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Chapter 1

THE DAN LAI IN CON CUONG DISTRICT

1.1 Introduction
The Dan Lai is a small population group in the Pu Mat Region but they play a crucial role in conservation management of the Park. Originally, the Dan Lai had lived around Khe Khang, Khe Choang, Khe Moi and Khe Thoi, which are now in the CZ of the Park. This chapter describes their origins and settlement history, as well their current socio-economic conditions to provide an in-depth analysis of the long standing interactions between the Dan Lai and conservation management. This chapter also examines two Dan Lai Resettlement Projects to determine the key factors responsible for the successes and failures of these projects. Overall, Chapter 7 provides basic information about the Dan Lai in Con Cuong District for a deeper explanation of how the Resettlement Project was undertaken (the second objective) and to evaluate how the Resettlement Projects have impacted on development and conservation (the third objective) in Chapters 8-11.

1.2 Data sources


The data this chapter comes from four main sources: (1) four group interviews with village leaders and four GDs in the researched villages; (2) key informant interviews in Chau Khe Commune, DRNEZ of the Nghe An Province, Con Cuong District; (3) databases and reports of the Project NA/97/0361; (4) unpublished reports of the Project on Transboundary Resources Management in Vietnam2. The GDs in the four researched groups provides details about the origins and settlement history of the Dan Lai in Con Cuong Districts (see Appendixs 5.5-5.8). It provides information about their lives before the first consolidation and resettlement in 1958. The participants also relayed how the first consolidation and resettlement were conducted in 1958. Many participants in the
1 2

See Section 5.2.2 These were reports of the EWC-CRES Research Project on Transboundary Resources Management in Vietnam supported by The Keidanren Nature Conservation Fund and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, edited by A. Terry Rambo, Le Trong Cuc, Dao Trong Hung, and Tran Duc Vien.

GDs were old and have personally witnessed the changes in the Dan Lai Community in Con Cuong District before the first consolidation and resettlement.
Table 7.1 Data sources and methods of collection Methods of data collection Data sources Numbers of Number of GD Date of interview key informants participants 5 31.07.04 16 Chau Son Village 4 27.05.06 4 12.08.04 16 Khe Bu Village 6 28.05.06 4 01.10.04 15 Tan Son-Cua Rao 5 29.05.06 6 21.10.04 14 The Khe Khang area 6 01.06.06 2 02.08.04 Chau Khe Commune Nghe An DRNEZ Con Cuong DRNEZ The PMNP Total 2 3 7 54 18.10.04 22.20.04 25.06.04 29.10.04 61

Date of GD 31/07/04 to 01/08/04 12.08.04 to 13.08.04 01.10.04 to 15.10.04 21.10.04 to 23.10.04

Information and data on the first consolidation and resettlement come from two rounds of group discussions and interviews with key informants (old people) in Khe Khang, Tan Son-Cua Rao, Khe Bu and Chau Son Villages. In Chau Son Village, key informants also provided information on the resettlement between 1973-76. In Chau Son Village, the GD four participants were over seventy years of age and experienced the first resettlement. Mr. Duyen had worked in Chau Khe Commune during the first resettlement while Mr. Hiem was village leader. These people provided background information including data on the support, planning, implementation and details of the people involved in the resettlement. Mr La Van Bon, who was born in Khe Khang in 1929 and now lives in Chau Son Village, provided information on the Dan Lai in Con Cuong. He has the highest education level in the Dan Lai Community. He has worked with Professor Nghiem Van Dang and other researchers in Dan Lai. Almost all information about the Dan Lai in Con Cuong and two previous-Dan Lai

Resettlement Projects was written based on these GDs and key informants in the Dan Lai Community.

1.3 The origins and settlement history of the Dan Lai in Con Cuong District
There are many ethnological arguments about the origins and classification of the Dan Lai. In a meeting of representatives of ethnic minority groups in Nghe An in 1973, the Dan Lai group was ranked as a sub-group of the Tho (Dang and Nguyen, 1985a). In 1978, the Institute of Ethnography proposed the Dan Lai be classified as a separately named minority group in their own right (Dang, 1985a). According to Dangs system, the Dan Lai are ranked as a sub-group of the Tho (Dang and Nguyen, 1985b). However, Dang further noted that there are greater differences between sub-groups of the Tho (Keo, Mon, and Dan Lai-Ly Ha) than between the sub-groups of the others such as the Muong or Viet. According to the system of the Committee for Ethnic Minorities and Mountainous Areas of Nghe An Province, the Dan Lai are a sub-group of the Tho. In recent times this classification has been confirmed in official statements and legal documents3 that refer to the Dan Lai as Tho (Dang, 2004b). Nevertheless, Dan Lai have their own language, distinguished from Thai and Vietnamese language groups. This means that the Dan Lai are a special minority group in Vietnam, notably in Nghe An Province. The Dan Lai-Ly Ha people in Nghe An Province and the Tay Cham, Tay Pum, Tay Tum, and Tay Hung people in neigbouring Cam Muoi Province in Lao PDR are supposed to belong to one group (Dang and Nguyen, 1985b). Just as the classification of the Dan Lai is a controversial issue, there are also many different hypotheses about their settlement history in Con Cuong District. However, it is agreed that the Dan Lai have lived in Con Cuong since around the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They are considered the first people in this area, preceding the Thai people, who arrived around the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Nguyen, 1983b, Dang and Nguyen, 1985a, Dang, 2004b, Nguyen, 1993b).

Legal documents were issued by the GOV or Nghe An Province such as Decision No. 84/2006/QD-UBND of Nghe An Provincial PC on policies to preserve and develop the traditional cultures of ethnic minority groups in Nghe An Province (2006).

