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Manifesto of the Communist Party
Bourgeois and Proletarians | Proletarians and Communists | Socialist and Communist Literature | Position of the Communists in relation to the various existing opposition parties | Preface to 1872 German edition | Preface to 1882 Russian edition | Preface to 1883 German edition | Preface to 1888 English edition | Preface to 1890 German edition | Notes on the Manifesto and translations of it
A spectre is haunting Europe -- the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies. Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries? Two things result from this fact: I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power. II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a manifesto of the party itself. To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages.
I -- BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS 
The history of all hitherto existing society  is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebian, lord and serf, guild-master  and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes. In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians,
knights, plebians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations. The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinct feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other -- bourgeoisie and proletariat. From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed. The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development. The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production was monopolized by closed guilds, now no longer suffices for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guild-masters were pushed aside by the manufacturing middle class; division of labor between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labor in each single workshop. Meantime, the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacturers no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, MODERN INDUSTRY; the place of the industrial middle class by industrial millionaires, the leaders of the whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois. Modern industry has established the world market, for which the discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This development has, in turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages. We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange. Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance in that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association of medieval commune : here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany); there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France); afterward, in the period of manufacturing proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone of the great monarchies in general -the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of Modern Industry and of the world market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative state, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part. The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors", and has left no other nexus between people than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment". It has drowned out the most heavenly ecstacies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom -- Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage laborers. The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation into a mere money relation. The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigor in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former exoduses of nations and crusades. The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real condition of life and his relations with his kind. The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere. The bourgeoisie has, through its exploitation of the world market, given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of reactionaries, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All oldestablished national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National
put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial. but also of the . the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange. it creates a world after its own image. governments. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns. by their periodical return. steam navigation. or but loosely connected provinces. whole populations conjured out of the ground -. by the immensely facilitated means of communication. and systems of taxation. accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it. In one word. draws all. is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells.. and of property. and one customs tariff. the feudal organization of agriculture and manufacturing industry. The cheap prices of commodities are the heavy artillery with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. of exchange and of property. The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population. even the most barbarian. to adopt the bourgeois mode of production. laws. nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois. a great part not only of the existing products. centralized the means of production. they were burst asunder. with its relations of production. It has created enormous cities. against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeois and of its rule. the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged. It compels all nations. they became so many fetters. the East on the West. one frontier. on pain of extinction. and has concentrated property in a few hands. to become bourgeois themselves. It has agglomerated population. with separate interests. electric telegraphs. the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces. each time more threateningly. during its rule of scarce one hundred years. of the means of production. canalization or rivers. clearing of whole continents for cultivation.what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor? We see then: the means of production and of exchange. The bourgeoisie. were generated in feudal society. Into their place stepped free competition. and the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class. nations into civilization. became lumped together into one nation. i. Independent. Modern bourgeois society. and from the numerous national and local literatures. so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones. machinery. by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production. it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst. Subjection of nature's forces to man. For many a decade past. with one government. on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up. railways. They had to be burst asunder. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that. one national class interest. and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life. application of chemistry to industry and agriculture. a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange.e. there arises a world literature. one code of laws. In these crises. in one word. has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together. The bourgeoisie. A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. The necessary consequence of this was political centralization. has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural.one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible.
too much commerce. He becomes an appendage of the machine. But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself. the wage decreases. there breaks out an epidemic that. by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand. Owing to the extensive use of machinery. and for the propagation of his race. consequently. or by increased speed of machinery. and so soon as they overcome these fetters. Masses of laborers. almost entirely. i. in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labor increases. therefore. etc. is developed. to all the fluctuations of the market. And why? Because there is too much civilization. and it is only the most simple. by the conquest of new markets. That is to say.the modern working class -. What is more. The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises. whether by prolongation of the working hours. above all. and therefore also of labor. and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. and of the bourgeois state. too much means of subsistence. the modern working class. the cost of production of a workman is restricted. and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. These laborers. But the price of a commodity. crowded into the factory. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property. by the overlooker.previously created productive forces. by which they are fettered. is equal to its cost of production. the more petty. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism. in the same proportion is the proletariat. in the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society. it appears as if a famine.a class of laborers. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim. the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character. and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. like every other article of commerce. they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine. they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Hence. are periodically destroyed. they have become too powerful for these conditions. most monotonous. developed -. that is required of him.the proletarians. on the contrary. the more hateful and the more embittering it is. too much industry. all charm for the workman. had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence. are organized like soldiers. and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition. in all earlier epochs. who live only so long as they find work. on the other. In proportion as the bourgeoisie. in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases.. are a commodity. In these crises. to the means of subsistence that he requires for maintenance. . as the repulsiveness of the work increases. would have seemed an absurdity -. and. a universal war of devastation. and to the division of labor. Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. and. by the increase of the work exacted in a given time.e. it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons -. As privates of the industrial army. endanger the existence of bourgeois property. capital. and most easily acquired knack. who must sell themselves piecemeal. In proportion. industry and commerce seem to be destroyed.the epidemic of overproduction.
The real fruit of their battles lie not in the immediate result. every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie. the contest is carried on by individual laborers. the contest breaks out into riots. able to do so. it becomes concentrated in greater masses. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles. All are instruments of labor. Here and there. is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion. partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on. they smash to pieces machinery. they set factories ablaze. Thus. for a time. more or less expensive to use. the shopkeeper. the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country. but the enemies of their enemies. the workers begin to form combinations (trade unions) against the bourgeois. make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. all of the same character. Thus. ever more rapidly developing. partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production. the proletariat not only increases in number. At this stage. They direct their attacks not against the bourgeois condition of production. and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. The various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalized. then by the operative of one trade.all these sink gradually into the proletariat. in order to attain its own political ends. so far at an end. this is not yet the consequence of their own active union. against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists. the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population. and retired tradesmen generally. The growing competition among the bourgeois. into one national . Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class. etc. but in the ever expanding union of the workers. shopkeepers. makes their livelihood more and more precarious. and it feels that strength more. they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages. The proletariat goes through various stages of development. they destroy imported wares that compete with their labor. its strength grows. in other words. and is moreover yet. than he is set upon by the other portion of the bourgeoisie. they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. the petty bourgeois. the more modern industry becomes developed. but only for a time. the whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie. and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. At first. the landlord. then by the work of people of a factory. the non-industrial bourgeois. the handicraftsmen and peasants -. but against the instruments of production themselves. and the resulting commercial crises. and broken up by their mutual competition. Thereupon. which class. they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages. the remnants of absolute monarchy. This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by Modern Industry. Now and then the workers are victorious. The lower strata of the middle class -. that he receives his wages in cash. but of the union of the bourgeoisie. in one locality. The increasing improvement of machinery. according to their age and sex. No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer.the small tradespeople. the pawnbroker. the landowners. the more is the labor of men superseded by that of women. But with the development of industry. the proletarians do not fight their enemies. If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies. in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labor. therefore.The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labor. At this stage.
