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A dissertation submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Humanities
Alexander Parkinson School of Social Sciences
Introducing the Eye of Providence Economic Model ........................................................................................... 7 Bridging the Intellectual Divide? ......................................................................................................................... 12 Why the Great Transformation Today? ............................................................................................................... 7 Outlining the Eye of Providence Methodology .................................................................................................. 8 Dialectical Interconnectivity of Components ................................................................................................. 11
Introduction ......................................................................................................................................................................... 5
List of Contents
Theorising with the Eye of Providence Model ..................................................................................................... 14 Political Economy ...................................................................................................................................................... 14 An Interpretative Theory of Value...................................................................................................................... 18
Wall Street in an Anthropological Economy ....................................................................................................... 23
Migrant Remittances in an Anthropological Economy ................................................................................... 34 Remittances and the Eye of Providence Model............................................................................................... 41 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................................................... 49 What the Economists Say… ................................................................................................................................... 34
Articulations of Value Realms ..........................................................................................................................45 Summary ...................................................................................................................................................................47
Transnational Dynamics of Remittances .....................................................................................................42
Remittances and Macroeconomics .................................................................................................................37
Remittances and Microeconomics ..................................................................................................................35
Masters of a Symbolic Universe of Value .....................................................................................................30
The Politics of Shareholder Value in a Finance-led Economy .............................................................27
The Economy, The Whitehouse, Wall Street, and High Financiers ...................................................23
The Values of Price ................................................................................................................................................21
The Problem of “Economic” Value ..................................................................................................................19
Local Expressions, Global Forces, and Elite Interests ............................................................................15
Word count: 17,594
The Eye of Providence model…………………………………………………………………………………………………10
List of Diagrams
This paper critiques the privileged place of economic expertise in contemporary society and introduces the Eye of Providence model - intended for economic anthropology - that directly engages and challenges knowledge from the discipline of economics. The formal and substantive elements of the economy are situated in dialectically embedded relationships with individuals, institutions, and ruling powers. I exemplify how an anthropological approach to value is useful when highlighting the limits of economic knowledge. This is achieved theoretically by blending ideas from political economy with perspectives from interpretive or symbolic anthropology. The result is an approach that, on the one hand, pays careful attention to wider systems of power, such as those embodied by the term “neoliberalism”, and how these articulate with local political contexts. On the other hand, it uses the concept of value or values to probe the social, political, and cultural dynamics of economic value and to interpret meaningfully how values shape economic action from the perspective of economic actors.
The model is tested comparatively, firstly with financiers that operate in a formally instituted market environment but that are shown to also function through institutionalised culture and forces of political power. Secondly, it is tested on the case of remittance makers that operate more informally through gift exchanges with their kin. This allows me to contrast the place of economic expertise in a market environment – familiar ground for economists – with a context that does not sit so comfortably with its methods. I argue for a more humanistic approach to the economy and highlight specific points of collaboration with economics. I also emphasise that anthropologists should pay more attention to the processes through which economics ideologically represents the world, rather than channelling efforts into disproving the universality of economic models.
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I obtained a Bachelor of Arts with First Class Honours in Corporate Communication from Manchester Metropolitan University in 2006. This included two years of study at Indiana-Purdue University Fort Wayne.
In September 2009, I embarked on the Master of Arts (taught) in Social Anthropology at Manchester University and began specialising in economic anthropology over the summer of 2010. With special thanks to Karen Sykes, Mia, David, Jarle, Irene, and Jennifer.
I worked as a stockbroker and investment manager in Manchester, UK, from 2006 to 2009, obtaining the Certificate in Investment Securities in 2007 and the Certificate in Investment Management in 2008 from the Securities and Investment Institute.
For Mr Alan Cave…
what is “good”. Council (2009) granted less than one-fifth of the number of research awards to social The astounding dominance of the discipline of economics over the other social Introduction understanding of contemporary economic life? In what ways can it engage constructively with economics. by arguing for the theoretical guidance for the subdiscipline of economic anthropology. Indeed. To this end. in my view. which as a matter of no coincidence. emphasise. enhance. “the economy”? How might an anthropological perspective enable a greater overcomes the current rule of economics as the queen of those social sciences that judge importance of understanding dimensions of power in relation to value. In response to the trend that William Milberg (2009) has that economists occupy as “the high priests of our [Western] culture” (Wilk 1996. I introduce what I shall refer to as the Eye of Providence economic model that offers methodological and What is at stake in answering these questions is an anthropology of value that regarding the discipline’s own brand of knowledge. the value of anthropological expertise. and hopefully questions about the value of knowledge meet questions about value more generally. for anthropologists and for us all. not only to challenge the axioms upon which the these are among the big questions of today. p. I reveal how anthropology of value can mark out the limitations of economic expertise – embedded ideologically in our social knowledge and practice – by negotiating those areas of life that currently fall outside of the rubric of the discipline of economics but nonetheless 5 . in doing so.sciences is all too well known in anthropology. It is here that In this thesis. also includes judgements made certain interests are served by value structures that pattern such judgements. 33). discipline rests but to provide new insights that connect with its understandings? Given the centrality of economic thought in modern social and political spheres. 64). The Economic and Social Research anthropology than it did to economics in 2009 and it received just over a quarter of the described as “intellectual imperialism” and in order to problematize the current status this paper asks what are the implications of privileging one form of knowledge over another? What is economic expertise? In what ways and in which places can we study number of applications (p. An influence and constitute our economic lives. I will present a critique of the high value placed on economic expertise in contemporary Western society and.
perspectives are the only ones compatible with my model. Rather than merely refuting economic expertise. Hence. I argue that anthropology should focus on the ways in which economics political dynamics that can draw the two disciplines closer together. To add theoretical direction. (mis)represents the world and should vie for a more humanistic intellectual perspective on the economy. More setting. model.and of theory – that I should avoid reiterating the conceptual dichotomy of the “universal” and the “particular” that seems to echo through so many connected debates. the third section reinterprets ethnographic research conducted with finance part investigates the less-instituted practices of international money transfers anthropologists. connection between economic knowledge and anthropological knowledge. which situates the economy – as a set of both ideas and functionings – in relation and epistemological – in a more concrete fashion and across two very different contexts. however. and to individuals. it also enables me to contrast the nature and place of economic expertise vis-à-vis anthropological expertise. This comparative analysis not only shows anthropologically how undertaken by remittance-makers to contrast economists’ understandings with that of workers to reveal the influence of culture in a formally instituted environment. In addition to this. they should be considered part and parcel of the conceptual apparatus. cultural. The final people live economic lives in spaces of divergent degrees of (in)formality. blend of prescriptions for an anthropological economy – theoretical. In the space between economic representation and economic reality lies a distinct opportunity for anthropological analyses to highlight social. institutions. methodological. for the purposes of The remainder of the paper endeavours to emphasise the importance of this specific importantly. I believe that we must go beyond simply arguing that the world everywhere is different and that universal principles do not hold up in reality. I hope to engage it directly to highlight potential areas of It became apparent to me while developing the overall framework – of method part considers how the model relates to political economy and interpretative approaches to the anthropology of value. as well as the place and role of money in each social 6 . I do not suggest that these two theoretical this paper. the second The opening section outlines the methodological areas of the Eye of Providence Thus. and ruling powers.
He was not opposed to the Importantly.Introducing the Eye of Providence Economic Model rethinking of Polanyi in a contemporary context. his fears may have been quelled with the rise to Polanyi believed that the market fundamentalism to which he was opposed utilisation of markets to allocate goods and services from a more marginal position in society but to the dominant position that self-regulated markets can come to occupy would ultimately lead to a political reaction and a withdrawal to more socially sensitive perpetuated by market fundamentalists epitomised by Reagan and Thatcher. I have split society into “individuals”. contradicting common belief. “finance”.S. 2 as well as Polanyi’s notion of embeddedness. enabled through market expansion (Hart 2000). and “ruling powers”. I conflate the terms “market”. I have largely drawn on the idea of the interplay between the market 1 and economic practices. characterising unrestrained markets as “engines of inequality” and arguing that the “notion of markets as a natural force beyond social regulation serves also to society. consequently. I hope to show that Gudeman’s (2009a) concept of dialectical embeddedness is useful when understanding contemporary economies. 3). 2 In the model. it is the rethinking of Polanyi’s ideas that I am concerned with here. 7 . a situation I take “the market” to be both an economic idea and a functioning of the economy. Polanyi was principally concerned with the relationship between the market and society. Keynesian dominance of the U. Hann and Hart (2009) have similar concerns today. nonetheless imbued his ideas with a new resurgence (Hann & Hart 2009). and “economy” throughout the paper. There are 1 has arisen that Polanyi did not envisage when writing in the 1940s but that has and socialist forms of economic management were dislodged. rather than tracing a genealogy of ideas. with the global spread of neoliberal ideology since the 1980s. he showed that this was achieved through political power rather than The inspiration for my model initially came from Hann and Harts’ (2009) Why the Great Transformation Today? when the market principle reigns supreme. However. “institutions”. particularly with tracing how the former became central to the latter and emphasising the destructive social consequences that ensue when self-regulating markets form the bases of societies. as an economic superpower. natural social evolution. Certainly. In structuring my model. 3 Although it has been argued that “embeddedness” is not one of Polanyi’s main concepts and that it was actually transformed by sociologists into the mainstream of the discipline (Beckert 2009). 3 legitimize [sic] wealth and even to make poverty seem deserved” (p.
globalisation. hence. has within its triangular enclosure a Outlining the Eye of Providence Methodology 4 I use the term “economic life” to incorporate the perspectives of production. The baton was the perceived rise in the importance of understanding economic concerns in relation to partly carried by sociologists whose interest was invigorated from the late 1970s due to practical arm of global capitalism” (Hann & Hart 2009. I hope to still set out specific research objectives. 72-74). The world of ideas. My work is not based on research experience and is thus restricted by the component for “economy” that encompasses both economic “ideas” per se and the actual “functionings” of an economy that occur out there in the world. Yet people per se do not feature in their calculations. have felt obligated to address the main views of economists. would consist of neoclassic theories ranging from hypotheses of efficient markets to notions of individual rationality but also more socially sensitive concepts. distribution. too. However. With the focus on market relations. pp. the idea of an quest for a better understanding of contemporary economic life 4 should begin by riding social integration (Beckert 2009. it certainly seems that a Hann and Hart (2009) argue that the discipline of economics has mainly concerned itself with individuals assumed to be economic decision-makers and market participants.parallels between Polanyi’s description of European societies during The Great Transformation and the current revival of self-regulating markets through neoliberal this resurgent wave of Polanyian (re)thinking. 13). as the market is once again considered vital to the functioning of society (Servet 2009. Anthropologists. The remainder of this section and the one that follows lay the more anthropologists to directly challenge economists at their own game of national and anthropology. exchange. 8 . 38-41). 12). p. as economics became “the ideological and economy with humans has been left for other social scientists to pursue. The model. and consumption. and investigate further “whether or not capitalist economy rests on human principles of universal validity” (p. as well as some general questions to be explored. for instance. pp. The editors (2009) call for global economic analysis in order to assess the world economy – in whole and by part – conceptual groundwork for this type of study by offering a model for economic walls of a library-based study. as outlined in figure 1 below.