One legend that is still popular in the Dan Lai Community is that the the Dan LaiLy Ha people were one group of Viet Muong who fled from their home village in Thanh Chuong to settle down in the Khe Khang area. The names Dan Lai and Ly Ha were the ancient names of two branches of the Lam River in Thanh Chuong District.
Kinh Viet-Muong: 4 Muong Chut Tho Cuoi Keo Mon Dan Lai-Ly Ha

Nam A

Mon-Khmer: 21 Tay-Thai: 8 groups Hmong-Dao: 3 groups

Nam Dao

Malay-da dao: 5 groups Tang-Mianma: 6 groups Han: 3 groups

Han Tang

Kadai

Kadai: 4 groups

Figure 7.1 Official ethnological ranking of the Dan Lai among 54 ethnic groups in Vietnam

(based on above literature (Nguyen, 1983b, Dang and Nguyen, 1985a, Dang, 2004b, Nguyen, 1993b)) Ninh Viet Giao, drawing on other legends collected in Nghi Loc District (in Nghe An Province), supposed that the Dan Lai originated as a group of Kinh who escaped from the heavy taxes under the feudal system. This group of people moved from an ancient village named Dan Lai to the mountainous area of the Pu Mat Region where they now reside (Ninh Viet Giao 1985 in (Dang, 1985b, Dang and Nguyen, 1985b)). Another story of the origin of the Dan Lai-Ly Ha in Con Cuong is that the Dan Lai-Ly Ha derived from the combination of two groups, the Dan Lai and the Ly Ha. The ancestors of the Dan Lai were living along streams in deep forest near the Viet-Lao border for a long time before the Ly Ha group arrived. As in the first origin story above, this group of Dan Lai people moved

from Thanh Chuong to this area. The Ly Ha group came later and Le Ha and Ly No were the names of two village leaders. They had to leave their home villages to find new land. They followed the Giang River up to Khe Khang, where they met the Dan Lai Community. The local people helped the newcomers with their needs and the newcomers joined this community. Descendants of Le Ha grew and become the Ly Ha people. Living in the Dan Lai Community, their cultural characteristics such as language and traditional customs were affected (Dang and Nguyen, 1985b). This story is supported by the existence of two main family names in the Dan Lai Community Le (Ly Ha) and La (Dan Lai). Also the Le family group still has distinctive customs and traditions such as marriages and funeral ceremonies. According to Mr. Hoa Le, written family records of the Ly Ha in Con Cuong go back about seven to eight generations. Until only a few years ago, marriages were not allowed between people who have the Le family name. In summary, the vast majority of the people in the community are Dan Lai, who have the La family name. The Ly Ha group includes people who arrived in the past seven to eight generations, and these have the Le family name. There are also some Tay Poong families in the community who have the Vieng family name.

1.4 Distribution of the Dan Lai in Con Cuong District


The Dan Lai belong to a special ethnic minority group in Vietnam and they exist only in Con Cuong District (although some live in the Lao PDR having moved back and forth across the border). For many generations they have lived separately from mainstream society in deep forest, depending on swidden agriculture and hunting and gathering. After consolidation and resettlement in 1958, the Dan Lai started to have greater access to and communication with other groups of people in the district. However, most Dan Lai villages are still located in remote and isolated areas. According to the Statistics Unit of Con Cuong District (2005), there are 3,172 Dan Lai living in 20 villages in six communes in Con Cuong District (Table 7.2). The majority of the Dan Lai now live in the Khe Khang area in Tan Son-Cua Rao, Ban Moi, Chau Son, and Khe Bu Villages. They are also mixed with Thai and Kinh people in another 13 villages. There are 993 people of

working age (excluding villages in Chi Khe Commune for which labour force data are lacking). On average each family has 4.63 people and 1.61 workers (see Error: Reference source not found). Over their history of settlement, the Dan Lai have moved and lived in groups of between four to ten families along four large streams and their tributaries: Khe Khang, Khe Choang, Khe Moi, and Khe Thoi. The current distribution of the Dan Lai in the Pu Mat Region has been affected by three main movements (Figure 7.2). This figure summarises information about the movement of Dan Lai Communities since 1958, reconstructed from two rounds of GDs in the Dan Lai villages during the two periods of fieldwork
Table 7.2 Demographic Data on the Dan Lai in Con Cuong No. of No. Commune/Village Population families Lang Khe commune 42 198 1 Khe Thoi Village 24 108 2 Huoi Mac Village 18 90 Mon Son commune 228 1,117 3 Thai Son Village 11 52 4 Tan Son Village 16 99 5 Cua Rao Village 21 105 6 Lang Yen Village 1 6 7 Co Phat Village 98 478 8 Khe Bung Village 81 377 Yen Khe commune 22 104 9 Trung Huong Village 6 35 10 Trung Chinh Village 16 69 Chi Khe commune 7 28 11 Lam Dinh Village 5 17 12 Tong Chai Village 1 7 13 Chan Nan Village 1 4 Luc Da commune 65 229 14 Ban Moi Village 65 229 Chau Khe commune 328 1,524 15 Chau Son Village 175 737 16 Chau Dinh Village 21 86 17 Ban Xat Village 2 8 18 Ban Diem Village 1 2 19 Ban Na Village 4 21 20 Ban Bu Village 125 670 Total 685 3,172

No. of females 90 50 40 482 31 46 53 4 173 175 35 10 25 13 8 3 2 112 112 615 278 42 3 1 7 284

No. of workers 90 48 36 442 19 32 49 2 182 158 35 21 4 No data No data No data No data 101 101 341 157 28 6 2 8 140 993*

Source: Statistics Unit of Con Cuong District 2005

First, the settlement and development program launched in 1958 to settle nomadic populations into stable villages consolidated the Dan Lai into six stable villages near their ancestral land: Khe Thoi, Khe Nong, Khe Bu, Khe Thin, Co Phat and Co Nghiu. Second, subsequent resettlement programs after 1958 encouraged the Dan Lai to move to more developed areas. From the Khe Khang area, part of the population moved out and formed Tan Thanh Village around 1962, then in 2003 other groups moved to Tan Son and Cua Rao Villages. From Khe Nong Village, people moved out to form Chau Son Village in 1976. Third, some of the Dan Lai who had been displaced to the new sites returned to their old lands. These groups include a group of people from Co Phat and Khe Bung who came back to Khe Bong in the Khe Vang area; a group of people from Chau Son Village who came back to the Khe Nong area and formed Khe Nong sub-village; and a group of people from Khe Moi Village who returned to Khe Thin Village and formed Khe Thin sub-village (See Figure 7.2).

