers where. 1309 (1454). Kreki6. 66 (1302)." (Paris. cit. XLIV (16 July 1281)..36 and Lombardy. and attitudeof the Byzantinearistocracy This spendthrift cloth. de BrAtianu. 1927). nos. and was a major Badoer. nos."Etudes sur l'approvisionnement Constantinopleet le et d'histoire dconomique sociale monopole du bl6 a l'6poque byzantine et Ottomane. Champagne as can be seen fromGenoese notarialdocuments. receivingas an answer that it marketsof Serbia and Bosnia weretemporarily was a question of necessity.37 presumably. In 1452. 65. A." in Etudes byzantines 129-81. its at timesthe generalterm"Romania" is used). 3' G. 1938). note 9). and sometimes exportwas linked the area. . whetherthis was Italian fabric that was reexportedto the Levant or. and 834. passim.
" Le ? 250. 159.43 It is clear. goods and had even lost the art of makingwoolencloth.).e. I. *46 Lambros. 1862). in subsequentcenturies. (supra.).a. is not insignificant the Byzantine-owned It that in shopsin Constantinople the earlyfifteenth wereprimarily bakeries.forthe most part." Ibn Battuta..and the Byzantinehinterland was.44 Morea until the twelfth and early thirteenth centurydeclined.then.p. despotat grecde Morde.note 2). as half of the 14thcentury.was seen by some contemporaries and discussedin preciseterms.pp. ' 42 Thiriet. A. wap6irrcov lv pfcov pdrcovwo7XAA &AoyfaKal iSati0.6V 1h Xcbpa ' & T& TrEspI'v &TtlEwX6vriv ipEI. 0W-rp6 7-6v 9totoT-s~vEiv.Villehar'16viovEIS?SfT KOpti. 416 (s. did not allow the Byzantinesto develop theirown manuit factures.a. 441-42 (s. op. 367-68 (1400). I saw thereabout 100 galleys and otherlarge ships. 455 (1368). Acta et Diplomata Graeca Medii Aevi. and the small ships are too many to be counted. 355 (s. 204. nos. urban life. cit. Cf. 473-74 (s.oicais 5U 3irov.42 variety The of exchange and financialtransactions which occurredin Constantinople even as indicatesthat moneywas still being spent on Italian late as the fifteenth century products.Sat. The connection.i. 203-4.a. 474-75 (s.cf. century apothecary shops. cit. For Constantinoplein the fifteenth see Badoer. Zakythinos. termsof the division In oflabor.a."45His student.its positionwas dual.l 6rcos &v o0rrcos & p K To 'AA-rXatrrlKou To'trola Svvcb'1ea 1TrEdXyOvs KESfVCoV 4picov. note 13).dairy Nor is it accidental that the textileindustry whichhad flourished the in shops.Venetians.1930). op.He talks of the many and great "bazaars" of the city. 358-59 (1400).a. II (Vienna. cit. 482 (1369).CardinalBessarion. Miklosich and J. Genoese. passim. (supra. whenpoliticalcircumstances permitted. note 9). linen.that the ByzantineEmpirefunctioned an integral as part of the international trade complexin the Eastern Mediterranean.he said. Constantinople a centerofexchangetransactions was and of the transittrade.because Rdgestes (supra. Lambros. 43For the importanceof Constantinople a marketin the first see who visitedthecityin 1331-32and reveals its commercial activity." and thepeople ofFrance: "They are all men ofcommerce and theirharbouris one of the largestin the world.II (Athens. 6v-rcov PaipVKfcovV.).).BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 187 conclusionof a treatywithJohnV Palaeologus because therewas a vast quantity whichshouldbe sent from of merchandise Venice to Constantinople. althoughthe termsof reference are. irap6v-ros & kivov.). 44ff. Traditionally.also complainedof thisparticular kindof economicretrogression: Byzantines. 44 F. 45Sp.and the merchantclass. D.. 263: -rcov ydp ~SVtK V TrOTcoV ?&rSrfEXSOTTOVViO'aK&. marketwas efficient.a. "Romans. Historianshave in the past examined the effects the presenceof Italian of merchants Byzantine trade. in/ra. taverns. 251-52. cotton. FlaXatoo6ysta Kai III (Athens. indeed. Miller. on it has been arguedthat the Italians destroyed Byzantinetrade and cities. and of Pera whichwas reservedto "Frankish" Christians.Plethonwrote. K-ralEvaLolpivcov douin. and century.46 If in termsofproduction a thereis Byzantiumwas becoming secondaryeconomy.OlwVoV . infra. KaKia worTSifas.to be unable to fashiontheseinto garments instead to wear the clothes made in the lands beyond the Ionian sea fromwool producedin the Atlantic.bOVOus 9qpsE. O0 ydp rIlKp& TWOV -ro'rrov.1953). positionsince. 439-41 (1400).silk.IV (Athens.1926).)."It is a greatevil fora societywhich and produceswool. exporter some foodand raw materialsand an importer an of of manufactured That was a subordinate to the extentthat the goods. op. 275 (1355). even in the the had allowed themselves becomeimporters manufactured to of Peloponnesus. 452-54 (s. Ibn Battuta. stillanother to be posed: to whatextentand in whatform was thedomestic question influenced thelarger international in exchange economy by exchangeeconomy which the Empire participated? The problemposed here is not entirely novel. XaA FCov AEV SEoov On the silk industryof the Morea before1204.
and then.. did not end. cit. would onlyincludethe inhabitantsof Constantiothers. the aristocracy of not mean that all members number in thisperiod. with Greek names.it passed entirely A.. less oftenquoted in this connection:Cydones..Cf.5a A. Cf. The Correspondence AthanasiusI.and it is arguablethat therewas also a considerable powerful trade. mainlythose of the Venetiansand the 47This Genoese."48 The most dramaticmay who in the of well be the statement the PatriarchAthanasiusI of Constantinople. is contemporaries.who wrote that k SaA TS WpooA6VOt.-M. and more specifically Genoese.the term"Byzantine.. Finally.but it was subject to ratherpreciselimitations.whilethe Genoese does of tralizedstate such as thePalaeologan one. documents ofWestern of of existingones and permita new interpretation the structure the exchange of The participation the natives in comeconomyof the Late Byzantine period. also G." view has prevailed fora numberof reasons. 685. -rodCtwr o0 OwoeiXopkvr of Talbot.C. First. 244. the centuryaccused the Italians.TOpEIV &vcayKx&OUva. "they and almost all the revenuesthat derivefromthe sea." ifapplied strictly. in the Westernsources.Monodia occisorum KG I TroOs col. and the Despotate of the Morea. pointin temporary mind. I..the Greeksubjects of the Byzantineemperor. II.000hyperpyra year from in in Pera had 200.With time. 841: faSov vil l6vov of Cydones.and witha specific statements. a the mid-fourteenth century Byzantinesreceivedonly 30. byzantines existenceof the Byzantine and pointed out the continuing (supra. note 15).II. also Oikonomides. Thessalonicae.but to some extent those of the Pisans.askingfortheirwomenin exchangeforgrain. "Konstantinopolj" et d'histoire dconomique sociale (Paris. In my discussion of the Byzantine merchantafterca. it continuedand was even more evident than in mercial enterprise previousperiods.50 Nevertheless.188 ANGELIKI E. 1952). note *). the mock the Byzantines. A. 1350. and down in the second half of the 14th century.those fromthe treated first 4 provinces.In practice. 96.000. 109. Vasiliev: "Trade was no longer into the hands of the Westernmerchants. "Provisioning" (supra. I. (supra. 4 Laiou.D. Cf. . 841-42.. Britianu. early fourteenth and its in a vise by controlling provisioning of daringto of holdingConstantinople Second. y 6sEEv. A.. has posed the problemcorrectly merchant. note 36)... . ibid. beginsto break generallyspeaking. 1975). will be used.this definition with the rapid conquest of the provincesby Serbs.the view I have outlinedabove is of people who made moneyfrom due to a paucityof sourceswhichis onlyrecently by beingremedied the publication the These materialsilluminate already and notarialaccounts. On the contrary. note 22). 527.op. Vasiliev. A.49 betweenthe fate of the Byzantinestate and is due to a confusion view traditional that of particularsocial classes. DOT. 157-58. The first designatespeople the terms"Greek" and "Byzantine" merchant 50aIn what follows. Historyofthe ByzantineEmpire (Madison. 50 Gregoras. I have nople the merchantsof Constantinopleand the Black Sea area. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS the native merchantcould not compete with the foreigner's greatercapital and condition. the poverty the centralauthority was rich and the societywere poor. Turks. The Palaeologan state was incontrovertibly poor as suggestedby the statementthat in the and its revenuesfromtrade minimal. it accords with dramaticconmade usually at timesof crisis. 641: 'Ayop&re &dcois yi~ ovvi6v-ras. a decencustomsduties. The opposing view xK Wrrpeo8ov Thessalonica remaineda commercialcitywhichwas full of merchantsfromall over the world and amazed PG." The second denotes.Perhaps the cleareststatementof this view may be foundin privileged carriedon by theByzantines. since the Westerners had acquired the wealth of the inhabitantsof Byzantium Byzantine seas. or people who are. 1938). Of many such statementsthe best knownis the complaintof Nicephorus had been able to controlthe Gregoraswho claimed that.separately. Etudes ?itikov. III (Washington. Florentinesand others. Worropiav Kci PtKpOI wr&aavTrv ButLav-ricav -rhvro&v 48 Gregoras (supra. ed. qualifiedas "Grecus. Maffry PatriarchofConstantinople. passim.
On shippingand typesofships. and nos. They providea vivid pictureof Genoesecommerce at this time. and 830. 412).5' The main commoditiesexchanged are grain. 767. CCXI. the ByzantineEmpirein to Genoa. are sales ofslaves. (3 fiveare real-estatetransactions. For the Greekmerchants mentioned involvedin tradewithin Black Sea area. But the total aspres for133 commenda contracts the sixteenmonths whichthe Caffa in to documentation extendsis 696. 594. In another(no. the two highestinvestments of 92.to Syria. and in Caffaitself. 208. CXLIII.5 hyperpyra) are and of 32.Mass.54 the most part. a substantial trade. only one travels.in whichone of the partners (or both) invests capital. slaves. from Pera mention activity Only Greeks: one is in connection witha house sale. and the profitsare shared. nos. But the merchants sail also to Constantinople. 779. 329. .note 37). 693. 38. 52 Balard. They are the books of notariesactive in the Genoese coloniesof Pera and Caffain 1281 and 1289-90 respectively. 459.155. in whichthe great merchants highlyvisible.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 189 survivefrom end ofthe thirteenth the Two important sets of documents century.Chios. note 9). more rarely.800 aspres baricats(5. 13BrAtianu. while the two smallestconsistof 200 baricats(11 hyperpyra) and 147 aspres baricats(8 hyperpyra).696hyperpyra. tarida) are used. nos. whichencompassesthe Black Sea and Genoa. and onlythirteen commercial are contracts. and Genoa: it is in theseplaces. 430. CXII. 853. 875. 537. spices. Gdnes. One hyperpyron was equivalent to 18 aspres baricats. 595. 535. 212. 741. cloth. Tana. 54Noncommercialcontracts: Balard. 525. two Greektraders place theirsmall cargo of grain (100 modii) on a ship througha Genoese trader. 410.considerable or a sum ofmoney. From Pera the merchants to go to Caffaand otherBlack Sea ports. 409. ctes(supra. The Byzantineparticipation this are in is virtually two ofthe 151 documents nonexistent. 48. Greekmerchants rentships (taride) from Genoese in orderto load grain and pigs (no... slave sales: ibid. 514. forwhich large ships (navis.nos. GenoeseShippingin the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Cambridge. 1939).793 hyperpyra).241 hyperpyra. 410. 412.280 aspres baricats(1. 505. 55. 438). It is a long-distance trade. 430). Actes. 438. alum. 336. who promisesto deliverthe merchandise them in Trebizond.while in another to 51 A Briltianu. Negroponte. 763.six concernnoncommercial matters. thesedocuOf Caffa. 412) and carrythe merchandise Trebizond to or Kerasous on the northern coast of the Black Sea. and furs.or 7. 183. majority Thessalonica.see E. It is a brisk trade. and the otherconcerns sale of a the slave by a Byzantinebanker (Manuel) who lives in Pera. H.538aspresbaricats. and Georgia. real estate: ibid.. Genes (supra.Tabriz. nos. the cargo of the rentedship is to consistof fish(no. Byrne.53Amongthe 903 documentsfrom Greeksmay be foundin onlythirty-one percent). CXVIII.337 aspres baricats. Six contractsof societasmaris (in whichboth partnersinvest) engage a combined and involve men of great capital of 130. families. 48. that the mostlyto Pera. In are the fourcases (nos. In one case. 529. as and the merchandise well as areas much farther away.Sinope. 223. The most commonformof investment the commenda is contract. Alexandria. CVII. seven ments. 329.the Romania.Thereis a greatspreadin the size ofthe capital investedin such enterprises.to Adrianople. 406-7. of contractsare fulfilled.nos.Maocastro. 40-41. Smyrna. From Caffathey sail general. 106..52 Genoesemerchant This is the mainstreamGenoese commercialactivity. 33. 409. and. 109. commercialcontracts: ibid. nos.
875. sold some merchandiseto Genoese merchants. the to that theiractivitiesare subordinated thoseofthe Italians. 208). of investment forms in into the Black Sea trade network In the 1340's. The smallnessof this transaction the fact that threeGreekstogether buy 154 modii of millet. Byzantinetraderspenetrated was outside That this penetration ways whichcaused the Genoesesome concern. involvedin the Black Sea trade-although it Empire.Nicholas of Constantinople was the only Greekfromthe capital. a much smallersum (10 hyperpyra) involved. Otherscome fromthe Black Sea area: there is a merchant(Nichetas) fromTana and one (Todos) fromTrebizond. and indeed probable.200aspresbaricats (66. Indeed who of a one of the personsis certainly local. that they do engage in small-scaleoperations whichdo not findtheirway into the Genoeserecords. The rest have no knownplace of originand must be assumed to have been locals. another Constantinople a is case (no. 505). beingthe daughter a butcherin Caffa. Some of these Greektraderscome from Byzantine the Black Sea trade network. finally.Three other Greek merchantsbuy a little millet in Caffato may be seen from carryto Trebizond (no.Two Monemvasiots Michael Marvasiatus. Their enterprise in only two cases do limited: even in termsof financialcontracts. which involves paymentsin different the exchangecontract(no. 412. is noteworthy menda contractinvolvingGreeks. anotherwas involvedin the purchaseand sale of fish. to Marvasiatussells merchandise two Genoese. 410).who control major and transportation. with the Genoese merchants.There is. the Greekwho rents the ship seems to be in partnership Genoese merchant. that thereis not a singlecomit In termsof financialenterprise.and especiallythosefrom Byzantine numberis in itselfsuggestive.7hyperpyra) boughtmerchandise theirsmall are Althoughthese documents too fewto permitgeneralconclusions.nos. a from Genoese. The capital involvedis small. 192-95. It (no. 535. 212) is interesting.55 valued at 1. There are two exchange contracts-these are of whichinvolvethe repayment a loan in a different contracts place and a different thusbypassingthe usurylegislation from that in whichit was contracted. involvesa Byzantinefrom Only one of thesetransactions In a Genoese1200 aspresbaricats who lent (66.7 hyperpyra). 529). The Greeks the to are incorporated some extentin the fiscalsystemof the Black Sea trade: they But the factthat theydo not and form partnerships engagein exchangecontracts.pp. 223. case in whicha man named Michael the in whowillpay him228 hyperpyra Pera after arrivaloftheirship-a transaction similarto an currenciesand is. seem to have penetrated Empire.56 the be seen from factthat the Byzantinemerchant the normalstate of affairs may 55Balard. currency is therate ofinterest concealedin the rate ofexchange. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS with a case (no. formcommenda coupled with the fact partnerships indicates is thatnoneofthemowntheshipson whichtheirmerchandise transported.190 ANGELIKI E. 56 See infra. the The Greeks. since ofthe CatholicChurch. therefore. 595.whichis the fee (in for of that had been chargedby a Genoeseshipmaster the transport 700 modii kind) of millet. geographically activitiesof the Greeksreach Pera. 438.seem to be only minimally is possible. 430. . Genes.Those Greekswho do appear is are involved in the grain or provisionstrade in a small way.and One. 529.