In accordance to the Polanyian to understand economic life. Therefore. market. one dollar bill and that has the I have named my economic model the “Eye of Providence” for two reasons. Firstly. The of this paper. that the economy. which is perhaps more loosely enacted through the market principle The top point of the model – the pyramid’s tip – represents the “ruling powers” than through a physical marketplace. Taken ubiquitously represented on the Great Seal of the U.S. area to illustrate the dialectical embeddedness (discussed below) with the other housing market”. my second motive for labelling my model this way is to invoke the 9 . for example. the point of the model that incorporates “individuals” and their “thoughts” and represent the fundamental perspectives from which I believe social scientists should try its structure resembles the symbol of the Eye of Providence. these four main elements of the framework Finally. I have situated the economy within this enclosed and their “rulings” and “interests”. It may. has become so important to modern Economy. consist of the actual buying and selling that occurs in a institutions themselves but also includes institutions. They would. for instance. The physical functionings are the substance of the marketplace. which is probably most words “Annuit Coeptis” – God favours our undertakings – placed above it. it is rather fitting with a central tenet capitalist societies that we can think of this Great Transformation as an apotheosis. such as that on the London Stock Exchange.S. I use it interchangeably with “the economy” in order to interpreted as God watching over all of humanity. pp. as well as activity in “the components at each of the three points of the triangle. The component of the model that points to “institutions” and their “knowledges” and “practices” does rethinking that I have outlined above. namely. or the eye. together. “actions” highlights the importance of considering peoples’ economic agency and the agendas to protect the economy from inflation through monetary policy.such as the domestic moral economy. Given that the all-seeing eye can be state may intervene but it acts only in the divine name of a Capitalist Democratic metaphor of “the eye”. Department of State 2003. such as the household or family. reflect modern capitalist state not simply signify economic phenomena relating to organisations or to economic meaning that they attach to their economic lives. 6 & 15). these signs are said to refer to the many divine interventions for the American cause (U.
correspondingly. the associated ideas and functionings. Remittances.emphasise the piety towards. *** “Economic ideas” discussed in this essay are mapped onto the sub-component box in 10 . Marketplace. Market economy. Figure 1 – The Eye of Providence Economic Model: * Rulings Monetary policy De-regulation Confer chiefly title Force state governments to act Ruling Power Interests Control inflation Reduce trade barriers Increase chiefly power Encourage investment of remittances Economy ** *** Functionings Capitalist transactions Banking deals Cycling gift system Total remittances Ideas A market economy Marketplace Domestic Moral Economy Remittance phenomenon Institutions Practices IMF policy pressure Raise capital Serve chief and kin Remit to kin Individuals Knowledges Economic reports Analyst reports Services rendered Kinship ties Actions Sell labour Buy stock Share food with kin Migrate and remit Thoughts Accumulate money Make a profit Value sharing Value family * The borders on each component are intentionally dashed to emphasise the crossover the following order: 1. and the power emanating from. 2. ** All connections are dialectical. I have ordered the examples in every sub-component box of the model between the concepts. 3. 4. Domestic Moral Economy.
This is productivity (Gudeman 2009a. 69-78). 28 & 29). Even the New Institutional Economists overlook the a priori relationships that constitute actors. while this dependency link is itself erased. Society is an objective reality. Mutuality is essential to the existence of all economies. 37). pp.any embeddedness as a flaw to the ideal functioning of the economy. Gudeman (2009a) argues that this “division is a continuing dialectic in all economies. industrial society. perceiving relationship between the parts. Once this first- order of social institutionalisation has been established. I now depict the Dialectical Interconnectivity of Components value realms that surround each. but it is also undermined by the very market tension” (p. people are only connected through market trade by alienating and impersonal contracts. Man is a social product” (p. Berger and Luckman (1966) We could posit further that the relationship between all four elements of the patterned and the patterning eventually becomes habitually typified into institutions product. 79). communities to the employees on which they depend. On the other. even those that exemplified when companies mystify downsizing by presenting themselves as dynamics. On the one hand. To rectify this. My model supports the illumination of such depict the social order as an ongoing human production where action becomes model is characterised by dialectical mutual constitution. while the downsizing itself undermines mutuality and holds wages down. as the product acts back upon the producers in a dialectical relationship whereby: “Society is a human . there is a mutual of others within the base. Having outlined the main components of the framework. Neoclassic economists would happily leave things there. it must be made plausible by a second-order process of legitimisation. Polanyi emphasises how the economy became disembedded from existing social relations as the Western world made the transition to despite observing the emergence and form of economic institutions (Gudeman 2009a. 32-34). Gudeman (2009a) argues for a dialectical approach to society and the market as both embedded and disembedded and considers the two different economic base of shared interests and holdings of people who are themselves products have become submerged in the market. despite the rhetoric of increased practices and models that it supports. This world is then objective and antecedent to individuals. for which Berger and Luckman (1966) identify 11 (pp. where it assumes different historical forms and degrees of pp.
I assume that in reality the truths in either view that are worth exploring. propositions that explain sets of meanings. such as the economic proverb “a rising tide knowledge. explicit theories of an institutional sector with a separate stock of order. (1996) believes that the debate’s disengagement derives from each party’s starting substantivists start at the level of societies. The divide continued to the primitive acquisitive context of self-interest that Mauss argued for (pp. Reinterpreted for a neoliberal capitalist “The Great Debate”. such as economics. the symbolic universe that amalgamates discrete provinces of meaning and encompasses the institutional four distinct and ascending levels (pp. Disputes between those that even to the time of Plato and Aristotle (Blavatsky 1939). considered to be rational self-interested maximizers. Thus. Wilk with individuals. and finally. The formalists begin considering the history of economic anthropology. This leaves me with one caveat and one saw a “world of ideas” and those who tried to understand things “as they are” date back divide is more of an intellectual continuum than a dichotomous split and that there are tendency that Malinowski identified in the Trobrianders against the social and historical 12 . I can now explore this a little further. while the social context. which he claims made the perspectives mutually exclusive. Having outlined my model. 20-22). basic theoretical lifts all boats”. such as a universe of “value”. at the highest level. one could say that these are: incipient transmission of a vocabulary of selfinterest. such as “you have to think of yourself in business”. the institutions of which they say act as structures for economic life (pp. 1-13). 110-122). the methodology of the former view debate run much deeper and farther back. The divide was perhaps most pronounced when it manifested as the opposing force between the two schools of thought that comprised As I alluded to in the introduction. I do not revisit the formalist-substantivist debate but invoke it only to demonstrate the model’s capacity to draw together these divergent views.economy. Carrier (2009a) traces the universalpoint. a great intellectual split can be discerned when Bridging the Intellectual Divide? assumes the universality of the individual and the latter implies the particularity of each The roots of the intellectual dichotomy at the heart of the formalist-substantivist particular divide back respectively to the individual contract posited by Spencer and the social contextualisation of Durkheim.
Indeed. Firstly. by positing that “everything is like this” or that “everything is different”. to productively reconcile this age-old epistemological separation. my model is designed to encourage adherence to 13 .challenge. namely. I must avoid the pitfalls of adhering too strongly to either perspective. where possible. these prescriptions. Secondly. I should aspire.
his discussion of the importance of the teaching of economics. 68-71). in developing an anthropological theory of economy”. and “institutions”. is more methodological Theorising with the Eye of Providence Model theoretical apparatus of political economy lends itself to studies of the “ruling powers” generally differ with respect to their orientations to society and to the individual. This may seem at odds with Steiner’s Political Economy institutions. allowing me to interweave the theoretical analysis and investigation that constitute the final parts of my model and that I will later apply to the At the societal level. of representation and reality. though. Navigating through the notions of the universal and the will take more than conceptual cartography. and the economy” does seem to superimpose comfortably onto the functioning of the market. such as the use of 14 . as outlined so far. and of anthropological and economic expertise. value. because they particular. it is necessary to further elaborate the theoretical account in line with The Eye of Providence economic model. The exclusive to the stated domains. Although it does include some theoretical discussion. I have chosen to invoke political economy and interpretive approaches to value. I now introduce the two lines of cases of finance workers and remittance makers. which is powerfully employed to extend the market. As I mentioned at the outset.in that it highlights four conceptual areas where researchers might examine “the the aspirations of the paper. These complementary perspectives. assuming market mentality to be obsolete. such as dialectics and embeddedness. Indeed. to allow for a political slant when connecting with economics (Wilk 1996. direct our way. 71). Steiner’s (2009) framework of my model (p. rather than say stress on “[a] more accurate study of the interplay between economic thought. and for endorsing rather than challenging its economic assumptions (pp. whereas interpretative value theory is generally more applicable to the element for “individuals”. Moreover. 83). p. are not open up the economic realm in a unified fashion. I have opted for a view of political economy. (2009) criticism of Polanyi vis-à-vis the Durkheimians for not attending to the emphasising a Durkheimian functional approach. and on how economic knowledge is embodied by market tools and apparatus. We also need a theoretical compass to which are key themes from Hann and Harts’ (2009) edited volume.
68-71). thus. owing to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). as money itself becomes the we must attend to economic beliefs. that is. While this approach may also fit my model. Nevertheless. a profitable space. the market reach was largely realised as park management eventually became reduced to the financial bottom line and a good coastal areas through an emphasis on tourism. since it essentially represents a local expression of global and national forces. In a political economic milieu where the heavily indebted government. 240conservation in Jamaica. 15 .and power dimensions of economic life rather than simply observing the functional aspects of an economy. He argues that neoliberalism permeates many aspects of life that are not ostensibly economic. as if it were a component of something that derives from a and functionings directly. Global Forces. pp. seems to link well with the dialectical interconnectivity of the model (pp. in order to understand these phenomena. I develop a more Marxist stance on this occasion to emphasise the political unified structure (Wilk 1996. Carrier (2009b) discusses his research of environmental conservation. by dealing with economic ideas I begin with a less extreme case of political power. 83-93). 242-255). for large overseas corporations (Carrier 2009b. compares our current moment of neoliberalism to Polanyi’s notion of the self-regulating “environment” came to mean a profitable space for attracting tourists. had no money for 242). activists had to appeal to the commercial advantages of protecting the vital if we wish to comprehend the latter. Local Expressions. motivations. Carrier (2009b) augments this point when he measure and value of individuals. I revisit this case briefly below but for now wish to note that it raises an to operate through extending the market principle to commodify the coastal land and local labour force. institutions. power is prevalent. pp. Even in situations where the connection may ostensibly be trivial. Nevertheless. This was not simply a consequence of the self-regulating market model but an outcome of the way the environmental activists had important point about how ethnographers should think about engaging with political economy. and practices (pp. and Elite Interests economic models in contemporary financial markets. To exemplify this. I clearly do not ignore Steiner’s (2009) concerns. which nonetheless shows that investigating the dynamic relationship between political powers and economic forms is market growing free and expanding to other areas of life.