The Dan Lai around Khe Choang and Khe Khang


Khe Bong Khe Moc Khe Vang
Four new clusters

The first consolidation and resettlement around 1958 The second movement: from the first villages to more central areas

Khe

Khe

Khe Bu

Khe

Co Phat

Co Nghiu

Chau

Con

Bung

2002
Chau Khe Choang Khe Moi Tan SonCua Rao Thai Son

1968-9 The first movement: The second movement: The third movement: Village Separation:
Thai Son

Tan

Figure 7.2 Three main movements of the Dan Lai in the Con Cuong District

1.5 The first consolidation and resettlement of the Dan Lai in 19584
Before the 1958 consolidation and resettlement, the Dan Lai had lived and moved around the Khe Khang and Khe Choang rivers and their upper branches in groups of 4-10 families, deep in the forest and isolated from the mainstream of Vietnamese society. During their movements they sometimes travelled into Laos. The Dan Lai were viewed by the dominant society as the most backward ethnic minority in the North of Vietnam (Dang and Nguyen, 1985b, Nguyen, 1983a, Nguyen, 1993a). They had lived separately from mainstream society in deep forest, depending on swidden agriculture and hunting and gathering as shifting cultivation, gathering and hunting, using simple tools. For example, they caught fish by hand or noose and used fire and wooden spears for hunting game. Because they lived in isolated areas, their living standard was low (Nguyen, 1993a, Nguyen, 1983a, Dang, 1985b). 1.5.1 Implementation of the first consolidation and resettlement In 1958 the Dan Lai were encouraged for development purposes to consolidate and resettle into stable villages near their traditional lands. Following the 1958 program, people who lived in the Khe Thoi region founded Khe Thoi Village in what is now Lang Khe Commune. The second group included people who lived in the Khe Choang region and some families from the Khe Khang area who moved and established Bu-Na Village and Khe Nong Village (the first movement in the Figure 7.2). Then Bu-Na Village separated into two villages Khe Bu and Khe Na with Khe Bu Village having a majority of Dan Lai while Khe Na Village included Thai and some Dan Lai (Village Separation in the Figure 7.2). The third group included people who lived along the source streams of the Khe Moi River, who formed Khe Moi Village. The fourth and largest group of the Dan Lai, who had lived in the Khe Khang area, founded three villages in what is now the CZ of PMNP. This consolidation and resettlement program for the Dan Lai needs to be seen in the context of what was happening in Vietnam as whole. This was a difficult time for Vietnam. The country was liberated and founded in 1945 but was at war with the French during the period 1945-1954.
4

Information and data on the first consolidation and resettlement come from two rounds of group discussions and interviews with key informants in four researched groups.

As a result of colonisation and war, the country was very poor and natural resources were exhausted. More than 9 million Vietnamese died of starvation in 1945 (just before liberation). Hence the first consolidation and resettlement was implemented with very little support as the consolidation and resettlement below. After the defeat of the French, the social and political system was reformed. Villages and communes were founded in rural areas for agricultural development. As part of this process, the Dan Lai who had been living in dispersed locations in the Pu Mat Region were consolidated into six stable villages, as described. Around 1958 the communities were provided with few government agents including commune or district cadres, teachers, and border policemen. These agents were given responsibility to organize the Dan Lai into villages and help them improve their livelihoods. At that time, the agents had few resources and they received little or no allowance or salary from their agencies. They came to live with the communities and worked to earn their living, following the slogan eat together, live together with local people (In Vietnamese is n cng dn, cng dn). This slogan was very popular at that time (group discussion). To be successful, responsible government officers had to fully understand local people by sharing the disadvantages as well as the benefits of local life. They lived in the community for a long time and came to be considered as local people. Locals called them cn b5, which has a similar meaning to officials, cadres or staff. Hence the officers became fully acquainted with the customs and traditions of the Dan Lai. With the participation of the people in the resettlement process, they chose settlement areas for the new consolidated villages, normally areas with potential for agricultural development and suitable for scattered groups of people to gather in. Gradually other families who still lived separately at that time voluntarily joined these organized villages. The first six villages were founded in their traditional lands, which were near water resources and rich forest. Given these implementation strategies, consolidation and resettlement avoided placing the affected people in a passive and perplexed position, which is common in organised Resettlement Projects as described by Scudder (Scudder, 1991) and Cernea (Cernea,
5

Originally it was used for people who were working for the government. Normally these were staff working at commune, district, or central government levels who came to work in the village. Recently this word has come to be used for all people from other organisations and government.

2000) (Section 3.4). Moreover, the Dan Lai Villages received constant support and extension to improve their livelihoods after movement into the new sites, which are essential for any Resettlement Project (Section 4.3). For social articulation, their village structure was formed and linked to the wider society. Regarding agricultural development, the Dan Lai people learnt sedentary farming technique from Thai and Kinh people to improve productivity and diversify their income sources. 1.5.2 Assistances after consolidation and resettlement into stable villages After the first sedentary resettlement, the Dan Lai jointed mainstream of society and inside each communities a social fabric was formed and developed with assistance of responsible agencies. Before 1958, the Dan Lai had a spontaneous and fragile social structure since they lived dispersed with a shifting life6 in small groups of 4-10 families. After founding villages, agencies and local people organized village structures following the standard of the Vietnamese Government and founded basic organizations. In addition, regulations were set for grazing, forest exploitation and village development planning. For livestock development, for example the village established regulations for grazing, allocated communal lands for gazing and organised a group of people to herd buffalo and big cattle. These forms of organization optimised labour allocation and strengthened the social fabric. Through these activities, the community structure was enhanced. Regarding interactions with the wider society, these villages formally joined the administrative system as a basic unit (Figure 7.4). From this resettlement, interactions between the Dan Lai and other groups of people were formed and have subsequently been improved. During the first consolidation and resettlement, human capacity was strengthened and for the first time the Dan Lai could access education. The local administration organized education classes that followed the illiteracy elimination7 campaign, which was popular in Vietnam at that time. This was the first time the Dan Lai could access formal education. The first classes have been considered as the most successful education and since then many of the Dan Lai can
6 7

As old people reported, they lived in groups of 4-10 familie, and did not have village leaders. In Vietnamese this is Xa m This campaign was very popular at that time. In Vietnam after the August Revolution in 1945 and after peace in 1954, the Vietnamese Government managed to eliminate hunger and illiteracy as they called gic i, gic dt. Hunger and illiteracy were seen as enemies.

read and write. In the first program of consolidation and resettlement, capacity strengthening were emphasised and the Dan Lai benefited from this. The most important achievement following the first consolidation and resettlement was agricultural development, which greatly improved their livelihoods. With the assistance of local government agents, the Dan Lai villages were incorporated in the formal administrative system, as described above. This new social articulation and stable life allowed the Dan Lai to access innovations in cultivation to improve and diversify their on-farm incomes. After resettlement, they adopted settled cultivation practices instead of relying primarily on shifting cultivation and hunting and gathering. The first irrigation system was built in Co Phat Village and the Dan Lai learned to plant paddy rice from the Kinh and Thai. For their hill farms, new higher-yielding varieties of maize were introduced. In the 1960s, cassava was introduced and proved suitable for the Dan Lai since it does not need fertile land, requires little labour and technical inputs, and can be grown in both new and old farms. With newly introduced techniques and available land, the Dan Lai obtained higher productivity in cultivation. Participants described this as the period in which the Dan Lai had the highest living standard and claimed that they could produce enough food for themselves and even had surplus food. The consolidated Dan Lai Communities also achieved great improvements in animal husbandry parallel with crop development. Before 1958, they used to keep dogs, poultry, and a few families had pigs. After 1958, buffaloes and cattle were introduced for savings, food, and draught power. Living in forested areas with extensive grazing areas, large ruminants performed well and contributed an important part of their economic development. Stable village life also allowed the development of raising pig, which became a principal source of cash income. Moreover, the co-operative economic system established in the North at that time seemed suited to the situation of the Dan Lai. This regime allowed them slowly to get used to the mainstream economy and to avoid competition for which they were not well prepared. For example, the local people raised pigs and then sold them directly to the commune without market competition.