64.fillatore (spinner). 5. no. and pearls.Michaelof Negroponte(assumingthat are he is Greek. The pyra smallest (no. 74) is a loan of one florin. 65. 83. 217-28..thusbecoming saint.forthe Mongolshad closed Tana to both the Venetians and the Genoese and had attacked Caffa. Such is the case of Giorgio. Indeed. 2. 56." RESEE..BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 191 of is as littlevisiblein Caffa the 1340's and the 1380's as he was in thelate thirteenth The dossierofthenotaryNicol6 Beltramecontainseighty-three documents century.. 26. 1. No commenda both commenda contractsand societates maris appear among the older contracts in mentioned the acts. 47. 22. 42-44. of 61 1o Ibid. marmarius. 32. to at The difficult to circumstances reflected thecommercial are in presumably seekhelp. 75.The man was laterexecuted.. 61. 37-40. They in 1344-45. 43.nos. and two of these are not commercial all but have to do with at the defenseof the commune. nos. and Iano Platisseri (Platycheris)of Trebizond contracteda loan in Caffafor 50 aspres. forthe formof investment. 78.forunknown reasons. 57.had ownedproperty Caffa. 51. "Caffa e Pera a meta del Trecento. op.Only two of those in some way engaged in trade or financial transactions GreeksfromoutsideCaffa.the captain of the ship handed himoverto the Mongols. 3. note 28). in Thereare some Greekswho seem settledin the city. 71. stilllived therein 1344. 82. no. (supra. The communeof Caffa had some difficulty providingforits defense. 51. 19. 35. 15. 50. . 16 (1978).61 Of two otherGreeks in who bought a merchantship (lignumde orlo). 72. or for onlyfourteen are new contracts. 70.op. 60.it hired preoccupied one hundredcrossbowmen and sent a trireme Constantinople some expense. 28. Greeksfromthe Empire of Trebizondseem to have traveledto the Crimeawitha greaterfrequency than the Greeksof the Byzantine used eithertheirown ships or those of the Italians. a GreekmerchantfromTrebizondsailed to the northern coast of the Black Sea on a "Frankish" ship in pursuit of his profession. 12. The largestsum is. 45. The communewas highly restored withits defense.whichis not certain) made an exchangecontractto be repaid to him in Simisso. loan of 2. arrangements theirrepayment. 9. 6. who owed some money in hyperpyra Pera to the ownerof a ship that made the journey to Pera: ibid. 15. theirrepayment.. sometime Empire. 80. Thus.A few a 5 Balbi and Raiteri.one was certainlya citizenand inhabitant of Caffa. As thereare the new contractssome straightloans (mutuo). 73.some exchange contracts among was made in 1343-44. 12. 19. although (cambio). 33. 74.062 hyperis the and 2. cit.57 documentsthat have survived.son of Michele Tripodi di Simisso. 32. 63. and probablyengaged in some minorinvestment trade. nos. 11. 18. 79. slaves. 77. New contracts:ibid. 21. significantly. 62. ManuelFerroof Constanin and his widow.daughter anotherConstanof tinople. 8. 26. cit.60Othersappear to be artisansworking Caffa in tinopolitan.Forty-oneof the eighty-three documentsconcern old contracts. 59 Ibid. 10.as can be seen froma ratherpathetic request forhelp to the Doge of Genoa in 1346-49: G. This was a particularly difficult time forthe Genoese colony. 16.5 carats of gold givento the communeforthe hireof crossbowmen.59 The presenceof Greekand Byzantinemerchants Caffaat thistimeis minimal. Normal relationswere not until1350.58 The commodities mentionedin both the old and the new contractsare spices. 61. Petti Balbi. the capital investedin the new contracts rathersmall. 23. nos. landed in the He Cimmerian Bosphoruswhere. 35.One.and some sales of ships. 31. 58 Old contracts:Balbi and Raiteri. 36. 30 forthe periodfrom November1343 to ca. 79. 15 August1344. 67. 11.
Ibn Battuta. increasedduringthe last years of the civil port of Constantinople war betweenJohnV Palaeologus and JohnVI Cantacuzenusand had continuedto number had a considerable of increaseafterthe conclusion that war. cit. it seemsto have consisted primarily inhabitantsof Caffaappear in the documents. Johnthe Young. Studi e documenti Genovae l'Oltremare su (Genoa.63 trait.Several Greek-speaking in integrated its economicand they are burgessesof the city and seem perfectly institutional life. askingformoneyforthe merchants the imperialfleet. 62aMiklosichand Miiller.the Greek inhabitantsof the Genoese Black Sea colonies complained In the first about theirsubordinateposition. Nasturel.and 80-82. a certainCalo Iane (Joannes)Zazelli.In 1347. The activitiesof these merchants althoughfurther researchwill no doubt allow us to describethemmorespecifically. note 26). 8. the complaintsled to a rebellionin 1433: D.and they were the coast outside Constantinople. but only one. member the aristocracy. The merchants full in the Aegean and in the Black Sea. For.forthe provisioning Constantinople with grain. In the town of Cembalo. 5.Universityof Birmingham. not wholly. (1971). cit.. plans can only be dimlydiscerned.the bankerswere interested. it seems. see pp. of artisans. certainly the 1340's.forexample. half of the 15th century.62 There is only one knownand named case of a Byzantinemerchantin Caffain a of who lost the 1340's.he foundthat the only group of people with disposable capital were the and bankersof the city. nos.At first. 4 Cantacuzenus (supra. This was a man named Sideriotes.JohnVI Cantacuzenusentered capital of a devastated Empire. The Byzantine merchant of Constantinopleappears rather suddenly in the sourcesin the year 1347. of if able to providesubstantially. had hireda Greekship to take him fromSinope to Qiran (Solgat) in the Crimea. vai5 cpop-yovs) with which they traded both 62 Ibid. the city sufferedfromshortages 601< yas) (o0K of sailing ships (6\KN8aS. see P. on the subject The ByzantineBlack Sea).In theearly1380's.64 to create a navy. Ibn Battuta. (supra. 1974). when the Genoese burnedtheirwarehousesand seized or burned their grain ships and other vessels (August 1348)." Actes du premier Congr?sinternational Atudesbalkaniques 6 et sud-est europdennes. Andrews. The virtualabsence of the Byzantineand even the some of his moneyin Caffa."Une pr6tendueoeuvrede Gr6goire Tsamdes blak: Le martyrede Saint Jean le nouveau.To themhe appealed.at the conthe clusion of the civil war. On St. when.by Byzantine merchantstaking advantage in Venetiansand the Genoesewereencountering the Crimea.and perhaps which the of the difficulties earlier. (supra. 33-43. may possibly in is This structural have been a trader. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS years earlier.however. 62. Cf. probablyexaggerated the in Genoesesourcesand was in any case challenged. Airaldi. army and forrebuilding him the money. III.op.and some of They refused especially.a Muslimtraveler.neitherthe merchantsnor. note 44)."Moscow and the Crimea in the Thirteenthto FifteenthCenturies" (paper delivered at the Twelfth Spring Symposium.although controlled at the Greekcommunity Caffawas a largeone. 63G. They had warehouses of merchandise along Their activitieswere extensive. note 9). .192 ANGELIKI E. I. 75ff. His appearanceis not modest. 279 (October-December1348). themtriedto get the youngEmperorJohnV to appeal to the Genoeseof Pera for Only later did theysupportCantacuzenus' help and thus to renewthe civil war. Activityat the had.1978. 141. op.62a trader may have been a structuralphenomenonof the Genoese Greek-speaking of economicactivities thatcity. 345-51. on Zazelli.
The appearanceof the Byzantinemerchant Constantinople not a phenomof was enon which started in the late 1340's.. at the time. UnpublishedPronoia Grantof the Second Half of the FourteenthCentury.. Antoniadis-Bibicou.and those who were in the city fortrade. the cityis always fullof them.Manuel Ser. II. based his poweron the navy he developed by using the confiscated on (which moneysof the aristocracy).. in Adrianople. who had come forthe abovementioned embassy. esp.65 presumedmonopolyof the Genoese in the a and ofConstantinople. 66St.in return. one thing. III. This elementsupportedAlexiosApokaukoswho. and the cities of the coast. see H. 847-49. Kca BVlavTriovS iV WvTrravT&rac ..written TheodoreMetochites. in Konstantinopel derBiirgerkriegsperiodevon 1341 bis 1354 (Berlin.did not exist in the late 1340's. nevertheless suggeststhe existenceof a it merchantclass to which such political ideas might appear relativelypowerful agreeable. the second civil war had shown the existenceof a considerablemerchantelementin Conin stantinople. Merchantfleetsare not built in a day. 127: the Venetians had gotten frommerchantsof Thessalonica. by thesituation theportofAlexandriaat thetimeofthesaint'smartyrdom. IV.the . 1971). Nov.Indeed. in by among them some fromConstantinople.On Byzantine commercial duties and duty exemptions.havingvirtually hinterland. . Michael. 669-78. in probably in the late thirteenth There were. On Sergopoulos. and to some extent on the merchants. On crcov ~xEaSat 6aolaaS." ZVI.65a Whereas this statementof Cantacuzenusmay be an exaggeration. 841-70. . where.and Italians.in Thessalonica.fortrade .-rcv8ti& ri-v (rwEp sipyrat.000 hyperpyra. 72. 98. Sa d-rpir cpyeqSat the merchantclass of Constantinople. Magdalino."Romans century.i'ca(ol o T-rolrcov W1PS 5t -ra5 1ipwopias yE -r rrpEc3Eapav. the Life of St.66 is suggested the factthat the This chargedby by 65Cantacuzenus.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 193 The of grain and othercommodities. no would consistof the islands (of the northernAegean). cSi' iwopfav Trapa-rvX60vcov r6XEt.. (wrpaypa-r-rac) "An see P. population Cantacuzenusaccused him of planningto create a verypowerful navy and to rule over a state which.late as 1349 therewere Ka Kac "i& As to } rro6' de( Byzantine merchants traveling Egypt. note 35). no. ca&VEEV t-r' frrEfpov. monopoly described vividly perhapsincorrectly provisioning in the Byzantinesources. see Thomas. nor are financialand commercialtechniquesacquired suddenly. 537: io S TAv Tu-rpavvi8a wcrav 36Xaccav -r&yEv Ka Trpo5 Tlv Kcd 8 &K Kc wowrrEfav ESitoa-r'v.in Alexandria.Fortschritt Reaktionin Byzanz im. P. Gregoras(supra. 676: 'Pcoiaiot. The activitiesof thesemerchants wereprobablyexpandedin the 1340's because of the unsettling events whichhinderedItalian commerce the Black Sea area. Matschke. the of the coastal cities.." In 1319. mentions passing in Thus. . Michael's Life is published in A ctaSS. Byzantine governmentrequested from the Venetians reparationsfor damages suffered Byzantinemerchants... For the list of 1319. p. also see KaSa-rT'v "popEVoivovu-rcisvacrf K. In that year. the coastal cities of Thrace. the 1313-16.cv c0'vatv EI a-ro s65a Cantacuzenus. in But there are some indicationswhich suggest that even in earlier years these activitieswere geographically widespreadand involved large amounts of capital. gopoulos. import the Communewere much more accommodating than the ten percent imposed by the Byzantinecustomsofficials. II. Some of the activitiesof these people may have been transacted years or for the and exporttaxes oftwo percent through in Pera. 18 (1978). The passage is on p. Constantinople then would become a purely maritimeand commercialcity. In fact. 68-70. Jahrhundert. 155-63. as JohnVI's ambassador to the Sultan. Constantinople. and other areas merchandisevalued at 10. 80-81: Cantacuzenus taxes Byzantine ships bringingwheat &AAo8aw-rfis.. Diplomatarium(supra. und 14.asked and receivedassurancethat the Byzantinemerchants would be well receivedand allowed to stay in safety:Cantacuzenus.III.&. note 15).
among others. D. II. duties.initiatedby the Comneniand followed fromcustoms the (primarily Venetiansand the Genoese) exemptions foreigners by the Palaeologi. Amongthe termsof the treatythat followed conclusionof peace. In asked JohnVI to respondby fighting.unlessthe same comerchium upon any Greekbuyingmerchandise between Greeks-an effort Genoa to by duty were to be levied on transactions undercutby Greektraders. occurring Pera much morefrequently Only in 1348 did to John VI lower the taxes payable at the port of Constantinople two percent. In one. 850-51. . Cantacuzenus. Guilland.the who had been most touchedby this act of hostility. VI in 1351 so that largerships could reach Constantinople may have been envisaged as servingcommercial as well as militarypurposes: G. The rivalryof Venice and Genoa in the Black Sea area eruptedin anotherwar in 1351. 68ff.together the with the increase in Byzantine commercialactivity. note 44).194 ANGELIKI E. III. 84ff.This articlemusthave except at timeswhen the Genoese themselves sur Recherches les douanesd Byzance (Paris. The Last Centuries Byzantium(London.II. cit. I. fact. Heyd.that frightened Genoese stress and provokedtheminto war withJohnVI. Nicol. op. note 5).. and the Crimea-and is ratherimpressivethat the Byzantine merchantswere importantenough to it on warrantsuch an effort Genoa's part. note 26). 1972). Apparently.servants.op. EmperorMichael Palaeologus and the West (Cambridge. who tried to sail into the Black Sea.. (supra.68The first phase the conclusion of a humiliating peace in 1349. D. And it was this measure. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS describedboth in the Italian and in a fewGreekdocumentary transactions sources show the loading and unloading of merchandiseand the payment of contracts in than in Constantinople.Geanakoplos. and forthem the war ended in defeat the in May 1352. The Byzantinesbecame involved.Mass. 428ff. The port cleared by John 67Cantacuzenus (supra. Indeed.300-4. 841ff. This measurewas designedto increasethe revenuesof the Byzantinegovernment and also to undercutthe Genoese domination over maritime trade. III. 877.. of granting cit. it would have to Byzantinemerchants and probablyto Westerners otherthan appealed primarily the privilegedVenetians and Genoese and presumablywould have given an incentiveto such people to invest morein trade. (supra. avoid being The second clause forbadethe Byzantinesto sail to Tana or the Sea of Azov sailed there. J. the Emperorpromisednot to levy a the from Genoese. 227-34. of 69Gregoras. two are of particularinterestto us. 97ff. and builders.. and armed some ships withuntrainedcrewsto fight took to war was a popular one. 1963). the Sea of Azov.Gregoras(supra. 68Gregoras. see.note 15). M. Once the Genoese burned the Byzantine merchantships and warehouses. They tried to stop both Byzantines and Venetiansfrom sailingand tradingin Tana. 71-73." Byzantion.smiths.69 a As a resultof thisByzantinedefeat. Miklosich and Miiller.the Genoesewereable to establish customs wheretheylevied dutieson all those stationon the European side ofthe Bosphorus.Cf.857. the Byzantinehistorians the Genoese desireboth to "preventthe Romans fromsailing" and to safeguard 7 theirlion's share of the port duties of Constantinople. 87ff. 235-38. II. of merchants Constantinople.23 (1953).On the policy. III.he raised moneyin Constantinople the the Genoese. 1959). "Les ports de Byzance sur la Propontide.and otherworkers of the war ended with the defeatof the Byzantinesand the sea.
There are two GreeksfromAdrianople." Studi Veneziani. M. (supra. 15-51. mostly along the Black Sea coast: Trebizond. 71 Heyd.12 (1970).Monumentahistoriaepatriae. Schreiner. The clause of the treatyof 1352 prohibiting Byzantinesfrom have been prompted by the commercial to Tana might less activities possibly sailing the Venetian-Genoese of the Byzantinesthan by rivalryand by Genoa's fearthat the Venetiansmightuse Byzantineships or shipsundernominalByzantinecontrol Even if thisis the case. the Black Sea.ed. I." TM.since it was stated that it was not finaland could be overruled the Doge of Genoa.shipmasters..and sale of merchandise. H. S. 1975). II. cit. On Venetian complaints about the arbitraryactions of the Genoese.243-44. Like the Italians. Trebisonda e Tana (1403-1408)." e-naupfopa-ra. Maocastro. ed. The Byzantinesdo not seem to have had a presencein Tana or the Sea of Azov. Heyd. di L. Documentiriguardantila colonia genovese Pera (Genoa. Nystazopoulou-Pe16kidis. Kerasous. 124-25. thirty-eight of percent thesedocuments mentionone or more Greeksas participants the various transactions.whichhad not yet been capturedby the Turks. Only in 1358 did the Venetianssend ships to Tana. no. honey. Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken (Vienna. 151. Liber jurium reipublicaeGenuensis.loans. note 5). 1899). Zachariadou. 1888). fora time at least. 1971).They hail from various areas. P. renting ships or space on ships. Della colonia dei genovesiin Galata. "The Conquest of Adrianopleby the Turks. 145. (1970). 83.. rogati Chilia da Antoniodi Ponz6 (1360-61) (Bordighera. 4 (1970). in (38 acts) At least twenty-six these acts are pure commercial of transactions:exchangeconof tracts. 31 "Venise et la mer noire du XIe au (1359-60). de' Colli (Venice. and slaves. 503-10. Diplomatarium(supra. I. IX (Turin. op. Ricottius. M.Vi'ina. 199-200. 203. 70 . 216-22. and a year later they complainedthat the Genoese podesta in Pera created troublefor from the ships returning Tana.Notai in Atti a genovesi Oltremare. op. Nicol. in 1360-61. 1963). Caffa. T.1872). Several people with Greek names (48 in all) appear in these documents. Mesembria. and theiractivities appear both in the Black Sea and in Constantinople are of some interest.Byzantine merchantsdo and Pera. 7 72 G. Balard. no.thesepeopletransported theirmerchandise (grain. The notary Antoniodi Ponz6 producedninety-nine in Chiliaon the Danube delta between acts the end of November1360 and March1361. II (Venice.72 Even a cursoryglance at the materialshows how completely the Greekswere in the economicactivitiesof this port. 211-17. 78 E. cf. 201-2. XVI. Belgrano. cit. Chilia was at this timeprimarily integrated an outlet for the grain trade and for trade in wax. On Venice in the Black Sea. the peace treatybetweenVenice and Genoa stipulatedthat neither GenoesenortheVenetianswouldsail to Tana fora periodofthreeyears. to tryto revivetheirBlack Sea commerce.II. Pistarino. p.This clause on and was was a clear effort the part of Genoa to build up her own port of Caffa.III. II (Turin. A. XVe siecle. "Apropos de la bataille du Bosphore. notaioin Venezia. and people who invest in trade. by implemented Venice. see Thomas. chronicle8. thereis a considerable In number of Greek merchants.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 195 been much debated by John Cantacuzenus. 1831). op. at least as far as one can see fromthe accounts of the notaryMoreto Bon: MoretoBon. note 35). After 1352 and throughthe early fifteenth century.7" The episodes of 1347-52 are the only known cases in which the Byzantine seem to have triedto break into at least part of the great commerce merchants of the the Black Sea. Byzantinecommercial activity was considerableand that an was effort made to break its dependenceon the Genoese. Gregoras.73 GreeksfromPera and Constantinople are also mentioned.70 by the In 1355. no. 431-69. Sauli. it is clear that. cit.