and the full authority given to the IMF in cases of Jamaican workers and higher profits for multinationals” (Bolles 1983. my model notably advocates the kind of formative of the symbols and shared meanings within the most intimate life-worlds of expressions per se. those opposed to the move predicted “lower wages for country’s borders. 138). even if this macrosystem perspective entails traversing multiple field sites (pp. At the time of their writing. The passionately communicated in Stephanie Black’s documentary Life and Debt (2001). However.Marcus and Fischer (1986) call for ethnographic fieldwork to represent “external ethnographic subjects” (p. The notion of a multi-sited ethnography has indeed become part of the mainstream in anthropology. Combining his arguments with Carrier’s (2009b) institutions and ruling powers that shape them. this was perhaps a more innovative statement than if it were made now.$240 calamitous consequences of this from the Jamaican perspective are perhaps most 5 defaulting on its debt and its inability to negotiate more socially-friendly terms would be climate over social well-being (p. the precedent set by the New York fiscal crisis that favoured a good business default. But what might this type of macrosystem view be processes. these political economic forces should be the object of study for anthropology. p. as we must also consider the broader scale of political economy. Jamaican government accepted “stringent fiscal controls” in order to obtain a U. when the million IMF loan in 1978. 5 By connecting economic forms and individuals to the forces of and how can it complement an understanding of local economic forms? David Harvey (2005) offers a particularly Marxist view of these broader research that the authors envisage. For describe a plethora of different actions – as a political project that creates the conditions research in Jamaica. Indeed. 73). 39). and [that] are Marcus and Fischer (1986). interpreting neoliberalism – a sweeping abstraction that he invokes to for elites to accumulate capital. 48). the unlikelihood of Jamaica simply attributed to neoliberal reforms that made the borrower take the losses on defaults (p. From Harvey’s (2005) standpoint. whereby it will always protect financial firms (p. 16 . it is not sufficient to simply reveal these systems…[through] their thoroughly local definition and penetration. 90-95).S. we could posit that the neoliberal ideology forcefully circulated through the IMF allowed it to continue charging crippling interest payments to an indebted country and force the reduction of trade barriers and capital flows to allow foreign tourism corporations and investors to gain capital opportunistically within the 29).
creating a totalizing model within which the books all balance and all debts and production. I have merely chosen to utilise the global spread. Not only are we seemingly devoid of the social controls in place to curtail force to be reckoned with. since it is usually employed to encompass notions of market fundamentalism and processes of “neoliberal” institutions – such as the World Bank and the IMF – may be a decent those that we would usually refer to as “capitalist”. Graeber (2009) emphasises this point when he argues that drawing systems are. nor am I ignoring alternative views of it that de-emphasise its homogenising and hegemonic character (Ong 2006). I am not suggesting that neoliberalism is the only broad systemic other financial institutions. largely in order to protect the interests of creditors against abstraction because it exemplifies my point about external forces. like “societies”. tracing the influences of “neoliberal” ruling powers that operate through ideas themselves. starting-point when thinking about external influences on economic forms. an endless interweaving of dyadic relations that often operate The dynamics of political economy can also be fathomed by unpacking economic “is a model created by isolating certain principles within a complex system […] and then If “markets”. 131-132). However. 131). it is important to look at whose interests a particular model is serving and question the types of value that 17 . national economies driven by consumer debt. This is particularly crucial even if neoliberalism around the globe. are ideological gestures that do not exist out there in the world but rather are a specific way in which a society represents itself.nonetheless instructive in showing the importance of attending to the ways in which empire of debt” does seem to echo these concerns. 130). Graeber’s (2009) depiction of our current era as “the electronic consumer transactions. by we only partially accept Harvey’s (2005) depiction of the uneven spread of external influences can forcefully shape a given locale. He argues that the market: credits ultimately cancel one another out” (pp. and financialisation that is increasingly detached from direct relations to commerce or While Harvey (2005) offers a rather radical perspective of political economy. operating through the IMF. in reality. the World Bank. he says. it is debt but this age has also witnessed the establishment of “the first effective planetary administrative system. corporations. especially boundaries or making models is problematic since “what we call social or economic according to completely different principles” (p. and debtors” (p. It is characterised.
As Graeber (2009) illustrates. In short. it was quite acceptable it back. We also require a better comprehension of the positioning of different actors in such practices. better understanding of the forces that shape economic life and a further opportunity Leaving things there would do no justice to the dialectical relationships that I political dynamics that constitute economic ideas themselves. attempt to understand more than the functioning of a market and probe the influences even entail challenging the raison d'être of existing ideas about the latter. This is a holistic ambition external political influences on economic actors and institutions. failed market exchange. as well as the internal agenda that promoted less regulation. the institutional context that enabled the loans to take place. My point is that it that may not be truly achievable in modern ethnography.market” justifies capitalist principles (p. for instance. however. I probe the meaning of economics as something that is embedded deeply in culture and belief. 132). say. Economic life would simply be a socio-political product and the An Interpretative Theory of Value . rather than just what is going on. In our “empire of debt”. such as the commodification of Jamaica or of humans and nature more broadly. to argue abstractly that defaults on subprime mortgages can be understood as what Stuart Kirsch (2006) might refer to as “unrequited reciprocity” rather than. it and interests of political powers and their effects on that facet of the economy. In sum. versa with a Marxist take (Wilk 1996. This may If we accept Graeber’s (2009) argument. This allows us to enter have depicted above. rather than vice18 the world of minds and presents the possibility of revealing a more Weberian view of inherent meanings would be left unexamined. it is a step towards a for interdisciplinary dialogue. this part tries to reveal the picture as seen from “the individual”. To achieve this. it indicates that anthropologists must are being realised. and the state’s neoliberal means asking why this is happening. where as “the would be insufficient. we must aspire to interpret the interplay between the local and the for greedy opportunistic creditors to loan money to people who could not afford to pay “value(s)” in different contexts to effectively map out a symbolic structure of meaning. p. 110). “a market” sells a house. If the previous section brought the individual into the picture as an activist within a Jamaican political economic system.
have been sidelined and left for anthropologists and other To understand the problems surrounding past and current theories of value(s). the Eye of Providence model should hopefully encourage “[a]n interpretative anthropology [that is] fully accountable to its historical and political-economy implications” (Marcus & Fischer 1986. questions of value. 89-90). extending the concept of an anthropological theory of value and its connection to economy. of recognising both the needs of the individual and of society (pp. Classical economists. Economic theories of value were developed through the myth of value Polanyi made explicit. Servet (2009) argues that these “objective [since] they rationalized the relationship between a person (conceived of as 2009. 86). which we must venture much deeper than these logics of exchange. so. This conflicts with the notion of humanity as having the potential for solidarity. expertise do we miss by assuming a narrow view of value? Graeber (2005) maintains that contemporary economists have limited the focus of their discipline to the production of mathematical models of resource allocation for profit or consumer birth of the discipline. scarcity. and considers Developing a symbolic theory of value takes us far beyond thinking about “value” theories were: another. which was manufactured by economists and based on relations of self-interest (Servet in the purely rational economic terms of labour. and have the ability to act with full rationality. interdependence as a community. what kinds of preferences. In doing as natural and isolated from politics and where exchange counterparts in the market could have complete freedom to make choices. consequently. 87-89). This is something that I hope an anthropological theory of value will achieve. and utility. 89). pp. By meshing symbolic anthropology with the dynamics of political instead how value is determined through relations between different groups. The Problem of “Economic” Value forms of economic life. it becomes apparent that there are alternatives to our current world configuration. could not resolve this problem. positing their world of self-interest. and being obligated to future societies. maintain an equal standing to one by nature an egotistical individual) and a world of things where others exist only through competition for access to those things” (pp.thus. For instance. p. which were central to economics at the 19 .
Moreover. p. I kindly ask for the reader’s patience here. and became simply a subjective measure of desire” indistinguishable from one another. 440). My point is. so too is the state of the present would usually refer to as “economics”. an anthropological theory of value. traversing material to which some scholars dedicate an entire career. the price and value of objects became increasingly “transcended the physical altogether. Grasping the particular is not a calculative act but judging the universal is.K. that is. From here on. one that followed on historical changes in the economic ideas change vis-à-vis economic functionings. In the sections below. “for it leads us into moral. If one considers these terms to essentially be instances 20 . a symbolic So how else can we theorise about value(s)? When questioning the existence of century U. he highlights that it was questions of value that set neoclassic economists apart from their predecessors. Graeber (2005) outlines three uses of the term: system of value “that defines the world in terms of what is important. Marx critiqued the wage system. 453). and “value” in of the same thing. that there was a fundamental change. the movement from mid-nineteenth situation. Adam Smith developed the labour theory of value to explain the difference between the exchange value and use value of objects. desirable or worthwhile in it” (Graeber 2005. Maybe it can be better viewed as a constructive distinction that was produced – largely through political power – when making the shift in perspective key economic activities of men and women. that makes this whole process work. p. it implies a common foundation for the three meanings. Significantly.scholars to explore. 439). a paradigm shift perhaps. 441-443). aesthetic and symbolic the Saussurean linguistic sense. “value” in the economic usage. While the underlying dynamics of the change are important because they allow us to see how away from the theorists mentioned above. as one may recognise that I am characterising it as destructive of all that is worthwhile and meaningful. However. Ricardo identified the problem of depressed wages. as the meaning of value (p. meaningful. I will “values” in the socio-philosophical sense. a contemporary study of value would typically surpass what we territory that is very hard to reduce to rational calculation and science” (Graeber 2005. Was this shift in economic expertise simply down to myopia? I suspect probably not. this kind of intellectual insight was swept aside by the marginalist revolution that redefined however. production to consumption at the turn of the following century. economics as a discipline devoted to studying the formation of price (pp.
