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` sh na?

sh naE? Éun´…,
sh vIy¡? krvavhE,
tejiSv navxI?tmStu ma iv?iÖ;avhEš?,
` zaiNt/> zaiNt/> zaiNt?>.

(s> = he; h = indeed; naE = us two; Avtu = may protect; s> = he; h =verily; naE = us two; Éun´… = may nourish;
sh = (we two) together; vIyRm! krvavhE = may acquire the capacity (to understand & study the scriptures); AxItm!
= what is studied; tejiSv = (be) brilliant; naE = for us; AStu = let it be; ma iviÖ;avhE = may we not cavil at each

May He protect us both (the teacher & the taught) together (by revealing knowledge).
May He nourish us both (by vouchsafing the results of knowledge).
May we (both) acquire the capacity (to understand the scriptures). May our study be brilliant (and invigorating)
May we not cavil at each other.
Oh Lord, may I have peace of the three types of obstacles – those centered on me, those arising from other living beings
and those from natural forces.
yena]rsmaçaymixgMy mheñrat!, k«Tõm! Vyakr[< àae´< tSmE pai[nye nm>.
vaKykar< vréic< Éa:ykar< ptÃilm!, pai[in< sUÇkar< c à[tae=iSm muinÇym!.
` zaiNt/> zaiNt/> zaiNt?>.
(yen = by whom or by which, because, since; A]r = alphabet; smaçaym! = handing down by tradition or from
memory, collection or compilation of sacred texts, the sacred texts in general; AixgMy = to study, to be desirous of
studying or reading; mheñrat! = by Lord Maheshavara; k«Tõm! = absolutely complete; Vyakr[m! = grammar ; àae
´m! = spoken of, addressed; tSmE = that; pai[nye = that Panini; nm> = salutations; vaKykarm! = the author of
vaKysvRdœ ; vréicm! = a grammarian [also a poet, lexicographer, and writer on medicine], sometimes identified
with kaTyayn, [the reputed author of the vaitRka or supplementary rules of pai[nI] - He is placed, by some, among
the nine gems of the court of Vikramaditya, and by others, among the ornaments of the court of Bhoja - He was the
author of the àak«t! grammar called àak«t!-àkaz, and is said to be the first grammarian who reduced the various
dialects of àak«t! to a system pÂt!-kwa> ; Éa:ym! = commentary; ptÃilm! = a celebrated grammarian, author of
the mhaÉa:ym! , also a philosopher (the propounder of the Yoga philosophy); pai[inm! = that Panini; sUÇkarm! =
the composer of the sūtra (a short sentence or aphoristic rule, and any work or manual consisting of strings of such rules
hanging together like threads) - these sūtras form manuals of teaching in ritual, philosophy, grammar etc.); à[m! = to
bend or bow down before, make obeisance to, to cause a person to bow before; AiSm = I; muin> = a saint, sage, seer,
ascetic, monk, devotee, hermit; Çym! = a triad).
pr> siÚk;R> s<ihta 1.4.109 / S28
p pr>,1,1, siÚk;R>,1,1, s<ihta,1,1,
przBd> AitzyvacI, v[aRna< pr> = Aitziyt> siÚk;R> = s<ihtas<}k> Évit
The word pr> has the meaning of 'extremely' = 'surpassing everything else'. The extreme proximity of the v[R
(sounds = alphabets) is called by the name s<ihta, That is, coming together of the v[R without a perceptible gap in
their enunciation is called s<ihta or siNx, When these are uttered without a gap (as s<ihta) the changes that take
place are represented by rules called siNx rules
The closest proximity of letters, there being the intervention of half a mātrā or prosodial length between them, is
called contact or s<ihta
È When words are in sanhitā, they are glued together by the rules of siNx, As – dix + AÇ → dXyÇ
k przBd> Aitzye vtRte, siÚk;R> àTyasiÄ>, pr> y> siÚk;R> v[aRnam! AxRmaÇakalVyvxan< s
a s<ihta-s<}> Évit, dXyÇ, mXvÇ, s<ihta-àdeza> - s<ihtayam! 6.1.72 #Tyevmady>.
f - no c/f -- no samaasa -- no anvaya --

s<ihtayam! 6.1.72 / S145
p s<ihtayam!,7,1,
Aixkar> Aym! - AnudaÄ< pdmekvjRm! 6.1.158 #it yavt!
This sūtra is an Aixkar (topic) sūtra. It extends from 6.1.72 to 6.1.157, both inclusive. So Panini says – it extends up
to 6.1.158, excluding 158
àag! @kSmat! sUÇadœ ydœ vúyit tt! s<ihtayam #it @v< veidtVym!, iv;ysÝmIym!
Starting from 6.1.72, before this sūtra (6.1.158) whatever is said, is to be understood as pertaining to s<ihta, That is,
from 6.1.72 to 6.1.57, are all siNx rules
In the following sūtras up to 6.1.157 inclusive, the words s<ihtayam! 'in an unbroken flow of speech' should be
This is an Aixkar or governing sūtra, exerting its influence up to 6.1.158. Whatever we shall say in the sūtras
preceding that, must be understood to apply to words which are in s<ihta, that is, which is pronounced together with
an uninterrupted voice. Thus, dXyÇ, mXvÇ the # & % are changed to y & v when the two words are pronounced
without any hiatus1. Otherwise we shall have dix AÇ, mxu AÇ,
Aixkar> Aym! - AnudaÄ< pdmekvjRm! 6.1.158 #it yavt!, àag! @tSmat! sUÇidt> %Är< ydœ
vúyam> s<ihtaya< #Tyev< tdœ veidtVym!, vúyit - #kaey[ic 6.1.77 - dXyÇ, mXvÇ, s<ihtayam!
#it ikm! ? dix AÇ, mxu AÇ.
f s<ihtayam! 6.1.158 -- no samaasa -- no anvaya --

#kae y[ic 6.1.77 / S47

An interruption in the intensity or amount of something. A missing piece (as a gap in a manuscript)
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A s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p #k>,6,1, y[!,1,1, Aic,7,1,
A s<ihtayam!,7,1, #k>,6,1, y[!,1,1, Aic,7,1,
#k> Swane y[! Aadez> Évit Aic prt> s<ihtayam! iv;ye
In the subject matter of s<ihta, y[! (y v r l) is the Aadez (replacement) in the place of #kœ (# % \ ¤) when a
vowel follows. Here the choosing of the Aadez is done using the sūtra Swane=Ntrtm> 1.1.50
% ¤ + Aak«it → lak«it, dXyÇ, mXvÇ, kÇRwRm!, hÇRwRm!,
The semi-vowels - y! v! rœ lœ are the substitutes of the corresponding vowels - # % \ ¤ (long & short), when
followed by a vowel
This sūtra is rather too wide. It must be restricted by Ak> sv[eR dI"R> 6.1.101, viz. the following vowel must not
be of the same class as the preceding for the application of this rule. Thus –
dix + AÇ → dXyÇ
mxu + AÇ → mXvÇ
ktuR + AwRm! → kÇRwRm!
htuR + AwRm! → hÇRwRm!
¤ + Aak«it → lak«it
È Vārtika: This semi-vowel substitution of vowels takes place, when preceded by a prolated vowel, even to the
supersession of Ak> sv[eR dI"R> 6.1.101 requiring lengthening. Thus -
A¶a3 + #NÔ A¶a3 iyNÔym!
pqa3 + %dkm! pqa3 vÊkm!
A¶a3 + Aaza A¶a3 yaza
pqa3 + Aaza pqa3 vaza
Éae + #NÔm! Éae3 ivNÔm!
The phrase 'when a vowel follows' exerts its influence up to sMàsar[a½ 6.1.108
Aic prt> #k> y[!-Aadez> Évit, dXyÇ, mXvÇ, kÇRwRm!, hÇRwRm!, lak«it>,. #k> Plut-pUvRSy
sv[R-dI"R-baxnaw¡ y[!-Aadez> v´Vy>. Éae3 # #NÔm!, Éae3 iyNÔm!, Aic #it c Aym! Aixkar> -
sMàsar[a½ 6.1.108 #it yavt!.
f Aic 6.1.125 - no samaasa - no anvaya -

@cae=yvayav> 6.1.78 / S61
A s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72 Aic,1,1, 6.1.77
p @c>,6,1, Ayvayav>,1,3,
A @c>,6,1, Ayvayav>,1,3, Aic,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
s Ay! c Aay! c Aav! c Ayvayav> #tretrÖNÖ>
@c> Swane Ay! Av! Aay! Aav! #Tyete Aadeza> ywas'œOym! Aic prt> ÉviNt s<ihtayam! iv;ye
In the situation of siNx, Ay! Av! Aay! Aav! are the Aadez (replacements) in place of @c! (@ Aae @e AaE),
respectively, when a vowel follows
ic + An + savRxatukaxRxatukyae> 7.3.84
→ ce + An + @cae=yvayav> 6.1.78
→ cy! + An → cynm! = collecting

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lU + Anm! + savRxatukaxRxatukyae> 7.3.84
→ lae + Anm! + @cae=yvayav> 6.1.78
→ lv + Anm! → lvnm! = cutting
ic + Ak + savRxatukaxRxatukyae> 7.3.84
→ cE + Ak + @cae=yvayav> 6.1.78
→ cay! + Anm! → cayk>,1,1, = one who collects
lU + Ak + Acae iÁ[it 7.2.115
→ laE + Ak + @cae=yvayav> 6.1.78
→ lav + Ak → lavk>,1,1, = one who cuts
V For the vowels @ @e Aae AaE are respectively substituted with Ay! Aay! Av! Aav! when a vowel follows
Thus -
ic + Lyuqœ → ce + Anm! → cynm!
lae + Anm! → lvnm!
È cE + Ak> → cayk>
laE + Ak> → lavk>
So also – kyete, Vyyete, yavvé[iœ
é + yuc! (cln-zBdawaRdkmRkadœ yuc! 3.2.148) → rae + An → rv[>
k @c> Swane prt> Ay! Av! Aay! Aav! #Tyete Aadeza> ywas'œOym! ÉviNt, cynm!, lvnm!,
a cayk>, lavk>, kyete, yyete, vayavvé[iœ.
f @cae 6.1.83

laep> zaklSy 8.3.19 / S67
A Vyae>,6,2, 8.3.18 ApUvRSy,6,1, Aiz,7,1, 8.3.17 pdSy,6,1, 8.1.16 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p laep>,1,1, zaklSy,6,1,
A pdNtSy,6,1, = ApUvRSy,6,1, = Vyae>,6,2, (v! or y!) Aix,7,1, laep>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1, zaklSy,6,1, (mten)
pdaNtyae> vkar-ykaryae>-Av[R-pUvRyae>-laep> Évit, zaklSy-AacayRSy mten Aiz prt>
The y! or v! at the end of a pd will be dropped optionally when they are preceded by Av[R and followed by an Az!
(A # % \ ¤ @ Aae @e AaE h y v r l~ | m ' [ n H É " F x j b g f d ) letter. In the sūtra the option is indicated
by the mention of another AacayR, In addition to bringing about the options, the mention (of the name of the
AacayR) serves as a homage to the said AacayR
ke + AaSte + kyaSte (further siNx does not take place because of pUvRÇaisœm! 8.2.1-
% k
@cae=yvayav> or "whatever will be taught hereafter, up to the end of the work, is to be considered
1 AaSte
6.1.78 → as not taken effect, in relation to the application of a preceding rule")
ASmE + %œr +
% ASma
@cae=yvayav> or ASmayuœr
2 %œr
6.1.78 →
AsaE + AaidTy +
% Asav!
@cae=yvayav> or AsavidTy
3 AaidTy
6.1.78 →
v! and y! when preceded by A or Aa and at the end of a pd, are elided before an Az! letter, according to the opinion
of zakLy
È As - k AaSte or kyaSte, kak AaSte or kakyaSte, ASma %œr or ASmayuœr, Öa AÇ or ÖaÇ, Asa

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AaidTy or AsavaidTy,
The name of zakLy is used to make it an optional rule. Therefore, where there is not the lighter articulation of v! &
y! by v!-yaelR"uàyÆtr> zakqaynSy 8.3.18, there also in the other alternative the fuller sounds of v! & y! are
heard. Thus, there are three forms, heavy v! & y! , light v! & y! , and elision v! & y!.
When v! & y! are preceded by Aae, then there is elision by the sūtra Aaetae gaGyRSy 8.3.20 compulsorily
vkar-ykaryae> pdaNtyae> Av[R-pUvRyae> laep> Évit, zaklSy-AacayRSy mten Aiz prt>, k
k AaSte, kyaSte, kak AaSte, kak yaSte, ASma %œr, ASmayuœr, Öa AÇ, ÖaÇ, Asa AaidTy>,
a AsavaidTy>, zakLy-¢h[< ivÉa;awRm!, ten ydaip l"uàyÆtr> n Évit Aadez>, tdaip Vyae> p]e
ïv[< Évit.
f laep> 8.2.22 -- no samaasa --