1.5.3 Reasons for the success of the 1958 resettlement and consolidation The first consolidation and resettlement of the Dan Lai in the late 1950s and early 1960s is regarded as a successful resettlement program, leading to innovation in both social structure and economic development by both the Dan Lai and the local government. This is reason why the Dan Lai still highly appreciate the local government and strongly believe in the policies, guidelines of the government. Results from surveys showed that five main factors that contributed to the success of the first resettlement program. (1) The Dan Lai changed from a mobile to a stable settlement pattern

Resettlement led to a consolidated and stable village settlement which proved a prerequisite for further developments in the communities. The Dan Lai moved from reliance on shifting cultivation and hunting and gathering to permanent agriculture and inherited new technologies from more developed groups in the region. The new villages joined the wider society and this is one of essential factors for successful resettlement (Section 3.4). (2) Full participation and involvement in the early stages

The affected people fully participated in the early stages of planning and implementation. Many authors claim this can prevent a passive and dependent situation, which leads to potential risks such as a negative psychology and social marginalization (Section 3.4). (3) Choice of new sites

Full participation in the early stages allowed the affected people and agencies to collaborate in choosing suitable sites for resettlement. The Dan Lai were resettled in areas which were similar to and not far from their traditional lands. This relocation did not create significant changes in their life, therefore reducing a passive and perplexed feeling among the affected people. Many authors identify the need for new sites to be traditionally and culturally familiar (Section 3.4). (4) Appropriate resources

Although affected people received very little material support, they were provided with better land. Instead of facing the risk of landlessness, which is the most serious and common risk in any resettlement (Section 3.4), the affected peopled had more and better land because the available land at that time meant they could be allocated paddy land as well as land for hill farming. (5) Constant support after movement

The most important factor behind the apparent success was that the affected people were constantly supported after they moved to improve their livelihoods. With assistance from the responsible authorities, the project could achieve a multiplier effect, which, according to (Scudder, 1991), is one advantage of organized resettlement when the development plan is coordinated with regional plans. The resettled communities were integrated with and received help from more developed groups in the region, especially to improve their low productivity agricultural system. They also gained more income sources since they could still make use of forest products and shifting cultivation as well as having more wetland for agricultural development.

1.6 Resettlement from Khe Nong to Chau Son in 1973-768


This section introduces the resettlement of the Dan Lai from Khe Nong to Chau Son Village in 1973-76. This resettlement is used to evaluate the effects of the Resettlement Project on development and conservation in the long-term. Khe Nong Village was founded around 19581960 in the first consolidation and resettlement program. In 1973, the Dan Lai in Khe Nong Village resettled to Chau Son Village. In the first consolidation and resettlement program around 1958, some families, who had lived in the Khe Nong region and eight families, who had lived in the Khe Khang area were consolidated and resettled in Khe Nong Village. As with other villages in the first resettlement, the Dan Lai in Khe Nong Village had a relatively high living standard. The farmers had abundant paddy land. It

Information and data on this Resettlement Project come from group discussions in Chau Son Village and interview with key informants. This is especially group interviews with Mr. La Van Hiem, Mr. La Van Duyen and Mr. La Van Ky. In addition Mr. La Van Bon provided information and data on both the Dan Lai people in Khe Khang and Khe Choang area. GDs focused on ten main themes (more detail in Appendix 5.12).

was claimed that the farmers only cultivated about 10 ha in total 12 ha of available paddy land at that time. Available grazing areas allowed them have many buffaloes. At that time 36 households in Khe Nong owned about 300 buffaloes. Almost all families had enough rice and some families had a food surplus. They also had a many pigs and other livestock. Local informants stated that at that time they could produce more than the allocated target for pigs and were rewarded as an excellent (qyuet thang) village. In Khe Nong the Dan Lai also had supplementary incomes from forest exploitation. In the late 1960s they started logging timber for the Con Cuong SFEs. As a result, the Dan Lai in Khe Nong had the highest living standard in Chau Khe Commune at that time and a better living standard than local people in Khe Bu. 1.6.1 The Resettlement Projects implementation In 1973, following an instruction from the local government at district and commune levels, 36 households moved from Khe Nong to Khe Canh. However, this site was not permanently settled. After three years in Khe Canh, the Dan Lai moved to a site near the Chau Khe Commune centre, which is now Chau Son Village (Figure 7.2). These people and some Kinh households from 2nd September Village (named after Vietnams National Day) combined to form Chau Son Village. As with the first resettlement, the affected people from Khe Nong received very little support and compensation from government agencies. Support was mainly in the form of communal or public assets needed for the village to function: a village meeting hall (also used as a nursery) and a small store; 6 tables, 20 chairs, and two wardrobes for document storing. For livestock development, the Dan Lai were provided with one buffalo, eight cows and one ox cart. Khe Hoi Dam was constructed in 1980 to irrigate for paddy land along the Khe Hoi stream. Two simple machines for roofing tile production were provided which aimed to produce off-farm income sources. However, the Dan Lai could not use these because they could not find a market 9, had no materials and lacked the necessary skilled workers. The resettled people were also not officially compensated for resettlement; they received support in terms of food but only for a few months.

The local people have lived in houses on stilts with thatched roofs. Recently, only Kinh people construct tiled-roof houses.