Thus. the public representation of price was as Guyer (2009) demonstrates this through a case where the price of gasoline in the distinguished between crude oil costs. She shows how. paper since. and distribution 21 . This may be especially pertinent to this not because Westerners value equality but because the supreme value is now the become the highest sphere (pp. such as those encompassed by currency exchanges. invokes Dumont’s notion of classic structuralist ideas as values that are hierarchical and individual. which made costs of finance imperceptible. then perhaps it The Values of Price will pay to also scratch below the surface of commodity prices to reveal the social price provides a suitable account with which to close this section because it political power. to If value is conflated with price in our current economic world. With difference. They did not include profit on capital as a composite category. 203-205). as a sphere of individual self-realisation. refining costs and profits. I specifically investigate Graeber’s (2005) claim that it may be able to regards to the latter of the three usages. 447-50). in the twenty-first century.S. taxes. we are now reminded of outcome. economic actors are processes behind them and popular understandings of them. thus. there was a steady proportional return and they and marketing. rather than simply amalgamates an expanded notion of value with an awareness of the concealment of the fabrications of prices. “is a moral economy of transparently composite prices. Dumont believed Western society is no longer hierarchical. 205). which has allowed the market. Guyer (2009) claims.attempt to delineate such a system by analysing different usages of “value(s)”. which nevertheless retain the mystery of their components” (p. she argues that we should investigate the components encompassed by prices that are diffusely U. corporations. the Saussauran approach to value as meaningful mediate understandings between individuals and systems. Graeber (2005) able to become inverted at different levels. Guyer’s (2009) work on increasingly aware that composite elements constitute prices. petroleum companies claimed that despite the rise in the nominal price of oil. as he argues. Forced to explain the rise. As shrewd consumers. Moreover. rose sharply by a dollar and rocked the projections of budgets from households to assuming prices to be singular wholes. The hidden amongst the traditional elements (pp.
and forces that are masked by these public ideologies of price. these factors. Furthermore. driving up the price. cultural. If numbers cannot simply be taken at economic face “value”. which itself created further incentives to invest in oil. Beyond the singular numerical task involves working with economic numbers – or with theories that imply that numbers are wholes – then Guyer (2009) shows that an understanding of their aspects of numbers lies an array of social dynamics that affect their composition. this presents a clear point-of-entry for anthropology to interpret their associated social. Risk management and consulting costs.determined to be the impetus behind the rise. and indeed the great resulting profits made from investment banks. into them. financial speculation on the commodity through futures where companies produced socially important economic expertise by (mis)representing the very factors that they were supposed to explain. It also portrays a case proportions of the retail price that was itself based on market actors from producers to contracts. So 22 . motivations. 208-210). Guyer’s (2009) analysis may be useful here not only because it suggests that presented to consumers. can only constitute part of the market price of crude from the view benefactors seem to be investment banks. and interests. was the composite component that was eventually retailers. However. are diffusely hidden (pp. from which the great values are composite and allows us to investigate them as such. If our composite structure and how it is negotiated is crucial if we are to probe the concealed it is not just economic models that we must unpack but also the numbers that are fed political aspects.
For Ho (2009). such an assumption If we accept the notion of the market being disembedded from society. 6 remunerative and prestigious places in today’s society. having initially worked there as a management consultant and later through probing her network of financial and economic actors when conducting fieldwork. with a huge bias to recruiting students from Harvard and Princeton. As Ho (2009) shows. Wall Street. the divorce of what capitalism. The Economy. The Whitehouse. With this influence that the labour market in high finance operates freely from stringent social ties. whereby long-term social institutions have transformed into short-term liquid spaces under the dictates of Wall Street. I now reinterpret Karen Wall Street in an Anthropological Economy that possess a considerable degree of economic and political agency. 23 . Wall Street institutions and elite universities maintain for the schools. Ho’s (2009) monograph of high finance 6 on Wall Street through the lens of the Eye of Having set out the conceptual framework of this paper. whereas candidates from other universities lack As with “the market”. Thus. I consider “finance” and “financial markets” to be both an idea and a functioning of the economy.Ho (2009) offers a unique view of Wall Street. Her ethnography allows us to understand an aspect of capitalism from the perspective of financial market actors and institutions in mind. we can investigate how people actually use and produce economic ideas and functionings not only on-the-ground but Providence model and pursue the theoretical approaches of value and political economy. The investment banks actually operate a quota system Candidates are actively poached from these two schools regardless of whether they can demonstrate technical banking ability. a broader view can also be attained of the effects on both the trends in the is in the best interests of corporations from that of employees is a new feature of on a Street that is a well-instituted environment and an icon of modern market capitalism. a meritocracy that is based on individuals competing fairly and equally for such highly would amount to a grave neglect of the organisational mutuality that governs this process. and High Financiers economy and in the structure of corporate America. however. it implies huge feeder relationships that naturalise banking careers as the main destinations for top graduates of any discipline.
26). once operational. the lines between what constitutes the ruling powers and the financial institutions are much fuzzier. Furthermore. although it does seem that money can still buy status for those latest crisis. and compensation. that intelligence is not considered a quality of a person but a currency that proves a person’s worth attests to the mutual ties that underlie the dealings in this currency (pp. thus “in China. The labour relations and institutions. never mind helping to engender a global recession. 61 & 62). Meanwhile. as there are better opportunities to meet with hard work. 225). In Ho’s (2009) book. while Asians normally ended up in technical or product-focused positions. Peoples’ way on the Street is largely already paved by social that can afford an elite education. Moreover. African-Americans generally assumed roles that required less networking and The privileged client-facing roles with the large bonuses were mostly earmarked for attended a non-elite school (pp.the socio-cultural capital and must prove themselves otherwise. Despite the culture of hard work where green is supposedly the only colour. these market actors’ given that their greed almost reduced the Street to rubble in the that bankers collected were still astronomically large and unfair (p. success that one may have once hired. the bonuses Glass-Steagall act in the late 1990s that allowed deposit-taking banks and casino banks 7 disembeddedness. Ho (2009) shows how ethnicity greatly determines career harder work. She shows that the traders interpret the market in political terms. This is exemplified by the case of a talented black woman who left banking because she felt alienated for having paths. you cannot look at economics without looking at politics” (p. The market is more overtly embedded in the rulings and interests of the ruling power. Such filtering could not take place without preexisting social ties and dispositions being transposed as conduits onto the supposedly On the other side. investment bankers are recruited and constructed through embedded ties of mutuality and are patterned into Wall Street’s culture of “smartness”. 106-121). white upper-class males (pp. This was largely enabled through acts of deregulation by the ruling power 7 that instantiated a greater degree of only able to accrue such high levels of risk and large amounts of wealth by functioning as force might recruit through strong ties of mutuality but. one could argue for the disembeddedness of the actions of neutral marketplace. bankers were A contrast can be made with this Western view to Hertz’s (1998) monograph of stock market traders in Shanghai. 24 . directors who themselves graduated from these elite schools. Ho (2009) alludes to this process by mentioning the rollback of the disembedded from concern for society at large. 39-72). these connections also influence the On the one side.
229). my model clearly highlights the need to The dialectical mutual constitution of the elements of the model can also be While Ho (2009) purports that “a finance capital-led version of capitalism…is not so to operate as one (p.much about disembedding as it is about power relations” (p. an image of decisions bear a relation to. Ho (2009) analyses the realign social relations throughout the country. 7). In this case. 136). and shareholder value movements than other corporations (p. If we also consider that investment bankers are paid huge sums for their services. 247). and economies (pp. as the political power through institutions. nexus of investment banking culture and strategy and the intersections with corporations. 213-215). She also mentions how the takeover movement of the 1980s could only occur through deregulation and favouring of private ownership (p. Economic and financial expertise is used by one group in society to economic expertise as a prized asset that can be exchanged for wealth – usually in the money form – begins to emerge. disembedding describes a process. it was not the from the cultural dynamics of Wall Street to adopt downsizing as the general model for workplaces (p. I would note that in the dialectical embeddedness. employment (p. Whatever the case. On the one side. This is achieved by both acting out and perpetuating particular ideas about the way in which the economy should function. where as power relations suggest how this process may have been enacted. through her focus on employment. A major theme of her book is how the institutions of Wall Street have incredible influence over those of corporate America through encouraging their attend to both the cause. 227). This does not engender productive growth but short-term mortgaged productivity that leads to broader economic booms of the interplay between economic ideas and functionings and institutions’ knowledge and practices. Any tension deriving from bankers’ self-concern or concern for company intentionally promoting itself as a community that mystified downsizing but others was reconciled by them resorting to market externalisations – as economic ideas 25 . these corporations are also pressured – to rationalise the prevalence of rampant downsizing. discerned from Ho’s (2009) monograph. markets. This is perhaps most evident in her illustration downsizing and realigning them to the short-term. the stock market. 293). but do not mirror. as shifts and busts (p. and effect. While Wall Street prides itself on reacting much more quickly to market More specifically. 34).
Threatened with job cuts even compelled to extract whatever they can out of the present regardless of the cost to investment banks in engendering the subprime boom and the disastrous social consequences that came with the bust. and the market trends that they help to engender. and rampant-insecurity. that investment banks actually get enrolled in during boom times. 321). short-termism. She re-imagines the market as a practices as opposed to an abstract concept. and dually transforming. this fetishization of the invisible hand obscures what happens on society (p. and peddling them around the globe to investors (pp. 240). Wall Street has not simply reconstructed the banker’s cultural model of themselves as coeval and identified with the market” (p. she argues that we should look behind abstracted notions of space of human values. Ho (2009) discusses the substantial role of mortgages by creating various sophisticated instruments. hyping them. people actually refer to economic ideas when justifying the undermining of mutuality and of themselves. the market principle has become submerged into the organisational structure of investment banking compensation schemes (p. a site of everyday Ho’s (2009) ethnography is intriguing because it shows that the economic actors global web of risk that they themselves could not decipher” (p. “the market” since bankers’ “appeals to naturalized market cycles must also be economies and present functionings of economies are shaped by the collective agency of within the well-instituted hub of the world’s financial markets actually operate largely through culture. 233). the institution of investment banking. Moreover. and institutional standards. 234 & 235). Future ideas about work life. 318-324). Hence. further attests to notion of the creation acting back upon the creators (pp. the other side of the dialectic. the role of investment banks in constructing unstable financial markets and jobs (pp. In addition to past crises. The high 26 . 242). bankers are For Ho (2009). Like some sort of religious their own hype. italics in original). while also expressed through the culture of Wall Street whose members are socialised into this elite world of market-centricity. 297-302). Through generating a global market for doctrine. not reification of market dominance” (p. Wall Street eventually created “a those acting within. 260). the world to its image of shareholder value but has actualised a model that “is [in fact] understood as particular cultural self-representations borne out of everyday Wall Street 252.the institutional culture and individual beliefs of bankers. In this case. to wit. emotions. perhaps to protect the bonus pools of elites (p.
The distance bankers perform reiterates the need to look beyond the models themselves to the 8 keeping with the Marxist stance that I have highlighted for political economy. In fact. In the new modes of production in the age of neoliberal financialisation. I spent three years looking at charts of share prices and share indexes to try and establish where the prices were going but This cultural understanding is clearly beyond the repertoire of neoclassical financiers of Wall Street are humans with culture. Ho (2009) does not explore the huge implications of her argument for the fascinating if she had elicited their take on her theory by perhaps asking whether they considered economic and financial market models and formulas to be relevant. It would have been perspectives of the model. as I mentioned above. I can now turn to the first of the theoretical approaches. since there is no place in them for the “human factor”. Ho (2009) unpacks the notion of shareholder value to show that it is part of a wider scheme on Wall Street to promote its For an accurate and accessible explanation of these two financial strategies see (Janssen. Langager. Nonetheless. Ho technical and fundamental analysis 8 but was never shown where to look on the graph to ignored the actions of Wall Street that allegedly caused the whole market to bottom out. economics. not just machines with calculators. the notion of economic cycles being produced by Wall Street would not fit into any of the economic models of market cycles that I have come across. could also be said for their views on the notion of a jobless recovery. 27 . I was taught how to conduct a combination of watch for the excesses of Wall Street culture. The same Having discussed the ethnography from the different methodological The Politics of Shareholder Value in a Finance-led Economy economy and for economics from the perspective of her informants. When I became qualified as a stockbroker and investment manager. and Murphy 2010). I read Ho’s between the ideal of shareholder value and the particular version of it that investment (2009) ethnography as an account of financial hegemony and competition over access to interests that are being served.(2009) emphasises the importance of anthropological insight in examining these forces. Asking investments bankers what they thought about the relationship between the actions of Wall Street and the economy at large could have yielded interesting results. fascinating to also consider that she did not decide to pursue this research.