@k> pUvRpryae> 6.1.84 / S68
A s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p @k>,1,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2,
s pUvR c pr> c #it pUvRpryae>, #tretrÖNÖ>
A s<ihtayam! ,7,1,
pUvRpryae>,6,2, @k>,1,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2,
v Aixkar> Aym! , \t %t! 6.1.111 #it yavt!, tÇ pyRNt< yÖúyit tt! pUvRSy prSy Öyaerip Swan
& @kadezae Évit #it veidtVym!
This is an Aixkar sūtra that extends up to 6.1.111 and says that, in this section, wherever anything is ordained, that
will take place in the place of both the pUvR (preceding) and the pr> (following), in a siNx situation
v vúyit Aadœ gu[> 6.1.87 #it, tÇaic pUvRSyav[aR½ prSy Öyaerip Swane gu[ @kadezae Évit
& t*wa - oqœveNÔ>, maleNÔ>
From here to 6.1.111 inclusive, is always to be supplied the phrase "for the preceding and the following one is
This is an Aixkar sūtra. In every sūtra up to 6.1.112 (excluding the last), whatever we shall teach, there in the room
of the two, namely, the preceding and the succeeding, it should be understood, that the substitution is one. These form
the well-known rules of @kadez (one letter or form) replacing two consecutive letters etc. Thus Aadœ gu[>
6.1.87 teaches "there is gu[ substitution, when A or Aa is followed by a vowel". We must supply into that sūtra the
phrase @k> pUvRpryae> i.e. one gu[ is the substitute for the final A or Aa and the initial vowel. Thus oqœva
+ #NÔ> → oqœveNÔ>, Here @ is the single substitute of the both preceding letter Aa and the succeeding letter
#, The words pUvR pr show that the substitute operates simultaneously on both. Otherwise the substitute would
have come in the place of one only or of each one separately. Thus in Aadœ gu[> (Aic) "after A or Aa, there is
gu[ in a vowel". Here Aat! is in the ablative (fifth case), and by tSmadœ #it %ÄrSy 1.1.67 the gu[ operation
would have taken place on the letter following it: so also Aic is in the locative (seventh case) and by tiSmiÚit
inidRòe pUvRSy 1.1.66, the gu[ operation would have taken place on the preceding; so it is not clear of what letter
there should be gu[ substitution, of the preceding or the succeeding. But the present rule shows it must operate on
both simultaneously. The word @k> (single), shows that a separate or a different substitute does not operate: i.e. the
substitute must be one, there should not be two separate substitutes one for each SwanI, such as we find in the sūtra
r-da_ya< inóatae n> pUvRSy c d> 8.2.42, "n is the substitute of the t of inóa, after rœ and dœ, and of the
preceding dœ". Here n! is taught as substitute of both t! & dœ and as @k is not used in the sūtra, we get two n, as
→ iÉdœ + t iÉn! + n iÉÚ>, But this is not the case here.
According to mhaÉa:y the word @k is redundant

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Aixkar> Aym!, OyTyat! prSy 6.1.112 #it àag! @tSmat! sUÇaidt> %Är< ydœ vúyam> tÇ pUvRSy
prSy Öyae> Aip Swane @kadez> Évit #Tyetdœ veidtVym!, vúyit - Aadœ gu[> 6.1.87 #it, tÇ Aic
k pUvRSy Av[aRt! c prSy Swane @k> gu[> Évit, oqœveNÔ>, maleNÔ>, pUvRpr-¢h[< Öyae> aip
a yugpdœ Aadez-àitpÅywRm! , @kSy @v ih Syt! , naeÉe sÝmI-pÂMyaE yugpt! àkiLpke Évt> #it,
@k-¢h[< p&wg! Aadez-inv&ÅywRm!, SwainÉedadœ ih iÉÚaid;u nTvvdœ ÖaE AadezaE
f -- no c/f --

Aadœ gu[> 6.1.87 / S69
A @k>,1,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, 6.1.84 Aic,7,1, 6.1.77 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p Aat!,5,1, gu[>,1,1,
A Aat!,5,1, Aic,7,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, @k>,1,1, gu[>,1,1,s<ihtayam!,7,1,
v Aic pUvaeR yae=v[R>, Av[aR½ prae yae=c! , tyae> Öyae> pUvRpryae> Swan @k> gu[>
& Aadez> Évit, s<ihtayam! iv;ye
The Av[R that is followed by an Ac! (A # % \ ¤ @ Aae @e AaE) and the Ac! the follows an Av[R, in the place
of both these, a single replacement of a gu[ letter takes place, in a siNx situation
The gu[ is the single substitute of the final A or Aa of a preceding word and the simple vowel of the succeeding. (A
or Aa + a vowel → gu[)
The word Aic is understood here. For the vowel which follows an A or Aa, and for the A or Aa which precedes a
vowel, in the room of both these preceding and succeeding vowels, there is a single substitute gu[. Thus -
tv + #dm! → tvedm!, oqœva + #NÔ> → oqœveNÔ>, mala + #NÔ → maleNÔ
tv + $hte → tvehte, oqœva + $hte → oqœvehte
È tv + %dkm! → tvaedkm!, oqœva + %dkm! → oqœvaedkm!
tv + \Zy> → tvZyR>, oqœ + \Zy> → oqœvZyR>
tv + ¤kar> → tvLkar>, oqœva + ¤kar → oqœvLkar>
By analogy of %r[! r~pr> 1.1.51, the gu[ substitute of ¤ being A is always follows by lœ , as that of \ followed by
rœ, This universal rule is limited by the sūtra v&iœreic 6.1.88
tv + #dm! → tvedm!
oqœva + #NÔ> → oqœveNÔ>
mala + #NÔ> → maleNÔ>
tv + $hte → tvehte
oqœva + $hte → oqœvehte
% tv + %dkm → tvaeÖkm!
tv + \Zy> → tvZyR>
oqœva + \Zy> → oqœvZyR>
tv + ¤kar → tvLkar>
oqœva + ¤kar> → oqœvLkar>

Aic #it AnuvtRte, Av[aR½ prae yae=c! , Aic pUvaeR yae=v[R>, tyae> pUvRpryae> Av[R-
v Acae> Swane @k> gu[> Aadez> Évit, tvedm!, oqœveNÔ>, maleNÔ>, tvehte, oqœvehte,
& tvaeÖkm!, oqœvaedkm!, tvZyR>, oqœvZyR>, tvLkar>, oqœvLkar>, ¤karSy Swane y> A[! tSy
lprTvm! #:yte.
f Aat! 6.1.96 -- no samaasa --

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v&iœreic 6.1.88 / S72
A Aat!,5,1, 6.1.87 @k>,1,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, 6.1.84 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p v&iœ>,1,1, @ic,7,1,
A Aat!,5,1, @ic,7,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, @k>,1,1, v&iœ>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
v Av[aRt! prae y @c! , @ic c prtae yae=v[RStyae> pUvRpryae> Swane v&iœ>-@k>-Aadez>
& Évit, s<ihtayam! iv;ye, pUvRSyapvadae=ym!
The Av[R that is followed by an @c! (@ Aae @e AaE) and the @c! that follows an Av[R in the place of both of
them a single replacement of a v&iœ letter takes place, in a siNx situation
N This is an Apvad to Aadœ gu[> 6.1.87
The v&iœ is the single substitute of A or Aa of a preceding word and the initial diphthong of the succeeding (A or
Aa + diphthong → v&iœ)
The word Aat! is understood here. For the diphthong which follows an A or Aa, and for the A or Aa which precedes
a diphthong, in the room of both these preceding and succeeding A or Aa and diphthong, there is a single substitute
viz. the v&iœ, This debars gu[ taught in Aadœ gu[> 6.1.87. Thus -
È äü + @fka → äüEfka, oqœva + @fka → oqœvEfka
äü + @eitkayn> → oqœva + @eitkayn> → oqœvEitkayn>
äü + Aaedn> → äüaEdn>, oqœva + Aaedn> → oqœvaEdn>
äü + AaEpgv> → äüaEpgv>, oqœva + AaEpgv> → oqœvaEpgv>
Aadœ #it vtRte, Av[aRt! pr> y> @c! , @ic c pUvR y> Av[R>, tyae> pUvRpryae> Av[R-@cae>
Swane v&iœ> @kadez> Évit, AaÌu[Sy Apvad>, äüEfka, oqœvEfka, äüEitkayn>,
oqœvEitkayn>, äüaEdn>, oqœvaEdn>, äüaEpgv>, oqœvaEpgv>.
f v&iœ> 6.1.92 @ic 6.1.89 -- no samaasa --

Ak> sv[eR dI"R> 6.1.101 // S85
A @k>,1,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, 6.1.84 Aic,7,1, 6.1.77 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p Ak>,5,1, sv[eR,7,1, dI"R>,1,1,
A Ak>,5,1, sv[eR,7,1, = Aic,7,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, @k>,1,1, dI"R>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
Ak> sv[eR=ic prt> pUvRpryae> Swane dI"R @kadez> Évit s<ihtayam! iv;ye
When an Akœ (A # % \ ¤) is followed by a sv[R-Ac! (i.e. a homogenous vowel) (Ac! = A # % \ ¤ @ Aae @e
AaE), the preceding and the following are replaced by sv[R-dI"R
N This sūtra is an Apvad to - Aadœ gu[> 6.1.87 & #kaey[ic 6.1.77
When a simple vowel is followed by a homogenous vowel, the corresponding long vowel is the single substitute for
both the precedent and the subsequent vowels
È Thus - d{f + A¢m! d{fa¢m!, dix + #NÔ dxINÔ>, mxu + %dke mxUdke, haet& + \Zy>
Why do we say 'an Akœ or simple vowel' ? Observe - A¶e + @ A¶ye
Why do we say 'by a homogenous vowel' ? Observe - dix + AÇ dXyÇ
The word Aic is understood here also. The word sv[eR, therefore, qualifies the word Aic understood. The rule will
not apply if a homogeneous consonant follows. As k…mair zete, The $ & z are homogeneous, in spite of 1.1.10:

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for that prohibition does not apply to the long $ & z, because the rule of classification and inclusion contained in
A[uidt! sv[RSy caàTyy> 1.1.69 is not brought into operation of sv[R rule. Therefore, so long as it does not come
into operation at the time when naJHlaE 1.1.10 rule operates, because of its being in the portion of the sv[R rule.
Therefore, so long as it does not come into operation it is not accomplished. Therefore, first the rule of naJHlaE
comes into play, then the rule of sv[R definition (tuLyaSyàyÆ< sv[Rm! 1.1.9) and then comes ¢h[kvaKy<
(Sv< êp zBdSyazBd-s<}a 1.1.68). Therefore, in naJHlaE those Ac! only are taken which are not included in
the class of homogeneous vowels i.e. only the nine vowels contained directly in Ac! , and not the sv[R vowels which
Sv< êp zBdSyazBd-s<}a 1.1.68 would have denoted. Therefore, though short # & z are not sv[R by naJHlaE
1.1.10, the long $ & z would be sv[R,
Vārtika: When \ short is followed by \ short, the long substitution is optional; so also with ¤, This vārtika is
necessitated because -
the two \ or ¤ - the precedent and the subsequent - are not homogeneous,, because one is s<v&Ä and the other is
ivv&Ä or
because their prosodial length is 1½ and so the word dI"R cannot be applied with consistency in their case ( ^kal
etc.). Thus haet&\kar> haet¨kar> ; so also haet& + ¤kar> haeT¥kar> or haeT¤kar>, The dI"R
of ¤ is ¤
Vārtika: When \ short is followed by \ short, the long substitution is optional; so also with ¤, This Vārtika is
necessitated because -
1. the two \ or ¤ - the precedent and the subsequent - are not homogeneous,, because one is s<v&Ä and the other is
ivv&Ä or
È 2. because their prosodial length is 1½ and so the word dI"R cannot be applied with consistency in their case (^kal
etc.). Thus -
haet&\kar> haet¨kar> ;
so also haet& + ¤kar> haeT¥kar> or haeT¤kar>
The dI"R of ¤ is ¤,
f Ak> 6.1.107 dI"R> 6.1.106 -- no samaasa --

@'> pdaNtadit 6.1.109 // S86
A pUvR>,1,1, 6.1.107 @k>,1,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, 6.1.84 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p @'>,5,1, pdaNtat!,5,1, Ait,7,1,
A pdaNtat!,5,1, = @'>,5,1, Ait,7,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, @k>,1,1, pUvR>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
s pdSy ANt> pdaNt>, tSmat! -- ;óItTpué;>
pdaNtde'> Ait prt> pUvRpryae> Swane pUvRêpm!-@kadez> Évit, s<ihtayam! iv;ye
When @'œ (@ Aae) at the end of a pd is followed by Akar, the preceding and the following are together replaced
by the preceding
N This is an Apvad to @cae=yvayav> 6.1.78
% A¶e + AÇ → A¶eÇ, vayae + AÇ → vayae=Ç
In the room of @ or Aae final in a pd, and the short A, which follows it, is substituted by the single vowel of the
form of the first (@ or Aae)
È Thus - Ai¶ + Ac A¶e=c, vayae + Ac vayae=c
This supercedes the substitutes Ay! & Av!
Why do we say 'of @ or Aae' ? Observe - dXyÇ, mXvÇ

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Why do we say 'final in a pd' ? Observe - ce + An cynm!, lae + Av lvnm!, Here the @ or Aae are in the
body of the word, and not at the end of the word
Why do we say 'when followed by a short A' ? Observe - vayae + #it vayivit, Éanae + #it Éanivit, Why
do we say 'short' ? Observe - vayae + Aayaih vayvayaih
f @'> → 6.1.110 Ait → 6.1.113

$Ëdedœ iÖvcn< àg&ým! 1.1.11 / S100
p $Ëdedœ,1,1, iÖvcn<,1,1, àg&ým!,1,1,
s $½ ^½ @½ = $Ëdœ smaharÖNÖ>
$da*Nt< iÖvcn< àg&ýs<}< Évit
T The words that end in an $kar, ^kar & @kar that are in the dual number are called àg&ým!
R The tdNtivix i.e the sūtra - yen ivixStdNtSy 1.1.72 can be applied here, for a better understanding
% A¶e #it, vayU #it, male #it, #NÔa¶I #maE, #NÔvayU #me suta>
The dual case affix ending in $ or ^ or @ is called àg&ý, or excepted vowels which do not admit of siNx or
As a general rule, Sanskrit allows of no hiatus1 in a sentence. If a word ends in a vowel and the next word begins with
a vowel, the two vowels coalesce2, according to certain rules. This is called siNx, But àg&ý are exceptions to this
siNx, "they are certain terminations, the final vowels of which are not liable to any siNx rules Plut-àg&ýa Aic
inTym! 6.1.125". This sūtra gives three of these terminations viz. the duals of nouns or verbs ending in $ ($t!), ^
(^t!) or @ (@t!). Thus - kiv #maE (these two poets), so also - vayU #it (two winds), male #it (these two
garlands), pcte #it (they two cook), pcewe #it (you two cook). Here according to the general rule of siNx, the
final # of kiv and the initial # of #maE ought to have coalesced into an $, but it is not so, because kiv is the
nominative (first case) dual of kiv,
Why do we say "ending in $ or ^ or @" ? Because when the dual ends in any other vowel this rule will not apply. As
v&]aE + AÇ v&]avÇ (these two trees) @cae=yvayav> 6.1.78. Of course, it follows from the definition, that
$, ^ or @ of the dual number only are àg&ý but will follow the general rule of siNx, as -
k…marI + AÇ k…maYyRÇ (the girl is here) - #kaey[ic 6.1.77
The prohibition of mnIv etc. should be stated in treating of the two àg&ý nature of $, ^ etc. Thus -
È mnI (two gems) + #v mnIv (like two gems). So also -
v dMptIv (like a couple), jMptIv (like man and wife), raedsIv (like heaven and earth)
a Some say that this vaitRk is unnecessary. Because the final member of the above words is not #v, but the particle v
only; which has the same meaning as #v
f $Ëdet! → 1.1.12 àg&ý → 1.1.19