All the people in the village shared two wells. The host people helped them to build some small temporary houses or huts. The Resettlement Project was not carefully planned and implemented and it seems that the relevant agencies did not have the same opinion and agreement before the project was launched. The Dan Lai were moved from Khe Nong to Chau Son Village because some local cadres were of the opinion that it was good for development to move these people from a remote to a more developed area. The agencies did not even identify the new site for the affected people, which is why they moved initially to Khe Canh and then had to move again to Chau Son. During this period, not only were the displaced people unclear about the resettlement plan but the responsible officials were passive about the plan and its implementation. Old village leaders described the resettlement process in the following summary:
First some cadres announced that we would be moved to near the central commune. We came to the Khe Canh area and found that there was nothing there: no host people, no houses, no farms. We came to the Chau Khe Commune headquarters and asked the cadres there to build a hall and something for the village but they advised us to wait. And then we received an instruction from Chau Khe Commune to move to Chau Son..

This neglect continued to occur after they moved to Chau Son Village. The newcomers were not allocated land for cultivation. The first official support in the form of a meeting hall was built two years after the Dan Lai settled in Chau Son Village. During this resettlement process, the Dan Lai experienced many disadvantages and the unclear situation made them confused. As a consequence, some of the families decided to return to their traditional lands. In 1982, fifteen families from Chau Son returned to Khe Nong where they had their old houses. According to informants, after one month they were forced to move back to Chau Son under instruction from the Chau Khe Commune. In 1989, twenty households from Chau Son returned to Khe Nong (Figure 7.2). They stayed there and the population had increased to 33 households by the time of fieldwork in 2006. Since then, Chau Son Village has been divided into two sub-villages about 25 or 18 km apart. The families, who returned to old village in Khe Nong, administratively belongs to Chau Son Village.

1.6.2 The Resettlement Projects objectives Regarding the objectives of this resettlement, I could not find the projects original documents because it was carried out about 30 years ago. Other secondary documents and cadres at Chau Khe Commune and Con Cuong District suggested that the primary objective of the Resettlement Project was to facilitate the development of the Dan Lai. However, as discussed above, the Dan Lai in Khe Nong Village had the highest living standard in the Chau Khe Commune at that time. In addition, the Dan Lai in Khe Nong and Khe Khang played crucial roles in timber exploitation for the Con Cuong SFEs (Sections 6.7.3, 8.4 and 11.4). Illegal logging for the private sector did not occurd at that time. Therefore, it is not logical to conclude that the resettlement was done to improve the livelihoods of the local people or to protect high value timber in Khe Nong at that time. Key informants in Chau Son Village claimed that the local government wanted to move the Dan Lai to Chau Son for easier administrative management. They supposed that the responsible cadres simply thought that the first consolidation and resettlement had successfully improved the affected peoples livelihoods. It was believed that it would be much better to move the Dan Lai from remote and isolated areas to more developed areas in order to improve their livelihoods. In summary, it seems that the Resettlement Project to move the Dan Lai from Khe Nong to Chau Son Village did not have clear objectives and neither was it carefully prepared or implemented. 1.6.3 Consequences of the resettlement The Resettlement Project negatively impacted on the livelihoods of the Dan Lai in Chau Son Village. In the new site, there was not enough land for their traditional shifting cultivation nor suitable conditions for paddy cultivation. The responsible agencies had planned that the people would change from shifting cultivation to permanent cultivation of paddy land. However, no irrigation system was built to provide water for the development of paddy farms. The affected people were also not properly trained in the new technologies required to change to permanent cultivation. Meanwhile, the population significantly increased. The Dan Lai in Chau Son Village did not have enough hill land to practise traditional forest rotation. As described in Chapter 6 (Error:

Reference source not found), the fallow system required at least three times the area under cultivation. Despite this the Dan Lai still practised shifting cultivation but the situation was aggravated because they could not access suitable techniques for cultivation in the uplands where they were settled. Informants state that the land only had enough fertility for the first years of cropping, corresponding to the first period in a shifting cultivation rotation. However, because the population increased they had to continue to cultivate the areas which should have been rested for several years in order to regenerate. As a consequence, the land continued to get poorer and the Dan Lai could not produce enough food for themselves. Since 2000, the Chau Khe Commune has allocated 92 ha of hill farm, which is about 18km way from the village for cultivation. Now the arable land surrounding the village is highly degraded with almost all surface soil washed away and soil containing about 40% gravel (Figure 7.3).

Figure 7.3 Agro-forestry garden land in Chau Son Village contains high rates of sand and pebble

Livelihoods declined in other ways as well. The Dan Lai sold their buffaloes and cows to buy food and other items such as radios and bicycles. In Khe Nong they had about 300 buffaloes but in the new site they were left with very few buffaloes and cattle. They were provided with two simple machines for making roofing tiles in order to generate additional income. However, this attempt to create extra employment did not work as there was no market for the tiles. Hence the living standards of the Dan Lai in Chau Son dropped from the highest level in the commune

before resettlement to such a low level that they were regarded as a problem village, requiring annual support because of poor food security. The affected people have needed a long time to overcome the adverse impacts of this resettlement. Only since 2003, around 30 years after resettlement, has this population showed some signs of overcoming their problems and improving their situation. The resettlement of the Dan Lai from Khe Nong to Chau Son was unsuccessful because of improper planning and implementation. Results from surveys suggested that four main factors impacted on the projects successes. First, ambiguous planning made not only the affected people but also the responsible cadres perplexed and passive. The Dan Lai were relocated to a central area among different ethnic groups without any preparation. This situation made them feel marginal and confused. Second, the affected people were displaced twice in a short time because of uncertainty about the new sites. The literature indicates that affected people need at least 2-5 years to adapt to a new site (Section 3.4). In this case, the evidence from livelihood surveys suggested that in such circumstance the risks of resettlement are increased manyfold. Third, the responsible agencies failed to provide appropriate land for the affected people and access to diversified income sources. Finally, the affected people were not given any support to adjust to their new home after relocation.

1.7 Lessons from previous Resettlement Programs


The history of resettlement of the Dan Lai in Con Cuong District since 1958 provides a number of lessons. First, the Dan Lai is a distinct group with a strong communal structure and culture. Experience from Resettlement Projects indicates that it would have been better to organise the Dan Lai into separate villages. When one group was mixed with Thai people in Tan Thanh Village, the village subsequently divided into Thai Son and Tan Thanh Villages. Dan Lai from Khe Khang were grouped with some Thai people to found Bu-Na Village but then divided into two villages, with the Dan Lai in Khe Bu Village and the Thai in Khe Na Village. Similarly, in Chau Son, the Dan Lai from Khe Nong Village and some Kinh people from Second of September Village combined and established Chau Son Village in 1976. Later, Chau Son Village separated into the Kinh Village of Khe Choang and the Dan Lai Village of Chau Son (Village Separation in the Figure 7.2).