Ho (2009) maintains that shareholder value was beginning informants. economy at large. The dependency link of the shareholder value-orientations. Ho (2009) unpacks the ethnographic present. 122-129). this entailed supplanting existing values – in During her fieldwork. the tension is averted because the company has become a necessary evolutionary progression from stakeholder value-orientations to market to society is rendered imperceptible.benefits to the economy at large. There is a greater inherent valuation for 28 .S. Thus. The shift was from the old concept of the firm as a social institution. and short-term profits. perpetuated by an origin myth where investment banks provided the capital to allow corporate America to grow. for Ho’s (2009) network of liquid investors. liquidity. to the new notion of the corporation as a mutuality upon which it rests. Even when increasing shareholder defined by its owners and not its employees (pp.K. and the condition of the U. who in turn U. to engulf U. (pp. Essentially.S. where stakeholder economies create social attachments to firms. shifting concepts of inequality and wealth. grip over corporate America. now measured by efficiency. where profits go to the owners of the companies’ shares. which surpasses a mere I would suspect that bankers would instead perceive this unfortunate scenario as company profits go to long-serving employees. While one could interpret this as an instance of the market undermining the value means cutting jobs. and U. This loyalty is reciprocated from the companies.. 26-30). which leads her to the takeover movement in the 1980s when Wall Street hardened its the plural sociological sense – and establishing values that are more market-oriented. the former offer more than simply a market rate wage. valued for its permanency and role in the community. the championing of shareholder value was mission-driven and considered economically and morally the correct thing to do. These self-serving narratives (discussed in more detail below) re-signify the business landscape in a in the U.S. To understand this phenomenon.S. I am referring to the contrast of “values” that can be discerned between the stakeholder economies of Japan and Western Europe. with the shareholder economies of the rewards for loyalty and the latter for individual gain. The institutional loyalties of the economic relationship. as Gudeman (2009a) might posit. culture as the central reasoning and explanation for the restructuring of manner that promotes inequality and prevents a more democratic approach to business firms.
today the until a leveraged buyout (LBO) led to massive downsizing. Ho in capital improvement plans. she argues that shareholder value must be viewed as a political tactic to monopolise control over corporations and to support power of economic ideas and their utility as political tools. as Ho (2009) illustrates with the capitalising on the downturn of the previous decade to align corporate values to those of capitalism. To counter the perceived inefficiencies of managerial long term decline in the value of the target company. Just as values.group ties. downsizing. who believed that Wall Street unlocked value and improved efficiency in corporate America. caused a example of Daimler-Benz and Chrysler. The company had been operating competitively with plans for growth while the company itself was saddled with a monumental amount of debt. lower wages. Although some informants the demands of short-term financial profiteering. rather than composites of shareholder value were packaged together and represented in one any conflicting values. Hence. the way that her informants none robustly challenged their assumptions and resorted instead to neoclassic explain this tension. values and practices that are hierarchical and diverging. the economists economic usage of the term – as a market valued share price – that ignores and conceals calls forth the case of Safeway to show the real purpose of creating shareholder value in these contexts. Ho (2009) argues that the takeover movement of the 1980s and the the stock market and Wall Street. and “efficiency”. pp. The benefits of this configuration for the few can be discerned when Ho (2009) and financiers of today have learned well from their counterparts of the marginalist revolution. this enacted a significant transfer of wealth (2009) argues that takeovers should be understood as power struggles over cultural mergers and acquisitions prevalent in the 1990s were really about high financiers the firm became their interests (pp. as advocates of shareholder value. 29 . highlights the representational were more hesitant over the benefits of shareholder value. individual achievement and ability (Blim 2005. paradoxically. and a reduction from the firm to top company executives. investment banks. managers were made into shareholders through LBOs so that the interests of These revolutions in the name of shareholder value often. Ostensibly. were abandoned for price back then. and the private equity firm. such as these. Moreover. Essentially. as rewards are given for occupancy and role within the firm. Contrary to the worldview of her informants. 314-316). Thus. 129-153).
This interpretation of events sits rather comfortably with amount of wealth to be transferred to those who access it. The explicit theories of an institutional sector. then how of the human economic mind. we also begin to see why economic expertise is perhaps such a valued service. the 30 . and produces financial dominance” (p. the use of the share price as the rationalisations (pp. In this view. since it allows an enormous primary measure of a company was about restoring the “correct” harmony between centric short-term decisions on corporations.S. and investors. Elites created the conditions for financial accumulation through the financialisation of corporate America and by perpetuating neoclassic ideologies that became so pervasive that the very actors who currently carry the flag for shareholder value do not recognise their From the standpoint of investment bankers. 153-168). hegemony (pp. powers and institutions have cultivated the market economy to their benefit. shareholder value enables investment bankers to allows Wall Street to maintain its current position as producer of U. 72). 35- package their values into a single number and fight for elite interests by forcing market- naturalizes imperialist practices. Here. As she argues. contributions to these unequal transfers of wealth.the Marxist analysis of political economy changes that I outlined above. Ho (2009) purports that part of the discursive power of the market derives from these abstract. justifies global financial influence. but also on decontexualized extrapolations (and new “a crude reinterpretation of the historical relationships between corporate America. were the minds of the masses won over or coerced into allowing such unequal accumulations of wealth? Combining these transformations with an interpretative control and ownership of firms. If the ruling theory of value may throw light upon these questions. Wall Street also maintains its own hegemony through “[t]he culture of smartness [which] begets global spread. in this case comprised of economists and financiers. flexible representations and 38). brewed its own stock of knowledge to support shareholder value through what Ho (2009) shows to be stock market. as we travel deeper into the realm The manner in which investment banks and their worldview of shareholder value Masters of a Symbolic Universe of Value became institutionalised and then legitimated resonates clearly with the levels of legitimacy that Berger and Luckman (1966) outline.
and liquidity is preferred to high level of legitimacy. and short-termism. Accordingly. this universe is characterised by Dumontian Her informant describes Wall Street as a fighter plane when making decisions in comparison to other corporations. this implies a value loyalty are abandoned for shareholder value that. to denaturalise bankers’ worldview of shareholder value. As Ho (2009) points out. and Secondly. the manner in which bankers selected symbolic universe of value. Ho (2009) offers us a vignette of these realms when she shows that the stock market was historically constructed to reality never had it. 343). There are numerous indications that such a phenomenon exists. a fourth level of legitimacy that also suggests the existence of a system of meaning that Graeber (2005) alludes to. hierarchy.adaptations) from neoclassic and classic economic thought” (p. hierarchy where Wall Street’s quick adaptation and flexibility are favoured over slow and rigid firms. is a composite that includes notions of liquidity. This notably contains and conceals the dimensions of illiquidity (pp. which is perhaps best exemplified when Ho (2009) recounts an interview with an analyst that moved from investment bank Morgan Stanley to Pepsi Corporation. the hierarchy above implies that there are different segregations or 31 . 169). Firstly. in spite of the single number power that my discussion in the previous section crystallised. She points out that corporations raised early 1970s (pp. commitment. bankers are superior to the average worker. spheres of value encompassed by the modern universe. while it was actually corporations that financed the growth axioms to fit their worldview indicates how it was able to reach and maintain such a None of these changes could have taken place if they did not occur within a funded the vast majority of their capital expenditure from internal resources up until the constructed justification for institutional practice. Ho (2009) finds this alarming since the stock price is used as a separate control from ownership in order to create liquidity. The values – in a sociological sense – of trust. who in flexibility. 243-248). Ho (2009) contests the myth funds predominantly through bonds issues for most of the twentieth-century and of the stock market (p. This contradicts general beliefs about corporate history that saw control returned to the shareholder. represented on the stock exchange. 179 & 202). Although shareholder value is in reality a socially upon which its legitimacy rests whereby the shareholder was situated as the original fund provider and controller of corporations.
This may be a step to fixing the our current economic crisis (pp. “valued shareholders”. Against Wall retail company could be making lots of sales and performing well but this would not Street’s claims. 248-250). stocks are not merely representations since they belong to a divergent the share price – is ill suited to the operations of the firm. which might lead to downsizing. then Ho’s (2009) informants have used the scientific. contemporary consciousness. It makes the inversion. conceptually harder to solely on cash flows and the like. we do not even make the value judgement Fourthly. fanned out into a collection of flat views of this kind” (Dumont 1986. while the share price itself is prevent general market fear – operating in a different value sphere – from depressing the price and attracting pressure from investors. or the economic. if as Dumont (1986) argues.measure of corporate success and value yet the value realm of liquidity – which affects not historically or culturally connected to the practices of the company. Rather than determining share price based charitable causes or the level of carbon emissions. Dumont’s (1986) claim that “[t]he whole has become a heap” resonates with The more that shareholder value gains legitimacy and begins to take on the form of an against share price. 183-188). which clearly denotes the superiority of the shareholder by placing 32 . Whatever the context. For instance. In the modern view. these segmented hierarchies of value may be imagined to have varying degrees of attachment to a broader social order. p. 262 & 263). we need not look beyond the very structure of the phrase point. 249). such as contributions to modern view. determining the values of the pair would only entail a look at each of the hands. At that over left or right. the scientific is replacing the moral in our ideology – if indeed it has not already – “the previous hierarchical universe…[becomes] “shareholder value”. there is no inversion of values at different levels since everything is measured the word first. Finally. Dumont (1986) claims that in the nonan idea and a pair of values – is rooted in relation to the whole body or a higher level of existence (pp. market mechanisms could be established that increase Certainly. the values of the right hand and left hand – which he invokes to exemplify modern formation that has arisen from the break between the element and the whole. a Thirdly. share value in relation to some broader social measure. Applying this to shareholder value suggests the possibility of alternative configurations. to directly realign and then justify what should be considered “moral”. social construction that functions apart from corporations (pp.
nurturing or predatory. Institutional and political influences played an instrumental role in out of universal self-interested rationality. Wall Street is a place framework. This is all made possible through the rendering of instituted financial and unattended. thus. existing ethnographic research on powerful market actors and institutions. it is hard to doubt that they play a significant role in perpetuating the worldview of shareholder value. Hence. out there informing bankers’ decisions and guiding their preferences towards appear to assume endless forms. On the one hand. long-term or shortterm. The concept of value that I have been developing appears to have universal applicability – ostensibly due to its interpretive flexibility – yet the manifestations of it shareholder value. On the other. money is central to peoples’ being on the Street and is also the key product that the financial institutions are structured to institutional – on the Street and far beyond. are capable of manipulating and oscillating these value structures – by asserting a particular type of economic expertise – into configurations examine a single ethnography in significant detail because it largely conforms to my specific relation to the economic lives of investment bankers.imagine. there can be no value in who the shareholders are. I have verified that interpretive value theory can speak of both individuals and of societies in the same breath. one could argue that all bankers are really just acting continues into the section below. This has enabled me to think through the key perspectives of this paper in where people go to make money as individuals. while political economy unearths the 33 . forgiving or relentless. as the name implies. these elements of the framework cannot be left economic expertise that has essentially liquidated social relations – both individual and Whether or not one chooses to accept the hegemonic view of the institutions and crafting these values. I chose to I have tried to show how the Eye of Providence model is useful when interpreting manufacture. there appears to be a realm of value the ruling powers. It seems that “the masters of the that best suit their financial and monetary interests. While the universal-particular debate dynamics that motivate them. Summary universe”.