later on. a portion of the bourgeois ideologists. those of old society at large are already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property. Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today. they are reactionary. by chance. the TenHours Bill in England was carried. They are therefore not revolutionary. Just as. into a political party. in other words. that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of the old society. here and there. at an earlier period. These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress. and joins the revolutionary class. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers. But every class struggle is a political struggle. they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat. This organization of the proletarians into a class. its conditions of life. is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves. the modern proletarian. entire sections of the ruling class are. at all time with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. the progress of dissolution going on within the ruling class. the proletariat is its special and essential product. stronger. however. consequently. by the advance of industry. Further. firmer. for they try to roll back the wheel of history. The bourgeoisie itself. glaring character. And that union. it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie. collisions between the classes of the old society further in many ways the course of development of the proletariat. mightier. modern subjection to . and in particular. assumes such a violent. precipitated into the proletariat. to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages. therefore. achieve in a few years. In all these battles. the peasant. with their miserable highways. to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. and thus to drag it into the political arena. supplies the proletariat with its own elements of political and general education. modern industry labor. in fact within the whole range of old society. Finally. the class that holds the future in its hands.struggle between classes. The "dangerous class". In the condition of the proletariat. but their future interests. may. therefore. all these fight against the bourgeoisie. it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat. Altogether. the artisan. more. his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family relations. required centuries. If. the shopkeeper. the social scum. a section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie. whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry. to ask for help. but conservative. by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour. who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole. thanks to railways. they are revolutionary. Nay. The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution. the proletariat alone is a genuinely revolutionary class. so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat. or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. as we have already seen. prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue. that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift. they thus defend not their present. they are only so in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat. At first with the aristocracy. But it ever rises up again. with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself. The lower middle class. and. the small manufacturer. Thus. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry.
certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can. Law. raging within existing society.capital. The proletariat. due to competition. therefore. by the revolutionary combination. independent movement of the immense majority. Though not in substance. raised himself to membership in the commune. on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. the condition for capital is wage labor. whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie. on the contrary. And here it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society. The serf. managed to develop into a bourgeois. Wage labor rests exclusively on competition between the laborers. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery. instead of being fed by him. cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious. All previous historical movements were movements of minorities. behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests. The proletariat of each country must. All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation. and insurances of. above all. Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie. replaces the isolation of the laborers. in other words. or in the interest of minorities. morality. In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable. instead of rising with the process of industry. and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. due to association. and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. The modern laborer. has stripped him of every trace of national character. the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an overriding law. yet in form. of course. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society. The development of Modern Industry. at least. They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces. and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat. in the period of serfdom. every form of society has been based. first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie. in the interest of the immense majority. the lowest stratum of our present society. religion. as we have already seen. cannot stir. But in order to oppress a class. The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital. its existence is no longer compatible with society. we traced the more or less veiled civil war. continue its slavish existence. are to him so many bourgeois prejudices. He becomes a pauper. sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution. cannot raise itself up. because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state. The advance of industry. individual property. the same in England as in France. under the yoke of the feudal absolutism. just as the petty bourgeois. Hitherto. are its own grave-diggers. that it has to feed him. their mission is to destroy all previous securities for. in America as in Germany. FOOTNOTES . without the whole superincumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air.
They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own. a master within. by and by. [Engels. in its typical form. independently of all nationality. the class of modern wage laborers who. In 1847. England is here taken as the typical country. the pre-history of society. They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole. all but unknown. Georg Ludwig von Maurer proved it to be the social foundation from which all Teutonic races started in history. are reduced to selling their labor power in order to live. that is.PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole? The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties. after they had purchased or conquered their initial rights of self-government from their feudal lords. owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labor. having no means of production of their own. Since then. the primitive form of society everywhere from India to Ireland. [Engels: 1888 English edition] II -. [Note by Engels . by which to shape and mold the proletarian movement. for the economical development of the bourgeoisie. or to have been. village communities were found to be. des Privateigenthumus und des Staats_. and. society begins to be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes. Generally speaking.1888 English edition]  That is. 1888 English edition]  Guild-master. By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists. they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat. for its political development. The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: (1) In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries. [Engels: 1890 German edition] "Commune" was the name taken in France by the nascent towns even before they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters local self-government and political rights as the "Third Estate". the social organization existing previous to recorded history. Stuttgart. all _written_ history. not a head of a guild. With the dissolution of the primeaval communities. [Engels: 1888 English edition]  This was the name given their urban communities by the townsmen of Italy and France. second edition. a full member of a guild. 1886. . By proletariat. The inner organization of this primitive communistic society was laid bare. August von Haxthausen (1792-1866) discovered common ownership of land in Russia. France. by Lewis Henry Morgan's (1818-1861) crowning discovery of the true nature of the gens and its relation to the tribe. I have attempted to retrace this dissolution in _Der Ursprung der Familie.
on the exploitation of the many by the few. and is still destroying it daily. Or do you mean the modern bourgeois private property? But does wage labor create any property for the laborer? Not a bit. or discovered. but the abolition of bourgeois property. and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement. activity and independence. actual relations springing from an existing class struggle. The Communists. All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions. are on the one hand practically. The distinguishing feature of communism is not the abolition of property generally. But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products that is based on class antagonisms. Property. We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own labor. that section which pushes forward all others. and which cannot increase except upon conditions of begetting a new supply of wage labor for fresh exploitation. a form of property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that. that kind of property which exploits wage labor. conquest of political power by the proletariat. The French Revolution. They merely express. the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property. the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country.. therefore. by this or that would-be universal reformer. theoretically. from a historical movement going on under our very eyes. in general terms. overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy. the development of industry has to a great extent already destroyed it. on the other hand.e. in its present form. i. for example. is based on the antagonism of capital and wage labor.(2) In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through. abolished feudal property in favor of bourgeois property. they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the lines of march. they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole. The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented. In this sense. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism. . Hard-won. self-acquired. which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom. The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: Formation of the proletariat into a class. self-earned property! Do you mean the property of petty artisan and of the small peasant. It creates capital. the conditions. The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of communism.
and is allowed to live only in so far as the interest of the ruling class requires it. to enrich. an appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of human life. and of the bourgeoisie itself. Let us now take wage labor. This talk about free selling and buying. And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois. the present dominates the past. you reproach us with intending to do away with your property. the wage laborer appropriates by means of his labor merely suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence. only in contrast with restricted selling and buying. free selling and buying. under which the laborer lives merely to increase capital. and only by the united action of many members. free selling and buying disappears also. In one word. and all the other "brave words" of our bourgeois about freedom in general. private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population. i. it is a social power. capital is converted into common property. It loses its class character. Capital is a collective product. into the property of all members of society. Precisely so. can it be set in motion. Capital is therefore not only personal. or the bourgeois conditions of production.e. But if selling and buying disappears.. have a meaning. the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society. In bourgeois society. therefore. You reproach us. under the present bourgeois conditions of production. When.To be a capitalist. with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages. free trade. abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. accumulated labor is but a means to widen. nay. capital is independent and has individuality. the past dominates the present. In bourgeois society. to promote the existence of the laborer. In bourgeois society. We by no means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labor. therefore. while the living person is dependent and has no individuality. with intending to do away with a form of property. therefore. and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labor of others. personal property is not thereby transformed into social property. By freedom is meant. that is just what we intend. living labor is but a means to increase accumulated labor. But in your existing society. bourgeois independence. All that we want to do away with is the miserable character of this appropriation. but a social STATUS in production. only by the united action of all members of society. if any. that quantum of the means of subsistence which is absolutely requisite to keep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer. its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. In communist society. is to have not only a purely personal. in communist society. in the last resort. The abolition of bourgeois individuality. You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. therefore. It is only the social character of the property that is changed. . and bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at. The average price of wage labor is the minimum wage. What. but have no meaning when opposed to the communist abolition of buying and selling.