As clearly expressed in GDs in Chau Son and Tan Son-Cua Rao, the Dan Lai feel more confident to have their own village leaders. This has been confirmed by much research which argues for the need for a similar culture and traditions between the displaced and receiving communities; the need for compatibility of the characteristic traditions of the host people and newcomers; and that the prospect of potential marginalisation and social disarticulation should be carefully considered in any resettlement (Section 3.4). Second, the participation and involvement of the affected people in the planning and implementation process is essential and did not occur with the Dan Lai during the second resettlement. In the first resettlement in 1958, the participation and involvement of the Dan Lai produced positive results. This allowed the affected people and responsible agencies to choose suitable sites to establish villages; made the transition smoother; and prevented the emergence of a negative psychology and feelings of marginalisation. Participation and involvement in the early stages can make recruited resettlers become active as self-recruited resettlers (Section 3.3.1) Third, the introduction of new land-use practices and diversified income sources were crucial factors for the Dan Lai Resettlement Projects. As discussed above, from 1958 the Dan Lai moved from reliance on shifting cultivation and hunting and gathering to increasing dependence on permanent agriculture. They needed appropriate land and training to adapt to this form of farm production. In 1958, the Dan Lai resettled along rivers and streams, which was both compatible with their culture and good for paddy rice cultivation. Although this was the first time they cultivated paddy rice and other new crops, they had good results because of constant technical support and new sources of income. Finally, the Dan Lai needed constant support after their movement to establish their new lives. Because of their cultural characteristics and history, the Dan Lai may need a longer time than other groups to adjust as well as continued assistances (DRDNEZ, 2000a, Nguyen et al., 2000b). In the 1958 resettlement, the Dan Lai achieved great improvement in both social and economic development with very little support. However, on-going support after resettlement contributed critically to their success. The affected people were organised into the administrative system. They were assisted in new farming techniques and in diversifying their incomes, and became used to the new forms of production because of assistance from the responsible agencies.

In contrast, in Chau Son the affected people did not receive assistance to settle down in the new site. They were displaced but they were not resettled. Only after about 30 years can the Dan Lai overcome the problems of the resettlement. As discussed in Section 3.3.2, in any Resettlement Project, movement is only the first of four stages of full resettlement. The affected people need assistance after this stage to progress through the three remaining stages so as to establish and diversify their livelihoods and achieve the overall objectives of the Resettlement Project.

1.8 Socio-economic status of the Dan Lai in Con Cuong District


1.8.1 Social structure in the Dan Lai villages Dan Lai villages are now incorporated in the administrative structures of the state. Figure 7.4 shows the administrative levels in Vietnam, extending from the national level to the commune. The Commune is the basic unit or lowest level in the administrative system. The Village is a selfmanaged organisation of the local community and includes formal organizations such as Village Party Cell (VPC), Village Management Board (VMB) and Womens Union (WU). These are elected by local people and then approved by local government. Villages are directly under the management of the communes10. Village Heads and Vice-Heads receive a small allowance. Districts, Communes and Villages in the Pu Mat Region (including the BZ and the three villages in the CZ) have additional staff who work for SFNC and have an allowance from the project. At the district level there is one District Coordinator and 10-32 district Extension Officers. At the commune level, each commune has two Extension Officers. At the village level there are two Extension Officers and two Conservationists. These people have allowances from the SFNC. Village leaders also receive a small allowance from the project.

10

Following Decision No.13/2002/QD-BNV (see Appendix 5.4).

Village Party Cell Village Management Board

Figure 7.4 Administrative system in Vietnam (not all organisations are presented)

Within Dan Lai villages, people have a strong sense of community and close relationships exist between individuals and families. This characteristic was most likely formed long ago since they have lived for generations separately in remote areas under hard conditions. In such living conditions they have had to collaborate closely in order to withstand nature and wild animals to survive. In traditional Dan Lai villages such as in the Khe Khang area there is plenty of available land but houses are built close together with small home-gardens. The Dan Lai have a strong sense of sharing within the community (Nguyen and Tran, 1999a, Nguyen and Tran, 1999b). Any member of the community happily shares their assets such as food and livestock to other people who need them (DRDNEZ, 2000a, Nguyen and Tran, 1999a, Nguyen and Tran, 1999b). Almost all people in the community are linked by kin relationships11. These characteristics make for strong communities but may also be a weakness. The Dan Lai appear to be less self-reliant since they are backed up by their community and rely on help from other people. When the Dan Lai live or communicate with other groups, it takes them a long time to adapt to the new environment or interact with other groups. In the case of the Dan Lai in Chau Son Village, they were seen to be very shy and needed a longer time than the Kinh and Thai people, who moved to Chau Son at the same time, to get used to the wider society. The Kinh and Thai people easily joined in new income-generating projects such as working as handy workers
11

In GDs, when asked where they wanted to move if they would be resettled, the most common answer was that participants wanted to move to be near their relatives in villages such as Khe Moi and Trung Chinh. Participants also stated that they would only move if all the people in the village would move and live in the same area (Section 9.5.2).

National government

Commune

Province

Village

District

Womens Union Veterans Organisation Communist Youth Union Farmers Union

in projects or hired labourers in the early stage but it was only in 2001 that a few Dan Lai in the same village started to work in these projects. In Dan Lai villages, people are highly self-disciplined and strongly respect government staff. Hence in many cases the Dan Lai villages have been rewarded since they cooperated well with government initiatives, as in Chau Son and Khe Bu. For example, a micro-finance program has been conducted successfully by the WU in these villages. Based on GDs in the study villages, the following intra-village organisations were in place, although membership often overlapped (Figure 7.4): (1) Village Management Board (Ban qun l bn) This is the formal board at village level and it includes representatives of all organizations in the village. A Village Management Board includes the Head and Vice-Head of the village, Secretary of the Communist Cell, WU and Farmer Union (Figure 7.3). Village leaders are elected by villagers and are then approved by the local governments. The Village Management Board coordinates every activity in the village and is responsible for dissemination of operational policies and guidelines to village members. (2) Village Party Cell (Chi b bn) VPC was ranked as the most important organization in politics and leadership. The Party Cell includes all communist party members in the village, most of whom are leaders of organizations. The Village Head is expected to be a party member. In GDs, the participants declared that the VPC is responsible for propagandizing village members and leading the implementation of policies and guidelines from the government. It cooperates with the Village Management Board since most of the members of the board are also party members. The VPC is headed by the Party Secretary in the village. In the study villages, the Village Head and the Secretary of the VPC were the two most powerful people in the village. Any decisions at the village level had to be discussed and agreed upon between them. (3) Womens Union (Hi ph n)