32 and 37. his March1361 two of thesemen paid to a Genoesecitizen(through representative. interesting varyingdegrees. Note that the loan is paid in hyperpyra Chilia. From there. The Greekswere.. 21. 21 and 22. in BasilicorumlibriLX. for which the Greek received payment in advance.chap. 26. H.livingin Chilia. Five of owned 10. passim. or Gatopolis 4 Balard. activity. Greek fromMesembria. 17. and the otherwith a man fromCembalo. 10. 18. The ship was bound forConstantinople of Constantinople:ibid. was to take place in both the capital and the (concealed) interest.As an example one may take some GreeksfromKerasous. who was also captain (Triandafollo with a cargo of grain. 22. in 78 Pistarino. He was also ownerof a ciguta. "77 .3 gold hyperpyra. An artisan fromTrebizond made an exchange contractwith a Genoese fromPera. merchant One inhabitantof Chilia promisedto sell to a ratherwealthyArmenian some wax. 18. delivery which somemoney was promisedby May 1361.7 which in The otherGreeksin Chilia made contracts. and 28. witha Greekmerchant Chilia.the repayment was usual may be seen fromthe fact that in That this kind of transaction Pera. perhaps this is a dry exchange contract. with capital and profitestimated son of a priest.to be repaidat 130 hyperpyra. The partial ownership boats by sailors modii)belongedto a man from of course.196 ANGELIKI E. also received of of a from Genoeseman. ed. by an Italian from usual amongthe sailorson thisboat and also ownedsome sharesin it. of The enterprises the Black Sea Greeksare characterized theirsmall size and by theirvariety. Van der Wal (Gravenhage.formeda companywhich engaged in the grain trade. a procedure The boat was loadinggrainto be carriedto Pera. who was also thecaptain.Their activitieswere limited to the Black Sea area and to Pera. Rhodiae pars secunda. whereas the usual in exchange contractwould have required payment to be made in Pera if the money had been borrowed Chilia. the theseGreektradersfedGenoesecommerce through colonyat Pera.a Greek Two were exchange transactions. note 29). He was involved in threedifferent He contractsto be repaid in Pera at a total value of 165 hyperpyra.a small quantity of which (25. show them to have been quite incorporatedin the economic life of the area.5 carats of one halfof a ciguta.5 of the ship. Anotherboat was owned in part by a baker fromMaocastro the Goto). VII. Like the Armeniansand the Italians mentionedin the documentation.Notai. 2471.as may be seen fromthe Rhodian Sea Law: Legis is. fromChilia. Notai. 75Pistarino. a practice long known to the Byzantines. on modii of Constantinople) a ship with an Italian captain amount of grain (157 which was to sail to the Bulgarian ports of Mesembria. in have participated it. for fromPera) 220 hyperpyra a loan contractedin December 1360. of whom one was a censarius (middleman). and partlyby a Greekfrom same city named Micheledi Rocco. J.loaded a modest A at 22. in which the shipmasterand the sailors seem to own the ship together. 1974). to be repaid at 65 Presumably. nos. nos.presumably.the otherhalfwas owned themtogether Savona.Sozopolis. p.in prepayment a load ofwax. some of the commoditiesreached Genoa.. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS boats (cigute) that wereusual in the Danube especially)in the small. "Les g6nois" (supra.and in any case fewGreeks could however. 8. The Greeksmade two Genoese. as was usual.they would use this moneyto buy grain and thus repay hyperpyra. they financedtheirenterprises the use mostlythrough of exchange contracts.75 of one exchangecontracts.flat-bottomed delta.nos.74This final stage of the commercial does not showin the sources. Like everyoneelse. nos. Ibid.76 a notary A similarexample is providedby the activitiesof lane (Ioannes) Coschina. Two inhabitantsof Chilia. Scheltemaand N.
66. 72.Finally.in the second case. lent some moneyto a Venetian shipConstantinopolitan. thereare ten documents that concerncontractsmade by these two Greeks. and ten sommiand twenty of of silver at the weightof Caffa. to act in court.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 197 (Agathopolis). their destination. The total sum whichtheyinvestedis unknown.. 89. wine merchant.Frangopoulosalso expected to receive 150 saggi fromhis separate investment. in a simple loan and an exchange transaction. nos.18 money The people with the most capital among the Greeks. on 13 April had lent some money to a Genoese in an 1361. Constantinople. Thus. . the money to be repaid in Pera consistedof 306. The Greeks fromthe Byzantine Empire are represented a few men from by and Adrianople.lane Vassilikosand lane Frangopoulos.The verypresenceof these people in Chilia Pera.5 gold hyperpyra Pera. 48. the otherhis plenipotentiary commercial in and financial matterswith appointed the power to make contracts. nos. citizen of Pera. 4. there is a as man named Theodoro Agallo from a Constantinople.and to of so on.and perhapsin the entire file. but the sum they to receivewhen the investment was paid off(thatis. indicates that in the Byzantine Empire there was still capital and merchants adventurousenough to findtheir way to the Danube delta.he brought to Chilia 20 botti Greekwine and was able to use it as guaranteeto borrowsome of froma Genoese. Athanasia. and The boat was carrying to Pera. He seems to have financedthe purchase of this wheat by an exchangecontractwiththe same Italian. Each making all except one of theircontractstogetherand splittingthe profits.79 They were partners. in orderto get his ship ready. 83.as did many people in that period.There is only one simple loan. 3. 25.They came fromAdrianopleto Chilia to place theircapital. 59. or as soon as the ship came from 78Ibid. the combinedcapexpected ital and profit)was 1.Frangopoulosalso made in they one on his own. 47. 7 Ibid. and 94. Another May 7 (25 days afterthe contracthad been made) 100 gold hyperpyra. They placed theirmoneyin a varietyof ventures.25 gold hyperpyra. collectedin Chilia on a exchange contract. Withinfifteen days (April26 to May 10) made six contracts whichtheyboth participated.were two men fromAdrianople. 80.. It must be noted that all of these transacgrain tions have Pera. 63. two Greeks fromConstantinople their representative. to a Genoese who acted both in his own name and in that of ConstantineMamali.he borrowed some moneyfromtwo Italians (one an inhabitantof Pera). The moneywas to be used to finance days. to come from Pera and take a cargoof grain.a Greekmonk ("Giossafa Tovassilico Caloiatos" or "Caloianno"). a Greekfrom ownerof a boat (lignum) whichwas Constantinople. was master of of a ship (lignumde orlo) whichsailed to Pera. of the monastery St. 73. 24. 58. receiverepayment debts. 62. Finally. not Constantinople. They invested most of their capital in exchange contracts.Frangopoulos and Vassilikos expected loaned these men ten sommiand twentysaggi of silverto be repaid in thirty-five Pera. and 90.664." masterand expectedto be repaid in Pera at 186 hyperpyra 21 carats of gold. 88. George "Rondachino. In all.It is clear that these two Greeks gold hyperpyra of considerable disposed capital.in orderto spread the risk. 67.
Given that the main itemof tradein Chiliawas grain. one was a Venetian. into a dryexchangecontract. whether from thesedocuments. no. Mertzios.whetheras sailors. "Registro Vaticano di atti bizantini di diritto privato. indeed. of Constantinople.198 ANGELIKI E.82 transactionwill be finalizedin Pera. lo-rop(as Mvrlim MaK06oviKsj 81 Ibid. Ferraridelle Spade. in carriedout theirtransactions an economycontrolled the Italians: the form by is of the contractsis Italian. the main commodity designedfor Italian markets.and investmoney. usual. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS All the rest of the capital of these two men was placed the purchase of grain.as traveling merchants. no. as investors. They own ships.and one (Teocari) seems to have been a Greek living in at in Pera. nos.it wouldnot at all invalidatethe conclusions For the survivingByzantine documentary material.seem integratedin the economiclifeof Chilia. conclusions A fewinteresting emerge fromthe Black Sea area or fromthe ByzantineEmpire. early 15thcenturyan interest the Venetiansobjected to this high rate and reduced it to 15%. 66.While such a commentwould have undoubted validity with respect to its immediate the drawnfrom Italian sources. to be fulfilled Peranominallybecause it was possible foranothercontractto be made later.. not the Byzantine part It may be objectedthat the above remarks merelydescribea situationdeformed the nature of the sources: that. of the fifteenth They claims which arose out of commercial transactions and which were brought to the patriarchal court of Constantinople. 83 G.it must be expected that the Genoese by notarial accounts would only include those Greeks. which were incorporatedin the Italian financialand commercialsystem.s0 in exchange contracts: the loans were made in sommiof silver. 55-56 (1425). the rate of exchangewas not mentioned.it is probacaptains ble that this money was used in one way or anotherto financethe purchase or were citizens of Genoa or transportof this commodity. As these were all shareholders it concealed the interest.no.to be repaid in As since Pera in gold hyperpyra. in With the exceptionof a sea loan contractedin Constantinople 1363 or 1364. but case (ibid. object. the transaction The Greeks. When the citycame underVenetianoccupation. The interestrate allowed for sea loans in the Byzantine Empire was 12%. But in Thessalonica in the rate of 20% had becomeusual. But. By their very nature. they 1o Ibid.83 and the first the rest are all dated to the last yearsof the fourteenth years century are connectedwith in and are concentrated Constantinople. forthe borrowers.Most of the borrowers Pera. and the repaymentof contractsis made in the Italian..transport grain. at the request of the inhabitants. through thus changing which the money would be repaid in Chilia in the local currency.the See K. Venetian Senate agreed to recognizeall contractsmade beforethis new arrangement. D. the ByzantineEmpire and the Italian maritime The extant Byzantine commercialdocumentsare limited in time and place. . therefore.sometimesin large quantities. least.or those of their activities. 4 (1935).8' The exchangecontractswere nominally.confirms generalpicturewhich emergesfrom given in the the Italian notarial accounts and whichis latent in the texts of treatiesbetween states. as well as the information the narrativesources..But it is equally clear that the Greekswho participated or in the Black Sea trade. 66) in whichthe ship is sailingto Constantinople. the financial S82Thereis an interesting 47 and 48. 1947). a (Thessalonica. 3. and/or of ships." SBN.
concerning liability It was agreed that. and whateveris necessaryforthe operation. cit. one of the the shop and a horse. note 198-207.the personsinvolved are important. Ecloga. can only concerna small fractionof the merchantsand investors. in the accounts of Badoer.. or p. II. such partnerships would be (in in the formof a societasterrae) well as partnerships as whose object was maritime and whichin the West would be coveredby a commenda colleganza or trade. Harmenopuli.When thesepartnerships given a name. 2473. a syntrophia operates a bakery. "At the Origins of the Western Commenda:Islam. II.Goudelis.87 They a apparentlyhad formedat least one partnership few years before 1401.op. cf.. both the investorand the agent (the travelingpartner)were liable for losses.85 with her godson to run a dairy shop. In these documents."DOP. Udovitch. who broughtsuit against the oikeios of the Emperor. 1851). ch. partner. while the other one contributes his partnerscontributes labor and thirty In anothercase. chap. 546-50 (October 1401). Perhaps the most interesting case is that of a man named Manuel Koresis. Speculum. withthe traveling 1000 hyperpyra percent) and exKoresis. Ibid.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 199 84The Byzantinetermschreokoinonia koinoniaare not used: cf. with time limitation. That was dissolved. 474-75. II. L. The partnership was to last forapproximately months six pecting (to October 1400).theyare called are whichseems to be a translation societasor compagnia. and A. 67-85. as long as the partnership lasted. contract.note 75). Afterthat date. is to syntrophia used indiscriminately describe partnershipsmade to conduct business in the city of Constantinople the West. we find Greeks forming both for trade partnerships and forotheractivities. So far. (supra. lib. chap.as in the Genoese documentsfromChilia and as. 37 (1962). The combined capital was 3. 10. S.this is a fairlytypical bilateral commenda. more standard. a womanforms syntrophia a personal hyperbyra. Therewas a written of a contractwhichhas not survivedbut whose termsmay be reconstructed fromthe decision of the patriarchal court. Byzantium?". in Zepos. In the first formedforthe purpose of buyinstance. they provide us with a glimpse-little more than that-of the tradingactivities in whichthesepeople wereinvolved. 5. She contributes the shop. X. the Economic Readjustment of Byzantium in the Seventh Century. "The Role ofTrade in cf. Israel. contributing (27 half the profit. 8. On the presumedByzantineor Muslimoriginsof the commenda. later. Manuale legumsive Hexabiblos (Leipzig. 13 (1959).GeorgiosGoudelis. Many of the people involved are membersof the Byzantine aristocracyand are describedas oikeioiof the Emperor. 17. all the utensils.there are syntrophiai ing or operatingshops: in one case.86 Where tradingventuresare concerned. tit.Legis Rhodiae (supra. C. Jus. whetherthe term syntrophia used or is not. 44).600 hyperpyra.nevertheless.84 term of The syntrophiai. which provides fora koinoniain whichone of the partnerscontributes only his labor. 85Miklosichand Miiller. but it is not stated whether the loss was to be reckonedproportionately the capital investedby each (this to .The moneyis usuallyinvested in contractsresembling the commenda. 86* 87 Ibid. they his will share the profits equally. Lopez.while he contributes labor. The is less easy to detect fromthe surviving agreement evidence. R.perhaps the area in which the tradingactivitywas to take place was also specified. 474-75. the investor.was to recoverhis investmentwithoutsharingin the expenses or risks involved in the transactions.the capital is largerthan in the cases and the formof investment just described. III.and in the spring 1400 theyformed newone.