than the middle-class owner of property. The whole of this objection is but another expression of the tautology: There can no longer be any wage labor when there is no longer any capital. You must. the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property. a will whose essential character and direction are determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class. or rent. and in public prostitution. bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the dogs through sheer idleness. you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property. for the enormous majority. the bourgeois family. is. been urged against the communistic mode of producing and appropriating intellectual products. this family exists only among the bourgeoisie. to our intended abolition of bourgeois property. On what foundation is the present family. The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason the social forms stringing from your present mode of production and form of property -historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production -.. in the same way. what you admit in the case of feudal property. Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of society. all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labor of others by means of such appropriations.this misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. . and made impossible. on private gain.e. money. for those who acquire anything. etc. from the moment when individual property can no longer be transformed into bourgeois property. According to this. into a social power capable of being monopolized. into capital. It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property.From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital. confess that by "individual" you mean no other person than the bourgeois. you say. Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this infamous proposal of the Communists. What you see clearly in the case of ancient property. In its completely developed form. a mere training to act as a machine. therefore. individuality vanishes. All objections urged against the communistic mode of producing and appropriating material products. be swept out of the way. That culture. so the disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the disappearance of all culture. This person must. Just as to the bourgeois. law. and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital. indeed. culture. i. the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of production itself. But this state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among proletarians. just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all. from that moment. the loss of which he laments. all work will cease. But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply. based? On capital. and universal laziness will overtake us. do not work. have. The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its complement vanishes.
screams the bourgeoisie in chorus. to the world market. owing to the development of the bourgeoisie. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy. and their children transformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments of labor. etc. not to speak of common prostitutes. it is. For the rest. in substitution for a hypocritically concealed. about the hallowed correlation of parents and child. they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention. at the most. And your education! Is not that also social. naturally.e. Our bourgeois. it has existed almost from time immemorial. must constitute itself the nation. in reality. to freedom of commerce. by means of schools. you say. But. i. by the intervention direct or indirect. The bourgeois sees his wife a mere instrument of production. we destroy the most hallowed of relations. . and determined by the social conditions under which you educate. a system of wives in common and thus. and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class. He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with the status of women as mere instruments of production. We cannot take from them what they have not got. what the Communists might possibly be reproached with is that they desire to introduce. and. For the rest. not content with having wives and daughters of their proletarians at their disposal. of society. to uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto. nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation of our bourgeois at the community of women which. it is selfevident that the abolition of the present system of production must bring with it the abolition of free love springing from that system. so far. He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common. they pretend. all the family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder. is to be openly and officially established by the Communists. But you Communists would introduce community of women. an openly legalized system of free love. though not in the bourgeois sense of the word. National differences and antagonism between peoples are daily more and more vanishing. those were the days!) Bourgeois marriage is..? The Communists have not intended the intervention of society in education. of prostitution both public and private. (Ah. can come to no other conclusion that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries and nationality. The workers have no country. must rise to be the leading class of the nation. take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives. when we replace home education by social. becomes all the more disgusting. by the action of Modern Industry. the more. itself national. The Communists have no need to introduce free love.Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty. The bourgeois claptrap about the family and education.
The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge. it therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience. instead of constituting them on a new basis. antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs. When the ancient world was in its last throes." What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms. a philosophical and. such as Freedom. are not deserving of serious examination. The charges against communism made from a religious. morality. the ancient religions were overcome by Christianity. which cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms. and conception. it abolishes all religion. in one word. and law. United action of the leading civilized countries at least is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. feudal society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence. When Christian ideas succumbed in the eighteenth century to rationalist ideas. they do but express that fact that within the old society the elements of a new one have been created." "There are. generally. "religious. besides. eternal truths. the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put an end to. But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to communism. and juridicial ideas have been modified in the course of historical development. viz. the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end. philosophical. the exploitation of one part of society by the other. no wonder that its development involved the most radical rupture with traditional ideas. etc. that the social consciousness of past ages. But communism abolishes eternal truths.. political science. man's consciousness. despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays. . Justice. or general ideas.. moves within certain common forms. No wonder. than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class. one fact is common to all past ages. philosophy. But whatever form they may have taken. changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence. The communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional relations. and all morality. from an ideological standpoint. Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas. In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another will also be put an end to. in his social relations and in his social life? What else does the history of ideas prove. that are common to all states of society. But religion. When people speak of the ideas that revolutionize society. "Undoubtedly. constantly survived this change. views. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes." it will be said.The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster. moral. then.
Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the state. in the course of the movement.. in most advanced countries. Centralization of credit in the banks of the state. The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest. of the proletariat organized as the ruling class. in the beginning. and to increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible. to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the state. Abolition of all rights of inheritance. then it will. and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan. the bringing into cultivation of waste lands. if.e. all capital from the bourgeoisie. this cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property. Free education for all children in public schools. Combination of education with industrial production. but which. i. class distinctions have disappeared. by degree. by means of a revolution. which appear economically insufficient and untenable. 5. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries. Political power. Nevertheless. along with these conditions. gradual abolition of all the distinction between town and country by a more equable distribution of the populace over the country. 8.We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class to win the battle of democracy. especially for agriculture. have swept away the conditions for the . 6. be different in different countries. sweeps away by force the old conditions of production. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the state. etc. and. and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation. by the force of circumstances. 10. therefore. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. Abolition of children's factory labor in its present form. outstrip themselves. 9. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes. by means of a national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly. 1. in the course of development. 4. the public power will lose its political character. These measures will. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. Equal obligation of all to work. Of course. as such. and are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionizing the mode of production. it makes itself the ruling class. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled. to organize itself as a class. Establishment of industrial armies. of course. and on the conditions of bourgeois production. properly so called. 3. by means of measures. 7. is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. 2. necessitate further inroads upon the old social order. When. the following will be pretty generally applicable.
through total incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history. and in the English reform agitation.  In order to arouse sympathy. But the people.existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally. half menace of the future. In place of the old bourgeois society. and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter. in order to rally the people to them. . it became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society. In this way arose feudal socialism: half lamentation. striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core. half lampoon. Thus. waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But even in the domain of literature. and to formulate its indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone. Thenceforth. under their rule. of its own interests. they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their own form of society. witty and incisive criticism. by its bitter. so often as it joined them. the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now antiquated. with its classes and class antagonisms. the old order of society. and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class. so little do they conceal the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeois amounts to this: that under the bourgeois regime a class is being developed which is destined to cut up. at times. For the rest. apparently. III -. the modern proletariat never existed. In showing that. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM a. saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms. the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible. root and branch. A literary battle alone remained possible. half an echo of the past. but always ludicrous in its effect. In the French Revolution of July 1830. The aristocracy. What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a proletariat as that it creates a _revolutionary_ proletariat.SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE 1. we shall have an association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all. the aristocracy was obliged to lose sight. One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England" exhibited this spectacle: In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to that of the bourgeoisie. the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new masters and whispering in his ears sinister prophesies of coming catastrophe. these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart. a serious political struggle was altogether out of the question. Feudal Socialism Owing to their historical position.