ËraœUte c 8.2.84 // S95
A vaKySy,6,1, qe>,6,1, Plut,1,1, %daÄ>,1,1, 8.1.82 pdSy,6,1, 8.1.16
p Ëtrat!,5,1, øte,7,1, c,0,0,
A Ëtrat!,5,1, øte,7,1, vaKySy,6,1, , qe>,6,1, Plut>,1,1, = %daÄ>,1,1,
v Ëtradœ øte = Aaþane (while calling) ydœ vaKy< vÄRte, tSy qe> Plut> Évit, s c %daÄ>

An interruption in the intensity or amount of something. A missing piece (as a gap in a manuscript)
Mix together different elements. Fuse or cause to grow together
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When someone is being called from a distance, the iq of that vaKy (sentence) will be replaced by Plut and that Plut
will be called %daÄ
% AagCD Éae ma[vk devdÄ3, AagCD Éae ma[vk y}dÄ3
C ANTy< vjRiyTva ANyÇEkïuit> Évit AnudaÄtr< ivhay
V The final vowel of a sentence becomes Plut and acute, when used in calling a person from a distance
The word Ërat! is in the ablative (fifth case) by ËraiNtkaweR_yae iÖtIya c 2.3.35; the word øt means calling,
addressing. Thus - AagCD Éae ma[vk devdÄ3, AagCD Éae ma[vk y}dÄ3,
The word 'distance' is a relative term, and is not fixed at what distance there should be prolation. The prolation
however takes place, when a voice is to be raised, in order that the sound may reach the person. That distance up to
which the voice can be heard without raising its pitch and without any special effort, need not be considered as
È 'distance' for the purposes of this sūtra
The word øt here includes 'addressing in general', and not only 'calling'. Thus there is prolation here also s´Un! ipb
devdÄ3 , palySv devdÄ3, This Plut sentence becomes @k-ïuit by @kïuit ËraTs<buœaE 1.2.33
Why do we say 'from a distance' ? Observe - AagCD Éae ma[vk devdÄ3,
Ishti: This prolation, takes place only then, when the noun is the vocative case stands at the end of the sentence.
Therefore, there is no prolation here : devdÄ AagCD
f ËraœUte → 8.2.86

Plut-àg&ýa Aic inTym! 6.1.125 /S90
A àk«Tya,3,1, 6.1.115 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p Plut-àg&ýa,1,3, Aic,7,1, inTym!,1,1,
A Plutaí àg&ýaí àk«Tya,3,1, Aic,7,1, inTym!,1,1,
s Plutaí àg&ýaí Plutàg&ýa>, #tretrÖNÖ>
Plutaí àg&ýaí àk«Tya ÉviNt Aic inTym!
The Plut vowel and what are known as àg&ý (refer $Ëdedœ iÖvcn< àg&ým! 1.1.11) will not undergo any
siNx change and remain as they are when a vowel follows
Plut → devdÄ3 AÇ nu Ais, y}dÄ3 #dmany
àg&ýa> → A¶I #it, vayU #it, oqœve #it, male #it
The Plut (vaKySy qe> Plut %daÄ> 8.2.82 etc.) and àg&ý ($Ëdedœ iÖvcn< àg&ým! 1.1.11 etc.) vowels
remain unaltered when followed by a vowel (so far as the operation of that vowel is concerned)
È Thus - devdÄ3 AÇ nu Ais, y}dÄ3 #dmany
These are examples of prolated vowels. The prolation of vowels is taught in the iÇpaid or the last three chapters of
the AòaXyayI; and the iÇpaid are considered Aisœ for the purposes of the previous sūtras (pUvRÇaisœm!
8.2.1). This is not the case here, otherwise the mention of Plut would be redundant
Of the Expected or àg&ý vowels the following are the examples - A¶I #it, vayU #it, oqœve #it, male #it
Though the Anuv&iÄ of Aic was current in this sūtra from #kaey[ic 6.1.77; its repetition here is for the sake of
ordaining àk«itÉav, That is, the Plut and the àg&ýa retain their original forms when such a vowel follows which
would have caused substitution. Thus - janu % ASy, éjit here in combining janu + % into janU , the A is no cause
of lengthening, therefore, the lengthening will take place. Now, since % is àg&ý, it follows that janU which ends in
% is also a àg&ý, and therefore it should not be changed before A of ASy, Hence we have the form janu + ASy

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janU ASy, There may also be the form jaNvSy, not by #kaey[ic 6.1.77, but by my %|ae vae va 8.3.33. In fact
the repetition of Aic in this sūtra is necessary, in order to enable us to give this peculiar meaning to the sūtra.
Otherwise, had the sūtra been simply Plut àg&ýa>, it would have been translated ordinarily thus - "the Plut &
àg&ý retain their form, whenever a vowel follows". Therefore, in janu % ASy, since % is followed by a vowel, it
will retain its form, and will not coalesce with the % of janu, But this is not intended. Hence the repetition of the
word Aic, and peculiar explanation given above, viz. Plut & àg&ý vowels retain their form before a vowel which
would otherwise have caused substitution, but it would not prevent the operation of any other rule. Therefore, in janu
% ASy rjit,, the % + % will become lengthened, because A is not the cause of lengthening; it causes the change to
% to v!, which of course is prevented. The word inTy of the sūtra #NÔe c 6.1.124 is understood here also. These
Plut & àg&ý always retain their form and are not influenced by the rule of shortening given #kae=sv[eR
zakLySy ÿSví 6.1.127
f Aic inTym! → 6.1.130

Stae> íuna íu> 8.4.40 / S111
A s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p Stae>,6,1, íuna,3,1, íu>,1,1,
A Stae>,6,1, íuna,3,1, íu>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
s sí tuí Stu>, tSy smaharÖNÖ>, sí tuí íu>, ten smaharÖNÖ>, @v< 'íu>' #TyÇaip }eym!
skar-tvgRyae> zkar-cvgaR_ya< yaege zkar-cvgaER AadezaE Évt>
Whenever zkar or cvgR gets connected to skar or tvgR from either side, the skar is replaced by zkar and the
T tvgR will be replaced by the cvgR,
<incomplete - examples to be done>
% skarSy zkare[ → v&]s! + zete + Stae> íuna íu> 8.4.40 → v&]Zzete, Pl]Zzete
skarSy c-vgeR[ → v&]s! + icnaeit + Stae> íuna íu> 8.4.40 → v&]iínaeit, Pl]iínaeite
tkarSy zkare[ →

zZDaeiq 8.4.63
(when a Hy! is followed by a zkar which
Ai¶icc! + zete + → v&]Zzete, Pl]Zzete,
is followed by an Aqœ or Am! letter, the
zkar is replaced by a ckar)
The letters skar and the dentals when coming in contact with z and the palatals, are changed to z and palatals,
È The rule of ywas<Oym! Anudez> smanam! 1.3.10 does not apply here with regard to first part Stae íuna,
The s in contact with z is changed to z but it is also changed when in contact with letters of the c class. Similarly,
letters of t class coming in contact with z or a letter of c class, are changed to c class. The rule of ywas<Oy,
however, applies to the substitutes, viz. s is changed to z and tu to cu,
3. s in contact with z> as - v&]s! + zete v&]Zzete so also - Pl]Zzete
4. s in contact with cu> as - v&]s! + icnaeit v&]iínaeit, Pl]iínaeit, v&]ZDadyit, Pl]ZDadyit
5. tu with z> - Ai¶ict! + zete Ai¶icCDete, saemsuCDete
6. tu with cu> - Ai¶ict! + icnaeit Ai¶i½naeit, Ai¶icCDadyit, Ai¶ic¾yit, Ai¶icJHkarm!,
saemsuCDadyit, saemsuÃyit, saemsuJHkarm!, Ai¶ic¾kar>, saemsu¾kar>, Similarly, mSj!

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gives m¾it, the s is changed to dœ by Hla<jz! jiz 8.4.53, and then this dœ is changed to a palatal i.e. to j!
here; and dœ obtained by jz! rule is not considered Aisœ here. See n mu ne 8.2.3. So also from æSj we have
7. ckar followed by tkar> as - y}! + n (yj-yac-yt-ivCD-àCD-r]ae n'œ 3.3.90) → y} + |! → y}>, yac! +
n yaC|a, In fact the instrumental (third) case íuna shows that the mere contact of s & tu with z & cu is
enough to induce the change, whether Stu is followed by íu, or íu be followed by Stu, Other examples of mere
contact are -
7.1. s followed by cu is changed into z> as - æSj! + it æSj! + zp! + it + tudaid_y> z> 3.1.77 + ¢ih-
Jya-viy-Vyix-viò-ivcit-v&íit-p&CDit-É&¾tIna< i'it c 6.1.16 → æSj! + it É&dj! + it + Hla< jz!
Hiz 8.4.53 → É&¾it, Similarly, mSj m¾it, ìí v&íit
The sūtra zat! 8.4.44 which prohibits the change of tu into cu when the following the letter z, indicates by
implication that the rule of mutual correspondence according to the order of enumeration ywas<Oym!
Anudez> smanam! 1.3.10 does not hold good here
8. Had the sūtra Stae> íuna íu> 8.4.40 i.e. instead of the instrumental (third case), had there been the locative
(seventh) case, then the rule would not have applied to cases covered by the ablative (fifth) case
f Stae> → 8.4.42 íu> 8.4.44

òuna òu> 8.4.41 / S113
A Stae>,1,1, 8.4.40 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p òuna,3,1, òu>,1,1,
A Stae>,6,1, íuna,3,1, íu>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
s ;í quí òu>, ten --- smaharÖNÖ>
skar-tvgRyae> ;kar-qvgaR_yam! yaege ;kar-qvgaER AadezaE Évt>
Whenever ;kar or qvgR gets connected to skar or tvgR from either side, the skar is replaced by ;kar and the
tvgR will be replaced by the qvgR, <incomplete - examples to be done>
% ic + An +
→ ce + An +
→ cy! + An →
The letters s! and the palatals when coming in contact with ;! and the cerebrals, are changed into ;kar and cerebrals,
The word Stae> is to be read into the sūtra. Here also there is absence of mutual correspondence according to the
order of enumeration
9. s with ; as v&]s! + ;{fe v&]:;[fe, Pl]:;{fe
10. s with qu as v&]s! + qIktee v&]òIkte, v&]ókar>, Pl]òIkte, Pl]ókar>
11. tu with ; as pe;! + ta peòa, peòum!, peóVym!, k«;Iò, k«;Ióa> (AaTmne, Aorist second per dual)
12. tu with qu as Ai¶ict! + qIkte Ai¶ic”Ikte, saemsu”Ikte, ………
The root At!q Ait³m[ih<syae>, and Adœf AiÉyaege, are read in the xatupaQ with t! & dœ penultimate, in
order that when the affix iKvp! is added to them, the final q & f being elided by s<yaegaNt rule, the derivatives
will be At! & Adœ ending in t! & dœ, Another reason is that the sūtra n NÔa> s<yaegady> 6.1.3, should
apply to their reduplicate. In these roots the t & d are changed, as - A”it & Afœfit.
f òu> 8.4.44

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n pdaNtat”aernam! 8.4.42 / S114
A òu>,1,1, 8.4.41 Stae>,1,1, 8.4.40 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p n,0,0, pdaNtat!,5,1, qae>,5,1, Anam!,6,1,→,0,0, (luÝ;ó(NtindeRz>)
A Stae>,6,1, Anam! (Anam> = other than nam>) pdaNtat,5,1, = qae>,5,1, n,0,0, òu>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
s pdSy ANt> pdaNt>, ;óItTpué;>, n nas! Anam! , n|!tTpué;>.
pdaNtat!-qvgRSy %ÄrSy Stae> òuTv< n Évit nam! #Tyetdœ vjRiyTva,
The Akar or tvgR that is preceded by a qvgR at the end of a pd is not replaced by ;kar or qvgR,
This negation does not apply to the words nam! , ngrI & nvit>, The last two words are mentioned in the vaiÄRka
- not by Panini, hence are not a part of the sūtra.
→ pdaNtat! #it ikm! ? (Why is it said pdaNtat!)
If the qu is not at the end of a pdm! this negation will not take effect, as in -
$fœ + te + ktRir zp! 3.1.68 → $fœ + zp! + te + < zBlukœ > → $fœ + te + oir c 8.4.55 #qœ* + te +
òuna òu> 8.4.41 #qœte,
* Here the qvgR is not pdaNt, hence negation does not apply.
→ qae> #it ikm! ?
Consider - sipR;!* (ghee) + tmm! (too much) → sipRòmm!, Here -
- (* ;! is a pdaNt but not qu)
- there is a pdaNt ;kar preceding the tkar
- the negation does not apply as it is not a pdaNt qu,
→ Anam! #it ikm! ?
;;! (the numeral 6) + Aam! + <nu~qœ augment> → ;;! + nam!, (;;! has the status of pd, ;! is a pdaNt) +
Hla< jzae=Nte 8.2.39 → ;fœ + nam! (the negation of òuTvm! will not apply to nam!) + òuna òu> 8.4.41
→ ;fœ + [am! yrae=naiske=nunaikkae va 8.4.45 → ;{[am! (of six people).
;{[am! #d< ]eÇm!!, This land belongs to six people
N Note: This is an exception to òuna òu> 8.4.41
pdaNtat!-qvgRSy %ÄrSy Stae> òuTv< n Évit nam! #Tyetdœ vjRiyTva
T Include nvit & ngrI along with nam! for the exclusion of the negation of òuTvm!
;qœ + sNt> → ;qœsNt> (= six sages) (No ;Tvm! i.e. skar will not become ;kar)
;qœ + te → ;qœte (Those six / They are six)
After qu final in a pd the change of a dental (Stu) to a cerebral (òu), does not take place, except in the case of the
affix nam!
Thus - ñilqœ + saye ñilqœsaye, mxuilqœsaye, ñilqœtrit, mxuilqœtrit,
Why do we say pdaNtat! (final in a pd) ? Observe - $fœ + te #qœ + te #qœte
Why do we say qae> after qu ? Observe - sipR; + tmm! sipRòmm!
Why do we say Anam! (except in the case of the affix nam!) ? Observe - ;qœ + nam! ;{[am!
Vārtika. - It should be stated rather that nvit and ngrI as well as nam! are not prevented from undergoing the
cerebral change. As, ;{[am! (of six), ;{[vit (ninety-six), ;{[grI (of six cities)
f n 8.4.45