Originee svolgimento Quarterly Century.1933).itftasTp* . 399-400. 2473: 'E&v s-ri&oei XpVCriov &pyiptov XpEi KOVwcvfa Xpucov lt K All 'vvavcxyfioulmptwMSaTv. 461..but the ship was lost in a storm. who did not abide by the decision! the partners in Similar agreements. Finally. Ta' ai &rromXavESiv. "Commercial Contractsof the Genoese in the SyrianTrade ofthe Twelfth Journal of Economics. caccraV Cf. Goudelis then asked that. R. 17.d..RPtOv . Astuti.89 since Goudelis raised the point that he could not be certain whetherwhat was Manuel Koresis and his fatherwere stored in Pera was the entiremerchandise. Goudelis also asked that merchandise in that the merchandise the warehouseat Pera be divided"accordingto the capital to contributed each one" (two thirds/one i. KaS6TEp -rot OaVVtKas -r&pTi KTxr& 8 drC.200 ANGELIKI E. 511-12. S.II. 17. wrrApoS6vros 6 -r f . 560-61.and it was primarily triarchalcourt was involved." E.were made by other Greeks fromConThe dangers attendingtrade at this time made such agreements stantinople. Koresis was by to use of his fullpower to deal with the money entrusted him as simplymaking should be shared and the best he could. cr av 88Legis Rhodiae. since the originalagreementdid not to forbidthe agent to send the merchandise Constantinople sea. his capital should not share in the possible expenses incurredby Koresis after that date. and G. chap. 550-51. spring of 1401. storicodella commenda finoal secoloXIII (Turin. writtenform.it shouldbe noted withmoney as otherpartnerships well and was traveling that Koresis had formed trade investedby a numberof people-another typical featureof Mediterranean in thisperiod.9? &va8XEcErSat. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS as would be the Italian way) or in the same proportion the expectedprofit (which would be the way describedin the RhodianSea Law).asking that Koresis absorb all since it was not writtenin the agreement the loss in the case of the shipwreck.e. also n. TrVp-p6 cagpv6v &rr6 Vpfc~p ro0 arra6 Too Xp6vou p 1 Kc COVai pI drroo-rpplc "r&. op. he should also share the possible losses-especially since the originalagreementwas silent But the expensesshouldbe borneby Koresisalone.31 (1917). carried out his transactions. Whatever merchandise his father'sname in mid-August.). Raymond.88Finally. T-ro0 obKoptov XpvcioV KK c r& plv tv -r6V Miklosichand Miller.. The documentdiscussed below 9 is foundon pp. on that specific point.Koresis himand returnedin the self remained in those parts. The by one that the pafirst with the second request was granted. 374-75. loss involvedin the shipwreck had not borne only by the agent. A&v6 p. Sinope. p. both with respectto the conditions is The fate of this partnership instructive.. since Goudelis expected to share any profitsrealized afterOctober 1400. Medieval Trade in L[.AAEiaV KiVBUVOV Kipio "-rds l KC"ai-rS the Mediterranean World (New York.. . third).. 2473: 'Eav 81 Too Xp6vou v-rw vSxlKc&v ATr7pcoSlrVroS Tlrv d&ph Oavp Kerr& V o TO yEv?cSa1. could be sent in the absence of the agent. H. 89A provision that would seem to supportGoudelis' point is to be foundin the Legis Rhodiae. The court here ruled that. therefore. and other Black Sea ports in the summerof 1400 but found that he could not engage in that resultedfrom trade except in a very limitedway because of the confusion he could buy he sent to Pera in Timurlane'sinvasions. Byrne. Koresis went to Amisos.chap. It ruled that. to bringto courtthe customsreceiptsand wereto swearto the truthof theirstateThe same penalty was to strikeany one of mentson pain of excommunication. cit. since the agreement losses and lapsed in October 1400. W. Goudelis then took him to court. according Italian usage. Lopez and I. 128-70. 175. and legal in the early 1400's and withrespectto the mentality of Black Sea trade recourse of the Byzantine traders.
either as active participants. 1400. had had in his possession "fursfromVlachia. II. KyrloannesSophianos.Thus. op. one of that the other investors (Ioannes Sophianos) had withdrawnhis investmentwhen no Angelosfailedto board the first ship. 94Ibid. 374-75). The reference may simplybe to a sea journey to the northern coasts of the Black Sea. perhaps. The geographicdistribution the commercialactivitiesof the Byzantinesin of this period is also intriguing. But the courtfoundthat he had known that Angelos was looking for anothership and. 6. note 72].93The lady Theodora Palaiologina entrusted300 hyperpyra merchandise in to Ioannes Goudelis. 246. He missed the ship he was to sail on and aftera monthfoundanotherone.from1394 untilAugust 1402. since of tually captured.Argyropoulos Goudelis (Argiro).op..or both. we have the case of a certainkyr Constantine particularly who was to travelto Chios withmoneyinvestedby a numberofpeople.One of the investors he had not authorizedtravel on the second ship. And yet.. More tantalizingis the departureof John Sophianos Aegean "to the journeyto Russia". who was an oikeiosof the Emperor. 399-400. 48). cit. 91Ibid. 258..may be the same personas. 120. Equally intriguing two indicationsof trade connecare tionsbetweenthe Byzantinesand Wallachia. 95Badoer (supra. The sea journeysto the Black Sea coasts and the are to be expected. II. and Theodore and Ioannes Mamalis (Miklosich and Miiller. Goudeliswas the son-in-law Anna Asanina Palaiologina. but it could also possiblyindicatea land route to southernRussia. Caloiani Sofiano. Some names appear in Constantinoplein 1400 and in Chilia in 1361: thus.usefulto recall that at the timethesecontracts and arrangements were made. Constantinople was being blockaded by the Ottomansin a siege that lasted foreightyears. the termsin whichthis is describedsuggestthat this routeto Russia was a commonone. risky. It is. but he himself wentnorth"EIS5T 'fs TaE'ilov. and passim. 21. but thiswas evenasked forthe restoration his capital.investedsome moneyon the ventureto Chios.II. 92Ibid. furthermore.II. nos. note 84).95 apparently engage in trade. It was verydifficult people for to leave or enterthe city. 40. Indeed.. 91 . 374-75. 50-52.'"92 P00cafcr One of the most strikingfacts about the Byzantine merchantsand investors encountered here is that many of them belong to the highestaristocracy. 560-61. II. Thus." whilekyrIoannesAngelos sailedtoChios.91 Somepurposes although their venturessuffered times they traveledtowardthe Aegean: Ioannes Goudeliswent "els-rT a'&-rw p. oikeiosof the Emperor.. or relatedto. 511-12. These aristocrats foundit both necessaryand profitable to (Cutela). 361-66.Others sailednorth..the Emperor's of Georgios aunt. 234. severalof these names reappearin Badoer's accounts: Palaiologos. who died ca. cit. Therefore. 98 Miklosichand Miller. 236. 47. we have lane Mamalioti and "Constancius Mamali de Constantinopoligrecus" (Pistarino. 385. Notai [supra.or as investors." whichhe had as when theyformed syntrophia. 114. II. 550-51. 511-12. claim could be pressedagainst Angelos.94 Ioannes Sophianos. nica in 1425: Mertzios.96 a promised a guaranteeto AndreasArgyropoulos Ibid. (supra. a numberof Byzantinestraveledfortrading fromthe difficult conditions.who appears as a bankerin theaccountsofGiacomoBadoerin the 1430's. cit.oikeiosof the Emperor. A Mamoli appears among the "small nobles" of Thessaloop. 108. note 7).BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 201 Angelos. A merchant named Joannes Mamalis. 372-74.
and loannes Melachrinos.50-52.be in M&Laptv "AtiSou. Among those who had theirsalaries raised from70 to 100 aspres were Argyropoulos. 98 Miklosichand Miiller. writing in the early fifteenth century. Constantinos Argyropoulos. 97 cf.to reduce the remainingdebt by 15 hyperpyra. 1831). indeed. cit. no. The case was broughtto a patriarchalcourt. 24 and 102 (1421).op. importantdifferences merchants. not in Constantinople. Aus den Schatzkammern Heiligen Berges(Munich. foranother250 hyperpyra presumably a simple not for the firsttime. The fact that commercial was different What this meantin pracdifference. since loan. as can also be seen fromthe accounts of Badoer. cit." BZ. raised the monthly Mamoli. Rdgestes . "Mazaris und Holobolos. (supra. the Venetian Senate.II. AnecdotaGraeca e codicibusregiis.mentionsa Polos Argyros(who may be identified and claims that he had returnedfromVlachia with our AndreasArgyropoulos) Vlachia was.Apart fromthe fact that.III (Paris. note 13).202 ANGELIKI E. It is also significant in unloaded theirmerchandise Pera. of the city.1948). in this particularcase. discussed here were made excluAlthough the contracts and arrangements of sivelybetweenByzantines. Byzantinemerchants customsdues to the Genoese. and even the termsyntrophia that seems to be translatedfromthe wordssocietasor compagnia. the same courthad alreadyissued a decisiona fewmonthsearlier. 156-57. in ecclesiasticalcourtsis in itselfa significant tical terms can be seen in a case tried in March 1400.commerciallaw. son of Georgios Argyropoulos. Thomas Kalokyres sued and still due to him froma syntrophia ConstantinePerdikaresfor250 hyperpyra in whichhe had givenPerdikares. of course.Thiriet. 145. 'Erriig(a cf. and even Russia. On Andreas Argyropoulos. Kalokyres had to be contentwith that. and of the economic and institutional are The contracts verysimilarto thoseusual in Italy.op.It is interesting the court case between George Goudelis and Koresis was resolved accordingto that. for reasons of It charity.. 1255. Argyropoulos 372-74. cf. (Vienna.97 or merchantsand the Balkan hinterland.Perdikares claimed that the only outstandingdebt was part of the 250 hyperpyra be and the from syntrophia asked that the moneyhe had paid out as interest counted and anythingelse against capital." who formed guard lonica. at the request of the inhabitantsof Thessathe e salaries paid to "certi gentilhomeni gentilhomeni picioli. at least Italian. Boissonade.98 must. managed it in a veryprofitable nos. no.while Demetrios would receive20 aspresper monthin additionto his salary: Mertzios. 1976). a place wheremany withgreatwealth." family. however. The satiristMazaris. People named Argyropouloi Prosopographisches in a large truck garden outside Thessalonica in the early 15th century. Furtherresearchmay uncovereconomicconGreekswent to make moneyfast. and given to Kalokyres fromthe syntrophia. should be counted against capital. On 23 July 1425. M.In March. Fr. The court agreed that all interestpaid out. accordingto Mazaris. and not Byzantine.and it is to not far-fetched suggestthat Mamalis' projectedjourneywould also be to "VlaThat the Argyropoulos chia. paying presumably between Byzantine and Italian There were. had I Lexikonder Palaiologenzeit.thereis clear evidenceof the influence the Italians conditionsthey had created in the area. II. The court then decided. shouldbe notedthat the institutional cases were tried fromthat of the Italians.. the Danubian nectionsbetween Greek lands.But normallythe guarantee would be given by the travelingpartnerof such a partnership.a rich and aristocraticone. Treu. 1 (1892). the Byzantineswere involved only in retail trade and not in large-scale in framework whichtheyworked it activities. 1995. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS The termsof their agreementhave not been preserved. D6lger. J. they made improvements it and des way: F. had connections with Wallachia is knownfromanothersource. 88-89.
Schneider. Bertel6." Table 1. 53." Thirty years later."A kten XI. 379-85. Greeksare the largestsinglegroupof merthe chants: twenty-seven percentwhen one eliminatesthose fromthe Venetian colonies. et Ebersolt. Hitherthe traders and storethe merchandise bring that comes in fromoverseas.Philol. that the lender accepted a compromise. Letts (London.. M. esp.K1.. tinople. C.000 hyperpyra).100This trade was substantial. reexported themto Europe. ?itikov. all the travelersalso mentionthat the city had virtually a good harbor. despite the several catastropheswhich had befallenthe Byzantine Emcentersof the Levant. 146. adding a few commentsof my own. wrote populous quarter warehousesand shops Clavijo who had seen it in 1403. L. Cf.'0' The participationof the Greeks in this trade is visible throughthe accounts of Badoer. a slightlydifferent is figure given by T. op. G.'03The point hereis clear: 99 Clavijo. theirparticipation disproportionately is small. . de Sinner (Leipzig-Berlin. and the Black Sea area.Romanie (supra. 1892). Embassy to Tamerlane. Internationalen des Byzantinistenkongresses (Munich. 1824). F. showing hardshipof their the lot . note 5). 102 Badoer's text has been studied thoroughlyby ?itikov and lately by Oikonomides. Schefer (Paris..not well clad. trans.Merchantof Venice. The patterns established above for Byzantine merchantsin Constantinople for hold true generally the first half of the fifteenth The city of Constancentury. " Nevertheless. p. J.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 203 and remembered that these were difficult abnormaltimes. C. (supra. Nevertheless. Lane. I have used Sitikov's study extensively. Pero Tafur.and importedcloth.Venetian and Genoese agents bought here the productsof Asia Minor. 141-69. 1919). also. 153 and 164. stressesthe decline in importanceof Constantinopleand Pera.000 ducats (67. 45ff. "Konstantinopolj. G.and only nine and a halfpercentof the value of goods sold to Badoer. Genes (supra. Bertrandonde la Broquibre still saw many foreign merchantsin Constantinople and realized that the Venetians were supremehere..trans. Andrea Barbarigo. 1926). 1928). but sad and poor. R. it was an importantmarketforWesterngoods and a place where the alimentary productsand raw materialsof the East and a fewspices could be purchased.as Perdikaresclaimed. facingPera.1418-1449 (Baltimore. probably because he knew that Perdikarescould not pay offthe entiredebt. and A. Jahrhundert.. cit."Die Bev61du kerungKonstantinopelsim XV. 48-52. 1960). 101 Sitikov. Buondelmonti. being twenty-five percentof the value of goods purchased. note 5). Travelsand Adventures.102 In termsof numbers. note *).ed.ed. ed.note 22). 100 Thiriet. 419-28.was still one of the great commercial were usually struckby the fact that the city no longerhad its former magnificence or its impressive population.M. and not an exceptionally greatone.as in the past. 1435-1439. Here. Constantinople les voyageurs Levant (Paris. is importantthat it Byzantine merchantsfunctionedin conditionswhere noneconomicfactors innormalfinancial trudedheavilyon otherwise transactions.. the Balkans. Chr. Heers. 1944). stressesthe importanceof the city. Le Strange (New York-London. Le voyaged'Outremer de Bertrandonde la Broquidre."Konstantinopolj" (supra. 124-25. Pero Tafur was only one of many who found "the inhabitants. 1403-06. The accounts of Giacomo Badoer show an annual turnover 26. he was only one of the of and Venetianmen of affairs.as the Genoese werein Pera.99Although both forVenice and for Genoa the city did not occupy the firstplace in their eastern trade."Konstantinopolj. But in termsof value of transactions. 48-57. florentiniLibrum insularum archipelagi.while the most full was the one along the Golden Horn. 88-89." NachrG6tt.(1949). Foreignvisitors pire."Il giro d'affari di Giacomo Badoer: Precisazionii deduzioni." 51-52.-hist. "there are innumerable forthe sale of all sortsofgoods. 233-37. of. 108 Sitikov.whichwas regularly of galleysand otherships.
findhere a Sophianos. The Byzantine Greekswho engaged in trade (I am excludingthe Cretans and involvedin retail sales. 280. note 7).107 is also interesting that there are familieswhichhad been engaged in trade and connectedwith the we Italians forgenerations. wax. whilethe names Frangopoulos.Demetrios Palaiologos. 68. in Three out of the ten bankersmentioned Badoer's accountsare Greek: "Caloiani The and "CostantinCritopulo.and Vassilikos may be foundin Chilia in the early 1360's as well as and of The prosopography the Byzantinemerchants in the accounts of Badoer.on the otherhand. p. 148. now the presenceof aristocratic years of the fifteenth Greek names is surprisingly strong. 88. Badoer. 59. a Filomatis. 59.08s it bankers remains to be established. the trade was quite profitable. passim. some ways. op.perhaps this closeness may be symbolicallyrepresented by "The tradingquarterof the city is down by the gates which Clavijo's description: open on the strand (of the Golden Horn) and whichare facingthe opposite gates whichpertainto the cityof Pera: forit is herethat the galleysand smallervessels theircargoes: and hereby the strandis it that the people come to portto discharge and of Pera meetthoseof Constantinople transacttheirbusinessand commerce. the Grand Duke Lucas Notaras. 109.""Caloiani Sardino" (Sarandenos).a Laskaris. some raw silk. and supra.as opposed to traders. althoughone man made the journeyto Brusa. note 99). 197-98. The rable to all but two of the Westernbankers is of proofof the dependent importance bankers. one further invested natureof the Byzantine economy.forits capital could not be profitably in a commercialactivitythat was controlled others. passim. 135. especially pp. Apart fromthe Argyropouloi.Nevertheless. official. a Kantakouzenos.204 ANGELIKI E. 74. Synadenos." Table 2. 108Badoer.751 hyperpyra."'09 The presenceof the Byzantine aristocracyamong the merchantsand bankers in of Constantinople the last years of its existenceas a Byzantinecity serves as 104 Badoer (supra. 249.a Vatatzes. it was easierand perhaps by to more profitable engagein moneytransactions.forthe Genoese. (supra. especially pp. especially. goods. 55. 202. usually with small capital. cit. pp. whichmakeshimcompaof ofthem. 7. 262. Sarandinos.Sophianos. and the The latter. so As in the first century. 74. primarily For the Venetians and. 29. and their activities were limited to Constantinople and its environs. and 285." "kefale" of Agathopolison the Black Sea coast. 106 Badoer. then a significant in centerof the Levantine trade. They formedcompanies.Amongthe traderswe findAndrea and "Sea bastian" Argiro.'04More interesting. 108-9. who appears also in the Greekdocumentsof 1400. "Konstantinopolj.had a turnover 10. p. 221. and Sitikov. passim. They bought the people fromNegroponte)were primarily cloth and sold skins. are the bankers. 285. 1O5Badoer. grain. wool. 148. who appear in Badoer's books."'105 richest Sofiano. It sold Badoer grain and honeyin relatively large quantities. o109 Clavijo. togetherwith another imperial Demetrius Notaras. 107 .106 commerciarius Constantine"Paleologo. is evident that the connecand Greek merchantsand aristocratswere close tions betweenItalian merchants and long-standing.a Tagaris. and the Constantinopolitan market has become a market of consumptionof foreign cloth. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS is the Greek trade with the westerners a deficit one.