I turn the optic to the case of international cash arena for economic rationality. But what happens when we step away from market institutions and toward economic life that flourishes in an entirely different social sphere? To address this question. 10 Given the development potential of $316 billion+. even just the recorded transfers were estimated to be only second to Foreign Direct Investment and were much more resilient during the global downturn (Ratha. Assuming that remittances are less of a formally and – for some –potentially the most important 10 example of economic activity that origin country.Migrant Remittances in an Anthropological Economy society and later critiqued an ethnography that offers a view of this relationship from language and think in its logic. 4). 11 To introduce remittances. p. macroeconomics there has been a shift of focus from the short-run effects of transfers to discussion of migrant-remittance economics. Investment bankers were shown to largely talk in its “the market” itself. entails dealing with peoples’ actions that operate outside the discipline’s comfort zone. I suspect that the transferring agents are much then contrast this with an anthropological perspective through the conceptual operates to principles other than those that we might consider to come under the rubric more distant from the discipline of economics than financiers. The migrant-remittance phenomenon is perhaps the most significant 9 institutionalised economic function. I first examine how economists try to build expert knowledge about the remittance phenomenon. there has been increasing acknowledgement in microeconomics of the familial and strategic motives behind remittances. or at least from the perspective of very influential market actors. Mohapatra & Silwal 2010. investment banking is very much an institutionalised I began this paper by drawing on theories about the relation of the market to transfers that are sent by migrant workers to recipients who have remained in their of “the market economy”. while in 9 Against other international flows. Thus. The authors recognise 34 . 3). the authors I begin with a summary and critique of Rapoport and Docquiers’ (2005) What the Economists Say… their long-run role in development and reducing inequality (p. I point out that since the 1980s. In addition to the cultural influences. See Rapoport and Docquier (2006). since it framework of this paper. 11 The work was prepared for an independent non-profit organisation that researches labour and was later published in a handbook for economics.
and exchange of individual rationality. they present a corresponding set of predicted outcomes that would allegedly 35 . thus. authors proceed to present their “theory”. 6). they still assume a complex mixture of motives that “combine an altruistic component. Remittances are claimed to be remittances from a microeconomic perspective. 8 & 9). and constitute a remittances as an important source of income (p. a repayment-of predicated on the characteristics of remitters (pp. 10). However. they argue for further investigation since remittances various countries has revealed that a significant percentage of households rely on improve the material well-being of family members in the recipient countries. they emphasise that the method of conducting household surveys from study more challenging. In this view. determine and shape the impetus to remit. or cultural forces that might In spite of the recognition of these composite structures. are a major source of foreign exchange. however. 5). 11-36). an inheritance component. an insurance component. political. Remittances and Microeconomics large portion of GDP in many of the developing countries to which they are sent (p. while the authors acknowledge more than self-interest. This is essentially a series of complex formulas abstracted for each of the motivations to remit.that poor data quality circumscribes the macro analyses of remittances and that the difficulty in discriminating between competing microeconomic theories makes their Moreover. Rapoport and Docquier (2005) seem to recognise that the money transfers are a composite of categories. a variety of services” (p. money is used to loans component. From this and for each women but with no consideration of the social. suggesting that transfers are not Rapoport and Docquier (2005) begin their analysis by attempting to understand economics is located in individuals’ minds – or more specifically the psyche – of men and values are packaged into single numbers and played off against one another when the materialise if the motivations were combined with different variables (pp. They reference a comparative and statistical study from the 1980s that showed migration and remittance decisions to be interrelated but determined by different factors. as with Guyer’s (2009) oil prices. whole collections of motivation. often significantly increase GNP. Moreover. which underlies every motive that they inspect.
while the disclaimer acts as a caveat in develop their theories. 37-38). we may as well economists argued that the study was unable to determine the factors that operated at & Docquier 2005. [U]nder the investment motive. The second study analysed remittances in four different anthropological expertise have a greater use value in this context? It is even more astounding that a later review of the second study by other Mexican communities and returned intriguing findings when “dummy variables” for community membership actually explained much of the variance in the study. This implies that single-site research is unable to community levels because they only have information from four communities (Rapoport 36 . The solid form of the argument – its simple causeeffect statements – replaces the woolly content. the size of remittances should be negatively related to these two variables in the altruistic case. remittances geographic distance” (pp. such as: “pure altruism can be singled out as a motivation…[A]ssuming that altruism decreases with time and familial distance. The first drew on empirical studies that publicised the “proofs” for the motivations and variables used to anthropological material by taking into account the social prestige that is gained for a migrant’s clan when remitting and how this makes insurance contracts – a form of remittance – enforceable. 39). and/or moving costs…[and should] increase with the migrant’s education and with …should…be related to the amounts invested by the family in the migrant’s education Here. Rapoport and Docquier (2005) offer a précis of the However. Interestingly. neglects social determinants of the propensity to remit and underscore two exceptions burn the vast majority of anthropology books published since Malinowski (1922) determine that which operates at the level of community. 40-48). cracks in the woodwork begin to appear when the authors conclude the persuasive power (Gudeman 2009b). the form of the argument is transmitting a considerable part of its meaning and case the hypotheses are proven wrong in the future. the authors note that the empirical evidence where community characteristics were not overlooked.Several claims and hypotheses that are “testable” and relatively straight-forward are contrasted. In the section that follows. in which case. pp. Might “theory” section by noting that “working with a limited data set makes it impossible to reach any decisive conclusion regarding the underlying motives for remittances” (p.
The short-run analysis concludes by referencing a study of the 12 37 . I doubt that they would have returned with little explanation. They attribute this to the lack of necessary data. we can turn to their macroeconomic analysis. the immeasurability of data. After outlining some general theories about trade. The economic researchers allude tape measures and spirit levels when what we really need are good old-fashioned familiar institutional environment. if competent anthropologists had conducted a comparative extended-case study of the four Mexican communities. I predict that a traditional long stint of participant-observation to the necessity of this kind of study but seem incapable of suggesting it. Remittances and Macroeconomics amounts to. it seems that economists struggle to formulate economic ideas from economic functionings. they criticise the research for only which found that “the high-migration equilibrium Pareto dominates the low migration analysing remittances for a certain level of migration and treating this variable as exogenous (pp. 12 showing that…[receivers and non-receivers of remittances] may be better off with higher migration rates if lump-sum transfers between residents are available” them with each other in bulk transfers. and the potential bias in developing countries (p. 50-53). (p. and Now that we know what Rapoport and Docquiers’ (2005) “native point-of-view” equilibrium. welfare in relation to international transfers. relative prices. footnote added). there is less inequality. In short. They have a toolbox full of sophisticated in one community would shine a much brighter light upon the cultural determinants and established our method. 54. they endogenous determination of wages and prices…[but that] there is no study on the point out that modern econometric research is “based on a systematic exploration of the short-run effects of remittances” that apply these techniques. even if it were to be only applicable to those communities.underlying motives that Rapoport and Docquier (2005) search for. Outside of their hammers and chisels to chip away at the surface and reveal the hidden treasures of cultural forces. 50). effects of remittances on welfare together with the factors that determine migration. if there are lots of remittances and the recipients share I interpret this as showing that there is less inequality with higher migration. On the short-run side. Further.
but rather in statistics and econometrics” (p. Secondly. which was no longer rooted in rational choice. an economist by trade. Rapoport and Docquier Rapoport and Docquiers’ (2005) long-run examination begins with a disclaimer benefits of remittances to endogenous and calculable market transactions (Gudeman microeconomic section to analyse the effects of inequality.(2009) depiction of the methodological shifts in economics where he argues that the discipline has moved away from the hypothetico-deductivism of the general equilibrium the 70s – to a more inductive methodology. The authors conclude that “remittances tend to have an overall positive effect on origin countries’ long-run economic performance” and suggest two “modest” policy issues (p. the 76). 75). pp. so obvious. financial services industry should be developed to better accommodate remittances. With the social now rendered workable. investment of remittances should be encouraged rather than consumption (p. It seems that. They argue that these reveal that “the growth potential of remittances depends on their impact on productivity and inequality in the origin communities” but concede that the evidence is based on micro data due to the poverty of macro data available (p. Perhaps that states: “it is only very recently that the long-run impact of remittances has been this will lead us to new avenues of exploration and allow us to arrive at conclusions that reformulated in an endogenous growth framework” (p. Firstly. This presents a distinct opportunity for develop more contextualised models for the short-run effects of remittances. as they seek to are not. 64 & 65). 66). era – the problems of applying this to the real world have purportedly been known since The problems that the researchers encountered appear to be related to Milberg’s shortcomings in perpetuating universal models. 55). it does not currently have the capability to apply the necessary a posteriori techniques. although economics is aware of its past anthropology to prove its worth in collaboration with economists. This appears to be a case of economists “cascading” their market models to convert the exogenous socially shared (2005) outline two models that demonstrate that remittances promote investment in physical and human capital and then extend their investment model from the 2009b. this has “established a new type of beachhead for economic research across the social sciences. For Milberg (2009). 38 . 55). in my opinion.
and that “income differentials are a highly significant determinant of remittances”. Chami et al (2008) maintain that their ultimate aim is to outline implications for It is intriguing to compare this academic research with that of economists who households’ welfare by lifting families out of poverty and insuring them against income Docquier (2005) as they warn that “literature on the causes and uses of remittances falls remittance determination” (p. This is researchers are further abstracting from the evidence – representing and manipulating seemingly how their arguments are constructed. 25). The real question research was notably undertaken by two of the authors of this very IMF paper. To advance the notion of compensatory remittances. Chami et al (2008) present response to [recipients’] currency depreciations”. When doing so. the it – in order to establish a degree of supposed correlation between variables. The recommended far short” due to a lack of data and theoretical and empirical consensus. Writing for the IMF. All this apparently points to “a strong for Chami et al (2008) is whether or not remittances are compensatory or opportunistic. 21). 1). Moreover. rather than like opportunistic transfers such as capital flows” (p.policymakers who may wish to manage the macroeconomic effects of remittances or harness their potential for development. although this should apparently be considered with caution. they seek more useful for thinking about remittances’ economic impacts” (p. as James Carrier (2009b) argues. the simplicity of the form of economic arguments is “potent rhetoric” in itself (p. 39 . The authors then reference work that shows the “best evidence” for this question and the results of a regression analysis that shows that “workers’ remittances decrease in significant determinant of remittance flows until after 2001”. The paper’s findings are said to confirm the main benefit referenced in microeconomic literature: that “remittances improve shocks” (p.25). Hence. The authors initially appear to have similar concerns to Rapoport and “to establish a useful basis for classifying and distinguishing among theories of are more directly linked to the interests and rulings of the ruling powers. “interest rate differentials are not a indication that remittances behave like compensatory transfers such as insurance. 27). Essentially. they later criticise the categories of motivation that Rapoport and Docquier (2005) use and propose “to reconsider the literature on remittance determination and recharacterize it in a way that renders it that allegedly proves the case of the former parameter (p.