so has clerical socialism with feudal socialism. as being constantly hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition. and the old society. bailiffs and shopmen. The medieval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie. despite their high falutin' phrases. for traffic in wool. against marriage. the misery of the proletariat. where the peasants constitute far more than half of the population. it was natural that writers who sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie should use. and were bound to be. should take up the cudgels for the working class. therefore.  As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord. the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois. to be replaced in manufactures. Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture. the anarchy in production. overproduction and crises. they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry. this form of socialism aspires either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange. these two classes still vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie. and honor. Thus arose petty-bourgeois socialism. It laid bare the hypocritical apologies of economists. as Modern Industry develops. it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant. the dissolution of old moral bonds. not the only class whose conditions of existence pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. Sismondi was the head of this school. incontrovertibly. In those countries which are but little developed. b. beetroot-sugar. or to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange within the framework of the old property relations that have been. . not only in France but also in England. In either case. charity and poverty. the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labor. by overlookers. in their criticism of the bourgeois regime. it is both reactionary and Utopian. monastic life and Mother Church? Christian socialism is but the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat. of the old nationalities. against the state? Has it not preached in the place of these. agriculture and commerce. patriarchal relations in agriculture. they join in all corrective measures against the working class. exploded by those means. In it positive aims. The individual members of this class.In political practice. and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the bourgeoisie. In countries where modern civilization has become fully developed. love. and with them the old property relations. the industrial war of extermination between nations. they even see the moment approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent section of modern society. Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a socialist tinge. the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth. and to barter truth. and. of the old family relations. however. a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed. however. and ever renewing itself a supplementary part of bourgeois society. celibacy and mortification of the flesh. and in ordinary life. It proved. Has not Christianity declaimed against private property. fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie. industrially and commercially. the concentration of capital and land in a few hands. This school of socialism dissected with great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of modern production. In countries like France. and potato spirits.
but the requirements of truth. they dubbed "Philosophy of Action". or rather. eagerly seized on this literature. of man in general. but the interests of human nature. in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own philosophic point of view. the liberal movement. The German literati reversed this process with the profane French literature. in other words. who belongs to no class. not true requirements. not the interests of the proletariat. German or "True" Socialism The socialist and communist literature of France. became more earnest. has no reality. They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the French original. meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence. and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois state they wrote "dethronement of the category of the general". by translation. namely. This German socialism. "True Socialism". in the hands of the German. would-be philosophers. The work of the German literati consisted solely in bringing the new French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience. and beaux esprits (men of letters). in their eyes. to express the struggle of one class with the other. this form of socialism ended in a miserable hangover. The French socialist and communist literature was thus completely emasculated. and especially of the Prussian bourgeoisie. "Philosophical Foundation of Socialism". In contact with German social conditions. to the German philosophers of the eighteenth century. the laws of pure will. who exists only in the misty realm of philosophical fantasy. For instance. and the utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified. This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language is appropriated. German philosophers. and so on. a literature that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power. they wrote "alienation of humanity". since it ceased. c. of true human will generally. and that was the expressions of the struggle against this power. he felt conscious of having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing. which took its schoolboy task so seriously and solemnly. when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all intoxicating effects of self-deception. French social conditions had not immigrated along with them. only forgetting that when these writings immigrated from France into Germany. and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such a mountebank fashion. beneath the French criticism of the economic functions of money. The fight of the Germans. Thus.Ultimately. the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of "Practical Reason" in general. The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the French historical criticisms. "German Science of Socialism". this French literature lost all its immediate practical significance and assumed a purely literary aspect. against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy. It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic saints _over_ the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom had been written. And. of will as it was bound to be. . was introduced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie in that country had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism. and so forth.
To the absolute governments. embroidered with flowers of rhetoric. presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society. and officials. by this bourgeois movement. steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment. on the other. from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat. after the bitter pills of flogging and bullets. bourgeois legislation.on the one hand. philanthropists. moreover. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction -. its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois philistine. that the French criticism. whose silly echo it was. just at that time. and everything to lose. professors. and the political constitution adapted thereto. With very few exceptions. against bourgeois competition. organizers of charity. more and more. In Germany.By this. bourgeois liberty and equality. "True" Socialism appeared to kill these two birds with one stone. the exact contrary of its real character. humanitarians. all skin and bone. the petty-bourgeois class. the long-wished for opportunity was offered to "True" Socialism of confronting the political movement with the socialistic demands. it served as a welcome scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie. This form of socialism has. To every villainous meanness of this model man. While this "True" Socialism thus served the government as a weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie. against representative government. a relic of the sixteenth century. And on its part German socialism recognized. CONSERVATIVE OR BOURGEOIS SOCIALISM A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society. socialistic interpretation. and the German petty philistine to be the typical man. the interest of German philistines. and since then constantly cropping up again under the various forms. with its corresponding economic conditions of existence. It spread like an epidemic. with which these same governments. the very things whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in Germany. directly represented a reactionary interest. of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism. bourgeois freedom of the press. We may cite Proudhon's Philosophy of Poverty as an example of this form. country squires. It went to the extreme length of directly opposing the "brutally destructive" tendency of communism. . It was a sweet finish. members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals. hole-and-corner reformers of every imaginable kind. and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class struggles. been worked out into complete systems. at the same time. this transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal truths". it. dosed the German working-class risings. The robe of speculative cobwebs. it gave a hidden. in the nick of time. temperance fanatics. is the real social basis of the existing state of things. To this section belong economists. all the so-called socialist and communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belong to the domain of this foul and enervating literature. served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public. and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain.  2. German socialism forgot. with their following of parsons. To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of things in Germany. higher. improvers of the condition of the working class. It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation. from the concentration of capital.
based on the continued existence of these relations. offers to them the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any independent political movement. They wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat. and thereby to march straightaway into the social New Jerusalem. necessarily failed. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the best. by no means understands abolition of the bourgeois relations of production. Protective duties: for the benefit of the working class. such as the writings of Babeuf  and others. those of Saint-Simon . at the best. indeed. but administrative reforms. The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form. But the proletariat. made in times of universal excitement. in economical relations. that in no respect affect the relations between capital and labor. reforms. but. but less systematic. it but requires in reality that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of existing society. as yet in its infancy. this form of socialism. and only when. form of this socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the working class by showing that no mere political reform. The socialist and communist systems. the class antagonisms. By changes in the material conditions of existence. This is the last word and the only seriously meant word of bourgeois socialism. however. and others. and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. Prison reform: for the benefit of the working class. has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat. but only a change in the material conditions of existence. Free trade: for the benefit of the working class. described above. They desire the existing state of society. minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements. of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1. as well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing form of society.The socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting therefrom. an abolition that can be affected only by a revolution. The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends. and bourgeois socialism develops this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems. Bourgeois and Proletarians). when feudal society was being overthrown. in every great modern revolution. properly so called. spring into existence in the early undeveloped period. Owen . could be of any advantage to them. lessen the cost. as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation. In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system. 3. It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois -. Fourier . conditions that had yet to be produced. A second. . and simplify the administrative work of bourgeois government. therefore. but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie. and more practical. owing to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat. it becomes a mere figure of speech. Bourgeois socialism attains adequate expression when. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM We do not here refer to that literature which.for the benefit of the working class. The founders of these systems see.