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tae> i; 8.4.43 / S115
A n,0,0, 8.4.42 òu>,1,1,8.4.41 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p tae>,6,1, i;,7,1,
A tae>,6,1, i;,7,1, òu>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
tvgRSy ;kare yÊ´< tÚ Évit
When the letter of the t-vgR is followed by a ;kar, it is not replaced by q-vgR, in a siNx /
s<ihtayam! situation
% sN;ó, Ai¶icT;{fe, Évan! ;{fe, mhan! ;{fe,
V In the room of tu there is not a cerebral substitute when ;kar follows
È The word n is to be read into the sūtra. As, Ai¶ict! + ;{fe Ai¶icT;{fe, Évan!;{fe, mhan!;{fe,
f tae> 8.4.44 -- no samaasa --

zat! 8.4.44 /S112
A tae> 8.4.43 n,0,0, 8.4.42 òu>,1,1, 8.4.41 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p zat!,5,1,
A tae>,6,1, zat!,5,1, i;,7,1, òu>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
zkaraÊÄrSy tvgRSy yÊ´< tÚ Évit
T The t-vgR that is preceded by a zkar is not replaced by c-vgR, in a siNx situation
N Note: This is an exception to Stae> íuna íu> 8.4.40
% àz! + n + zat! 8.4.44 àî
V In the room of tu there is not a palatal substitute when zkar precedes
The words n & tae> are understood here. This is an exception to Stae> íuna íu> 8.4.40 Thus - àz! + n (3.3.90)
→ àz! + n (CD!vae> zUfnunaiske c 6.4.19) 8.4.44 àî>, ivî> etc.
f - no c/f - -- no samaasa --

yrae=nunaiskenunaiskae va 8.4.45 /S116
A n,0,0, pdaNtat!,5,1, 8.4.42 (m{fUkPlutgTya - by frog-leap) òu>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p yra>,6,1, Anunaiske,7,1, Anunaisk>,1,1, va,0,0,
A pdaNtat!,5,1,→ pdaNtSy,6,1, va,0,0, yra>,6,1, Anunaiske,7,1, Anunaisk>,1,1, n,0,0, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
pdaNtSy yrae=nunaiske prt> va naisk> Aadez> Évit
When a nasal consonant follows the yrœ (all consonants other than hkar), it is replaced by a nasal consonant by its
own class, optionally
vag! + nyit → va'œnyit or va¶yit,
Ai¶icdœ + nyit → Ai¶icÚyit or Ai¶icdœ nyit
v VSārtika yrae=nunaiske àTyye Éa;aya< inTyvcn< kÄRVym!
T This change is not optional in the language [(non-Vedic) as the Vedic word can be optionally stated as DNdis]. When
a àTyy beginning with an Anunaisk follows a yrœ (y v r l~ | m ' [ n H É " F x j b g f d o ) D Q w c q t k

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p z ; s) letter
In the room of a yrœ letter (every consonant except hkar final) in a pd, when nasal follows, there is optionally a
nasal substitute
The word pdaNt is understood here. Thus - vag! + nyit va'œnyit or va¶yit, Ai¶icÚyit or Ai¶icdœ nyit,
iÇòub! nyit or iÇòuçyit, ñil[! nyit or ñil'œnyit,
Why do we say 'final in a pd' ? Observe - ved + im → veiÒ, Here there is no option. So also ]uåait
Vārtika: When it is a àTyy or affix that follows, the nasalisation is obligatory in the secular language. Thus - vakœ +
maÇm! va'œmaÇm!, ikyn!maÇm!, It is, however, only before the affixes my & maÇ that the change is
obligatory, and not before every affix beginning with a nasal
f yrae va → 8.4.47

Hla< jzae=Nte 8.2.39 /S84
A pdSy,6,1, 8.1.16
p Hlam!,6,3, jz>,1,3, ANte,7,1,
A pdSy,6,1, ANte,7,1, Hlam!,6,3, jz>,1,3,
pdSyaNte vÄRmanana< Hla< jz Aadeza ÉviNt
The Hlœ letters are replaced by jz! (j b g f d) letters. In other words - the I, II, III, & IV of the class consonants and
sibilants will be replaced by the third of the class. Hence -
k o g " → g!
c D j H → j!
q Q f F → fœ
t w d x → dœ
p ) b É → b!
z - - - → j!
- ; - - → fœ
- - s - → >
- - - h → g!
A corresponding j, b, g, f, d is substituted for all the consonants (with the exception of semi-vowels and nasals) at
the end of a word
As vag! AÇ, ñil'œ AÇ, Ai¶icdœ AÇ, iÇòub! AÇ. The word ñilqœ is formed by changing the hœ of ilhœ to F
first, and then changing this to F to f, a jz!-letter.
The word ANt (at the end) is used in the sūtra to indicate that the Anuv&iÄ of Hil ceases. Thus vaSta, vStum!,
È vStVym!,
The exceptions to this have been given in cae> k…> 8.2.30 etc. and ssju;ae é> 8.2.66. At an Avsan (Pause), a
crœ consonant may be substituted for a Hlœ (H É " F x j b g f d o ) D Q w c q t k p z ; s h) by vavsane
f - no c/f -

oir c 8.4.55 / S121
A crœ,0,0, 8.4.54 Hlam!,6,3, 8.4.53 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108

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p oir,7,1, c,0,0,
A Hla<,6,3, oir,7,1, crœ,0,0, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
oir prtae Hla< crœ Aadezae Évit
When a orœ (o ) D Q w c q t k p z ; s) letter follows a Hlœ (H É " F x j b g f d o ) D Q w c q t k p z ; s
h) letter, it is replaced by crœ (c q t k p z ; s)
V In the room of Hlœ , there is the substitute crœ , when orœ follows
A sonant non-aspirate mute is the substitute of the mute, when a surd mute or a sibilant follows. The words Hla< &
crœ are supplied from the last sūtra. Thus - <incomplete>
Éedœ + ta → ÉeÄa, ÉeÄum!, ÉeÄVym!,
yuyux! + ste → yuyuTste, AailPste, AailPste from rÉ! & lÉ! , the #s! is elided by sin mI-ma-"u-rÉ-lÉ-
zk-pt-pdamc #s! 7.4.54, in the room of A of rÉ! & lÉ! amd we have - irS_s! & ilS_s! then the first s is elided
by Skae> s<yaega*aerNte c 8.2.29
f - no c/f -

vavsane 8.4.56 /S206
A crœ,0,0, 8.4.54 Hlam!,6,3, 8.4.53 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p v,0,0, Avsane,7,1,
A Hla<,6,3, crœ,0,0, va,0,0, s<ihtayam!,7,1, Avsane,7,1,
Avsane vÄRmana< Hla< va crœ Aadezae Évit
The Hlœ (H É " F x j b g f d o ) D Q w c q t k p z ; s h) letter that is followed by an Aavsan (full stop), it is
replaced by jz! (j b g f d) or crœ (c q t k p z ; s), optionally
% #it %pin;dœ or #it %pin;t!
V The crœ is optionally the substitute of a Hlœ that occurs in a Pause
The words Hla< crœ are understood in the sūtra. The sonant or a surd non-aspirate may stand as final in a Pause:
but not an aspirate consonant. By Hla< jzae=Nte 8.2.39, a non-aspirate sonant can only stand in a final position.
This ordains that a non-aspirate surd may also stand as the final, when there is a Pause. Thus -
vakœ or vag!, Tvkœ or Tvg!, ñilqœ or ñilfœ, iÇòup! or iÇòub!,
f vavsane → 8.4.57

Hla< jz! Hiz 8.4.53 /S52
A s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p Hla<,6,3, jz!,1,1, Hiz,7,1,
A Hla<,6,3, jz!,1,1, Hiz,7,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
Avsane vÄRmana< Hla< va crœ Aadezae Évit
The Hlœ (H É " F x j b g f d o ) D Q w c q t k p z ; s h) letter that is followed by an Aavsan (full stop), it is
replaced by jz! (j b g f d) or crœ (c q t k p z ; s), optionally
lÉ! + t&c! + H;St-waexaeR=x> 8.2.40 → lÉ! + x& + Hla< jz! Hiz 8.4.53 → lBx&,
lBx& + su~ → lBxa,1,1,

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V In the room for Hlœ letters, there is substitution of jz! letters, when Hz! letters follow
È A mute letter is changed to a sonant non-aspirate mute, when a sonant mute follows
f Hla< → 8.4.56

Summary -
Hla< jzae=Nte 8.2.39 - pdaNt situation
Hla< jz! Hiz 8.4.53 - only ApdaNt situation
oir c 8.4.55 - both pdaNt & ApdaNt situation
vavsane 8.4.56 - only when full stop follows - obviously - pdaNt situation

SwanI Aadez
jz! crœ jiz> crœ jz!
k o g " → g k g k g
c D j H → j c j c j
q Q f F → f q f q f
t w d x → d t d t d
p ) b É → b p b p b
z - - - → j* z - - -
- ; - - → f ; f q f
- - s - → > s d > >
- - - h → g* - - - -
* These are rarely seen
Note: All the consonants in the above table have to be read without the vowel 'A', that has been added for ease of

mae=nuSvar> 8.3.23 /S122
A hil,7,1, 8.3.22 pdSy,6,1, 8.1.16 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p m>,6,1, AnuSvar>,1,1,
A pdSy pdaNtSy,6,1, = m>,6,1, hil,7,1, AnuSvar>,1,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
pdaNtSy mkarSy AnuSvar-Aadez> Évit hil prt>
T The mkar at the end of a pd is replaced by an AnuSvar when followed by a consonant, in a siNx situation
% k…{f< hsit, vn< hsit, k…{f< yait, vn< yait
V The AnuSvr is substituted for m! , at the end of a word, before a consonant
Thus - k…{f< hsit, vn< hsit, k…{f< yait, vn< yait, The word hil is understood in this sūtra. Therefore, not
here, TvmÇ, ikmÇ, The m! must be at the end of a pd, therefore, not here; gMyte, rMyte,
f mae=nuSvar> → 8.3.24

níapdaNtSy Hil 8.3.24 /S123
A mae=nuSvar> 8.3.23 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108

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p n>,0,0, c,0,0, ApdaNtSy,6,1, Hil,7,1,
A ApdaNtSy,6,1, = n>,0,0, c,0,0, m>,6,1, AnuSvar>,1,1, Hil,7,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
s pdSy ANt> pdaNt>, ;óItTpué;>, n pdaNtae=pdaNt> tSy --- n|!tTpué;>
nkarSy mkarSy c ApdaNtSy AnuSvaradezae Évit Hil prt>
A mkar & nkar that is not at the end of a pd is replaced by an AnuSvar when a Hlœ (H É " F x j b g f d o ) D
Q w c q t k p z ; s h) letter follows, in a siNx situation
ApdaNt nkar - pys + #,1,3,→ <incomplete>
ApdaNt mkar -
The AnuSvar is substituted for the n! & m! , not final in a pd, before all consonants, with the exception of nasals &
Thus - pya<is, yza<is, spI<i;, xnU<i; with n! (npu<skSy Hlc> 7.1.72); and Aa³<Syte, Aaiv³<Syte,
Aixijga<ste with m!,
f no c/f

AnuSvarSy yiy prsv[R> 8.4.58 /S124
A s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p AnuSvarSy,6,1, yiy,7,1, prsv[R>,1,1,
A AnuSvarSy yiy prsv[R> s<ihtayam!
s prSy sv[R> prsv[R ;óItTpué;>
AnuSvarSy yiy prt> prsv[R> Aadez> Évit
The AnuSvar is replaced with a sv[R letter (a nasal) belonging to a class of the following letter when yy! (y v r
T l~ | m ' [ n H É g F x j b g f d o ) D Q w c q t k p) letter i.e. is any consonant, follows. The sv[R with
AnuSvar can only be the nasal
zi»ta, zi»tum!, zi»tVym!
%iÁDta, %iÁDtum!, %iÁDtVym!
% k…i{fta, k…i{ftum!, k…i{ftVym!
niNdta, niNdtum!, niNdtVym!
kiMpta, kiMptum!, kiMptVym!
V In the room of AnuSvr, when yy! follows, a letter homogeneous with the latter is substituted
Thus - zi»ta, zi»tum!, zi»tVym!, %iÁDta, k…i{fta, niNdta, kiMpta etc. These are from the roots - zik -
z'œKyam!, %iÁD - %iÁDe, k…id - dahe, qunaid - sm&œaE, kip - clne, Here num! is added because
they are %idt!, and this nkar becomes AnuSvar by níapdaNtSy Hil 8.3.24, and this AnuSvar is changed to
'kar when followed by a guttural kkar etc., to mkar when followed by a palatal c etc., and so on to [kar, nkar,
È Why do we say "when yy! follows" ? Observe - Aa³<Syte, Aaic³<Syte
In k…vRiNt, v&;iNt the nkar is not changed to [kar, though required by Aqœ-k…-Pva'œ-num!-Vyvaye=ip
8.4.2. Because the [Tvm! is Aisœ and therefore by the rule n> c ApdaNtSy Hil 8.3.24, the nkar is first changed
into AnuSvar (pUvRÇaisœm! 8.2.1). That AnuSvar is again changed into nkar by the present rule, nkar being
homogenous with tkar. This change again being Aisœ as if it had never taken place (pUvRÇaisœm! 8.2.1), the
[kar is never substituted for nkar
f AnuSvarSy yiy → 8.4.59 pr→ 8.4.60 sv[R> → 8.4.65