or at least under our name. cross-country longitudinal research must be conducted that: and remittances are actually made” (p. In this case. Chami et al The International Monetary Fund (2010) offers only careers in “Economics”. Given the weak foundations upon which Chami et als’ (2008) policy 13 simply reiterating Marx’s (1867) concern that “[o]ne capitalist always kills many” (p. State arriving at the same conclusion as Rapoport and Docquier (2005). governments around the globe have so far seemed largely incapable of curtailing the (2008) fear that remittances might reduce the political will to make these improvements and suggest that governments may need to be reformed through outside influences (p. However. “follows a cohort of migrants and their families over time as they face migration. such as through improvements in infrastructure. in this grand neoliberal stalwart. However. 30). effectively Even with their self-confessed partial knowledge. the study concedes that the current literature is insufficient and that remittance. 40 . 81). Could anthropologists not be situated in various communities The case for participant-observation is confirmed yet they dare not blasphemously utter through extended-cases in an attempt to understand the value universes within which there is no room for knowledge of our kind. With the intention of improving the long-run development potential countries more investable. This is an incredibly precarious suggestion for poverty reduction. how decisions about migration the “anthropology” word. Chami et al (2008) are able to remittances operate from the perspective of the migrants? Unfortunately. 143). they suggest making the recipient offer policy advice. of remittances while preserving poverty reduction. it appears that poverty and inequality that has historically followed the advancement of markets and the uneven accumulations of wealth they bring (Harvey 2005).15). Nonetheless. the department where its knowledge is produced. irrespective of the “depth and realism [that anthropology can add] to the more abstract and formal analyses characteristic of aggregative economics”(p. 6). and repatriation issues…and must involve conducting interviews of migrants and family members to determine. and “Other Fields”. the diversity of life is cropped into convincing and calculable categories that leave the un-captured elements for other social scientists to discover. 13 Geertz’s (1963) ideal of the two disciplines being “joined in a single framework” still seems some way off (p. I am not 384). which are mainly its operational roles. as closely as possible.
Thus. These that operate within a market economy. yet they framework of this paper. whereby the supreme value would become the individual entrepreneur. tries to storm through the streets. They should not be considered as formal exchanges 41 . they do imply that a system of private property rights be established. A whole gift economy practically fades into analytical depth. pp. they target values. Anthropologists can carefully traverse the uneven ground that economists lay. the gesture is made in a notably de-politicised manner by Chami et 21 & 22). I restrict my scope to the case of remittances in the Pacific. Instead. rather than the kin group. By recommending that entrepreneurial activity be encouraged through intervention. Yet the economic reports discussed above mention nothing of private property being an obstacle. to be transnational corporations that will opportunistically exploit the local labour force. With an anthropological view of remittances. To address this and to allow for economic functionings are actually part of a moral economy of informal transactions that meet and establish obligations. which makes it practically impossible to invest in production (Hughes & Sodhi 2006.recommendation is based. as economists might prefer. Remittances in the Pacific – a case which I discuss in more detail below – are reach of the market. The imperial march of economic expertise descends from the ivory towers and probe the various ways in which economic knowledge is constructed by economists. It is probably out of their remit to directly recommend political changes. continuing through the conceptual that economics cannot seem to capture with its blurry view of remittances and the implications that this might have. values of the domestic moral economy be realigned to those of the market economy. the purpose of this section is to reveal the type of knowledge are not restricted by the same frontiers. the big winners are most likely Nevertheless. social domain. a very different picture emerges to that which economists depict. As Carrier’s (2009b) case illustrates. allowing them to venture much further into the The previous section has demonstrated how an anthropological perspective can Remittances and the Eye of Providence Model insignificance in the world as represented by economics. The economic researchers are suggesting that the existing overwhelmingly used for consumption due to the absence of established property rights. though. I interpret it as a neoliberal ideological gesture to extend the al (2008).
S. As I will show. Remittances occur transnationally as part of the “ongoing flow of people. they are. 9-12). and the U. between those at home and rapid expansion of Fijian migration that followed three political coups over the last overseas. where exchange-through-gift is the only one feature of a much more general and enduring contract” (p. ideas and so on. assuming that they do not operate on a purely arbitrary individual basis. the acts of remittance cannot really been seen a lot less consensus in economics over what these transfers actually are. 8).formally embedded in institutions – cannot help us here. money. interpreting the institutional culture was central to understanding how that aspect of the market operated. p. One could even argue that it was a blend of these two expansion of wage labour. as the first source. What do remittances do? Indeed. Shareholder powerful representations of remittances that we could compare to the notions of value increases market price. The former is exemplified by the The political economy of remittances is inherently complex. Whereas in the case of investment banking. 5). in fact. Australia. Nevertheless. The state influences of the origin and destination countries can be considered external forces that act upon migrants and remitters. I can identify three sources of political force that brought migrant-remittances into being through the Pacific migrants – that are shown to have greatly shaped the patterns of migration and remittance (Lee 2009. pp. or market institution. we must also investigate the political elements of the phenomenon intrinsically. due to the informal nature of remittances. Transnational Dynamics of Remittances rule. the state policies of New Zealand. 13) . Moreover. p. – as the three main destinations for 42 . remittances must logically be guided greatly submerged in a galaxy of socially institutionalised constellations of kinship and chieftainship. there appears to be no Thus. it seems that there is neoclassic economic models or shareholder value. the notion of the market – as as strongly related to any market. As Mauss (1990) would remind us. This indicates that we must think twenty-five years (Lee 2009. the “economic transaction is only one element… in which the passing of wealth is by either some ruling power or institutionalised practice. however. An example of the latter form of influence are the about the interests and rulings of the powers of the origin countries. and across the diaspora” (Lee 2009. Thus. distinct sources of significant influence. goods. as the second source. and of the destination countries.
14 kinship as an institution. the lines between the elements are blurry. land access. however. as relations are transforming to meet changing needs. I still believe that it is necessary to differentiate ruling powers from other institutions. as I mentioned when outlining the model. Samoan remittances are embedded in kinship relations just as investment banking is submerged in the marketplace and Wall Street culture. 43 . By the 1980s. that became the reason and vehicle for 2009. which were also used as sites for 14 altered the way in which remittances function. however. money is not just a medium social relations are maintained and expressed (Strathern 1975). 15 The institution of kinship has itself survived because it is crucial to kinship as the basis.third source of remittance patterning can derive from the internal political economy of a person’s community. migrants started to One could argue that the ruling power has itself become instituted. mobilise and shape economic practices. social and political statuses. In Samoa. Economic “expertise” of the investment banking variety does not feature here. such as those held for graduation. and conferring chiefly titles. kinship and chieftainship structure social organisation production were not significantly transformed by the monetary system in Samoa. The commitment to kinship is changing in the migrant enclaves. However. thus. 61). and wage labour as an economic idea and functioning. an aspect of the broader external and. which is something that I hope the political focus of this paper has emphasised. as well as system of capitalism. expanding the sphere of political economic obligations (Macpherson & Macpherson transnationalism. Samoan transnationalism would actually not be what it is without kinship. I consider I now briefly discuss the case of Samoa from the perspective of the migrant chieftainship to be a traditional form of ruling power. p. Although land tenure and the lineage mode of rather than individual profit maximisation. wagework was still the most powerful dynamic for social change. increasing the size and cost of them to compete for social prestige. communities that transfer money to their homeland. With through which individuals gain wealth for themselves but an “operator” through which There have been substantial changes to these configurations recently that have demonstrations of wealth by chiefs and extended kin. 15 This notably counters any assumption that kinship is always fraught by transnationalism. Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009. migrants have elaborated traditional ceremonies. In this context. They have also created new ceremonies. Testing the Eye of Providence model in Samoa would return some curious similarities and differences. it was kinship.
where migrants’ kin making demands on them that they struggle to meet. it is likely interest in matai recently as overseas transmigrants obtain power and desire chiefly power to accumulate wealth. As an integral part of this process. This can lead to Strathern (1975) also identified in her study of Hagen migrants in Port Moresby. The matai system has itself been effectively bought (Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009. Most gifts in the matai ceremony are now cash. as was evident in an investiture ceremony where chiefly titles were for honours” exemplifies how an indigenous institution is being transformed by titles. remittances are much more than migrants’ access to new forms of wealth. If this process continues. while financial expectations from kin continued to grow (Macpherson & Macpherson 2009). while nonthat there will be fewer transactions and remittances between Samoa and the migrant destinations (Macpherson & Macpherson 2009). There has been increased they contribute to in order to acquire chiefly standings. They are dialectically constituted and embedded in the politics of matai and the institution of kinship. People are using this chiefly institution of personal status. then. which increases demand for remittances back home through the transnational interplay simply cash transfers motivated by a variety of individual drives. people assessed the costs and benefits of migrants looked after obligations in their homeland. transnationalism has actually migrants to feel trapped in town because they have not made enough money to return home with and others to feel resentment towards those from home that make such demands (pp. where as in rural areas it is an extra. This 44 . enhance their close family kin group. pp. and enrich their commodified. This Samoan version of “cash of ideas. A significant aspect of remittances. thus adding weight to the matai status.feel the social and financial pressure of these demands. In the case of Samoa. 61-64). Money in urban areas is spent on subsisting and maintaining an urban lifestyle. then. redefined the matai chiefly system and the tautua service system. Many community has cultivated indigenous notions of “home” and “reach” that are not On the Samoan island community of Savai’i. This is something that money acts as a trickster that lures people to the town with an expansionist ideal but then turns out to be a limited good. which causes some the aiga system and began to feel more obligated to kin within the enclaves. are the tautua services that people are not simply uprooted but operate as transmigrants. This transnational accurately described by the dichotomy of “receiving” and “sending” countries. 345-362).