most Byzantine possessions acquired different masters: Western. thereis sufficient evidence to posit the existence of an active commercial in the provinces. Niccol6 Barbaro. One "gentleman"was relievedof 30. in Epirus. . presentedby the Byzantinesto the Venetiangovernment in 1319. with the bulk of its inhabitants but linkedto the Italian trade. note 5). Romanie (supra. sometimes considerable amounts.It is not surprising.the are Palaeologan period.the Byzantine aristocracywas rich in lands and revenuesfrom In half of the fifteenth. the of whenthecityfellunderthesuzerainty of the Tocci of Cephalonia. note 4). Janina and The evidenceis. 1923). life althoughmany of the details are still hidden in obscurity. 76.I am leaving out of consideration merchants the who came fromareas that had been under 118 extended Venetian. that the Venetian observerof the fall of Constantinople.110 the first in and bankerclass whichhad capital.and which invested and multiplied in the Italian-dominated it markets. Genoese. "Aristocracy" (supra. R. shows that therewere a numberof merchants active in Mistra. J. letters nos."2 impoverished. Niccol6 Barbaro. As earlier. especially Monemvasia. V.-J. 1966). Diary oftheSiege ofConstantinople. witha wealthy minority The Byzantinemerchant not to be soughtmerely Constantinople on the is in and Black Sea coasts. Jones(New York. 329. 1969). Dark6. it would be pedantic and formalistic exclude the tradersof to these areas. famedforhis supposed preference the Turkishturbanover the Latin of unjustly Mehmed II for his life. ed. II (Vatican City. such as Chios.1958). should note that therewere in the city men of great property who did not use their money to provide forits defense. DemetriusCydones fearedboth that povertywould soon be extended to the rich and that the miseryof the poor of Constantinople would lead to civil war: Ddmdtrius Cydonhs. demonstrationes. and Laiou. ed. E. cally and politicallyis almost a clich6. 1960). extremely the activities theseprovincial of possible to reach a first approximation concerning traders.Rhodes. halfofthe 15thcentury. 111Georgios Memorii 1401-1477. ed. But the same conditionswhich spelled its demise created a situation favorable for specificsocial groups. Grecu (Bucharest."' Constantinople was a at city of contradictions this time: a relativelysmall city. II (Budapest. Loenertz. V. it would serve no realistic purpose to exclude the merchantsof Thessalonica forthose periods in which the city was under Ottoman or Venetian control. Despotate of the Morea. or tiara. then. Arta.Thus.It should be noted that.Byzantine merchantsare evident throughout the the most active provincialtrade centers Thessalonica. Ducas Istoria Turco-Bizantina dylaeHistoriarum (1341-1462). therewas in Constantinople merchant a land. 442 (1391) and 433 (1391). and. In the course of the 14th and 15th centuries. Grecu (Bucharest. 165-66. ed. passim.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 205 of of of a reminder thecomplexity thesocialand economicdevelopment the late EmThat the Byzantine state was at this time virtuallynonexistenteconomipire.Movem110 Cf. R.and it would be absurdto stop discussing merchants Artain thelate 14thcentury.Negroponte. In the fourteenth century. The reason for this exclusion is that the developmentof these areas is very different fromthat of the and sailorsoftheselands operatedunderdifferent "Byzantine" mainlandand thatthetradersand shipmasters whichmerita separate examination. nor is it surprising that Lucas Notaras.Serbian.in the first conditions. On the contrary. as long as conquest did not bringwithit a profound of changein the economicstructure the area or the activities of the inhabitants. 433-34. In such cases. unfortunately. passim. Correspondance. Crete. in the late 14th century. 112Thus. etc. 420. is fragmented. trans. the commercialactivity of the Greek inhabitants of the Venetian colonies increased: Thiriet. Laonici ChalcoconSphrantzes. note 4). or other Westernoccupation. "Aristocracy" (supra. he may have been Lucas Notaras. Ostrogorsky. or Ottoman.000 ducats by the Turks. should have vast amounts of treasureto offer that the bulk of this money should have been in Italy.113 it Nevertheless. A list of complaints.
116 were also relievedfrom merchants the Monemvasiot 114 Thomas. and E. and on the returnjourney went to Crete. see F. Sphrantzes. however. by Byzantineemperors The chrysobullof AndronicusII (1284). Rodosto.. note 35). he was detained in Crete. 76-96. whereasthey would pay no duty at all in the otherparts of the Byzantine Empire. cash. cf. Reiches.op. (supra.Other sources indicate that Monemvasiawas a very importanttrading the fourteenth centuryand that its merchantstraveled in the city throughout Byzantine Empire and the Black Sea tradingin all sorts of commodities.as well as in Constantinople. in worth150 hyperpyra. 165-68. "L'histoire et la l6gendede deux chrysobulles 37 (1938). a certain Sophonias Atheneas. Ainos.In 1328. Cf. imperatoris. with the greatestconcentration 1316.206 ANGELIKI E. a prostagma Andronicus renewedthe privileges given AndronicusII to the Monemvasiotswho had abandoned their city when it by fell under Frankish occupation (1248) and had settled in Pegai in Asia Minor. For the date and authenticity the chrysobullof 1316. lost his investment. I.300 hyperpyra requestedas reparations. Binon.note 111). their boats capturedby theVenetians. 154-55. 274-311. and arms. renewingprivilegesgranted to the Monemvasiotsby Michael VIII.pirates.114 all. (supra. Selymbria.no. Gallipoli. cit. 1960). note 5). LAIOU-THOMADAKIS and Thessalonica.. 116 d'AndronicII en faveurde Monembasie. The sums for which they requested reparationsand which representthe value which of their merchandiseare oftenvery high. or both) was pursued by sailors from Coron and broughtto Crete. had had theirmerchandise and. Diplomatarium(supra. (1955). "homo." 538-42.000 tinople claimed losses of 10.St. and all other coastal cities of Thrace. Miklosichand Miiller.while in 1309 a galley fromMonemvasia (it is not clear whether its occupants were merchants. The events described in this list range in in time fromDecember 1313 to 1316.15 The importanceof the Monemvasiotmerchants documentsgrantedthem and silver-sealed is illustrated the various chrysobulls by and despotsof the Morea. no. 72 (1319). Those who bought or sold grain. no. D61ger. Among these Greeks. in mentioned this list were concentrated the in The activitiesof the merchants Aegean Sea.200 hyperpyra cloth. while a man called Maurosumi. of 16 Byzantinoslavica.note 44). 438 (1290): "Nicolaus de Marvasia" buys fish. Thiriet. exempts them fromtaxes on theirlanded proon perties and frompaying the commercium their transactionswithin MonemIII of vasia itself. 529 (1290): Michael "Marvasiatus" sells in Caffa merchandiseto two Greeks who will pay him in Pera. oil. no. He thinks der Kaiserurkundendes Ostr6mischen Regesten of that the chrysobullwas a forgery the metropolitan Monemvasia.claimed a loss of hyperpyra. I. Ddlibdrations (supra.had before by . But thereis mentionof one man who was involvedin long-distance trade.fromMonemvasia. V. Heraclea."he had traveled to Alexandria. 115 Balard. who.IV (Munich-Berlin. For 1309. of These merchantswere to pay a commercium two percentin Constantinople.000 hyperpyra. the Monemvasiotsappear as a particularlysignificant category. Frances. 29. 187.presumablyfor spices.note 9). then. In were in 2. occasionally." EO. Genes(supra.Two of these tradersappear in the Genoese notarial documentsfromlate thirteenthcenturyCaffa. "La fdodalit6et les villes byzantines au XIIIe et XIVe siecle. a sea loan or commenda He gave to a Venetianmerchandise contract.and demanded reparations. These people vasia and its environs. even allowingfor the inflation is inevitable in this kind of source. cit. no. MerchantsfromThessalonica and Constansome people fromMistra lost 4. or anythingelse from the commercium. 2383.Makarios. animals.op.
For the date (1341-end of 1344).The latest word on the subject is by P. in Selymbria. note 26). Miklosichand Miiller. If the chrysobullis accepted as basically genuine. The text of the "chrysobull"is given by authenticity Maius.linen.in Heracleia. Agathopolis.A first vation is that the Monemvasiotstraveled widelywithin the ByzantineEmpire.or Agathopolis. they traveled to Constantinople often regularly. It is. and "other Macedonian (=Thracian) cities.Medeia. oil. fir die Monembasiotenin Pegai (1328) und das gefalschte Andronikos'II." JOB. Schreiner.intentional not) an authentic or chrysobull which had been based on the text of theprostagma Andronicus (thereof III fore. 118Papadopoulos-Kerameus. fiirdie MonembaChrysobull sioten im byzantinischen Reich.. skins. 1959). In the early 1340's. 167. d Introduction l'dtude Grdgoire de Palamas (Paris. 156.to be dated after1328 and withinthe reignof this emperor)and whichgave the merchants Monemvasiathe same privileges thoseenjoyedby the Monemof as vasiots of Pegai. for tradingpurposes. "Ein ProstagmaAndronikos' III.that of theprostagma Andronicus but adds that the priviof are grantedto the Monemvasiots Pegai and ofMonemvasia. salted meat. still. his argumenHowever. who are settled leges or in Constantinople in othercities of the Empire. (supra. The "chrysobull"states that the commercium Constantinople and in the Thracian cities is lowered to one in abolishedin the Peloponnese. 203-28.and cattle.speciIt ficallysome taxes which are absent fromthe text of the prostagma. 109-15.Medeia.op. Sozoand polis. considers that the percentand is entirely is a fabrication based on thetextoftheprostagma.op."7They wereactive in the Peloponnese itself.it provides an interesting in obserpictureof the tradingactivitiesof the Monemvasiots this period.the author of the Chronicon of III to a large extent." They sailed in the Black Sea and the Aegean. Accordingto the chrysobull. Rodosto. also mentions the activitiesof the merchantsof Monemvasia in cities like Zagora. to AndronicusII. cf. Gallipoli."s the him an authenticdocument. They were known as an ancient Kxai to II-who had seafaring according Andronicus people-tKxav6TrrXoov SaXaTToupy6v. They traded as in the capital. Schreiner P. Meyendorff. And theyengagedin trade by land.. . cit.thereis a chrysobull have long been disputed.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 207 whose date and For the merchantsof Monemvasiaitself.cloth. the productsthey bought and sold were grain. cf. 27 (1978). 85-88.bringing merchandiseto Constantinople.300 hyperpyra from revenuesof his see. On at one of their trips to Constantinople. They also crossed the Black Sea along the east-westaxis. cit. V. activitieswhich do not appear in the prostagma which Melissenoshad no compelling reason to add. The Monemvasiot merchants made good use ofthe privileges apparently granted to them. some of these merchants broughttheir absenteebishop. 117Miklosichand Miiller. 90. once been famed as fighters sea and who now made theirlivingby trade.The "chrysobull"presentscertain new elements.Isidore. For the reference J. Makarios Melissenos.V. 105-6. especially in the various fairs that were held there. This text reproduces. probable that Melissenoscopied (perhapswithsome changes. chrysobull tation is not conclusive. op. Some of them resided in Constantinople well as in other cities. cit. some were settled there. fortheycarriedcattle or other merchandise from Zagora to Sozopolis.
208 ANGELIKI E. cit.the Monemvasiotsretained their privileges. the situationmust have been unpleasant. cit. 2508 (1439). note 119 Thiriet. 170-75. 342 (1359).. I. In 1430.In 1405. cit. see N.op. 144-46. 180ff.the Monemvasiots) trade with the Venetian possessionsin the peninsula. Internally. For 1405. nos. triedto discourageits own merchants the portsof the Despotate of the Morea. op. primarilybecause of troubles with the Navarrese. Relations between them and the Venetians were not always friendly. even so.at least in the early years of the century. we findthe Greekmerchants the Morea in sellingtheirmerchandise the Venetianportsof Modon and Coron.the Venetians were supposed to allow Greeks to whichwas normally trade in Venetianpossessionswithoutpayingthe commercium merchants. 84 (1362). theissuewas important enoughto be raised for in the negotiations the renewalof the treatiesbetweenVenice and Byzantium of in in 1362. no. Thiriet.they and but it was to be used only for purposes of self-defense. Iorga. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS In the second half of the fourteenth century. II. so in Epirus and Thessaly therewere Greek merchantswho were active both within their own immediate area and outside it. Zakythinos. VIII. 578. internal and.op. 46 (August 1324). 2202 (1430). II. . Their competition cially afterthe Byzantineshad recoveredthe big ports of Clarentza and Patras bought (1428).the Ottoman invasions. The Moreot tradersalso continued to travel to Crete. I. III. I. Later in the century. Economically.I (Paris. 1390. the and the Senate instructed castellansof the two townsto cooperatewithVenemeasuresagainstthe Greekmerchants. Greek continuedto be active in trade. especially the disastrous one of conflicts. Thomas. Zakythinos.Rdgestes. 152-74. the city walls. no. and 237 (1350).V. Cf.note 5). 1899). (supra. 2679 (1445).espeponnesus. 214-16."9 in tian merchants orderto devise further Accordingto existingtreaties.120 was a very difficult half of the fifteenth The first period forthe Despocentury tate of the Morea. note 35).122 especially for the building and upkeep of As in the Peloponnesus. t12 Thiriet.paying no customs or the otherduties throughout Despotate of the Morea. Withintheirown city.no doubt. note 45). Diplomatarium(supra. in a quarrel arose betweenModon and Coron and the Despotate of the Morea. cit. (supra.withinthe Pelomerchants with the Venetiansbecame. Thus. The measure failed and had to be abrogated a few years later. The evidence (supra. finally. 782 (1390). no. I. 122Miklosichand Miiller."'121 assumed that the Byzantine subjects tradingin Crete were primarilyfromthe Peloponnesus.it is to be Given the geographic ments. and 2948 (1453).the Senate imposed a 10 percenttax on silk and cochenille in the Despotate of the Morea in an attempt to bring the Greek merchantsto Modon and Coron and to stop Venetians going to the Despotate. 1376.. Rdgestes.op. probablysmall-scale.. the otherhand.Rdgestes 13). 245-70. 1soCessi and Sambin. the Venetian fromusing on government.the Greekscomplainedthat theypaid excesand sive taxesin theVenetianterritories.II. the EmperorManuel II includedin his peace proposals to Venice a request that Byzantine subjects tradingin Crete "should be treated accordingto existingagreeof limitations the Empire at this time.too. 1446. paid a commercium.intense. 2274 (1432). and perhaps with Crete.the Greeks of the Despotate of seem to have had an active the Morea (amongthem. Notesetextraits des d pour servir l'histoire croisadesau XVe si~cle. at times. exacted fromforeign Still.
Franc6s. and had their propertyconfiscated.And finally. cf.Their place of origin is not easy to determine. cheese." exercised in this case by Thomas and his friends. there was the Church.whose propertywas confiscated. in the documentation for the general term "Greek" is used to denote Greeksfromall areas of the old ByzantineEmpire. The merchantswere released from on the obligationof paying the commercium theircommercial transactions within Janina and in all other cities and fortsof the Byzantine Empire.II.But the ratherprecise data concerning and the absence of any measures that would tap the wealth tary products of merchantsengaged in long-distancetrade might argue that Janina was primarilya centeroflocal exchange.'ApX.op. The "mohe imposed on wine. 125Estopafian..this source distinguishes three groups that suffered under his rule. 23-29.T6 XpOViKi6V 124 12SMiklosichand Miiller. for the date. presumably. The blanket privilegesare probably due to the political necessityof co-opting the inhabitantswho had themselvessurrendered the city.op. El legado de la basilissa Maria y de los dispotas Thomasy Esau"de Joannina.it does not necessarily followthat the merchantsof Janina were economicallymore active or morepowerful than those of Monemvasia. cit. see ibid. and fishmust have hit nopoly" both the producersof these commoditiesand the merchantswho.and were freedfrommost taxes. wheat.125Admittedly.is a practice wherebyno one may sell until the privilegedperson has sold his storeof such commodities:cf. 70. moved against the people of the kastron he (0Toi?ao0oKa-Trpou).lyv. First. 77-84. cit."124 In its hostilitytoward the Despot fifteenth-century Thomas Preljubovich. "Akti specifiedcommodities iz svetogorskih arhiva.. C. they could and withouthindrance trade freely wherever theywanted.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 209 more than signal the exishere is sporadic. op.this kind of local tradingactivitythat is dimlyvisiblein the early "Chronicle of Janina. toriensbyzantinsqui n'ont jamais existS: Comnenoset Proclos. whichseem to have hit the guildsand the merchants.. 91. X.including those Published by S. "Deux his- . fruit... Vranoussis. cit." ibid. r'cOv 'Icoavvivcov KaT'av~KSOTrov 851 di851 1TiTOI.123 While these privilegesare more extensivethan those grantedto Monemvasia a fewyears earlier. Cf.. was the stantinople.The of merchants Janinahave longbeen recognizedas a particularly important group. II (Barcelona. The inhabitantsof Janina were then granteda cerwere guaranteed their traditionalfreedomsand tain degree of self-government.V. 1943). 12 (1962).the economic evidence given by this otherwise alimenvery importantsource is limited. 91 (1939).Second. Among the various exactions he imposed were taxes on the sale of wine and various other duties and taxes. L. to "Monopolion. meat. Bizancio y Espaia. E membersof the aristocracy(Trov yEVEaT&rOV were exiled or forcedto apx6vTrcov) flee. privileges.and it is not possible to do anything tenceofsuch people and describein broad termsthe scope of theiractivities. V. chaps. Greeksfromboth Epirus and the Peloponnesusalso appear in Ragusan sources in the firsthalf of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 166. XXI (theinformation refers the late 1360's and the late 1370's). and idem. And they may also mean that the commercial activitiesof the people of Janinawere primarily geared to Epirus itselfand the Balkan peninsulaand did not extend very oftento Conwhose commercium the one that most interested Emperor. Mo'in. imported them. Estopafian. 57-115. TOJ some of whom were very rich." SpomSAN. XI. indeed. in since AndronicusII foundit necessaryto give them extensiveprivileges 1319. when he recoveredthe city.MEC.even in Constantinople itself. It is. in 'ETir.