to pave the way for the new social gospel. Future history resolves itself. the economic situation. They therefore search after a new social science. as being the most suffering class. But these socialist and communist publications contain also a critical element.all these proposals point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms which were. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class does the proletariat exist for them. endeavor. formed mere reactionary sects. this fantastic standing apart from the contest. that are to create these conditions. they are conscious of caring chiefly for the interests of the working class. Hence. they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means.pocket editions of the New Jerusalem -.such as the abolition of the distinction between town and country. they reject all political. They still dream of experimental realization of their social utopias. In proportion as the modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape. these fantastic attacks on it. They attack every principle of existing society. and especially all revolutionary action. and of the wage system. even that of the most favored. they are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the working class. of the carrying on of industries for the account of private individuals. the conversion of the function of the state into a more superintendence of production -. of the family. Therefore. are of a purely utopian character. causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far superior to all class antagonisms. in their eyes. as they find it. For how can people when once they understand their system. Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action. correspond with the first instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of society. they sink into the category of the reactionary . as well as their own surroundings. in opposition to the progressive historical development of the proletariat. and the gradual. fail to see in it the best possible plan of the best possible state of society? Hence. Such fantastic pictures of future society. The practical measures proposed in them -. By degrees. They want to improve the condition of every member of society. in many respects. historically created conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones. nay. they habitually appeal to society at large. lose all practical value and all theoretical justifications. of establishing "Home Colonies". although the originators of these systems were. without the distinction of class. by preference. and by the force of example. into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of their social plans. in these publications. spontaneous class organization of the proletariat to an organization of society especially contrived by these inventors.and to realize all these castles in the air. does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. in every case. revolutionary. They hold fast by the original views of their masters. after new social laws. to the ruling class. only just cropping up. are recognized in their earliest indistinct and undefined forms only. therefore. necessarily doomed to failure. their disciples have. to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. painted at a time when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a fantastic conception of its own position. the proclamation of social harmony. The significance of critical-utopian socialism and communism bears an inverse relation to historical development. They. therefore. they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. of founding isolated phalansteres. These proposals. Hence. at that time. In the formation of their plans. and that consistently. or setting up a "Little Icaria"  -. The undeveloped state of the class struggle. and which.Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the development of industry.
can only result from blind unbelief in the new gospel. His books include _New_View_Of_Society_ (1813). respectively. but the French Restoration (1814-1830).conservative socialists depicted above. such action.  NOTE by Engels to 1888 English edition: This applies chiefly to Germany. and pioneered cooperative societies.  Charles Fourier (1772-1837): French social reformer. FOOTNOTES  NOTE by Engels to 1888 English edition: Not the English Restoration (1660-1689). They. but they. IV -. according to them.POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO . too. and are. later on. He thought society should be reorganized along industrial lines and that scientists should be the new spiritual leaders.  Francois Noel Babeuf (1760-1797): French political agitator. Icaria was the name given by Caber to his utopia and. _Phalansteres_ were socialist colonies on the plan of Charles Fourier. His most important work is _Nouveau_Christianisme_ (1825). and the Fourierists in France.  NOTE by Engels to 1888 English edition: "Home Colonies" were what Owen called his communist model societies. rather above that. The Owenites in England. where the landed aristocracy and squirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for their own account by stewards. and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous effects of their social science. He formed a model industrial community at New Lanark. especially in his work _Le_Nouveau_Monde_industriel_ (1829-30)  Robert Owen (1771-1858): Welsh industrialist and social reformer. extensive beetroot-sugar manufacturers and distillers of potato spirits. The wealthier british aristocracy are. moreover. propounded a system of self-sufficient cooperatives known as Fourierism. as yet. Claude Henri de Rouvroy (1760-1825): French social philosopher. therefore. differing from these only by more systematic pedantry. to his American communist colony.  Comte de Saint-Simon. plotted unsuccessfully to destroy the Directory in revolutionary France and established a communistic system.  NOTE by Engels to 1888 German edition: The revolutionary storm of 1848 swept away this whole shabby tendency and cured its protagonists of the desire to dabble in socialism. violently oppose all political action on the part of the working class. The chief representative and classical type of this tendency is Mr Karl Gruen. generally regarded as founder of French socialism. know how to make up for declining rents by lending their names to floaters or more or less shady joint-stock companies. Scotland. oppose the Chartists and the Reformistes.
the social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy. the Communists ally with the Social Democrats* against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie. the property question. In Switzerland. because that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilization and with a much more developed proletariat than that of England was in the seventeenth. partly of radical bourgeois. after the fall of the reactionary classes in Germany. and France in the eighteenth century. for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class. Finally. in order that the German workers may straightway use. The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims. as the leading question in each. however. Proletarians of all countries. But they never cease. the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things. and the petty-bourgeoisie. they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries. that party which fomented the insurrection of Krakow in 1846. In Germany. to instill into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. unite! . They have a world to win. In all these movements. the feudal squirearchy. and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution. they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation. but in the movement of the present. the right to take up a critical position in regard to phases and illusions traditionally handed down from the Great Revolution. they bring to the front. The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. In Poland. In France. partly of Democratic Socialists. reserving. they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a revolutionary way. as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. and in order that. In short. for a single instant. the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin. they also represent and take care of the future of that movement. in the French sense. such as the Chartists in England and the Agrarian Reformers in America. against the absolute monarchy.THE VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the existing working-class parties. no matter what its degree of development at the time. The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany. they support the Radicals. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. without losing sight of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements.
and the progress of history has swept from off the earth the greater portion of the political parties there enumerated. London. in many respects. Such was the origin of the following Manifesto. yet in practice are antiquated. A Russian translation was published in Geneva in the 'sixties. One thing especially was proved by the Commune. the Manifesto has become a historical document which we have no longer any right to alter. The french version first appeared in Paris shortly before the June insurrection of 1848. PREFACE TO 1872 GERMAN EDITION The Communist League.. this programme has in some details been antiquated. for that reason. because it comes down only to 1847. First published in German. it was translated shortly after its appearance. and wield it for its own purposes. However much that state of things may have altered during the last twenty-five years. it is self-evident that the criticism of socialist literature is deficient in relation to the present time. although. the manuscript of which travelled to London to be printed a few weeks before the February Revolution. A subsequent edition may perhaps appear with an introduction bridging the gap from 1847 to the present day. at the Congress held in London in November 1847. translated by Miss Helen Macfarlane. where this point is further developed. because the political situation has been entirely changed. in principle still correct. where the proletariat for the first time held political power for two whole months. A Polish version appeared in London shortly after it was first published in Germany. in the Paris Commune. also that the remarks on the relation of the Communists to the various opposition parties (Section IV). too. in literature by Louis Blanc (1811-82). first in the February Revolution. in the daily press by the Reforme. viz. That passage would. be very differently worded today. that "the working class cannot simply lay hold of ready-made state machinery. under conditions obtaining at the time. and America. a section of the Democratic or Republican Party more or less tinged with socialism. It was published in English for the first time in 1850 in the _Red Republican_. to write for publication a detailed theoretical and practical programme for the Party. The practical application of the principles will depend. and then." (See The Civil War in France: Address of the General Council of the International Working Men's Assocation. A new translation is in the course of preparation. the general principles laid down in the Manifesto are. 1871. in view of the practical experience gained. as the Manifesto itself states. the undersigned. Into Danish. but this reprint was too unexpected to leave us time for that. and of the accompanying improved and extended organization of the working class. England. still more. KARL MARX . it has been republished in that language in at least twelve different editions in Germany. and. commissioned us. some detail might be improved.FOOTNOTES * NOTE by Engels to 1888 English edition: The party then represented in Parliament by LedruRollin. and recently in _Le Socialiste_ of New York. and in 1871 in at least three different translations in America. But then. an international association of workers. as correct today as ever. Here and there. on the historical conditions for the time being existing.) Further. The name of Social-Democracy signifies. In view of the gigantic strides of Modern Industry since 1848. which could of course be only a secret one. everywhere and at all times. no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures proposed at the end of Section II. on the whole. with these its inventors.