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va pdaNtSy 8.4.59 /S159
A AnuSvarSy,6,1, yiy,7,1, prsv[R>,1,1, 8.4.58 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p va,0,0, pdaNtSy,6,1,
s pdSy ANt> pdaNt>, tSy ;óItTpué;>
pdaNtSy AnuSvarSy yiy prt> va prsv[R> Aadez> Évit
T An AnuSvar that is at the end of a pd is optionally changed to the nasal of the class of the following letter
t»wiÂÇp]{fymanÚÉ>SwMpué;ae=vxIt!, p]e - t< kw< icÇp]< fyman< nÉ>Sw< pué;ae=vxIt!,
(how would a person kill (a bird) who has variegated colours, who is flying in the sky)
V In the room of AnuSvr final in a pd, the substitution of a letter homogeneous with the latter is optional
Thus -
È t< kw< icÇp]< fyman< nÉ>Sw< pué;ae=vxIt! or
f AnuSvarSy yiy → 8.4.59 pr→ 8.4.60 sv[R> → 8.4.65

r-;a_ya< nae [> smanpde 8.4.1 /S235
A s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p r-;a_ya<,5,2, nae,6,1, [>,1,1, smanpde,7,1,
A r-;a_ya< nae [> smanpde s<ihtayam!
s rí ;í r;aE, taZ_ya< #tretrÖNÖ>, sman tt! pd smanpd<, tiSmn! kmRxarypué;>
re)-;kara_yam! %ÄrSy nkarSy [kar Aadez> Évit @kiSmn! pde, c #it inimÄinimÄnaE Évt>
When re) or ;kar precede the nkar that immediately follows in the same word, is replaced by [kar
T inimÄ - imimiÄnaE cet! smanpde - the cause that brings rœ ; i.e. \v[R
inimiÄ - inimt> ASy AiSt #it - the one on which the inimÄ works - nkar becomes [kar
\v[aR c #it v´Vym!
T When \v[aR precedes, then too the nkar that immediately follows, in the same word, is replaced by [kar
re)at! - AaStI[Rm!, ivzI[Rm!
\karaNtvRitRre)ïuitmaiïTyaip Évit-1 mat¨[am!, ipt¨[am!
;karat! - k…:[ait, ;u:[ait, mu:[ait
1 - ye \kare re)ïuif< naiÔyNte te;a< mte \kar¢h[mÇ %ps<Oyate,

V After re) & ;kar, the [kar is the substitute of nkar, when they occur as component letters of the same word
È These letters must be part of the same pd or word, one bneing the occasion for the application of the rule as regards
the other. As - AaStI[Rm!, ivStI[Rm!, AvgU[Rm!, So also after ;kar; as - k…:[ait, ;u:[ait, mu:[ait
The letter ;kar is included in this aphorism for the sake of subsequent sūtras: for nkar will be changed to [kar when
preceded by ;kar by òuna òu> 8.4.41
Why do we say "when occuring in the same word" ? Observe - Ai¶nRyit, vayunRyit
Vārtika: So also after the letter \, As icts&[am!, cts&[am!, mat¨[am!, ipt¨[am!

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This vārtika may be well dispensed with: because the re) in the sūtra is the common sound r which we perceive both
in re) & \kar - so r will denote both the vowel \ and the consonant r, See contra r-da_ya< inóatae n> pUvRSy
c d> 8.2.42
O → But if even this be so, the letter \ has three parts, its first part is a vowel, in the middle is the rœ sound of a
quarter mātrā, and a vowel sound at the end. This vowel sound will intervene between the r-sound and the subsequent
nkar, and will prevent the application of the sūtra, hence the vārtika is valid ?
R → This vowel sound will be no intervention, because it will be included in the exception Aqœ of Aqœ-k…-
Pva'œ-num!-Vyvaye=ip 8.4.2
O → The vowel sound at the end of \ is not a full vowel of one mātrā, but is of half- mātra, being only fragment of
\kar, and hence is not included in the àTyahar - Aqœ, it has no separate Swan or àyÆ or hmomgeneity with any
vowel. Hence this vowel-sound will prevent the application of this rule
R → The [kar change, however, does take place in spite of such intervention of a fragment of a letter, as we know
from the }apk of ]uåaid;u c 8.4.39. In the ]uåaid list there we find n&nmn as an exception, implying that nkar
is generally changed to [kar after such a fragmentary interposition. Or we may n&nmn as a }apk, that after the
letter \ also the [ change takes place
f AnuSvarSy yiy → 8.4.59 pr→ 8.4.60 sv[R> → 8.4.65

Aqœ-k…-Pva'œ-num!-Vyvaye=ip 8.4.2 /S197
A r-;a_ya<,5,2, nae,6,1, [>,1,1, smanpde,7,1, 8.4.1 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p Aqœ-k…-Pva'œ-num!-Vyvaye,7,1, Aip,0,0,
Aqœ c k…í puí Aa'œ c num c Aqœ c < < < num>, @TyetEVyRvayae=qœ < < < Vyvay>,
tiSmn! ÖNÖgÉRt&tIyatTpué;>
Aqœ, k…, pu, Aa'œ, num! #TyEVyRvaye=id re)-;kara_yam! %ÄrSy nkarSy [kar Aadez> Évit
Even if the inimÄ does not immediately precede i.e. there are some letter intervening, then too the change of this
T nkar to [kar will take place provided the intervening letters are Aqœ (A # % \ ¤ @ Aae @e AaE h y v r),
kvgR, pvgR, Aa'œ, num! augment
One or moer of these allowable letters can intervene, yet the change will take place. But if any other letter intervenes,
the change will not take place. This change will NOT occur if nkar is at the end of a pd
AfVyvaye -
kv[RVyvaye - AkeR[, mUoeR[, ggeR[, A"eR[
% pvgRVyvaye - dpeR[, re)e[, gÉeR[, cMmR[a, vMmR[a
Aa'œVyvaye - pyaR[œm!, inra[œm!
nuMVyvaye - b&h<[m!, b&h<[Iym!
The substitute [kar takes the place of nkar, even when a vowel or y v h or a guttural or a labial, or the preposition
Aa, or the augment num! intervenes, causing separation
È The àTyahar - Aqœ stands for the vowels & the letters h y v r. Thus - kr[m!, hr[m!, ikir[a, igir[a, ké[a,
gué[a etc.
The k… means all the gutturals, e.g. AkeR[, mUoeR[, ggeR[, A"eR[
The pu means all the labials, e.g. dpeR[, re)e[, gÉeR[, cMmR[a, vMmR[a
The Aa'œ means the particle Aa, e.g. pyaR[œm! from nhœ (AahSw> 8.2.34), inra[œm!
(%psgaRdsmase=ip [aepdezSy 8.4.14). The particle Aa is a vowel and so is included in Aqœ àTyahar. Its

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specification in the sūtra shows that the restriction of the rule to the letters occurring in the same word, does not apply
in the case of Aa'œ, in which the rule applies to letters separated by another word
So also when the AnuSvar separates the letters e.g. v&ih - v&œaE, the num! augment is added, because the root
is #idt (#idtae num! xatae> 7.1.58) and nkar changed to AnuSvar by níapdaNtSy Hil 8.3.24.
Q → The intervention here is by AnuSvar and not num! , why then is num! taken in the sūtra ?
R → The word num! in the sūtrarefers to AnuSvar, and must be taken co-extensive with it. Otherwise the rule
would not apply to words like t&<h[< from t&<h StU<h ih<saweR, Here the AnuSvar is not the substitute of
the augment num! but an original AnuSvar, Even where there is an augment num! , but where it is not changes
into AnuSvar, the rule does not apply. As -àeNvnm!, àeNvnIym! from #iv> àI[awR>
The rule will apply even these letters are combined in any possible way or occur singly. As AleR[, here a guttural and
a vowel i.e. two letters come in between re) & nkar, See num!-ivsjRnIy-zVyRvaye=ip 8.3.58 in the case of
f Aqœ-k…-Pva'œ-num!-Vyvaye=ip → 8.4.48

pdaNtSy 8.4.37 /S198
n,0,0, 8.4.34 Aqœ-k…-Pva'œ-num!-Vyvaye,7,1, Aip,0,0, 8.4.2 r-;a_ya<,5,2, n>,6,1, [>,1,1, smanpde,7,1, 8.4.1
s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p pdaNtSy,6,1,
A r;a_ya< Aqœ-k…-Pva'œ-num!-Vyvaye Aip pdaNtSy n> [> n
s pdSy ANt> pdaNt>, tSy ;óI-tTpué;>
pdaNtSy nkarSy [karadez> n Évit
A pdaNt nkar is not replaced by [kar when -
T 1. preceded by the inimÄ (rœ ;! \) OR
2. there is an intervention of the allowed letters
% v&]an!, Pl]an!, ArIn!, igrIn!
V Of a nkar in a pd, [kar is not the substitute
È Thus - v&]an!, Pl]an!, ArIn!, igrIn!
pdaNt yae nkarSy [kar Aadez> n Évit, v&]an!, Pl]an!, ArIn!, igrIn!
f Aqœ-k…-Pva'œ-num!-Vyvaye=ip → 8.4.48

AadezàTyyae> 8.3.59 /S212
num!-ivsjRnIy-zVyRvaye,7,1, Aip,0,0, 8.3.58 #{kae>,5,1, 8.3.57 ApdaNtSy,6,1, s>,6,1, 8.3.56 mUxRNy>,1,1,
8.3.55 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p AadezàTyyae>,6,2,
A AadezàTyyae> ApdaNtSy s> mUxRNy> #{kae> s<ihtayam!
s Aadez> c àTyy> c Aadez-àTyyaE, tyae> < < < #tretrÖNÖ>
v #[!-kvgaR_yam! %ÄrSy Aadez> y> skar> àTyySy c y> skar> tSy mUxRNy Aadez> Évit
& s<ihtayam!

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Here - #[> = this is always with the second [kar. k… = kvgR
Here two types of skar are addressed -
1. Aadez-skar - one which has become an Aadezat the beginning of the roots by the sūtra - xaTvade> ;>
T s> 6.1.64
2. àTyy-skar - one which belongs to a àTyy
This sūtra says - when #[! or k… precedes an Aadez-skar or a àTyy-skar that is not at the end of a pd, the skar
is replaced by mUxRNy> (;kar)
AadezSy - is;ec, su:vap
àTyySy - Ai¶;u, vayu;u, kt&R;u, ht&R;u
;kar is substituted for that skar which is substitute (of the ;kar of a root in the xatu-paQ by xaTvade> ;> s>
V 6.1.64), or which is (the portion of) an affix, under the above mentioned conditions (#{kae> 8.3.57, num!-
ivsjRnIy-zVyRvaye=ip 8.3.58), of being preceded by an #[! vowel or a guttural
The word cerebral is understood here from ApdaNtSy mUxRNy 8.3.55, as well as skar, This sūtra
AadezàTyyae> is in the genitive case. The force of the genitive however is different in the word Aadez, from whe
it is in the àTyy. In first it is smanaixkr[-;óI, in the latter AVyv-yaega;óI. That is that skar which is an Aadez,
and that skar which belongs to an affix. If we took it as AVyvyaeg ;óI in both places, then the sūtra would mean
"of that skar which is a portion of a substitute, or of an affix", and there would arise the following anomaly. In
doubling a word by svRSy Öe 8.1.1, one view is that two are substituted in the room of one (see svRSy Öe 8.1.1).
Thus ibs<ibs<, musl<musl<, Here the skar in these words, is a portion of a substitute, and would be changed
to ;kar, if we translate the sūtra as above
If we take the other view and translate the sūtra as "of that skar which is a substitute or an affix", we land on the
following anomally. We must have forms like karSyit, hirSyit, and not the correct forms kir:yit, hir:yit; for here
skar is not an affix, but a portion of an affix. In fact, with regard to affixes, the sūtra would be confined to those
affixes only which consist of a single skar, such as isp! in the Vedic subjunctive leqœ, That this is the proper
interpretation of the sūtra is indicated by the sūtra zaisvis"sIna< c 8.3.60. The substitute "s! is taken in this sūtra.
If therefore, the force of genitive in AadezSy was = AadezSy y> skar and not Aadez> y> skar>, then there
È would have been no necessity of including the substitute "s! in the sūtra, for then the present sūtra would have
covered the case of "s! also. Similarly, if the force of the genitive in àTyySy was = àTyy y> skar and not àTyySy
y> skar; then there would have no necessity of excluding the affix sat! (ivÉa;a sait kaTSNyeR 5.4.52) from the
operation of the present rule by sat! pda*ae> 8.3.111, because it is not an affix consisting of a single letter s!
Having surmised this, we shall now give illustrations. First of that skar which is a substitute. It can only be the skar
which replaces the ;kar of a root in xatupaQ. Thus - is;ec, su:vap, Of an affix, we have Ai¶;u, vayu;u,
kt&R;u, ht&R;u ; v]t! in #NÔae na v]t! ; and y]t! in s devan! y]t!
Q → In the case of v]t! & y]t! the skar is not the portion of an affix, but the whole affix itself: the present sūtra
should therefore no apply to this skar
R → Here we appy the maxim Vypddeizvdœ @kiSmn!, These words (v]t! & y]t!) are from the roots vc! & yj!
, in leqœ with itp! , the # is elided by #tí laep> prSmEpde;u 3.4.97, the augment Aqœ (leqae=faqaE
3.4.94), the affix isp! by isBb÷l< leiq 3.1.34; the ckar of vc! is changed to a guttural, and the jkar of yj! to ;kar
and then to a guttural
The %[aid word A]r< (Az! + sr %0 3.70) complies with this rule, but not so the word k«sr< and xUsr< (%0
3.73) formed with the same affix sr
f --