nos. 690. 1103. cit. then. 963." Byzantion.They seem to have of been primarilyinvolved in the provisioning Dubrovnik with wheat. a man from Arta sold some wine to two Ragusans. Merchants the "Romania" of in witha largepurchaseof wheat made by the commune are mentioned connection in of Dubrovnik in Thessalonica and Constantinople 1339. A Greek named Stance who traded formedan association with three other people for maritimetrade. 893. 986. 929.'128 man called Ser Michael Tessariti fromConstantinople brovnikin 1417 and engaged a servant.perhapswithGreeceor the Morea. Kreki6. 981. have been a merchant.. 533. (supra. But they seem. half of the fourteenth In the first to centurythereare a few references Greeks in Dubrovnikor had dealings with the city. or Tornikios Yanitzopoulos. 129 Kreki6. traders. The man's name was Turnich. 632. 879. 891.. the conquest by Stephen Dugan. to have been ratherpetty on small quantitiesof merchandise theirboats. no. 251 (1364).op. and 186. linen. he brought Sicilyto Dubrovnik. note 24).in 1436. and other food products. 905. thus. operatedin an economicsystemwhich 126 128 Ibid. and 1219. 873.Epirus and the Peloponnesuspredominate. the Western economic presence did not destroy But thismerchant the Byzantinemerchant.A Greekshiparrived Dubrovnik in 1407. sebastocrator. in Catharo fromThessalonica had various affairs Dubrovnikin 1424-25. forthe most part. 130Ibid. nos. Serres.especiallyin western was probablythe resultof the extremely afterthe civil wars.126 In the fifty years from1350 to 1400. carryingcloth fromVenice.a Theodore sixtyyears. Ostrogorsky.. A Greek from Serresboughtcloth in Dubrovnikand sent money to Venice foran unknown lived in DuA reason. had a ship withwhich Thus. 930. while a Greek fromZadar was involved in the graintrade. numberof Greeksincreasedin the next Some came fromthe core of the ByzantineEmpire. 686. The merchantstraveled from Arta. thereis only one mentionof a Greekinvolved in trade: TheodorosAngelosof Thessaly participatedin the purchase of This inactivity some wheat forDubrovnikfroma certainBlasius.129 son Manuel Zaliotus fromConstantinople. 810. cit. millet. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS under Western occupation. wine.'27 unsettledsituation.to Dubrovnik. they were fromthe capital and the second largestcity of the Empire.35 (1965). On "La prise de Serrespar les Turcs.and theywereinvolvedalong with Genoese in merchants ratherlarge wheat transactions. 870. 1I1 Ibid.he made an exchangecontract grainfrom in to witha Sicilianand undertook sail to Sicilyagain. . On the contrary.no. the invasionsof Epirus.130 do not. 762. the merchants in question were not necessarily provincialones. 114. or fromotherunnamed parts of Greece. But the majorityof the trading ventures of these Greeks spanned rathershorterdistances. of Paschal. and the Albanian Greece.but he may Some of these people conducted long-distancetrade. cheese. 173. We barley.210 ANGELIKI E.a Byzantinemerchantand banker class in the Palaeologan period can hardly be doubted. financetheirtrade.see G. 302-19. His businessis not known. nos. and 729. 888. 895. 190. Here.But where originis specified. 688.. unforhave any details about their capital or about the ways they used to tunately. transferring That thereis. meat.op. 923. 667. 728.
and the end product of theiractivitywas channeled to Pera to be used locally or to be sent to Genoa.But.Thus it was that the Byzantines representatives rarelywere able to gain access to the Westernand Italian markets. RSI." Annali dell' IstitutoItaliano per gli Studi Storici. note 35) I.But the answer to this Byzantine challengewas quick and effective:force. As forthe provincialGreek mercommodities by chant. no.Diplomatarium (supra.but theyinvestedit in a moneyand marketcontrolled the Italians. 467-502. 1970). 132Apart fromHeyd.They in had capital.and the information in all importanttrade centers. of As is well known.131 once in the periodunderdiscussion Only did the Byzantinestry to break out of this constricted situation. note 5). Byzantine and other Eastern Mediterranean commercialprivilegeswere given to the Venetians in 1082 and to the Genoese and Pisans later in the Comnenian period. could carry out his activities.the undoubted economicpredominance the Italian merof chants had a political-legalfoundation upon the privilegesgranted them by rulers.except on the sufferance the Genoese. once again. . note 29). (supra.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 211 was heavily dominatedby Italians. the Venetians complained that they were not allowed to sell cloth and otherthingswholesale or retail in Constantinople and that Venetian fishermen and butchers wereharassedwhentheytriedto sell theirproductsin the usual places: Thomas.He played the role of intermediary the Italfor and he engaged primarily retail trade. 165. II. normallyunnecessary. when theirships sailed to the grainmarketsof the Black Sea and the and its own began to take measures to protect the merchantmen government maritimeinterests. In the Byzantine Empire. and his activitieswere secondary. Borsari. for for the most important the Italians controlled prerequisites this: communications their fleets. op. and the Black Sea was. sometimes ratherlarge sums. But it was after the recapture of ConThe Venetians stantinople in 1261 that these privileges became most extensive. Rdgestes (supra."Per la storiadel commercio venezianocol mondo bizantino nel XII secolo". Constantinople the early fourteenth century as in Thessalonicain the earlyfifteenth. was these retail in it ians.also S. note 13). 111-23. idem. but he."I1 crisobullod'Alessio I per Venezia. 104-26.was now used. The same can be said about in the Greek bankerswhom we see in Constantinople the fifteenth century.This was in the late 1340's. 88 (1976).Their access to the great ports of the Black Sea was also severelylimited. cit. tiativeor of makingimportant The Byzantine merchantcould act withinrelativelynarrowgeographiclimits. they were allowed-perhaps encouragedto invest their money and even to trade in the smallermarketsof the Danube delta.the Greeksplayed a serviceroleto theItalians: theycollectedthe grain. althoughthey did not trade much in Caffaor Tana.Here. too. closed to Byzantinetraders. Significantly. Balard. they invested theirmoney. "Les G6nois" (supra. simply participated in an economicsystemin whichhe did not have the possibility takingthe iniof decisions. activitiesthat Byzantine emperors-or the merchantsthemselves-triedto safein in guard fromItalian competition. 1995. In 1319-20.the money markets throughtheir elaborate banking and through mechanismsthroughtheir system of financialtechniques.132 and Genoese were freedfromthe 10 percent import-exporttax and fromvirtually all 181 Thiriet.2 (Naples. too. cf. he. The greatestdisabilityof the Byzantineswas that they could not participatein the primaryformsof international trade.
et Venetumet in civemnostrum fecimusetfacimus.135 Not only the aristocracybut many other. Despot of the Morea.forthey werepaying Venice thenpromisednot to make any moreGreeksintoVenetiancitizens:Thomas. Chrysostomides. the Emperor John V complained that a certain "Manoli protovestiarius. The ambassadors Nicholas Notaras (1377) and Demetrius in Constantinopoli. depositedhis moneywiththe Venetiansin Modon and Coron: see lorga. 260ff. note 19).212 ANGELIKI E. and 438 (1369). 486-87.These must have been traders. (supra. see Laiou."although a Greek born in to and pretended be a Venetianquandotraficat Constantinople livingin Mesembria.who preferred and tavernkeepersin Constantinople. 21-22 (1437).136 with The question of Byzantinestate policymust also be studied in connection the economic developmentsdiscussed here. 4 and 6.II. For Andronicus II. Chrysostomides. 125-26. I.134In 1373. haberi ubilibet of a Venetian even outside Venice itself. of the power and importanceof these privilegesthat many Byzantines tried to in may citizenship orderto benefitfromthem. (1390). of For example. In 1362.308-11." EO. Georgios Eudaimonoiannis. DiplomatariumI. I. the Byzantine 135 agreed to treat them no longeras Greeks. Manuel II Palaeologus.but the complaints do not seem to have had much effect.note 121). and their own courts. . cit.presumably. no. which meant that they could judge commercialcases accordingto theirown laws and not acoften insensitive economic to needs. theirItalian parent. 133 184 (supra.. 164. Italian protectionwas soughtforgoods as well as persons. note 13). the Byzantine government released complained to Venice that Greek subjects had become Venetian citizens and were consequently fromtheirfiscalobligationsto the Byzantinetreasury. 80 (1320).citoyende Venise. II. 37 (1938). R.no. 237. nameless people sought Venetian the citizenshipof or Genoese citizenship. Thomas. 186Thiriet. the grand Alexius. to Venice and requestedthat he and his sons and heirsbe made Venetian wrote citizens and be accepted among the Venetian nobles in the name of the friendship which he professedtoward Venice. no.et pro Venetoet cive nostro Venetijiset extra The et extrameant that Alexius had the privivolumuset tractari. who had already been grantedby John V extensiveterriprimmikerios to and Anaktoropolis governin hereditary toriesin Thasos. (supra. no. a decree of Andrea Contarinograntedthis request and gave Alexius all the privilegesof a Venetian citizen: in Venetumet civemnostrum recepimusatque recipimus. 82ff. Thomas. Diplomaa commercium. megas stratopedarches Theodore II. Diplomatarium. 452. John V-complained bitterlyabout the acquiescence or indeed encouragement to given by Venetian and Genoese officials such practices. III (Paris.. cit. 1969).Some were gasmouloi. nos. Loenertz. Rdgestes op.133 Cydones (1391) sought and received Venetian citizenship. 1902). p. 135 Thomas. of residence. government op. 49. at Venice's request.There were fishermen. J.their weights and measures. It is an importantquestion. joyed by the Italian merchant. Constantinople (supra.-J.including. and documentsnos. In January 1374. Byzantine leges territories. This clause does not appear in subsequent treaties. 1391-1425 (New Brunswick. This phenomenon acquire foreign be observed among membersof the upper class. Barker. fashion. 98. cit. 342 (1359). no. Diplomatarium. "D6m6triusCydones.. II. 12 (1369-70). 276-89. 49.but as Venetians: ibid.There are also statementsconcerning the reverse process. Christopolis. no. John VI. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS theirplaces otherduties. op. It is a measure to cording thelocal legal system. W. for alII. In 1362. They receivedthe rightto have theirown government. by which Venetians had been "made Greeks". used this expedientin order to avoid paying the Byzantine many traderswho entaxes and duties and presumablyalso to benefitfromall the otherprivileges Various emperors-AndronicusII. tarium. note 25). II.
Some of these privileges the Byzantinestate laterhad to extendto particular classes. 41-42. but it was inherent the privileges in granted. it was stated that Venice could not export rose Byzantinewheatwhenits priceat Constantinople beyond50 hyperpyra cenper tenarium." Bulletinde la FacultddesLettres Strasbourg.This was not. (1970). These privileges were requestedfor a varietyof economicand political reasons and were granted for political expediencies. export.op. no. not only the export of wheat. and Chrysostomides. to in The series of agreementsmade between Byzantine emperorsand the Italian cities in the thirteenth the early fifteenth to centuriescontainedsome measures which may be termed traditionalist and which aimed at protectingthe urban the retail trader. cit. note 11). And despite its virtual abdication of authority. but even tradingin it was forbidden Westerners.cf.The emperors consumer. 235-41.. cit. in a precapitalist still in whichpoliticalmeasures economy. throughout constituteda clear effort protect the Byzantine consumer at times of to they great scarcity. Diplomatarium.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 213 this period. in the economic process and permittedthe functioning institutions of necessary to a commercial commercial courts.. . they would raise its pricefurther reducethe amountof wheat available to the Byzantines. (supra.. Minne.the firstone portant the sale and exportof wheat grownwithinthe ByzantineEmpire.if the Italians were allowed to buy and exportwheat. nervertheless.'37It is sufficient place them in perto The Byzantinestate had allowed the Italians to trade freely spective. (supra.g. xs3 Thomas. it reduced or abolished the duties and taxes attendant upon commercialactivity."A propos op.In themselvesthey did not create the kind of international market I have described.That was created by other factorsconnected with the economic and social developmentof Western Europe and even with conditionsin the Far East. de 48 x18Chrysostomides. to there was no provision for the possibilityof obtaining imperial Furthermore. in the treatyof 1310.this was changed to 100 hyperpyra 1277 and remainedat that level in the Palaeologan period. cit. passim. At the time these regulationswere enacted. cit.'39A similar permission 1837 Along with Heyd. of course. though the power of the state diminishedprogressively throughout we are.e. scious aim. But the effect the privilegeswas to removesome of of the obstacles to the functioning such a marketand therefore help in its of to the Byzantinestate eliminated some extentpoliticalfactors to Thus.and to a smallerextent the producer. note 5).There is no reason to discuss in detail the provisionsof the various agreements which the Palaeologan emperors made with the Italian merchantcities.see D. Pegolotti. In concerning the Venetian-Byzantine treatyof 1260. 46. des privilegesv6nitiens sous les Paleologues. op. per thus.and price of wheat. tried particularly regulatethe sale. played an importantrole in economicrelations. op. development. to export wheat when its price rose to this high level.a coneconomy.or individuals fromamong its own subjects. it gave the Italians places of residenceand the right to have their own weightsand measures and their own courts. 268ff. throughout the Byzantine Empire. it was stated that Venetians could not even buy and sell grainif its pricerose above 100 hyperpyra centenarium. it did not entirely abandon its traditional effort interfere economicmatters.138The regulationstook two forms..groups. I. the most imto item of consumption. and This is why.
Diplomatarium. 28 (1898). L. no. for.AndronicusII insistedthat such grain should not be consideredin the same manner as other merchandise whose exchangewas freeof duties. The effort [forgrain]. 133-49 and 339-53. in 1320. 98. the policy was more than a mere fiscal exercise. cf.. op.214 ANGELIKI E. however. as well as various aristocratswere guilty of contraveningthe treatiesand sellingwheat at what must have been true famineprices. and Miklosich and Miiller. Laiou. I. the revenuesof the failed too. 77. (supra. of legumesfromThessalonica: Thomas.as can be seen from However. no. The same policy is subsumed in a decree forbidding export I. Thomas.op. 141. 140 withGenoa was less precise. withthe sale withinthe Byzantine was concerned The second kind of regulation Black Sea grain. whereasin the Venetian-Byzantine Sea grainwas not an issue. Diplomatarium. see 57-65. .the Venetians and the Genoese came to dominate the grain trade of the area. cit. '4' Chrysostomides." Attidella the SocietdLiguredi Storia Patria. Venice should not sell Black Sea grain in the Byzantine Empire. Black Sea grain could be sold in the corn marketof Constantinople. Urhunden dlteren mit auf der und Staatsgeschichte RepublikVenedig besonderen Beziehungen Byzanz und die Levante. It is also relein price formation that both Venetiansand Genoese did buy and try to export Byvant. I. I. the Venetian bailo at Constantinople were allowed to sell Black Sea grainonly afterpaying a tax (6 carats per modium) and that this so raised the pricethat "people go to othersratherthan to Venetians here clearlywas to help the Byzantinegrain producer.'4 Imperial officials. perhaps people fromthe imperial domain. Constantinople. 80 (1320). 80. the fact that at about the same time (1317) the same emperorhad forbidden Furtherthe Genoese to sell wheat fromthe Bulgarian coast to Constantinople. 1319. Constantinople.but only outside the official 145Ibid. 165.AndronicusII acwhen political circumstances cepted the Venetian position.it was simplystated that Black Sea grain could In be transported freelythroughByzantine territories.in the treatiesof 1324-25 fiscwould also be increased. Handelszur 142 For the treatisesof 1277 and 1285. p. no. see G. Constantinople.142The Venetians produced long and elaborate argumentsabout how this contravenedthe treaties. 273ff.This effort dictated a conciliatory attitude.III (Vienna. 84-96.. p. we findthe Byzanto tines trying regulatethe trade in Black Sea grain. 64-73. Tafel and G. cit.43 Venetians complainedthat more. by 1317 it was. 503.314-15. Diplomatarium.statingsimplythat exportof wheat would agreement be allowed only after imperial permission. 201. and to some extent-although not constantlyor completely-the of provisioning Constantinople. III. and the subject is usually treated as merelymeaning to that the Byzantine emperorwas trying increasehis revenuesby this measure. except with imperial license and after paying the commercium. note 44). LAIOU-THOMADAKIS G. p. Laiou. no. 262-63. For 1319. fromthen on."Nuova serie di documentisulle relazioni di Genova coll'impero bizantino.although of grainproducedoutsideit. I take that to mean that by 1317 imports of wheat fromthe Black Sea area into the Byzantine Empire had become common. 1857). As a result. 166.since the sale of grain by Byzantineswas taxed.It is characteristic the creationof a single treatiesof 1277 and 1285 Black marketthat. M.In the earliertreaties. Thomas. 143 144Thomas.140That this is political interference of and in the functioning the marketis clear. zantine wheat at prices above the ceiling. Laiou. This was primarily Empire of that of Asia Minorwas also involved."''144 although. p. Bertolotto.'45 Byzantine Empire.