The WU includes all the adult females in the village and is linked to higher organisational levels. In Pu Mat Region, the WU is the best-run organization. Con Cuong WU has been rewarded as a good organization several times. With support from Oxfam Quebec, Oxfam Hong Kong, and Craftlink the WU formed a very successful brocade team (t dt th cm) in Luc Da commune. The WU works with the Bank for the Poor in implementing a micro-finance program. In this program, the WU at the village level acts as a guarantor for its members to borrow money from the Bank for the Poor. The organization also helps women to improve the household economy such as by developing livestock activities. At the village level the WU also organizes mutual aid teams to assist members in house building and crop harvesting. In the house building team, when one member builds a new house or upgrades their houses other team members will help with collecting thatch for the roof or other work. Pproduction team members help each other in cultivation work such as harvesting and sowing. The WU also organizes festivals for women and teenagers, guides and encourages members to follow guidelines and policies from the government, collaborates with the Communist Youth Union to clean roads and the village compound, and works with the health care service to encourage their members to use birth control. (4) Communist Youth Union (on thanh nin) The CYU conducts and organizes cultural and sporting activities, organizes activities in the summer holiday for school pupils, and mutual aid teams for members and other villages, helps families who do not have enough workers or who are having difficulties, and selects members to join the army or to be trained as party members. (5) Veterans Organization (Hi cu chin binh) Members are veterans of the Vietnamese Armed Forces. During their time in the armed forces these people undertook further study and almost all of them become party members. Many of them achieved a higher education degree. On returning to the village they became leaders of the Dan Lai. Thus members of this organization are often members of the VPC and on the VMB. (6) Teenagers (Thiu nin)

This includes all the pupils in the village. Under the leadership of the CYU, they take part in summer activities and clean the village. (7) Militia (Dn qun) The Village Militia is responsible for security in the village. In villages where animals destroy crops and threaten lives, this group also helps to protect villagers from wild animals. It is headed by the Vice-Head of the village and is trained by an officer from the district and commune once a year for 5-7 days. (8) Farmers Union (Hi nng dn) Theoretically this organization includes all people in the village since all of them are farmers. However, in most of the villages in the Pu Mat Region, and in all five study villages, there is only one person in this position. He/she is a member of the Village Management Board and works with the Farmers Union at the commune and district levels to organize training in new farm techniques and to collaborate with the WU to help members access bank loans. (9) Vietnamese Fatherland Front (Mt trn t quc) This unit propagandizes the villagers to follow official policies and avoid anti-social activities. (10) Union of Old People (Hi cao tui). This organistion includes all those over 60 years old. It follows guidelines from the government, VMB, and VPC, educates family members to follow regulations and rules, and organizes festivals for its members. 1.8.2 Education The Dan Lai have experienced many changes in education because of their initial isolation and subsequent movements and policy changes. Over time the education level of the Dan Lai living in more central areas has significantly improved while the education level of those living in remote villages has declined. In resettled villages or where Dan Lai are living with other groups, their education level is much better. In Thai Son Village and Khe Moi Village, one woman has

finished university level and four other people have finished professional high schools and are now teachers. In general, the education history of the Dan Lai Communities can be divided into four main stages: (1) before consolidation and resettlement in 1958; (2) from 1958 to 1972; (3) from 1973 to 1991; (4) since 1991. Living far away from the mainstream of Vietnamese society, before consolidation and resettlement in 1958 the Dan Lai had no access to any kind of formal education. From 1947, teachers came to the Khe Khang and Khe Choang regions but it was impossible for them to organize classes because of the mobile lifestyle of the Dan Lai. Almost none of the Dan Lai population could read and write Vietnamese. In 1947, Mr. La Van Bon left his village in Khe Khang to study in Con Cuong District (interview with Mr. La Van Bon on 27/05/06). He then became headmaster of a professional high school for teachers in Nghe An Province. He was also rewarded by the central government as a meritorious teacher (nh gio u t12). From 1958 to 1972, a literacy campaign was commenced in the consolidated and resettled villages. As a part of the campaign, the first continuing education classes (lp hc b tc vn ha) were conducted to educated people who were over school age but could not read and write. Teachers for these classes were people who had a higher education level but did not have compulsory professional certifications in teaching (check this). The Vietnamese Government had many ways to encourage people to learn. After independence (1954) followed the literacy campaign (phong tro xa m ch, dit gic dt) which meant there were many continuing education classes. In the Dan Lai Community these classes were the first formal education they have had. After that, primary schools were established in the villages. The first primary school was conducted in Khe Nong in 1972, with four classes. In Khe Bu the first primary school was established in 1976. In Khe Khang it wasnt until 1985 that the first primary school was built. In this period, the Dan Lai achieved many successes in education. Many people not only were able to read and write but some of them were supported to study further to be local leaders in their communities. Others gained further education when they joined the Armed Forces, completing primary school and even high school level. When they left the Armed Forces, most became
12

This name is presented by the Government of Vietnam to teachers who have made a significant contribution to education. A Meritorious Teacher is ranked in second position after Peoples Teacher.

village leaders and some became Communist Party members. From the first classes there were two very successful pupils. Mr. La Van Bon became the Head of Nghe An high school teacher. Mr. La The Ky became District Officer and is now Chau Son Village leader. Three main reasons contributed to the success in education in this stage. First, the community received strong support from local government. They did not have to pay for tuition fees or other school expenses. Second, formal education was introduced for the first time in the community so the Dan Lai were very interested in learning and had an incentive to pursue educational development. Many people were eager to learn letters. Third, educational quality and conditions at that time were not much different between remote areas and more central areas in Con Cuong District. From 1973 to 1991, because of isolation, most of the Dan Lai villages had many obstacles to access education and other knowledge sources. They had a low living standard and this negatively influenced their education. The participants stated that they did not highly value education and had fewer incentives to improve their knowledge. They still received some scholarships from the government for professional education such as to be teachers or nurses. However, in isolated villages they could not find people to take up the support and selected people refused to go. Gradually, educational quality in more central areas improved while the education of the Dan Lai in remote areas lagged behind. During this period, the people from Khe Nong Village moved to Chau Son Village which was near the centre of Chau Khe Commune, along National Road No.7. At the very beginning, the resettlement negatively influenced the affected peoples education. The Dan Lai in Chau Son Village were bewildered and did not know how to continue their education. For a long time also, they could not adjust to the new environment. According to the participants in the GDs, the local people in Chau Son Village needed nearly 18 years to catch up and improve their education. Since 1991 education in Chau Son Village and other villages located in more central areas has started to show an upward trend. Meanwhile, in remote villages such as the three villages in the Khe Khang area, the GDs indicated that education has deteriorated. However, the Dan Lai pupils in central villages still have lower education levels to compared with the Thai and Kinh people