not only the European princes. when the United States absorbed the surplus proletarian forces of Europe through immigration. 1872 London PREFACE TO 1882 RUSSIAN EDITION The first Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party. the basis of the whole political constitution. was published early in the 'sixties by the printing office of the Kolokol. a mass industrial proletariat and a fabulous concentration of capital funds are developing for the first time in the industrial regions. is succumbing to the competition of giant farms.large and small. Today. on the contrary. at the same time. though greatly undermined. and Russia forms the vanguard of revolutionary action in Europe.FREDERICK ENGELS June 24. in one way of another. found their only salvation from the proletariat just beginning to awaken in Russian intervention. so that both complement each other. At the same time. the small and middle land ownership of the farmers. Such a view would be impossible today. yet a form of primeaval common ownership of land. . Bother were. Both circumstances react in a revolutionary manner upon America itself. pass directly to the higher form of Communist common ownership? Or. But in Russia we find. What a limited field the proletarian movement occupied at that time (December 1847) is most clearly shown by the last section: the position of the Communists in relation to the various opposition parties in various countries. it enabled the United States to exploit its tremendous industrial resources with an energy and on a scale that must shortly break the industrial monopoly of Western Europe. but the European bourgeois as well. The Communist Manifesto had. Step by step. Precisely European immigration fitted North American for a gigantic agricultural production. How very different today. Now the question is: can the Russian obshchina. the present Russian common ownership of land may serve as the starting point for a communist development. It was the time when Russia constituted the last great reserve of all European reaction. he is a prisoner of war of the revolution in Gatchina. existing up to now. as its object. And now Russia! During the Revolution of 1848-9. must it first pass through the same process of dissolution such as constitutes the historical evolution of the West? The only answer to that possible today is this: If the Russian Revolution becomes the signal for a proletarian revolution in the West. and especially of England. just beginning to develop. translated by Bakunin. whose competition is shaking the very foundations of European landed property -. pillars of the existing European system. Both countries provided Europe with raw materials and were at the same time markets for the sale of its industrial products. more than half the land owned in common by the peasants. Then the West could see in it (the Russian edition of the Manifesto) only a literary curiosity. therefore. Precisely Russia and the United States are missing here. The Tsar was proclaimed the chief of European reaction. the proclamation of the inevitable impending dissolution of modern bourgeois property. face-to-face with the rapidly flowering capitalist swindle and bourgeois property.
the manuscript was sent to . [ENGELS FOOTNOTE TO PARAGRAPH: "This proposition". but precisely now is it necessary that it also stand in front of the Manifesto itself. alas. first exclusively German. had been gradually approaching for some years before 1845. between dominated and dominating classes at various stages of social evolution. Drawn up in German. Since his death [March 13.that economic production.this basic thought belongs soley and exclusively to Marx. in January 1848. 1883]. and the structure of society of every historical epoch necessarily arising therefrom. in spring 1845. he had it already worked out and put it before me in terms almost as clear as those in which I have stated it here. I wrote in the preface to the English translation. But I consider it all the more necessary again to state the following expressly: The basic thought running through the Manifesto -."] I have already stated this many times. unavoidably a secret society. sign alone. of struggles between exploited and exploiting. we both of us. oppression. there can be even less thought of revising or supplementing the Manifesto. however. has now reached a stage where the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can no longer emancipate itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it (the bourgeoisie). later on international. the man to whom the whole working class class of Europe and America owes more than to any one else -. "which. that consequently (ever since the dissolution of the primaeval communal ownership of land) all history has been a history of class struggles. But when I again met Marx at Brussels. 1883 London PREFACE TO 1888 ENGLISH EDITION The Manifesto was published as the platform of the Communist League. in my opinion. FREDERICK ENGELS June 28. that this struggle. Marx. without at the same time forever freeing the whole of society from exploitation. a working men's association. How far I had independently progressed towards it is best shown by my _Conditions of the Working Class in England_. At a Congress of the League. held in November 1847. class struggles -. 1882 London PREFACE TO 1883 GERMAN EDITION The preface to the present edition I must. is destined to do for history what Darwin's theory has done for biology. Marx and Engels were commissioned to prepare a complete theoretical and practical party programme.KARL MARX FREDERICK ENGELS January 21. and under the political conditions of the Continent before 1848.rests at Highgate Cemetary and over his grave the first first grass is already growing. constitute the foundation for the political and intellectual history of that epoch.
In 1872. they were ruthlessly hunted down. . stood on the ground of the Manifesto. The very events and vicissitudes in the struggle against capital. always acknowledged himself to be a disciple of Marx. The Manifesto itself came thus to the front again. where the translation was published in _Woorhull and Claflin's Weekly_. the German text had been reprinted several times in Switzerland. to us. a French one was made in _Le Socialiste_ of New York. The International was bound to have a programme broad enough to be acceptable to the English trade unions. And Marx was right.the printer in London a few weeks before the French Revolution of February 24. the working class was reduced to a fight for political elbow-room. again. by Miss Helen Macfarlane. Wherever independent proletarian movements continued to show signs of life. the principles of the Manifesto had made considerable headway among the working men of all countries. moer or less mutilated. The first Russian translation. he did not go beyond demanding co-operative worhsops supported by state credit.] Marx. varying from three to six years. Thenceforth. the League was formlly dissolved by the remaining members. The members were arrested and. who drew up this programme to the satisfaction of all parties. were dying out. England. London. 1850. as it had been before the Revolution of February. the struggle for supremacy was. As to the Manifesto. the defeats even more than the victories. The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of June 1848 -. The International. and to the Lassalleans in Germany. and preparing the way for a more complete insight into the true conditions for working-class emancipation. on its breaking in 1874. it was translated into English in New York. But this association. Lassalleanism in Germany. formed with the express aim of welding into one body the whole militant proletariat of Europe and America. last year at Swansea. entirely trusted to the intellectual development of the working class. as such. But in his first public agitation. and to the position of extreme wing of the middle-class Radicals. Belgium. Proudhonism in France. which was sure to result from combined action and mutual discussion. their president could say in their name: "Continental socialism has lost its terror for us. Italy. Immediately after the sentence. This selebrated "Cologne Communist Trial" lasted from October 4 till November 12. solely between different sections of the propertied class. then located in Cologne. 1862-1864. and. have been brought out in America. When the European workers had recovered sufficient strength for another attack on the ruling classes. it seemed henceforth doomed to oblivion. were gradually advancing towards that point at which. to the followers of Proudhon in France. and even the conservative English trade unions. though most of them had long since severed their connection with the International. Thus the Prussian police hunted out the Central Board of the Communist League. A French translation was brought out in Paris shortly before the insurrection of June 1848. The first English translation.drove again into the background. the International Working Men's Association sprang up. made by Bakunin. could not help bringing home to men's minds the insufficiency of their various favorite nostrums. From this English version." In fact. for a time. could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in the Manifesto. and America. and one of them has been reprinted in England. A Danish and a Polish edition had also been published. seven of the prisoners were sentenced to terms of imprisonment in a fortress. they were tried in October 1852. Since then.the first great battle between proletariat and bourgeoisie -. [ENGEL'S FOOTNOTE: Lassalle personally. the social and political aspirations of the European working class. appeared in George Julian Harney's _Red Republican_. left the workers quite different men from what it found them in 1864. and Spain. after eighteen months' imprisonment. at least two more English translations. Since 1850.