His rationalewas that the Empire was already verypoor. and Chrysostomides.'46 a It seems.Thus. 89 (1370). importand sell in Constantinoplenonlocal wines for a period of three to five years. I.. and. controleconomicactivities outside this sphere. 149Ibid. et aliud vinum grossum. He did not. presumably.'47 During the reign of AndronicusII. It was thus primarily fiscalmatter. nos.148 Afterhis death.The relthe atively low prices at which Venice was able to buy grain duringAndronicus' reignmay indicate a certainabundance of home-grown crops. cit. and the last one to be held responsibleby Venice and Genoa forinfractions the treatiesby imperialofficials removed of far fromConstantinople. x' Chrysostomides. Afterhis death.quod vinum op. no.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 215 About forty Black Sea years later. 148 Thomas. fromVenetians and to restrict Venetian sales to a single part of Constantinople. 49 (1362). so presumably that he could decrease the fraudin termsof his revenues. this trend began with Andronicushimself.that until the 1320's the Byzantinegovernment made concerted on the one hand. but everywhere they were allowed to tradewithoutpaying any duty. Diplomatarium. these attemptswere sharplyreduced in numberand to importance.then. II.Thus. to keep the price of grain relativelylow by forbidding efforts. the Byzantine state was able for the last time to attempt to functionas a regulatorof importanteconomic activitiesin the area.315 note 104a and 326. op.no. JohnV in of asked the Venetians to trade their wheat in only one place in Constantinople.no. 11 (1369). made it impossibleforthe Byzantineemperors to assume responsibility theirsubjects' commercialtransactions for outside Conor to try to legislate any economic regulationsoutside the capital. cit.the wine industry would be ruined: vinum de Cotrono. and the interests the fisc. . quod in defertur illuc..with the exception of John VI's effort support Byzantine trade and increase port revenues. he extractedfromthe Monemvasiotmerchantsa two-percent valoremduty on transactions Conad in else stantinopleand in the cities of Thrace.'49He also tried to persuade the Venetians not to market. since Greek wines would not compete in price with the Venetian imports.coupled with the decreased controlof imperialterriEmpire in territorial toriesby the centralgovernment. op. to protectthe Byzantine wheat producerby forbidding importof cheap Black Sea grain. 125ff. Afterthe 1320's.. stantinople Indeed. corn except in the official and paying no duty. II. 1 (1341). Chrysostomides. the decadent Byzantine state could no longer even pretend to regulateeconomiclife. to foreigners buy Byzantinewheat and. mortificat tantumvinum quod nasciturin imperio.de Turpia...But the Venetians insisted on selling their grain everywhere. the rapid disintegration the Byzantine of terms. 53 (1363). JohnV also triedto raise an issue concerning it was limitedto a proposal to levy a purchasetax on Greeksbuyinggrain grain.possiblystimulated by his measures. on the otherhand. cit. 146 Ibid. Its meager legislationtried to protectthe interestsof wine and grainmerchants the capital.It may further observed that AndronicusII was be the last emperor who triedto protectfromthe Italians the activitiesof Byzantine merchantsthroughout the Empire.
ex quo.000 gold coins: Chalcocondyles. 357ff. rum Grecorum. no. The Byzantinesparin the economyof exchange. II. Schreiin ner." [The pronounsare reversed. desertedit.. 13. In 1361. Miklosich and Milller. I. Having abdicated most of its rightto regulateeconomic life. cit. Jahrhunderts Konstantinopel(14321434). describesthe end of a process: the Byzantineeconomy This sad littlestatement in market of the Eastern Mediterranean the had firstenteredthe international thirteenth centurywhen this marketwas being developed. pp. 6 and 7. ThesfromConstantinople.150 salonica. 19: "comerchia que proptermales conditioneset guerrasad nichilussunt op.. and othersubjects as if it were Venetian and thus defraudour fisc" (1418). By this time.nos..Thomas.no. but they did ticipated not controlit. 151 op. 152Chrysostomides. vestroet reductain totumdestruuntur nichilvalent maxime quia nostriVeneti et subditi Judeimercationes exinde datia et comerclum Venetorum Turchorumet subditorum.12 (1970). 57-62. note 5).since this is a Venetianreplyto Manuel.in brevissimo spatio temporis tantumad vinumde ad nihilumest deductum.op.Turks. expediuntpro mercimoniis (almost et fraudantur cetera.152 merchandise.Dilibdrations(supra. the Venetians because the sale of reduced the numberof taverns they had in Constantinople.And the Byzantine economy were of the Palaeologan period. of course. were a very limitedaffair. John V unilaterally and this so angered the Veneforbadethe importof wine into Constantinople.III.]The hostilitiesin 1432 betweenthe Genoese of Pera and JohnVIII. Chrysostomides. op. as the words of which had declined to Manuel II indicate: "Our revenuesfromthe commercium. Chrysostomides.the Byzantine state lost controland revenues.JohnV triedto forbidthe sale by Venetiansof all up in merchandisein retail in Constantinople 1359. cit. op.Some made moneyout of it. cit. s150 . are totally destroyedand because the Venetiansand the VenetianJewsexport are worthnothing. wine there much decreased the imperial revenues.even when the activitiesof Byzantinemerchants op.nos. II. theireconomicactivitieswere secondaryand tied to the dominant Italian merchant capital. cit. in fact. caused in and the Emperor seems to have of part by a dispute over the commercium Pera. been pacifiedby a giftof 1. Thomas. This is not particularly interesting. "Venezianer und Genuesen wahrendder erstenHilfte des 15. and full text. II. cit.When the Venetians did not agree. 14. Thiriet. cit. duty-free and wine made Greek tavernsuncompetitive agreeingthat the sale of duty-free reducedimperialrevenues. and P. except insofaras it illumibound nates Byzantine policy with regard to retail traders-a policy intimately with the rightsof the fisc.216 ANGELIKI E. cf. allowed to keep. almost nothingbecause of bad conditionsand wars.op. and the numberof taverns the Venetians were sale of wines in Constantinople. 84 (1362). 136-38. 141 (1344). cit. no. 146 (1406) and 137 (1390).decided to tax its own wine. no.. tians that they consideredremovingtheirmerchants The argumentthen turnedon the retail and the rest of the Empire. 698 (1363). This was. the Byin zantine state was in no positionto offer anything economictermseitherto the Italians or to its own merchantswho had. primarily of the merchandise our Greeks. and Miklosichand Muiller. 323-24. Venice..'51 The last economic measures taken by a Byzantine emperor(Manuel II) had to do with wine sales by Venetiansand had no significance except that of a desto perate effort produce some revenuesfor the Emperor. cit. On the otherhand.I. referring verbatim)to his arguments. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS ipsum non potesttolerareexpensas laborerijvinearum. nisi per dominade tionemvestram gratia subveniatur dicto imperio. hardly a realisticdemand and was not in fact accepted.note 111). op. cf." Studi Veneziani. 53 (1364).. Greciet omnesalij concurrunt quia quo est melius forum..III.(supra.
b. 180ff. interesting rarely-offering insights in themselves not addingmuchto the arguments but developedabove. Balard. 1977). "Nuova seriedi documenti sulle relazionidi Genovacoll'impero Atti bizantino. p. 1520. Bresciano).Here. or In his meticulous researchin the GenoeseState Archives. Notai di Candia. 511-45. a of the notaryAntoniodi Ponz6.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 217 most numerous. des fasc.The latteraresailors. (1979).2 century.. research other Association."Sikdost. 38 Forschungen. is verysignificant.was a no-exit economy: for its structure was one which led to stagnation.and fol. Acta.Some new data. Urkunden. additional information whichhas been recently collected studieddoes make a difference. of through of Also.One man who saw this clearlywas CardinalBessarion.S.I should liketo thankProfessors Mussoand Geo Pistarino wellas the as Director the Genoese of Dr. geographic the of theirorigins enlarged:thereare Greeksnot onlyfrom is sphere Conbut also from Aenosand Simisso. the presence of Greeks.573. 1493. 107 (1332). a fact of significance. by But he was writing 1444 (or 1446). Tafel-Thomas. Balard and thoseofGianGiacomo Musso. whoare seento engagein a contract stantinople ofexchange betweenChiliaand Simisso. whichcomplements alreadypublished the register. 102-103 (1324).I haveprepared edition and commentary theConstantinopolitan ofthis an of on acts notary. uncovering information new into the phenomena discussedin the article. III. and it was much too late: Byzantiumhad in functionedfor so long as a hinterlandto the Italian-dominatedmarketsthat therewas no class to carryout such policies. de 3 M. 3r. gave advice for the recoveryof the economyand the he state: he advocated economicprotectionism.4 the of Secondly.44r-v della Societc4 Ligure di Storia Patria. Ch.theimportance themerchants Monemvasia couldand shouldhavebeenfurther elaborated of communities uponinthearticle. he advised the import of manufacturing techniques fromthe West and the exploitationof native resources the Greeksthemselves.and Constantinople. by With regardto the secondhalfof the fourteenth and the verybeginning the fifteenth. both from ByzantineEmpireand from littoral the Black Sea. help to elucidatethe relations betweenVenetiansand Byzantinesin the first halfof the fourteenth it century: is now possibleto discoverand identify more individualswho were in some way involvedwith the Venetians. well as myownwork. the the of thisregister someoftheir activities whichwerenot so clearly shownin thepublished highlights source. For one thing. active in trade at least in the fourteenth in all should have been discussedat greaterlength. 28 (1897). IV.either tradeor through financial transactions.V..V. two main sourcesallowedus to discover existence the and drawa collective of portrait the Byzantine merchantclass: Genoese notarial sources. or-much more further. 18.and theexistence three of Monemvasiots.and Byzantinepatriarchaldocuments. Foundation. with controlsof the exportof neand metallurgical cessities.G.5v(1350). Pegai. vast majority the Greeks who appearin this 1 Miklosich-Miiller.Mytripsto Genoawere and madepossible a generous of by to grant theGuggenheim I express gratitude. Notai Ignoti. 2 See G. A.nos. (Ghent."Notessurles portsdu Bas-Danubeau XIVe siecle. ." in archives beengreatly has My ownresearch theGenoese of helpedby therecent publications M. b.3Here. the of as has progressed new scholars. Bertolotto. Les regestes 1208 & 1309.L'esclavage dans l'Europe II mddidvale. 43v-44r. AldoAgosto.1-12. Verlinden. thatinstitution my ' A. Balard discovered new register M. Laurent. Harvard University and DumbartonOaks ADDENDUM Sincethe articleabove appearedin its first form a paperpresented theNew EnglandMedieval to (as in October1977). Thrace. and even since it was acceptedforpublication. of century. their kindness advice. would not However.the generalargument have been affected thesechanges.even if the Ottomanshad not been at the gates of Constantinople. 11 (notary Antonio fol. Regestes actesdu Patriarcatde Constantinople.S. for Archives. fols.livingin Rome. III.
Pistarino. a description theseships. and Genova (Rome.it is notinfrequent find between was one ofcooperation by TheodoreEugenikos(Vighide of the co-owners a lignum orlo. thought State and itseconomy.some information the is of that 36 percent the grainwhoseprovenence knowncomesfrom "Romania.see A.as mightbe expected.used theirGenoese The boat to a Genoeseman. 6 (1390). fols.NotaiIgnoti.shows and wherewas thisgrainofRomaniaproduced. According of imports graininto M.12v-13r.c. givenby duorum soldorum "Introitus pro or in Romania. 4 (1384). 195-98.at least some Greeks is by coexistence) suggested live here.again. 48.S. a Genoese. grain to Constantinople:ibid. 18.218 ANGELIKI E.12r-13r.and theshipsare lignade orlo.an but theiractivities by sailors. of a We b. 67v(28 February A.10 However.31r-v..Caffa Romanie of For ibid. fol. 161.9 the the thisregister The added information concerning positionof supports argument gainedfrom Black Sea tradein the 1360s:theywereveryactive. cf.sc. 18.fols. 3r.fols. to madeby theowners transport in is consent sought an agreement their de lignum orloseemto be Greek.G. La 5 For example.S. in Genoain 1384originated Caffa and of the between grain Caffa sala 37. captainsofships...no.13 the above concerns exportofByzantine madein myarticle argument Perhapsthemostcontroversial that these exportsessentially I had originally stopped afterthe wheat in WesternEurope. of made here. in continued the late fourteenth century.G. Balard (Romanie 760).1975). 144.San Giorgio.12 samepoint(ofGreek-Geneose sale a fictitious oftheir to contacts engineer who are settledand thefactthatthereare. fearful hostileTurks and of Dobrotica..In one case. pamfila.the Genoese archivessuggestthat exportsof wheat fromlands eitherstill Byzantineor and and even into the fifteenth. part-owners. This grainis somethat sometimes by Turkishgrainor from from de grainwhich timesdescribedas granum Romania and is distinguished the the came from areas bordering northern and whichtherefore in Caffa.Notai. arisehere:first.S. fol.see M. pp.pp.. 28r. 18. A. the measureused is the Coninhabitant Theodoreof Caffa.42r-v.It is that the economicactivities the Greeksand the be usefully additionalpointmay interests wereopposed.also that of Romania. the entirecrew and most of the de of suburb Pera(Balard. hereseen to buy withFrangopoulos in transactions alreadyfoundengaging financial of Pera. 30r-v.G.6 is The also to Constantinople.. G. 26 (1384)..the actual situation theirlong-term Genoesewereso enmeshedthat. 12v-13r. 47.G.not the Perote one. Navigazione e commercio genovesecon il Levante nei documenti 7 Ibid.G.Notai Ignoti. of officers a 30r-v. gdnoise.150ff. Indeed. b. a from certain that the grainwas to be transported modius.G.and when theircargo is mentioned. no. fols.A. example.12r-v. II.." In one extraordinary case. cf.S.Cf. 8 For ibid.G.14 questions 30 percent from it? from The first who werethe people involvedin its exportand profiting questionmay be secondly.Cf.5MostoftheGreekshipssail to Pera. 28r.S.Thus.although boats co-owned a Greekand to them. Balard. and Pera willnot the by partlyanswered examining portsin whichgrainwas loaded forexport.Navigazione. cf.in Chilia.Romanie 271).fols. 9r.doc.43v-44r. nos.no. fols.. b. thisJanulli Spiga probably Spigabeing Greek-inhabited a Greek.about 70% of theknown to information gdnoise. partofthe Black was loaded of relativeto theimports grainto Genoa in December1388-November Sea. 155. b.S. Spigawhois thepatronus a boat..7 captainsor ownersof the to usuallytransported Pera. di dell'Archivio Stato di 14 G." ("Gabellagrani").8One of thesepatroni boats. Musso. but occasionally The mostcommon shipsalso engagein businesson theirown account. whichsums loaned in sommiof silverare here are exchangecontracts documented transactions by of of Mamali. 13A." and 1389. a gdnoise.especially-thoughnot only-as in theGreeks the and weredetermined circumscribed thoseof the Genoese. Two Caffa. probablymeaning stantinopolitan to Constantinople. Notai Ignoti. 10See supra. 6 A.Musso.Antico . Byzantineuntilrecently the grainwas transported Byzantinesor on Byzantineships." passim. Balard. fols. 9 Ibid. "Notes. 12v-13r.not an unusualsituation. in thisarea. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS or mediumor sourceare owners. his Table A and B.. 3021. 1404). Notai Ignoti. 18. r. 60 modiiof grain. 35v-37v. or to Constancommon sized boats whichwerefairly It it tinople.For a cleardistinction minagrani. also find manfrom x11 is 12A. Archivio Segreto.S.whomwe have payablein gold hyperpyra Pera. Cf.. 56 (1392). Constancius is and Vassilikos. 558-59. of nico) and Jacopo Sparano of Gaeta. oftheByzantine secondcivilwarand theconsequent of conclusion the disruption However. Comune. is almost always grain.