17.05.2005 - 1530
s Acae rha_ya< Öe 8.4.46 /S59
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A yr>,6,1, va,0,0, 8.4.45 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p Ac>,5,1, rha_ya<,5,2, Öe,1,2,
A Ac> rha_ya< yr> Öe va s<ihtayam!
s rí hí rhaE, ta_yam! #tretrÖNÖ>
Ac %ÄraE yaE re)-hkaraE ta_yam! %ÄrSy yrae Öe va Évt>
The yrœ that is preceded by a re) or hkar which are themselves preceded by vowel, is doubled, optionally, in a
sandhi situation
% AkR>, AŠR>, mkR>, mŠR>, äüa, ähœMma, Aphœnute, AphœÚute
V There is reduplication of yrœ i.e. all the consonants except hkar, after the letters re) & hkar following a vowel
The word yrœ of yrae=nunaiskenunaiskae va 8.4.45 is understood here. According to others, the va is also
È understood, and this is an optional rule. Thus - AkR>, AŠR>, mkR>, mŠR>, äüa, ähœMma, Aphœnute,
f Ac> → 8.4.47 Öe → 8.4.52

Anic c 8.4.47 /S48
A Ac>,5,1, Öe,1,2, 8.4.46 yr>,6,1, va,0,0, 8.4.45 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p Anic,7,1, c,0,0,
A Ac> yr> Anic c Öe va s<ihtayam!
s n Ac! Anc! , tiSmn! n|!-tTpué;>
Ac> %ÄrSy yrae va Öe Évt> Aic prt>
The yrœ (all consonants except hakr) letter that is preceded by a vowel, but not followed by a vowel, is doubled,
T optionally, in a sandhi situation
Note: This option is only for writing, compulsory when enunciating
% dœ(Ç, dXyÇ, mdœXvÇ, mXvÇ
V When a vowel does not follow, there is reduplication of yrœ (all consonants except hkar), after a vowel
The words Ac> & yr> are understood here
Thus - dix + AÇ dx!y! + Ac (#kaey[ic 6.1.77) = dx!x!y! + Ac dœ! + Ac (Hla< jz! Hiz 8.4.53) =
ddœXyÇ, so also mdœXvÇ
Why do we say Ac> 'after a vowel' ? Observe - iSmtm!, Smatm!
Vārtika - y[ae myae Öe Évt>, This vārtika may be interpreted in two ways. First taking y[> as ablative & my>
as genitive. 'The letters of the àTyahar - my! are reduplicated after y[! letters'. %lœŠa, vaLmIk>, Secondly
taking y[> as genitive and my> as ablative. ' The letters y[! are reduplicated after my! letters'. As dXYyÇ,
Vārtika - zr> oyae Öe Évt>, This is also similarly, explained in two ways. First, 'there is reduplication of oy!
letters after a sibliant for zrœ letters' as SWwal, SWwat, Secondly, 'there is reduplication of sibiliant (zrœ letters),
after oy! letters, as vTSsr>, APSsra>
Vārtika - Avsane c yrae Öe Évt>, There is reduplication of yrœ when a pause ensues. As vaŠ!, laŠ, ;”, tÄ!
These reduplications curiosities, rather than practicalities
k Ac> #it vtRte, yr> #it c, AncprSy-1 Ac> %ÄrSy yrae Öe-2 Évt>, dœ(Ç, mdœXvÇ, Ac> #Tyev -

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iSmtm!, Xmatm!. y[> my> Öe Évt> #it v´Vym!. keicdœ AÇ y[> #it p|!mI my> #it ;óI #it
Vyc}te, te;a< %lœŠa, vlMmIk> #it %dahr[m!, Apre tu y[> #it ;óI my> #it pÂmI #it, te;a<
a dXYyÇ, mXVvÇ #it %dahr[m!, zr> oyae Öe Évt> #it v´Vym!, AÇ Aip yid zr> #it pÂmI oy> #it
;óI tda STwalI Stwat #it %dahr[m!, Awva oy %ÄrSy zr> Öe Évt> vTs>, #K:;u>, K:;Irm!,
APSsra>. Avsane c yrae Öe Évt> #it v´Vym!, vaŠ!, vakœ, TvŠ!, Tvkœ, ;”‰, ;qœ, tÄ!, tt!.
f --

18.05.2005 - 1530
dI"aRdacayaR[am! 8.4.52 /S58
A n,0,0, 8.4.48 Öe,1,2, 8.4.46 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p dI"aRt!,5,1, AacayaR[am!,6,3,
A --
s --
dI"aRt! %ÄrSy AacayaR[am! mten Öe n Évit
This doubling will not take place, if the preceding vowel is a dI"R, according to some
% daÇm!, paÇm!, sUÇm!, mUÇm!
V According to the opinion of all teachers, there is no doubling after a long vowel
È As - daÇm!, paÇm!, sUÇm!, mUÇm!
k dI"aRdœ %ÄrSy AacayaR[a< mten n iÖTv< Évit, daÇm!, paÇm!, mUÇm!,
a sUÇm!.
f --

taeilR 8.4.60 /S117
A prsv[R>,6,1, 8.4.58 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p tae> ,6,1, il,7,1,
A tae> ,6,1, il,7,1, prsv[R>,6,1, s<ihtayam!,7,1,
s --
tvgRSy lkare prt> prsv[R-Aadez> Évit
When a letter of the tvgR is followed by a lkar, then it is replaced by a sv[R letter of the lkar (i.e. terplaced by the
lkar, when the first four consonants are replaced, the replacement will be a nasalised lkar), in a sandhi situtation
% Ai¶icÔ‚nait, saemsuÔ‚nait, Éva~Ô‚nait, mhaÔ‚~nait
V In the room of tu (a dental) when the letter l follows, one homogeneous with the latter is substituted
Thus - Ai¶ict! + lunait Ai¶icÔunait, saemsuÔunait. Évan! + lunait Éva~Ôunait, mha~Ôunait
Here t has been changed to pure l, while the dento-nasal n! is changed to the nasal lœ
tvgRSy lkare prt> prsv[R-Aadez> Évit, Ai¶icÔ‚nait, saemsuÔ‚nait, Éva~Ô‚nait, mha~Ô‚nait.
f --

s Hyae hae=NytrSyam! 8.4.62 /S119

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A pUvRSy,6,1, 8.4.61 sv[R>,1,1, 8.4.58 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p Hy>,5,1, h>,6,1, ANytrSyam!,7,1
A Hy> ↔ h> pUvRSy sv[R> ANytrSyam! s<ihtayam!
s --
Hy %ÄrSy hkarSy pUvRsv[R Aadez Évit ivkLpen
When a hkar is preceded by a Hy! (H É " F x j b g f d o ) D Q w c q t k p) letter, it is replaced by a sv[R
letter of the preceding letter, optionally, in a sandhi situation
vag!hsit, vaG"sit. ñilfœhsit, ñilfœFsit, Ai¶icdœhsit, Ai¶icœsit. saemsudœhsit, saemsuœsit.
iÇòuBhsit, iÇòuBÉsit
V In the room of the letter h, after (a sonant mute) there is optionally a letter homogeneous with the prior
The àTyahar Hy! includes all mutes. But practically sonant mutes are only taken care
As - vakœ + hsit vaG"sit or vag! hsit, ñilfœ Fsit or ñilfœ hsit. Ai¶icdœ xsit or Ai¶icdœ hsit,
iÇòub! Ésit or iÇòub! hsit, saemsudœ xsit or saemsudœ hsit
Why do we say Hy> 'after a sonant mute' ? Observe - àa'œ hsit, Évan! hsit
k Hy %ÄrSy hkarSy pUvRsv[R Aadez Évit ANytrSyam!, vaG"sit, vag!hsit. ñilfœ Fsit, ñilfœ hsit.
a Ai¶icœsit, Ai¶icdœ hsit. saemsuœsit, saemsudœ hsit. iÇòuBÉsit , iÇòub! hsit.
f Hy> → 8.4.63 ANytrSyam! → 8.4.65

zzDae=iq 8.4.63 /S120
A Hy> ANytrSyam!,7,1 8.4.62 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p z>,6,1, D>,6,1, Aiq,7,1,
A Hy> z> D> Aiq ANytrSyam! s<ihtayam!
s --
Hy %ÄrSy zkarSy Aiq prt> Dkar Aadez> Évit ivkLpen
A Dkar that is preceded by a Hy! (H É " F x j b g f d o ) D Q w c q t k p) letter and is followed by an Aqœ (A
# % \ ¤ @ Aae @e AaE h y v r) letter, is optionally replaced by Dkar, in a sandhi situation
DTvm! Aim #it vaCym!
This change of zkar to Dkar will take place not just when Aqœ (A # % \ ¤ @ Aae @e AaE h y v r) follows,
but when Am! (A # % \ ¤ @ Aae @e AaE h y v r l~ | m ' [ n) follows
vaKDete, vaKzete. Ai¶icCDete, Ai¶iCdCzete. saemsuCDete, saemsuCzete. ñilqœDete, ñilqzete.
iÇquPDete, iÇquPzete
In the room of zkar preceded by a mute, thre is optionally the letter Dkar when a vowel or a ykar, vkar or re)
follows such z
Though Hy! means all mutes, the rule, however applies to surd mutes. The words Hy! & ANytrSyam< are to be
read into the sūtra. Thus - vakœ + zete vakœDete, Ai¶icCDete or Ai¶ict! zete, ñilqœ zete or Dete,
È iÇòuPDete or zete
Vārtika: It should rather be stated when a letter of Am! àTyahar follows. The sūtra only gives Aqœ letters, the
vārtika adds the letters l, and the nasals. Thus - tt! ðaeken tc! Dlaeken, tCD!mïu[a
k Hy> #it vtRte ANytrSyam! #it c , Hy> %ÄrSy zkarSy Aiq prt> Dkar-Aadez> Évit ANytrSyam!,

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vaKDete, vakœ zete. Ai¶icCDete, Ai¶ict! zete. saemsuCDete, saemsut! zete. ñilqœ Dete, ñilqœ
zete. iÇqup! Dete, iÇqup! zete. DTvm! Aim #it v´Vym!. ik< àyaejnm! ? tc! Dlaeken,
tCD!mïu[a #TyevmwRm!.
1 - pdaNtadœ #it Aip pUvRm! 8.3.28 %´m!

f --

19.05.2005 - 1530
'(aPàaitpidkat! 4.1.1 /S182
A àTyy,1,1, 3.1.1 pr>,1,1, c,0,0, 3.1.2
p 'I-Aap!-àaitpidkat!,5,1,
A '(aPàaitpidkat! àTyy pr> c
'I c Aap! c àaitpidk> c '(aPàaitpidkat! , tSmat!, smaharae ÖNÖ>, 'I #Tynen 'Ip! , 'I;! , 'In!
#Tyete àTyya> sanaNyen g&ýNte
By mentioning 'I all the three pratyayās - 'Ip! , 'I;! , 'In! are meant, taking the maximum common factor into
s @vm! Aap!-zBden Aip qap! , fap! , cap! #Tyete àTyya>
Similarly, by Aap! , the three pratyayās qap! , fap! , cap! are meant.
T All the 'I & Aap! are feminine pratyayās that are added to the non-feminine àaitpidkm! to make it feminie
àaitpidkm! called StrIàTyy
Aixkar> Aym! Aa,0,0, pÂm-Axyay pirsmaÝe>,5,1,
T This is an Aixkar sūtra whose effect is up to the end of the fifth chapter (i.e. 5.4.160)
#t> A¢e Nyntat! , AabNtat! , àaitpidkat! c vúyma[a> àTyya> ÉviNt
Starting from here (up to 5.4.160) all the pratyayās are added immediately after a word beginning with 'I or word
ending in Aap! or a àaitpidkm!
%dahr[ain Ai¢m! sUÇe ÔòVyain
T The examples will be seen in 4.1.2
% --
From this point forward as far as the end of the Chapter 5 i.e. 5.4.160, whatever we shall treat of, should be undestood
to come, after what ends with the feminine affixes 'I or Aap! or after a Nominal stem.
È <t checked frm the > This is an Aixkar sūtra – pure and simple. It simply consists of terms which other sūtras, in
order to complete their sense, are under the necessity of borrowing. In other words, this sūtra points out the base
àk«it which the affixes beginning with su treated of in the next sūtra, and ending with kp! ( 5.4.151), are to be
The sūtra consists of three words. The term 'I is common name for the three affixes 'Ip! , 'I;! and cap!, These are
feminine affixes and are taught from sūtra 4.1.4 to 4.1.65 of this chapter. The word àaitpidk means a Nominal Stem
and has been defined in sūtra 1.2.45 & 1.2.46 , i.e. that which is possessed of a meaning, not being a root or an affix;
or what ends with a k«t! or a tiœt affix. The word '(ap! àaitpidk is a smahara-ÖNÖ or collective aggregate of
these three words.
Q. All affixes are placed after the base (prí 3.1.2); the affixes treated of in the last chapter were to be placed after the
xatu ; the remaining affixes mentioned in chapters 4 & 5, will therefore, be placed after all such bases àk«it