And as our notion. class distinction. on the other hand.the bourgeoisie -. we have. in 1882. Whatever portion of the working class had become convinced of the insufficiency of mere political revolutions.cannot attain its emancipation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class -. at the same time. holding land in common ownership) has been a history of class struggles. and gradually dying out. and the social organization necessarily following from it. which was to be published in Constantinople some months ago.the proletariat -. in 1847. been far from repudiating it. and from that which alone can be explained the political and intellectual history of that epoch. Yet. did not see the light.was published at Herzen's Kolokol office in Geneva. still. A new Danish edition is to be found in _Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek_. Thus the history of the Manifesto reflects the history of the modern working-class movement. by all manner of tinkering. it is doubtless the most wide spread. the most multifarious social quacks who. Fourierists in France. The Manifesto being our joint production." there could be no doubt as to which of the two names we must take. 1885. oppression. about 1863. form the basis upon which it is built up. we both of us. had been gradually approaching for some years before 1845. Thus. The German reprints are not to be counted. the common platform acknowledged by millions of working men from Siberia to California. is destined to do for history what Darwin's theory has done for biology. I am told. An Armenian translation. It was a crude. and looking rather to the "educated" classes for support. from the very beginning. emancipating society at large from all exploitation. 1886. both of them already reduced to the position of mere sects. and of Weitling in Germany. because the publisher was afraid of bringing out a book with the name of Marx on it. professed to redress. socialism was a middle-class movement. while the translator declined to call it his own production. on the one hand the adherents of the various Utopian systems: Owenites in England. without any danger to capital and profit. a second one. and had proclaimed the necessity of total social change. in spring 1845. From our joint preface to the German edition of 1872. that consequently the whole history of mankind (since the dissolution of primitive tribal society. That proposition is: That in every historical epoch. ruling and oppressed classes. By Socialists. on the Continent at least. contests between exploiting and exploited. and once and for all. purely instinctive sort of communism. Socialism was. nowadays. also in Geneva. were understood. communism was the very opposite. How far I had independently progressed towards it is best shown by my _Conditions of the Working Class in England_. in my opinion. a fresh French translation in _Le Socialiste_. th prevailing mode of economic production and exchange. the most international production of all socialist literature. I consider myself bound to state that the fundamental proposition which forms the nucleus belongs to Marx. at present. when it was written. it touched the cardinal point and was powerful enough amongst the working class to produce the Utopian communism of Cabet in France. in both cases men outside the working-class movement. "respectable". Moreover. he had it already worked out and put it before me in terms almost as clear as those in which I have stated it here. From this latter. a Spanish version was prepared and published in Madrid. was that "the emancipation of the workers must be the act of the working class itself. and class struggles. ever since. all sorts of social grievances. we could not have called it a _socialist_ manifesto. Copenhagen. called itself Communist. communism a working-class movement.without. But when I again met Marx at Brussels. That the history of these class struggles forms a series of evolutions in which. This proposition. Paris. 1886. Of further translations into other languages I have heard but had not seen. I quote the following: . rough-hewn. which. by the heroic Vera Zasulich. in 1847. a stage has been reached where the exploited and oppressed class -. there have been twelve altogether at the least.
translated by Bakunin. a new German edition of the Manifesto has again become necessary. . the preface to that edition was written by Marx and myself."However much that state of things may have altered during the last twenty-five years. It reads: "The first Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party. on the whole. in view of the practical experience gained. Then the West could see in it (the Russian edition of the Manifesto) only a literary curiosity. FREDERICK ENGELS January 30. in many respects.) Further. viz. where the proletariat for the first time held political power for two whole months. first in the February Revolution. it is self-evident that the criticism of socialist literature is deficient in relation to the present time.by Vera Zasulich -. A second Russian translation -. and. The practical application of the principles will depend. Unfortunately. "But then. on the historical conditions for the time being existing. That passage would. everywhere and at all times. and wield it for its own purposes. this programme has in some details been antiquated.appeared in Geneva in 1882. as correct today as ever." The present translation is by Mr Samuel Moore. the Manifesto has become a historical document which we have no longer any right to alter. Here and there. I must therefore retranslate from the Russian which will in no way improve the text. also that the remarks on the relation of the Communists to the various opposition parties (Section IV).. and the progress of history has swept from off the Earth the greater portion of the political parties there enumerated. in the Paris Commune. the general principles laid down in the Manifesto are. that "the working class cannot simply lay hold of ready-made state machinery. was published early in the 'sixties by the printing office of the Kolokol. in principle still correct. where this point is further developed. and then. some detail might be improved. 1888 London PREFACE TO 1890 GERMAN EDITION Since [the 1883 German edition preface] was written. because the political situation has been entirely changed. the original German manuscript has gone astray. and much has also happened to the Manifesto which should be recorded here. as the Manifesto itself states. be very differently worded today. One thing especially was proved by the Commune. Such a view would be impossible today. and of the accompanying improved and extended organization of the working class. for that reason. because it comes down only to 1847. although. still more. and I have added a few notes explanatory of historical allusions. yet in practice are antiquated. We have revised it in common. the translator of the greater portion of Marx's _Capital_. In view of the gigantic strides of Modern Industry since 1848. no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures proposed at the end of Section II." (See _The Civil War in France: Address of the General Council of the International Working Men's Assocation_ 1871.