1969).8s that 270 modiiof grainwereto be loaded thereon a document dated November 1408.1386.ibid. 24. 36-58. Notary Donato di Chiavari.362v (grainsent to Caffa). 21 Musso." to be delivered Panidos. 362v. 24 Balard. 2r. La rdgion des Rhodopesaux XIIIe et XIVe siUcles. portsofladingwereConstantinople. in southwestern where the Genoese loaded Romania grain. I owe it to the kindnessof Doctor Ausilia Roccatagliata.414v.. fols.G.19 Even in 1444 we finda Greekof Constantinople selling50 modii"granorum ship de Panito.exportsresumed by had to be consigned "in loco de lo Porro seu in partibus Pannidi vel alibi in locis Grecie ad loca solita a navigia honerarividelicet bucha Avis circa seu in Turchia." The Livadarioi werea well-known aristocraticfamilyof the Palaeologan period.24r. His name suggeststhat he belongedto the originally Monemvasiot familyof Demonoiannior Eudaimonoioannes." 1384. 22 A. doc."Gabella Table 2. "Du commerceg6noisdans les terres bulgares durantle XIVe siecle.althoughthe Monemvasiot originmay have been just a memory this time. "Gabella grani. 1391-1425. CaffeMassaria.. Sea ofMarmara seemsto be inescapablethat we are dealingwiththe production Thrace..31v. op. Constantinople of the Thrace.Jane de Draperiiswas an important man of in affairs the late fourteenth The family de Draperiis. Manuel II Palaeologus. nos.S. doc.S.. 17.and was the daughter Jane's mother of a Calojane Livadari.. Balbi. misreads the name of Palaeologina's fatheras "Linodari. Whilethis exportwas interrupted the by blockade and the lengthy siege of Constantinople the Ottomans(1394-1402).Some of its grainthencame from inconsiderable was loaded in Constantinople Pera. and both of had economicconnections withthe Emperor 1389 and later. was called Jhera(Kyra) Paleologina.320 and 342."or "Lo Gollo. ship of the although itself who in thiscase functioned a grainexporter. was involvedin the graintrade and in most otherimportant affairs the colonyof Pera. and p.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 219 The other sincetheywereGenoesecolonies.p. Navigazione..who by Palaeologus in now and until1399 werein the pleasantsituationof havingthe major Thraciangrainmarkets the as even later.no.. 3r.was forced 1386. Navigazione. Gjuzelev.15 and "Lo Porro.The conclusion proper.mentions 29. fol.S.360v.S.fora Porou and Panidos seem to have functioned grainmarkets hands of theirallies. On de Monojane. 1390 bis.17 apparently Porou. 3r-v LeMesembreia: A. CatherineAsdracha. Musso.whichwas exported of from of a number ports." 1384. 21. 35ff. de Ferrariis.because of a Tatar a in otherBlack Sea ports. 18Musso. he was the patronus the ship whichcarriedthe wheat to Caffa.G. 6.6tudede gdographie historique (Paris. 5. 411. Romanie gdnoise.23 as belongedto the ByzantineEmperor. he may have been JohnV. 20 19A. 23 Ibid. Selymbria.G.G. 10. The emperoris not named.to importits supplies.NotaioG. Some of the Romaniagrainimported into Genoa was also carried shipsownedeither Greeks by by or by Genoesewho werecloselyassociatedwithGreeks." BulgarianHistoricalReview(1979). 110v. Barker.Navigazione.rich (havinghad a dowryof 2500 hyperpyra).G. Cf.are located along the western in and western littoral theBlack Sea.This latterpersonage a rather or is intriguing one. Peire Massaria. no. who allowed me to see the manuscriptof her editionof various 15th-century Genoese notaries of the Levant. 149 (1404).most of themstillin Byzantinehands.S. A.For a documentof 1390 says that 2. p. was conin century. bound forGenoa. 17 later. 18v. See A. It was brought Caffaon the cocha and to quantity of JohanesTodischi22 in the navis ofJane de Monojane. A Study in Late ByzantineStatesmanship (New Brunswick.normally greatexportcenterforgrain. cf. by Moreimportant. 1976). Since the grainwas loaded in Constantinopleor Pera.. 162r. ibid.then. of the richest Pera. she was Greek. of which show that thiscity.000 modiiof grain to IV formed part of the apanage granted Andronicus and his son JohnVII by the EmperorJohnV in 1381.21 15s Musso. fol. Mesembreia. perhaps and connected theimperial to as Her husbandLuchino. family. cit." It will be noted that Selymbria and Panidos On the second questionsome lightmay be shed by the records the "Massaria" of Caffa. cf. 81.le with Panidos as a port was used interchangeably It Thrace. among nectedto the Byzantines.20 The portsin question. also V..But a not blockade.24 in grani. 5r.S. or JohnVII.G. J. fols.112r-v. 1389. 1386. be takenintoaccount. no. 49. This information comes fromthe Genoese notary B. 43.as wellas herson Jane. 360r. 1391. A. Caffe Massaria. thenamesuggests." "Lo Porro"or "Lo Gollo" mustbe the portof Panidos. The grantand the successionagreement wereguaranteed the Genoese. . fol.. 159 and table C (1404).
vendor. 26v.G.60v.153v."Documents from before he on hisgriparia: had beento Thessalonica sailing de d'Orient tir6sdes registres notairesde Cr6te.5mineofimperial grain. 54r. commercial other As M."OCP.and Antico Comune.31 758. rationaliumr. 881. Romaniegdnoise. Byzantine century..close associate of Manuel II. also A. clients.that is.In 1390.including in to it have been minimal. 1391. 628v-629r. wereinvolvedin tradewiththe Genoesein must in At trade in grain. Thus. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS amountof grain. in fact. theirown production. 31 Peire Massaria. concernants Ainos:N. Notai grani.amongthema in 1384 and again in 1389. 100.Secondly.38v.Kerasous. 1.360v. Barker ("John VII in Genoa: Ignoti C(1389-91).220 ANGELIKI E. for Emperor grain." 1384. 60v-70r. 236-237) in fact formsthe sequence to this norBarker's second documentmay be used as indications the documentsmentionedabove.Furthermore.26 was involvedin tradeand probably Two conclusions emergefromthe above.G. Agosto. 171v.nothing thinkit is ever explicitly at to precludethe hypothesis-nomorethan an hypothesis this point-that Cabasilas was actingas of therepresentative Genoa's ally. Oneglia Lanfranco. agentshad important imperial Thus a certainLeondarios. no.contrary Barker's 28 A. One is that Thrace seems to have exportedgrainin the the one late fourteenth aristocracy something wouldnot have expected.25 in activities Pera also.186v. 2 Cf. 1390 bis. 28 .29 sailed as crewon Greek Simisso. in werepartners its sale. bribedtwo Genoeseofficials. wheretheymade up a considerable proportion the the sailorsfrom Levant. 1402." RHSEE.S. 4r. fruit the Greekpopulation: betweenthe rulingGenoeseand There are otherswho serveas intermediaries who drewup Greek of suburbs Pera. supra. apparently He was actingas agentforthe Emperor because in the agreeto Genoa 5421. commercialized ByzantineEmperors of the For the late fourteenth century registers the "Massaria" of Pera and Caffaprovidea great of about the Greekpopulation thosecoloniesas well as of the townsof the Black deal of information of artisans variouskinds:caulkers. whether imperial at cannotbe answered thispoint.S. of or Genoeseships.s. 364v. Barkerthinks to the and in orderto present Emperor'scomplaints the Genoese. is interesting findthe Byzantine upperclass participating its export. 61r-v. In 1384 the grainwas loaded in Aristo. no.and Balard. baker.Cf. 58v. the he mentmade in Pera withthe podestd. 625r. sailors.72r. 19r. Sinopi.109v. shipbuilders.who may be DemetriusLascaris Leontaris. neither assertion.The the from the finalquestion:whether grainthussold came primarily estates. 626r. fols. pp. 8r. 1390. A Genoese sea captain planned to load in Caffa300-400 modii of grain "domini (A. Peire Massaria. 21A. 183-84. 41v. 1389.there no doubtfrom documentation activity.. 112v. 509-17.41v. Musso.both to Finally. n. to ofJohn VII's voyageto Italy. 34v. 1. Romaniegdnoise. Notary Donato di Chiavari. fols.f.cf. mastermillers.S. 1390. 1390 bis.Amongthe Greeks Pera we find. grain Emperor involved a fairly Byzantine 758.In 1403. Navigazione. and the sourceshe mentions. 627v. "Due lettereinedite sugli eventi del Cembalo e di Sorcati in Crimea nel 1434.a fisherman. I businesswas the graintrade.. Romanie gdnoise. 623r. les Grecs et les affaires ." Atti della SocietdLigure di Storia Patria.a man called ManuelCabasilas transported Genoa a considerable and severalsailors. and Luchinode Draperiisrepresented Emperor. Romaniegdnoise. Thereis. 1390..S.thegraindealingswouldthenhave used here-whichwas the is been a subsidiary However. still in Genoa. "Gabella grani. whether and the Emperorhimself.30r. 1390. 83r.ManuelCabasilas was transporting certainSofianos. a fewnotaries for theseare thetax-collectors the Greek-inhabited Greeksmannedthe ships whichsailed in the Black Sea: GreeksfromConacts.One ofthe tax collectors 402.G. Not. Balard. Iorga. 188-93. preters. On Greeknotariesand interis Andrea Vasilico: Peire Massaria." 1384. A.90r. The first A Problem in Late Byzantine Source Confusion. 1386.J. as withtheGenoese important in substantial was trade.a butcher.69v. CaffeMassaria.. Manuel Cabasilas receivedin the name of the Emperor34 Genoeselibreowed to the of this thatCabasilasundertook tripas therepresentative JohnV. JohnV or JohnVII. 14 (1937).G.do not not availableto Barker-that Cabasilas'primary in stated that the Emperor questionwas JohnV. 17 (1978). It is thus clear that the ImperatorisConstantinopolitani" in of Manuel areaswerealso active. 624r. and interpreters. Magistrorum documentpublishedby J.27 a time when the grainstockpiled Constantinople this period.Cf. in particular"Gabella 25On Cabasilas.Balard. 112V.Trebizond. Peire Sindicamenta.G.28 a a masterbuilders.JohnVII.2r. 1410.. 30 A. act of October 14. as of Sea coasts.and Todoro30 stantinople. But in 1389. 90. Some even reachedGenoa. maybe expected. 59v. 48r. Balard has remarked. 29One of the Greeknotariesis Jane de Vrana: Peire Massaria.37v. other from sailors Calogeniti Ainosarrived Crete Byzantine 10r.S.reg. Thessaloniki. 23. see Balard. fols. 148).
as was his father.31v." 229-30. 199-200.36 the the shed a newand interesting on are thefamily knownfrom Greeksources. cf.9v. 38 A.was. Genoesearchives light and Ioannes certainly werecloselyconnected withthe Genoese.42 ofthemhad almostdailycontacts All withvariousmembers the of is The nameSofiano also interesting thesamereason:PeireMassaria.S.134. 758. Balard seemsto have done a good deal ofbusinesswiththe Genoeseof Pera. to when the Greekand Italian sourcesare seen together. and were members of the Senatein 1409: V. 39PeireMassaria." 236. whosecareercan be followed both Byzantine loannes Goudelis.It is notclearifthisis thesameperson. 77r.37 he to then in 1401was to Chios.S.45r-v.511-12. 37-38 (February 1390-91).Sindicamenta Peire.31v. latterofChios."REB.where loaded grainwhichhe brought Constantinople.but did so withthehelpofthe Genoese. While these activities of in real estate and tradedin the Aegean. 77r. 243-45. gdnoise. 86 Miklosich-Miller. 107r.nos. 197.by a Greekpriest. some point. in made a loan guaranteed the mostformal in he invested2. 1391.5r. 1402. Sindicamenta Peire. 208v. pp..600hyperpyra a trading venture. manner.S.is remarkable simply ManoliFrangalexi. Acta.Indeed.BYZANTINE ECONOMY IN MEDITERRANEAN TRADE 221 A AndreasVassilikos. theyprovidea vivid pictureof Greektradersand who witheach other financiers werein closeconnection and withtheGenoese. 201.and investor-was one of two imperial aristocrat.38 sum.14r. "John like VII.39 was fairly in his financial to dealings.the father Lucas.1. Laurent.accepting capital forinvestment.1390.5-31 hyperpyra modium. 1402. 361-66.52r.54r. 6r.g.. 388. 1390bis. pp. 199-200.546. 42 Barker.dominus Patronus a largeship (navisduarumcopertarum) which Pera to Chios. Goudeliswas asked inquiry in treatment his for on to testify a chargeof havingbribedthe treasurers orderto receivepreferential Fromthesame sourcewe learnalso thatGoudelistradedin grain.witnesshis takingadvantageof a famine make money and forhimself forhis Genoesecontacts.traveling partner at least two partnerships memberof the Senate.Georgepossibly et of in or Callojane.Janede Monojane.550-51.II. drawnup in Tana. . The executors authorized a 1389.likehis father.Ioannes. 204.cf.thisGreekaristocrat onlyengagedextensively not in Draperiis. whoin 1400is seento have disposedofconsiderable Ioanneswas theson ofa George funds: Goudelis. 37 3s Peire Massaria. Hommesd'aflaires. Barker. Mussohave pointedout that NicolasNotaras.35 Ioannes.whenin 1402 an he sailed from among of of was made intothe activities Genoesehighofficials thecolonyofPera. who had his testament named as his executors three wereMichaelde Monojaneand Nicola Coresi." tra RESEE.41 latter-Byzantine The Koresis. 33E.For one thing. pp. in Greek. we knowthat a of a tax paid by the inhabitants Lagirio..69 . 30 (1972). collector of the SeveralGreeksstand out from restof the population.reg. bothofthem Greeks:amongthem the but and of inhabitants citizens Constantinople. made his moneyworkin variousways.supra.71r.119v. 17 (1979). Roccatagliata. On cf.220.Goudelis. per siege. 99v.95r-111v. oikeiosof the Emperor.He had important friends the Genoese. "John VII. He ruthless trade. theGoudelis.38r.Both Goudelisand NicolasNotarasare qualified "Januenwas subsequently as by in ses" by a Genoesenotary 1390. 41Supra. of Genoese Pera to recover Monojane's de in property Tana. made a fortune as interesting relations withthe Genoesearistocracy.supra. certain because of his name.G. "Le tris6piscopat Patriarche du Matthieu ler.38v.1391. 1391. 78 1402. p. 35Miklosich-Miiller.Navigazione. 84 Balard.G.supra. 68r. Thereis a Godeli whowas one oftwoTurkish ambassadors Perain to 1390: PeireMassaria.3 is Genoesepublicdebt. 162.40 Nicola Coresiis notunknown. 1390 bis. Romanie . September 40 A.Cf.He tradedin grainand in wine. was thefather Manuel he of in withGeorgeGoudelis.218r.. connections withwesterners. who to owedto theEmperor a grain for which sale.and had financial Just in and Genoesedocuments. II.33 a banker.Musso. underOttoman famine The Genoeseofficials priceof 30.Notary Donatodi Chiavari. Oikonomid6s.An loannesVassilico for was amongthe Greeks whoappearedin theregister a Genoese of in "Con notary 1453: A.32 of of number Greeks thatnamehad tradeorfinancial And both M. theGoudelis. His Genoesepartner was Lodisio de In of the greatPerotefamily. 400.a tripto "the southern parts" ship. Acta.Romanie 347-49.155r-v.reg.39r.. he invested and boughtland as well. 1390. un notaiogenovese Pera e Chionel 1453-1454. NicolasSofianos.106r. gdnoise.G. somepointsthatdeserve be emphasized The storyofGoudelis illustrates here. 1. cf.Balard.Thus.51v-52v. A. G. PeireMassaria. 5r. of from the and G.money representatives wereoriginally recover money recovered Cabasilas. 1390bis.and sold at the exhorbitant in were accused of havingillegallyparticipated this grainsale. Leondaris NicolasNotaras.
It is. weremerchants. T. has beenmadeforthe Black Sea area by E. fondsturc ancien 39." 224. Dellacasa in Miscellanea Studi I Storici." in soon after fall.222 ANGELIKI E. of the Kanunname. restedon a solid economic The otherpointwhichthe Goudelisstoryillustrates whichshouldbe stressedis thewealthand and of successwhichsome members this groupenjoyed.too. fourin the groupborefamousnames: thereweretwo Palaeologiand a Chalkokondyles. 153-55. therefore. (Genoa.forin 1476 a groupof obviously its or who returned richGreekscomstantinople. L. some of these." trans. Zevakin. Paris. The Genoesepoliticalpartyin Constantinople. Hahl Inalcikfor to Translation Professor directing attention his"Noteson N." 43 M.by definition. amountsofgrainin portscontrolled John by VII. to Chios. S. Roccatagliata. "Ricerche sulla storiadellecolonie nei nel di by genovesi Caucaso occidentale secoliXIII-XV. after In had or leftthe cityto manyGenoesemerchants pettytraders Constantinople fallento the Ottomans. JohnVII. Bibliothbquenationale. LAIOU-THOMADAKIS some of whomboughtconsiderable de Draperiisfamily. 43 (1967).43 1453. go But theremusthave been thosewho remained Conof Pera. Pencko.1969). whose representatives were Andronicus and IV foundation. A much strongerbut similar argument. "Con un notaio genovese. very for threeof the peted unsuccessfully the rightto collectcertaintaxes forthe Ottomangovernment.distinguishing between political and economic dominance.95." Der Islam. Beldiceanu's my 45I thank 4 A. . 229. M. 225-26. amongthemwereGreeks had been closelyconnected withthe Genoese who. essentialto distinguish between the politicalcollapse of the ByzantineState and the wealthof some of its subjects.
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