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which are not xatu ; and such bases remaining are àaitpidk and feminine words. What is then the necessity of
making this sūtra, when these àaitpidk etc. are the only bases left to us to apply the affixes taught herein-after?
R. To this we reply, the necessity of making this sūtra arose from the following considerations – that the word '(ap!
àitpidkat! should qualify the words ' v&œ' ', 'Av&œ ', "the letter A ", AnudaÄaid and ' V*c! ', wherever
used in the following sūtras. So that, where a rule says "let such an affix be applied to a v&œ word", we must
understand it to mean, "let such an affix be applied to a v&œ word which is àaitpidk, or which ends with i' or
Aap! ; and not to every v&œ word". The principle sūtra, besides the present, which regulates the application of
tiœt affixes, on the alternative of their being employed at all, come after the word that is signified by the first
word in the construction. Thus sūtra 4.1.157 says "the affix i)|! is added, according to the opinion of Northern
Grammarians, in the sense of 'descendant', after a word which is entitled to the designation of v&œm! ,
provided it does not end with a gaeÇ affix". Thus the idea, 'son of Amragupta', may be expressed either by the
phrase AaèguÝSyapTym! ; or by adding the affix i)|! to the first of the word in construction, viz. AaèguÝSy
, which is a v&œ word ( 1.1.73 ). But can we apply the affix i)|! to the first of the word in the construction in
the following – }anm! äaü[anampÅym! because the word }anm! the genitive plural of } is a v&œ
word ? 1 Certainly not because the word àaitpidk must be read into this sūtra 4.1.157, and the affix i)|! should
be added after that v&œ word which is in its crude-form also a v&œm! , and not that which becomes v&œm!
only in construction. Now the àaitpidk of }anam! is }, the latter is not a v&œm! , therefore the rule does not
apply to it. So also the word }a is a v&œm! in its àaitpidk state; but in the following phrase, it loses its
v&œ nature; }yaeäaRünaerpÅym! (meaning – the son of two wise brāhmin ladies). Still the affix i)|! must
be added to the word }yaerœ because its àaitpidk is a v&œ word. 2 Similarly, the word Av&œ (sūtra
4.1.160 – "the affix i)|! is applied diversely to a non-v&œ word, according the opinion of the Eastern
Grammarians") must be qualified by the word àaitpidk ; otherwise it would lead similar incongruous results as
in the last su. 3 Similarly, the word At! in the sūtra 4.1.95 ("the affix #|! is added after a word which ends in
the letter A ") must be qualified by the word àaitpidk ; that is to say, the word in its crude-form must end in A ,
and not necessarily when it is in construction. If it were not so; then the affix #|! will apply only to the word
d]Sy in d]SyapÅym! but will not apply to the words d]yae> or d]yaerpÅym! or d]anamp! . But the
affix #|! applies to all these words. 4 Similarly, the word AnudaÄade> in 4.2.44 (the affix A|! is added to a
word which has the grave accent on its beginning), must be qualified by the word àaitpidk, That is, the word in
its crude form must have the grave accent on its initial, though in construction, it may or may not have grave
accent. Otherwise, the affix #|! will apply to the words vac> and Tvc> which in construction are AnudaiÄ as
in vacae ivkar> and Tvcae ivkar> (savekcSt&tIyaidivRÉi´> 6.1.168); but which in their curde-forms
(vakœ, Tvc!) are %daiÄ, as, sveR;am! ivkar> , but which in its crude-form is AnudaÄ . 5 Similarly, the
word V*c> in 4.4.7 (the affix Qn! is employed after words consisting of two vowels, when the sense is that of
crossing), must be qualified by the word àaitpidk . That is, the word in its àaitpidk state must consist of two
vowels, though in construction it may consist of more than two syllables. Otherwise, this affix will not apply to
the word "qen in the phrase "qen trit , while it will apply to the words vaca and Tvca in the phrases vaca
trit and Tvca trit . But this is undesirable
Q. Why have we employed the '(ap! in the sūtra ? Is not the word àaitpidk wide enough to include the words
ending with the feminine affixes, by virtue of the pirÉa;a – "a àaitpidk denotes, whenever it is employed in
grammar, also such a crude-from as is derived from it by the addition of an affix denoting gender"?
R. Not so. The pirÉa;a you quote applies to that case, where there is a rule, relating to an individual word-from,
given in the sūtra itself. In other words, "this pirÉa;a is applicable when a word is employed in grammar which
either denotes àaitpidk generally (such as th words yuva, olit, pilt, jirt in 2.1.67)". That is, in 2.1.67, the
masculine form yuva also includes the feminine – but not so everywhere. Moreover the words, 'I, Aap! have
been employed in the sūtra, in order to make the tiœt affixes applicable to feminine words ending in long $ ('I)

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or long Aa (Aap!). Thus the feminine of oqœv & mala is oqœva & mala, After these words we can
apply the tiœt affix trp! – as kailtra, hiri[tra, oqœvatra & malatra, Now, had we not used the word
'(ap! in the sūtra, an dwished to express the same idea as is done, say by the word kiltra , we could not have got
this form at all
Q. The word kal takes 'Ip! by 4.1.42; to which when trp! is addes, the voweel is shortened by 6.3.43; and we shall
get the form kailtra. Why do you say that the tiœt affixes could not be applied, but for the words '(ap! ?
R. To this we answer, that by the rule of ivàitzex , the tiœt would have debarred the feminine. Thus, when
feminine alone is meant and not comparison, we shall have kalI ; and when comparison alone is meant and not
feminine, we shall have kaltr ; but when both feminine and comparison are meant, then would arise the
difficulty; and according to the general maxim, the tiœt would have debarred the feminine. But by using the
word '(ap! , it is shown that first the feminine affixes are to be added, and then the comparison making affixes
Aixkar> Aym! , yidt> ^XvRm! Anu³im:yam> Aa pÂm-Axyay pirsmaÝe> i'-Aap!-àaitpidkat! #it
@v< tdœ veidtVy<, Svaid;u kp!-pyRNte;u àk«it/> Aixi³yte, 'Ip!- 'I;!-'Ina< samaNyen ¢h[< i'
#it, qap!-fap!-capam!-Aab!-#it àaitpidkm! %´m!, AwRvdxaturàTyy> àaitpidkm! 1.2.45
k«Äiœtsmasaí 1.2.46 #it, te;a< smahar-indeRz> '(ap!-àaitpidkat! #it, y*ip c àTyy-prTven
k pairze:yaidymev àk«it> l_yte, twaip v&œ-Av&œ-Av[R-Svr-Ö(j!-l][-àTyy-ivxaE tTs<àTyyaw¡ '(ap!-
a àaitpidk-¢h[< ktRVym!, 3trwa ih smwRivze;[m! @tt! Syat!, Aw '(ap!-¢h[< ikm! ,n àaitpidk-
¢h[e i¼-ivizòSy Aip ¢h[< Évit (pirÉa;a-pirÉa;eNÊzeorSwa 71) #Tyev isœm! ? n @tdœ AiSt,
Svêp-ivix-iv;ye pirÉa;a #ym!- àaitpidk-Svêp-¢h[e sit il¼ivizò-¢h[< Évit #it, twa c - yuva
olitpiltvilnjrtIiÉ> 2.1.67 #it }apkm! ASy> ta†zm! @v, ik< c, tdNtat! tiœtivxanaw¡ '(ap!-¢h[m!-
kailtra, hiri[tra, oqœvatra, malatra #it, ivàit;exat! ih tœtblIySTv< Syat!.
f '(aPàaitpidkat! → 5.4.160

23.05.2005 - 1530
s su-AaE-js!-Am!-AaEqœ-zs!-qa-_yam!-iÉs!-'e-_yam!-_ys!-'is-_yam!-_ys!-'s!-Aaes!-Aam!-i'-Aaes!-
U sup! 4.1.2 /S183
A '(aPàaitpidkat!,5,1, 4.1.1 pr>,1,1, c,0,0, 3.1.2 àTyy,1,1, 3.1.1
sup! ,1,1,

'(aPàaitpidkat! pr> c su-AaE-js!-Am!-AaEqœ-zs!-qa-_yam!-iÉs!-'e-_yam!-_ys!-'is-_yam!-_ys!-'s!-

Aaes!-Aam!-i'-Aaes!-sup! àTyy
su c AaE c js! c Am! c AaEqœ c zs! c qa c _yam! c iÉs! c 'e c _yam! c _ys! c 'is c _yam! c _ys!
c 's! c Aaes! c Aam! c i' c Aaes! c sup! c SvaEjs0 sup! , smaharae ÖNÖ>
v su , AaE , js! , Am! , AaEqœ , zs! , qa , _yam! , iÉs! , 'e , _yam! , _ys! , 'is , _yam! , _ys! , 's! , Aaes! ,
& Aam! , i' , Aaes! , sup! #Tyete àTyya> '(ap!-àaitpidkat! Évit
These pratyayās (su-AaE-js!-Am!-AaEqœ-zs!-qa-_yam!-iÉs!-'e-_yam!-_ys!-'is-_yam!-_ys!-'s!-Aaes!-
Aam!-i'-Aaes!-sup!) are added immediately after àaitpidkm! or a word ending in 'I or Aap!
'Ip! -
'I;! -
'In! -
% qap! -
fap! -
cap! -
àaitpidkat! -

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(After what ends with the feminine terminations 'I or Aap!, or after a nominal stem the following case affixes are
employed for declension -
I su AaE js!
II Am! AaEqœ zs!
III qa _yam! iÉs!
IV 'e _yam! _ys!
V 'is _yam! _ys!
VI 's! Aaes! Aam!
VII i' Aaes! sup!
In the above affixes, letters like % in su are AnubNx employed either for the sake of facility or pronounciation, or
as distinguisying marks. The final pkar is employed for th esake of forming the àTyahar sup! , which is the
collective name for the above 21 affixes. The force and meaning of these affixes have already been explained in a
former part of this work; na application of these affixes to the words formed by 'Ip! as k…marI; by 'I;! as gaErI; by
'In! as za¼RrvI; by qap! as oqœva; by fap! as b÷raja; and as cap! as karI;gNXya; and lastly to a àaitpidk
as †;dœ
I k…marI k…mayaER k…mayR>
II k…marIm! k…mayaER k…marI>
III k…mayaR k…marI_yam! k…marIiÉ>
IV k…mayER k…marI_yam! k…marI_y>
V k…mayaR> k…marI_yam! k…marI_y>
VI k…mayaR> k…mayaeR> k…marI[am!
VII k…mayaRm! k…mayaeR> k…marI;u
I oqœva oqœve oqœva>
II oqœvam! oqœve oqœva>
III oqœvya oqœva_yam! oqœvaiÉ>
IV oqœvayE oqœva_yam! oqœva_y>
V oqœvaya> oqœva_yam! oqœva_y>
VI oqœvaya> oqœvyae> oqœvanam!
VII oqœvayam! oqœvyae> oqœvasu
I †;dœ †;daE †;d>
II †;dm! †;daE †;d>
III †;da †;dœ_yam! †;iÉ>
IV †;de †;dœ_yam! †;_y>
V †;d> †;dœ_yam! †;_y>
VI †;d> †;dae> †;dam!
VII †;id †;dae> †;Tsu
È The words gaErI and za'gRvIare declined like k…marI ; and b÷raja and karI;gNXya are declined like oqœva
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'(ap!-àaitpidkadœ #it Aixk«tm!, '(ap!-àaitpidkat! Svady> ÇTyya> ÉviNt, %karady> AnubNxa>
ywayaegm!-%½ar[-ivze;[awaR>, AaEqòkar> sufœ #it àTyahar-¢h[awR>, pkar> sup! #it
àTyaharawR>, s<Oya kmaRdy> c SvaidnamwaR> zaôaNtr[ ivihta>, ten shayEkvaKyta, '(Ntat!
tavt!-k…marI, gaErI, za'¼RrvI, 'Ip!-'I;!-'Ina< ³me[ %dahr[m! - <the declensions stated in Vaasu's
Explanation, above, have been mentioned here also>
f --

hL'(aB_yae dI"aRt! suitSyp&´< hlœ 6.1.68 /S252
A laep>,1,1, 6.1.68
p hL'(aB_y>,5,3, dI"aRt!,5,1, suitis,1,1, Ap&´m!,1,1, hlœ,1,1,
A hL'(aB_yae dI"aRt! suitSyp&´< hlœ laep>
s hlœ c 'I c Aap! c hL'(ap! , te_y> < < < #tretrÖNÖ>, suí ití suitis, smaharaE ÖNÖ>
hlNtadœ '(Ntadœ AabNtat! c dI"aRt! pr< su it is #Tyetdœ Ap&´< hlœ luPyte
su = àwma @kvcn àTyy of sup! → always Ap&´
it = àwma pué; @kvcn of it'œ→ sometimes Ap&´ (l'œ)
is = mXma pué; @kvcn of it'œ → sometimes Ap&´ (l'œ)
When the àTyy su~ (s!) and the àTyy - it & is (when reduced to - @k Akt àTyy = Ap&´) (consonants) follow an
A¼ that ends in a consonant or a 'I àTyy or Aap! àTyy, which are dI"R, are dropped
Q → 'I & Aap! are by themselves dI"R, then why is it said - dI"aRt! ?
R → Sometimes a 'I-Ant or an Aap!-Ant word will undergo shortening of the final $ or Aa. In such situations, this
sūtra does not apply, hence it specifically says dI"aRt!
After a consonant there is elision of the nominative affix s! and the tense affix it and is (when reduced to the form of
V t! & s!) being consonants; and so also after the long vowels $ & Aa of the feminine (affix 'I & Aap!), there is the
elision of the nominative affix s!
laep> #it vtRte, tidh laEikkenaweRnawRvt! kmRsaxn< †òVym!, luPyte #it laep>, hlNtadœ
'(Ntadœ AabNtat! c dI"aRt! pr< su it is #Tyetdœ Ap&´< hlœ luPyte, hkNtaNt! sulaep> - raja,
t]a, %oaÇt!, p[RXvt!, '(Ntat! - k…marI, gaErI, za¼RrvI, AabNtat! - oqœva, b÷raja, kair:ygNXya,
hlNtadœ @v it-laep> is-laep> c, tÇ it-laep> tavt! - AivÉÉRvan!, ÉU|> li' itip ðaE É&|aimt! 7.4.76
#it A_yasSyeÅvm!, AjagÉRvan!, is-laep> - AiÉn> AÇ, AiCDn> AÇ, dSy re)>, hL'(aB_y> #it
ikm! ? ¢am[I>, senanI>, dI"aRdœ #it ikm! ? i:kaEzaiMb>, Aitoqœv>, suitis #it ikm! ? AÉETsIt!,
ipa shcirtSy is-zBdSy ¢h[at! isc> ¢h[< naiSt, Ap&´m! #it ikm! ? iÉniÄ, iDniÄ, hlœ #it ikm! ?
ibÉed, icCDed, Aw ikmw¡ hlNtat! suitsIna< laep> ivxIyte, s<yaegaNt-laepen @v isœm! ? n
isXyit, raja t]eTyÇ s<yaegaNt-laepSy AisœTvat! nlaep> n Syat!, %oaöt! , p[RXvidTyÇ-
ApdaNtTvadœ dTv< c n Syat!, AiÉn> AÇ #TyÇ - Atae raerPlutadPlute 6.1.113 #it %Åv< n Syat!,
AivÉÉRvan! #TyÇ - rat! sSy 8.2.24 #it inymat! laep> @v n Syat!,
s<yaegaNtSy laepe ih nlaepaidnR isXyit,
rat! tu te nEv laep> Syadœ xlStamdœ ivxIyte.
f --