in addition. Furthermore. But in Russia we find. a mass industrial proletariat and a fabulous concentration of capital funds are developing for the first time in the industrial regions."What a limited field the proletarian movement occupied at that time (December 1847) is most clearly shown by the last section: the position of the Communists in relation to the various opposition parties in various countries. he would have done an excellent piece of work. Both were. Unfortunately. found their only salvation from the proletariat just beginning to awaken in Russian intervention. must it first pass through the same process of dissolution such as constitutes the historical evolution of the West? "The only answer to that possible today is this: If the Russian Revolution becomes the signal for a proletarian revolution in the West. there are saigns of carelessness here and there. 1882 London" At about the same date. the small and middle land ownership of the farmers. which are all the more unpleasantly conspicuous since the translation indicates that had the translator taken a little more pains. a new Polish version appeared in Geneva: _Manifest Kommunistyczny_. pillars of the existing European system. Precisely Russia and the United States are missing here. yet a form of primeaval common ownership of land. at the same time. it is the best published to date. A new French version appeared in 1886. the proclamation of the inevitable impending dissolution of modern bourgeois property. At the same time. is succumbing to the competition of giant farms. Both countries provided Europe with raw materials and were at the same time markets for the sale of its industrial products. have been omitted. 1885. so that both complement each other. the present Russian common ownership of land may serve as the starting point for a communist development. Now the question is: can the Russian obshchina.large and small. though greatly undermined. a new Danish translation has appeared in the _Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek_. in one way of another. . and. on the contrary. but the European bourgeois as well. more than half the land owned in common by the peasants. whose competition is shaking the very foundations of European landed property -. which seem to have presented difficulties to the translator. he is a prisoner of war of the revolution in Gatchina. pass directly to the higher form of Communist common ownership? Or. The Tsar was proclaimed the chief of European reaction. it is not quite complete. Both circumstances react in a revolutionary manner upon America itself. and Russia forms the vanguard of revolutionary action in Europe. just beginning to develop. Step by step. existing up to now. "January 21. and especially of England. when the United States absorbed the surplus proletarian forces of Europe through immigration. as its object. in _Le Socialiste_ of Paris. "How very different today. Today. Copenhagen. Precisely European immigration fitted North American for a gigantic agricultural production. face-to-face with the rapidly flowering capitalist swindle and bourgeois property. it enabled the United States to exploit its tremendous industrial resources with an energy and on a scale that must shortly break the industrial monopoly of Western Europe. It was the time when Russia constituted the last great reserve of all European reaction. "And now Russia! During the Revolution of 1848-9. therefore. certain essential passages. not only the European princes. "The Communist Manifesto had. the basis of the whole political constitution.
In 1847. to a certain extent. the French. when it appeared. On the one hand were the adherents of the various utopian systems. a Spanish version was published the same year in _El Socialista_ of Madrid. had already dwindled to mere sects gradually dying out. and then another. Administracion de El Socialista. With the disappearance from the public scene of the workers' movement that had begun with the February Revolution. Proudhonism in the Latin countries. of the more or less inaccurate American translations had been repeatedly reprinted in England. As a matter of curiosity. the chairman of their Swansea Congress could say in their name: "Continental socialism has lost its terror for us." Yet by 1887 continental socialism was almost exclusively the theory heralded in the Manifesto. Nevertheless. and the German Lassalleans. an authentic version at last appeared in 1888. Authorized English translation. For the ultimate final triumph of the ideas set forth in the Manifesto. I have added some of the notes of that edition to the present one.C. E. the history of the Manifesto reflects the history of the modern working-class movement since 1848. Madrid. the common programme of many millions of workers of all countries from Siberia to California. 1888. was altogether different from that of 1864. two kinds of people were considered socialists. It was bound to have a programme which would not shut the door on the English trade unions. This programme -. Italian. the Manifesto too passed into the background. at the dissolution of the International. we could not have called it a _socialist_ manifesto. it was soon forced into the background by the reaction that began with the defeat of the Paris workers in June 1848. and make their minds more receptive to a thorough understanding of the true conditions for working-class emancipation. by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. and was finally excommunicated "by law" in the conviction of the Cologne Communists in November 1852. which the latter however declined. could not but demonstrate to the fighters the inadequacy of their former universal panaceas. It is entitled: _Manifesto of the Communist_Party_. When the European workers had again gathered sufficient strength for a new onslaught upon the power of the ruling classes. the defeats even more than the successes. The Manifesto has had a history of its own. the most international product of all socialist literature. At present. in 1887. as it necessarily has to ensue from united action and discussion. and then reissued in pamphlet form: _Manifesto del Partido Communista_ por Carlos Marx y F. and even the ten arch-conservative English trade unions were gradually approaching the point where. were dying out. the International Working Men's Association came into being.the considerations underlying the Statutes of the International -. notably the Owenites in England and the Fourierists in France. at that date. it is doubtless the most widely circulated. On the other. The working class of 1874. the manifold . and we went through it together once more before it went to press. Thus. Therefore it could not _set out_ from the principles laid down in the Manifesto. Belgian. Marx relied solely upon the intellectual development of the working class. London. at its foundation. by the not at all numerous vanguard of scientific socialism (as is proved by the translations mentioned in the first place). at the time of its appearance.was drawn up by Marx with a master hand acknowledged even by the Bakunin and the anarchists. The events and vicissitudes in the struggle against capital. After one. Greeted with enthusiasm. And Marx was right.From this latter. William Reeves. and Spanish Proudhonists. I may mention that in 1887 the manuscript of an Armenian translation was offered to a publisher in Constantinople. Its aim was to weld together into _one_ huge army the whole militant working class of Europe and America. Engels. both of whom. This was my friend Samuel Moore. and the specific Lassalleanism in Germany. Hernan Cortes 8. But the good man did not have the courage to publish something bearing the name of Marx and suggested that the translator set down his own name as author. 185 Fleet Street. edited and annotated by Frederick Engels.
In a few places. Socialism was. see Hal Draper The Adventures of the Communist Manifesto Centre for Socialist History. True. mobilized for the first time.types of social quacks who wanted to eliminate social abuses through their various universal panaceas and all kinds of patch-work. and again by the Paris Workers' Congress of 1889. on the eve of the first Paris Revolution in which the proletariat came out with the demands of its own. which reads 'Working men of all countries unite!' For an exceptionally thorough account of the background of the Manifesto. and in Germany that of Weitling. unite!" But few voices responded when we proclaimed these words to the world 42 years ago. an organisation of German emigre workers living in several western European countries. then called itself _Communist_. there is no better witness than this day." we could have no hesitation as to which of the two names we should choose. the history of different editions and translations. the International itself lived only nine years. In both cases.in France. however. for _one_ immediate aim: the standard eight-hour working day to be established by legal enactment. on the Continent at least. Berkeley 1994. people who stood outside the labor movement and who looked for support rather to the "educated" classes. If only Marx were still by my side to see this with his own eyes! FREDERICK ENGELS May 1. quite respectable. Hal Draper's 1994 translation has been followed. The translation above follows that of the authorised English translation by Samuel Moore of 1888. it was powerful enough to bring into being two systems of utopian communism -. And today's spectacle will open the eyes of the capitalists and landlords of all countries to the fact that today the proletarians of all countries are united indeed. as I write these lines. And since we were very decidely of the opinion as early as then that "the emancipation of the workers must be the task of the working class itself. rather than Moore's. Yet. whereas communism was the very opposite. Nor has it ever occured to us to repudiate it. the "Icarian" communists of Cabet. which demanded a radical reconstruction of society. "Working men of all countries. It was written by Marx and Engels for the Communist League. The section of the working class. mobilized as _one_ army. the European and American proletariat is reviewing its fighting forces. Socialism in 1847 signified a bourgeois movement. Because today. . however. under _one_ flag. without hurting capital and profit in the least. notably the concluding line 'Proletarians of all countries. communism a working-class movement. 1864. 1890 London NOTES ON THE MANIFESTO AND TRANSLATIONS OF IT The Communist Manifesto was first published in February 1848 in London. But that the eternal union of the proletarians of all countries created by it is still alive and lives stronger than ever. unite!'. the proletarians of most of the Western European countries joined hands in the International Working Men's Association of glorious memory. as proclaimed by the Geneva Congress of the International in 1866. convinced that mere political revolutions were not enough. On September 28. only instinctive and frequently somewhat crude communism. It was still a rough-hewn.
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