because they are very shy and some lack self-esteem when they are studying with pupils from other ethnic groups (Nguyen et al., 2000a, Pham, 2001, Vi and Tran, 1999). The Dan Lai have received special support from the government to improve their education. Before 2000, Dan Lai pupils who finished primary level at the village received a scholarship to study further in secondary and high schools in Chau Khe or Con Cuong Town. These pupils were accommodated in boarding-schools. Sometimes they had other forms of support. When the pupils finished local secondary or high school, they entered higher education, technical training or short-term training and came back to their localities to work as local staff. Since 2000, the number of Dan Lai pupils who could study in secondary schools has increased significantly. In 2004, a total of 61 Dan Lai pupils were studying at Chau Khe Secondary School. Dan Lai pupils do not have to pay tuition fees while at secondary school (normally VND 105,000 per year). Annually, each village is provided with about 1-3 scholarships for secondary school (120,000 VND per pupil). In 2004, twelve pupils from Khe Bu studied at the secondary school in Chau Khe. These pupils were living in school accommodation for free. Each month they were supported with 50 kg of rice. These pupils have been given special attention. Similarly for high schools, all Dan Lai students have a stipend of VND 120,000 per month and they do not have to pay any education expenses. These policies have significantly improved the education level of the Dan Lai. 1.8.3 Crop production In general, the Dan Lai have less arable land than other groups in the Pu Mat Region and use the land less productively because of their simple agricultural techniques. The Dan Lai began the process of agricultural development after 1958, much later than other groups in the Pu Mat Region. In remote villages such as Khe Bu and the three villages in the Khe Khang area, fertilizer is still not used and crop varieties are low-yielding. In Dan Lai families, home-gardens are smaller than for other groups because of the custom of locating houses close together. Home gardens are also not managed as intensively as elsewhere in Vietnam; in some cases fruit trees like banana, jack fruit or papaya are planted, in other cases

home-gardens are left fallow. Home-gardens provide limited fruit and vegetables for family use but are not for sale. Hill farmland is very important to the Dan Lai who were totally dependent on shifting cultivation before consolidation and resettlement in 1958. The Dan Lai have a good knowledge of hill farming since they have cultivated this kind of land for generations. Common crops in the hill farms are hill rice, green beans, cassava, maize, and sweet potato. Cassava was introduced in the Dan Lai Community in the 1960s and it has become an important crop since it does not require fertile land or much labour but has high productivity. Cassava is planted in old farms after cultivating rice and maize, or in new land that cannot be used for other crops. Cassava is used as a reserve food when there is insufficient rice and maize, or to exchange for other products such as sugar, salt, and clothes. The Dan Lai have learned to cultivate wetland since 1958. The paticiapants indicated that they are very keen on developing land for wet rice cultivation, especially since the policy of limiting hill farms has been implemented. However, the wetland area is limited by two main factors the shortage of suitable land and the need to develop irrigation systems. All the Dan Lai villages, except Khe Moi and Khe Thin, are located in hilly areas so they have little potential land for developing wet rice cultivation. Like other groups in the region, the Dan Lai have employed upland agricultural techniques in agro-forestry land with support from the SFNC and local government. Some families in Chau Son Village have very good agro-forestry models and have generated sustainable incomes from their land. The Dan Lai have also been allocated land for production and protection forestry as have other groups in the region. 1.8.4 Livestock production Like other groups in the Pu Mat Region, the Dan Lai keep cattle, buffaloes, pigs, and poultry. They also keep dogs as domestic animals, for protecting livestock, and in the past for hunting. Raising livestock has been influenced by village location. In the more central villages, livestock production has been gradually intensified and commercialized. Meanwhile, in the remote

villages, except for cattle and buffaloes, livestock has not been considered as a source of cash income. Cattle and buffaloes play the most important role in livestock development and are the main source of cash income, savings, and draught power. Living in remote areas, the Dan Lai have many advantages in grazing areas for cattle and buffaloes. In these villages, traditional techniques are employed. Cattle and buffaloes are allowed to freely range in the forest and owners only check their herds two or three times per year or when they need to. They do not allocate grazing areas or set regulations for livestock development. In some cases, according to the GDs, free-grazing cattle or buffaloes destroy crops and cause conflicts between local people. There are two ways of raising pigs in the Dan Lai Community. In more central villages, the local people employ intensive techniques to raise pigs for commercial purposes. Since 1999, some families in the region have shifted to commercial crossbred hogs with higher productivity. They use hybrid piglets and keep the pigs in a piggery. The farmers have to buy piglets from traders from surrounding districts since they cannot produce breeding pigs and this industry has not developed in the Pu Mat Region as a whole. With new intensive techniques, raising pig has gradually become a main source of cash income for the Dan Lai. In remote villages pigs have not been considered as a source of cash income for local families. They employ old techniques with traditional breeds. They do not keep pigs in a piggery but allow pigs to find food themselves. Some households in Khe Khang and Khe Bu feed pigs twice per day, mainly with cassava. This way of raising pigs may be suitable for a subsistence economy in remote areas. Very few families derive cash income from traditional techniques for raising pigs. In all villages poultry are kept mainly for food for the family and have not been considered as a commodity. Living in the Pu Mat Region livestock techniques are quite developed in the researched villages and play a very important role in livelihoods. It is not only the main saving and cash income for local people but also in some cases livestock contributes in cultivation production. Because of

natural condition, large cattle and buffaloes play the most important role in husbandry and agriculture.

1.9 Conclusion
This chapter has described the history and socio-economic characteristics of the Dan Lai in Con Cuong District and it has evaluated the 1958 and 1973 Resettlement Projects. The Dan Lai are a distinctive group who have lived in remote areas in Con Cuong District for generations practising traditional agriculture and harvesting forest resources for their subsistence needs. This has meant that they have faced many constraints in integrating with the wider society and economy. Therefore, any Resettlement Project should be based on recognising the cultural identity of the resettled people. The experience from the two Resettlement Projects indicates the specific factors and conditions for successful resettlement of the Dan Lai. The next two chapters examine the Dan Lai in the Khe Khang area and whether these lessons can be applied in the current Resettlement Project or not?.