p. which it ranks below in Tongan society. and However. Articulations of Value Realms 2009. 183). While cash is being used increasingly in ritual exchanges. and political complexity of remittances that escape economists’ analyses. cash is King. cultural. It is hard to imagine where the practice of koloa would fit into the inequality. while money only reciprocated. almost all are bi-directional. cloth regenerates people culturally. The study of remittances makes explicit the notion that “every exchange. While money can make things more manageable. economic. The incredible diversity of Pacific communities indicates cannot just be assumed that modernity is homogenous or homogenising. shells are shells. money still needs to be accompanied by cloth to be gifted economic analyses described above that only see the value of cloth as its market operates for individuals. for aesthetically. From their perspective. We cannot just assume teleologically that money will replace cloth (Addo exchange value or price. the contra-flows may as well not used as either a gift or a commodity and comprises a substantial amount of the contraflows.reiterates Sahlins (1972) point that economics is a cultural category rather than simply individual motivation or behaviour. 29). while some remittances may be altruistic and others self-interested. Another consequence of this is that traditional wealth is not try to understand the principles of a gift economy. I do not suggest that that there will be a multitude of different ways that peoples engage with wage labour. transfers are still part of the broader gift economy. cannot be understood in its material terms apart from its social terms” (p. Cloth is cloth. remittance instance. In Tonga. yet since economics does way from replacing cloth. state currency income is the index for all remittances in the Pacific function this way but emphasise general trends that begin to show the social. as it embodies some co-efficient of sociability. a system of processes that are “marked by a continuous flow in all directions of presents given. even if we were to limit our scope to the material world. Koloa cloth can be overlooked. accepted. p. obligatorily and out of self-interest” (Mauss 1990. given the The examples that I have listed thus far are relatively broad. it is still a long occur (Lee 2009. 23). 43-55). as 45 . Moreover. as traditional forms of wealth are rendered valueless. It divergent meanings that money assumes in different contexts (Bloch & Parry 1989). pp. These contra-flows have significant value.
outside of the kula trade ring and into a transnational monetary space. it is reasonable to assume that. One tactic would now invoke a monograph from an inter-island Pacific community. What. the economic within a hierarchical realm of value. a migrant externalises his self by leaving the person even after being abandoned. migration and remittance expand the web of relations and obligations. as the former creates negative value and the latter positive value. In this and fame. for instance. 117) – of individuals and the community. Nancy Munn (1986) offers an be to apply and expand a theory of value at the level of community to comprehend what well as the resilience that Melanesian communities have shown to state money (Akin & Robbins 1999). it is highly unlikely that the Gawan value system has since been completely of remittance mean to Gawans in this milieu? As Munn (1986) shows. To hypothesise about what such research might yield and to emphasise the strength of ethnographic accounts. operate externalising the island’s internal resources. Fame is thus produced by externalising the internal elements of Gawa – the activities of Gawans are geared towards increasing the fame – as a virtuality of influence context. for Gawans. the “thing received is not inactive” because it still possesses something of How might Gawans that stay at home experience long-term migration that then leads to estrangement? Such cases can be considered to generate negative value for the 46 . might the act (p. Exchanges of food. Therefore. 6).interpret the local definitions and understand remittances from the perspective of economic actors in the origin communities and in the migrant enclaves. Just as food-giving entails island’s resources – and transacting them across the inter-island community (p. “Through it the giver has a hold over the beneficiary” (pp. as well as the fame of Gawa. migration and remittance mean to the current inhabitants. its capacity to expand relations the island and offering part of this self back in the form of remittance. I suspect that the current situation is an articulation Pacific Island community of Ponam (Carrier & Carrier 1989). Clearly. the value of an act is determined by its potency. there is a need for theoretically-informed ethnography to account of how value is created and destroyed in Gawa. where consumption is subordinated to eradicated by money and markets. transmission. As Mauss (1990) would argue. as has been shown to be the case on the the 1970s. then. 11 & 12). I Writing from the view of symbolic anthropology. Although her fieldwork began in of traditional values and capitalist values.
anthropology can help to illuminate the hidden interests of the ruling shadowed by the rhetoric and dominance of economics and the representations that it But more importantly. groups powers that may explain the prevalence of such measures. the younger generations of migrants are expected to receive the messages of self-interest and economic individualism (pp. it is to confuse the elements of a synthesis with the synthesis itself” (p. 28 & 29). However. what is the use of “national” statistics? Under my model. whereby “the positive potentialities of inter-island relations have been subverted into negatives. as Lee (2009) since it has its own social system. Therefore. to generalise from the village-level to the country-level “is to commit the fallacy of composition in an egregious manner. p. economists appear to take this flagrant myth to the next level. and purposes. even the practice of calculating economic functionings through under considerable scrutiny (Lee 2009. which are then used to justify policy that I have highlighted. suggests. If a complex network of people. 220).modernity and markets as seductive forms of witchcraft that destroy value by claiming second-generation migrants who choose not to return to the island? One may be they will not “lose touch with the hard surfaces of life” (Geertz 1973a. dynamics. p. by suggesting that researchers incorporate value theory with the Eye of Providence model. 30). much like when there is suspicion of witchcraft. If. Summary concerned that this kind of analysis risks becoming too abstract and could increasingly take on the form of a production of the ethnographer’s mind. problems. characteristics. witchery is experienced as encroaching from the wider island world” (p. the main point that I have tried to communicate here is that in order to theorise about remittances or about how their patterns might change in 47 . Given the transnational flows of wealth and ideas measures that rely on the notion of a nation-state – such as GNP or GDP – can be brought and institutions stretch beyond national borders. then would Gawans perceive community. 15). 142). When constructing micro and macro expertise for remittances. I hope that Geertz (1963) once wrote that a nation is not simply “the small town writ large”. They use empirical data from communities in different nations to develop a patchwork quilt of theoretical propositions and models. prescriptions for nations and villages. which are nonetheless produces to fit both state agendas and its own institutional environment.
It has missed the social transnational gift economy at large. it has predominantly focused on those institutions that enforce property rights. Perhaps guided by the framework of the Eye of Providence model. and included the role of institutions in its analyses.the future. begin to tie it more firmly to the actions and thoughts of the peoples that it work constructively with economics to provide a better representation of the social to community. we must locate individuals’ thoughts and actions within the context of the associated socio-political knowledges and practices that frame them. 59 & 60). as well as the 2009b). In societies where money occupies a more social role. whilst also interpreting the inherent values that shape economic that is more socially-minded is perhaps a more appropriate service to summon. expertise 48 . however small this step might be (Gudeman a marked opportunity for anthropology to contribute to economic expertise and. a comparative anthropology that aims to build general theory through ethnography can institutions and internal political dynamics that structure remittances from community behaviour in each locale. Although the New Institutional Economics has taken a step away from models of rational choice. pp. in groupings that give meaning to peoples’ lives (Milberg 2009. claims to represent. This presents doing so.
a broader anthropological theory of value must seek to incorporate these factors if it is itself to produce contextual and meaningful representations of “the economy”. and individuals. and rotate around. The theoretical approaches of political economy and interpretative value have been shown value helps us understand the meaning of economic life from the perspective of economic actors. to reel what is actually going on out there in the real world. ruling powers. Yet this is more than a crusade against abstraction. institutions. It has been demonstrated that an investigation into economic ideas and to feed off one another as they mediate between. However. are institutionalised with all the necessary 49 Economics tries to institutionalise economic functionings through perpetuating . have developed a methodological and theoretical framework to assist this venture.accordingly. Paradoxically. I do not claim that all economics is purposefully adverse. Indeed. the To highlight the implications of favouring economic knowledge over other forms. Conclusion methodological areas. A symbolic theory of I revealed indications that economics has been used ideologically and politically to serve the interests of ruling powers. such as that downsizing and jobless them in and guide them. Thus. with little effect. history of intellectual disputes appears to be characterised by struggles over representation as economic ideas and reality as economic functionings. Political economy unearths the dynamics of power that structure economic actors through social institutions and for ruling powers. such as investment banking and transactions for shareholder value. The more prescribed functionings of the market that I have discussed. economics appears to be the discipline most at fault of either losing touch or being unable to grasp much of the seem to appear when particular representations become more important to society than economic world and it is anthropologists who constantly try. I have argued for a greater anthropological understanding of the economy and. the discipline appears to be attempting to change its methods and epistemologies. economic ideas but it is far from doing this in the case of remittances. it is a battle against a particular kind of institutionalisation of knowledge and practice. Social problems recoveries can been seen as socially good. which at the very least shows a postmodern sensibility. the four functionings should begin by examining the dialectically embedded and constitutive relationships shared with economies.
even if we assume that rational selfthrough Wall Street’s institutional culture or the plethora of Pacific kinship patterns. unless economics to aspire to a “mechanical simultaneity” in this unfamiliar territory and privilege control familiar environment. who these representations serve.associated levels of economic legitimacy. Therefore. such as those perpetuated by high finance. The more informal phenomenon of migrantremittance transfers is yet to reach the status of formal institutionalisation in economics. should we Perhaps the pertinent question is not whether homo economicus is the natural human condition. general. The tension that economics encounters when trying particular – avoids echoing past debates. are socially unfair. a model that engages with economic expertise – universal. interest is universal. it can offer a better understanding of how nations represent their wealth. Besides. such as however. it still must be channelled through a diversity of contexts. In the Pacific. nor should it endeavour to. of course. I predict that economics will continue strongly evidences the power of the discipline of economics in a well-instituted and economy of the Eye of Providence has reached such celestial heights on Wall Street that investment bankers even interpret their actions in classically economic fashion. But through unpacking economic expertise. whether focus our efforts on proving or disproving the universality of the underlying motivations economics does. Misquoting Durkheim. although it is still enacted through its own existing institutions. we could think “rationally” in a hierarchical universe of values that or on improving the hierarchy? universal and the particular. That is. This Anthropology may never represent the Wealth of Nations as comprehensively as and calculability over social reality. or to institutionalise remittances brings us back to the polarised epistemologies of the kinship and ceremonial exchange. It will attempt to cultivate Pacific peoples’ thoughts and actions upon principles of a market economy. This should draw economic expertise more closely to social reality. while their actual undertakings are shown to be predominantly culturally patterned. This knowledge can then be cross-referenced with the perspectives of the economic individuals whose actions are being narrated. This difference may seemingly continue to divide scholars. clouded by tradition and non-market principles. My comparative analysis has allowed me to see that the 50 . the economic eye is trying drastically to grasp a retinal image of the remittance phenomenon but the vision is foggy. Indeed. and what is actually being represented in this process.
Over generations. Only then will our economic lives be human once again. the discipline of economics – with sacred symbols – formulates its own image which reality and the reality itself. Just as the of the particulars. namely. Perhaps we should concentrate our efforts more on illustrating how the particular is made to act as though it is universal or general. in the Eye of Providence. to make the case for our expertise. If we believe with Geertz (1973b) that the essence of our economic lives. how that some have argued for the particularity of universals and others for the universality However.collaborates more closely with other social scientists and begins to change its theoretical and methodological orientations. more than highlight areas for collaboration. it seems contemporary economics represents the world in order to manipulate it. then a further implication of worshipping economists’ then becomes embedded in society. We must find ways to counter what Keith Hart (2009) calls “a of our humanity is being able to recognise the structural similarity between models of dehumanized expert ideology remote from people’s practical concerns and from their ability to understand” and aspire to more socially-minded representations of the economy. expertise – construing it to be an apt view of reality – is that we deny the human aspect 51 . as I have above. anthropologists clearly need to do human eye provides the brain with a representation of reality.
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