24.05.2005 - 1530

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Ap&´ @kaLàTyy> 1.2.41 /S251
A --
p Ap&´>,1,1, @kalœ,1,1, àTyy>,1,1,
A Ap&´>,1,1, @kalœ,1,1, àTyy>,1,1,
s @k> c Asavlœ c @kalœ , kmRxary> tTpué;>
@kalœ àTyy> Ap&´> s<}k> b s<}k> Évit, Ashayvaic @k zBd>
The àTyy which consists of a single letter is called Ap&´>. Here the word @k refers to the 'single' - without a
% vakœ, lta, k…marI. "&tSp&kœ, AxRÉakœ, padmakœ
V An affix consisting of a single letter is called Ap&´
This defines Ap&´ affixes. They are those affixes which consist of only one letter of the alphabet. Thus the affix tkar
in AsexIt is a one lettered suffix and is an Ap&´, Similarly, the affix iKvn! is an Ap&´ because the letters - kœ #
n are merely indicatory, the real affix is vkar, This vakr being a single letter and therefore an Ap&´, when added to
È a base is elided by a rule verp&´Sy 6.1.67. (The Ap&´ vkar is elided). Thus "&Sp&z! + iKvn! → "&tSp&k +
v! Sp&zae=nud ke iKvn! 3.2.58 "&tSp&kœ, A<zÉj! + i[v A<zÉakœ (co-sharer). Éjaei[v> 3.2.62.
Affix which consists of more than one letter is not an Ap&´, As divR> (a ladel), formed by the %[aid affix - ivn!
(v&†_ya< ivn!)
Ap&´> #it #ym! s<}a Évit @kalœ y> àTyy> tSy, AshayvacI @kzBd>, Sp&zae=nud ke iKvn!
3.2.58 - "&tSp&k, Éjaei[v> 3.2.62 - AxRÉakœ, padÉakœ, @kalœ #it ikm! ? divR>, jag&iv>,
àTyy> #it ikm! ? sura>, Ap&´-àdeza> - verp&´Sy 6.1.67 #Tyevmady>.

ssju;ae é> 8.2.66 /S162
A pdSy,6,1, 8.1.16
p ssju;ae,6,2, é>,1,1,
A s> = pdSy sju;> c (ANTySy) é>
s sí sju;! c ssju;aE tyae> < < < #tretrÖNÖ>
skaraNtSy pdSy sju;! #TyetSy c é> Évit
T The final skar of a pd ending in the skar and the final ;kar of the word sju;! are replaced by é> (rœ i.e. re))
skaraNtSy - Ai¶rÇ, vayurÇ
sju; - sjU\Ro'oÉ>, sjUdeRveiÉ>
V For the final skar and for the ;kar of sju;! (root - ju;!) is substituted é>, at the end of the word
Thus - Ai¶rÇ, vayurÇ, So also, sjU\Ri;iÉ>, sjUdeRveiÉ>, sju;! is derived from ju;! with the affix iKvp! and
the preposition sh which is changed into s in b÷ìIih>. The lengthening takes place by vaeRépxaya dI"R #k>
8.2.76 and the word means sàIit>, The é is rœ but it should be distinguished from it. The secondary rœ~ (or é)
undergoes a distinct and separate sandhi change from that of the primary rœ
skaraNtSy pdSy sju;! #TyetSy c é> Évit, skaraNtSy - Ai¶rÇ, vayurÇ, sju;> - sjU?\Rtu?iÉ>
(mEÇay[Is<ihta 2.8.1), sjUdeRveiÉ?> (\Gved> zakls<ihta 7.34.15), ju;e> iKvp! #it spUvRSy êpm!
f é> → 8.2.71

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orvsaneyaeivRsjRnIy> 8.3.15 /S76
A é>,1,1, 8.2.66 pdSy,6,1, 8.1.16 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 8.2.108
p orœ-Avsaneyae>,7,2, ivsjRnIy>,1,1,
A é> = pdSy [re)aNt pdSy (AntSy)] oir c Avsane ivsjRnIy> s<ihtayam!
s orœ c Avsane c orvasne, tyae> < < < #tretrÖNÖ>
re)aNtSy pdSy oir prt> Avsane c ivsjRnIy Aadez> Évit s<ihtayam! iv;ye
The final re) of a pd ending in re) is replaced by ivsgR when a orœ letter follows or an Avsan (full-stop, period,
end of sentence) follows
% v&]ZDadyit, Pl]ZDadyit, v&]Strit, Pl]Strit, Avsane - v&]>, Pl]>
V The ivsjRnIy is substituted for re) before a orœ consonant or when there is a pause
The word r> is understood. The ivsgR> is the substitute of re) final in a pd, befoe surd consonant and sibilants, or
at a pause
Thus - v&]ZDadyit, Pl]ZDadyit, v&]Strit, Pl]Strit, v&]ókar>, Pl]ókar>, v&]òIkte, Pl]òIkte,
v&]iínaeit, Pl]iínaeit, Avsane - v&]>, Pl]>
È Why do we say 'before a orœ consonant or at a pause' ? Observe - Ai¶nRyit, vayunRyit, nak…Rq> (n& k…
F(a< Év>), napRTy> (n&pterpTym!). In these two letters the v&iœ> being considered as bihr¼ and the re)
being the result of such bihr¼ v&iœ> is Aisœ and is consequently not changed to ivsgR
The word pdSy is understood here and the genitive should be construed here as Swan-;óI, so that for the final re)
of a pd there is ivsgR and not for that re) which is not final
r> #it vtRte, re)aNtSy pdSy oir prt> Avsane c ivsjRnIy-Aadez> Évit, v&]ZDadyit, Pl]ZDadyit-1,
k v&]Strit, Pl]Strit, Avsane - v&]>, Pl]>, orœ-Avsaneyae> #it ikm! ? Ai¶nRyit, vayunRyit, #h
a n&k…q(a< Év> nak…Rq>, n&pterpTym! napRTy> #it v&œe> bihr¼-l][Tvat! tdaïySy re)Sy -
Aisœ< bihr¼m! (pirÉa;a-pirÉa;eNÊzeorSwa 50) #it AisœTvadœ ivsjRnIy> n Évit.

25.05.2005 - 1530
àwmyae> pUvRsv[R> 6.1.102 /S164
A Ak>,1,1, dI"R>,1,1, 6.1.101 @k>,1,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, 6.1.84 Aic,7,1, 6.1.77 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p àwmyae>,7,2, pUvRsv[R>,1,1,
àwmyae> Ak> Aic pUvRpryae> @k> pUvRsv[R> dI"R> s<ihtayam!
[àwmyae> = in the subject matter of àwm & iÖtIy ivÉi´; Ak> = when Akœ precedes; Aic=Ac! follows;
pUvRpryae> = in the place of the preceding and the following; {(@k> = one; pUvRsv[R> = preceding similar;
dI"R> = long) = the long of the preceding is the single replacement)}; s<ihtayam! = in a sandhi situation]
s pUvRSy sv[R> pUvRsv[R>, ;óI-tTpué;>
àwmaya< iÖtIyaya< c ivÉ´aE Aic Ak> pUvRpryae> Swane pUvR-sv[R-dI"R> @kadez> Évit
In the subject matter of àwm & iÖtIy ivÉi´, when Akœ precedes and Ac! follows, in the place of the preceding
and the following, the dI"R of the preceding is a single replacement, in a sandhi situation
% A¶I, vayU, v&]a>, Pl]a>, v&]an!, Pl]an!
V For the simple vowel of a nominal stem and for the vowel of the case affixes of the nominative & accusative, in all

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numbers, there is a single substitution of a long vowel corresponding to the first vowel
The word Ak> & da"R> are both understood here. The word àwma here means the àwma ivÉi´ i.e. the first case
or the Nominative and includes here the iÖtIya ivÉi´ also. The sūtra teaches the substitution of a pUvRêp or a
homogeneous long vowel corresponding to the first vowel. Thus Ai¶ + AaE → A¶I, vayu + AaE vayU, v&] +
As! v&]a>, so also - Pl]a>, v&]an!, Pl]an!, In the case of these last four examples, (v&] + As! etc.) the rule
6.1.97 would have caused prêp substitution i.e. would have given the form v&] + As! v&]> and that rule would
have debarred the lengthening rule Ak> sv[eR dI"R> 6.1.101 and the maxim 'Apvad that precede the rules which
teach operations that have to be superseded by the Apvad operations, supersede those rules that stand nearest to
them'. But not this pUvRsv[R lengthening rule as it does not stand nearest. The word Aic (when a vowel follows) is
understood here also. Thus v&] + s! v&]>, Pl]>, The word Akœ (the simple vowel) is understood here also.
Thus naE+ AaE navaE, Why do we say 'a vowel homogeneous to the antecedent' ? The substitute will not be one
homogeneous to the second or the subsequent vowel. The dI"R (long) is used in order to debar the substitution of
Plut vowel having three measures for a Plut vowel
Ak> #it dI"R> #it vtRte, àwmazBd> ivÉi´-ivze;e êF>¸ tt! sahcyaRdœ iÖtIya Aip àwma #it %
´a, tSya< àwmaya< iÖtIya< c ivÉ´aE Aic Ak> pUvRpryae> Swane pUvRsvR[-dI"R> @kadez>
Évit, A¶I, vayU, v&]a>, Pl]a>, v&]an!, Pl]an!, Atae gu[e 6.1.97 #it ydœ Akare prêp< tdœ Ak>
svR[e dI"RTvm! @v baxte, n tu pUvRsvR[dI"RTvm! - purStadpvada AnNtran! ivxIn! baxNte
(pirÉa;a-pirÉa;eNÊzeorSwa 59) #it, Aic #Tyev - v&]>, Pl]>, Ak> #Tyev - navaE, pUvRsv[R-¢h[<
ikm! ? AgnI #TyÇ p]e prsv[R> ma ÉUt!, dI"R-¢h[< ikm! ? iÇmaÇe Swainin iÇmaÇadez-
f pUvRsv[R> → 6.1.103

tSmaCDsae n> pu<is 6.1.103 /S196
A pUvRsv[R>,1,1, 6.1.102 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p tSmat!,5,1, zs>,6,1, n>,1,1, pu<is,7,1,
A tSmat! (=pUvRsv[R-dI"Rat!,5,1,) zs> n> pu<is s<ihtayam!
s --
tSmat! pUvRsv[R-dI"Rat! %ÄrSy zz> AvyvSy skarSy nkar Aadez> Évit pu<is
In the case of masculine, after pUvR-sv[R-dI"aRt! has been done, the zkar which is part of the zs! (accusative
plural), that immediately follows the pUvR-sv[R-dI"aR is replaced by nkar
% v&]an!, AgnIn!, kt¨Rn!, ;{fkan!, SwUrkan!, Arrkan!
After such a long vowel homogenous with the first, nkar is substituted for the long skar of the accusative case affix
- zs! in the masculine
Thus v&] + zs! v&] + An! v&]an!, So also - AgnIn!, vayUn!, kt¨Rn!, haet¨Rn!, p{fkan!, SwUran!,
Arkan! pzy etc. As these are masculine nouns. Now the word, cÂa formed by the elision of kn! meaning a figure
like cÂa (luMmnu:ye 5.3.98) may refer to both the males & females. It will however retain its feminine form
though referring to a male being. (luip yu´vdœ Vyi´vcne 1.2.51). In forming the accusative plural of cÂa the
È skar will not be changed into nkar. Thus cÂa> pZy, viØka> pZy, Why do we say 'after such a long vowel
homogeneous with the first' ? The rule will not apply if the long vowel has resulted by being a single substitute for the
antecedent and the subsequent. Thus Aa is substituted for Aae + A by Atae=m! zsae> 6.1.93. Here skar will not
be repaced by nkar as ga> pZy, Why do we say 'of the accusative plural' ? Observe - v&]a>, Pl]a> endings in
js! - nominative plural. Why do we say 'in the masculine' ? Observe - xenU>, bþI>, k…marI>

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tSmat! pUvRsv[R-dI"aRdœ %ÄrSy zs> AvyvSy skarSy pu<is nkar-Aadez> Évit, v&]an!, AgnIn!,
vayUn!, kt¨Rn!, ht¨Rn!, ;{fkan!, p{fkan!, SwUran!, Arrkan! pZy, sveR @te pu~iÔ'g-ivizò<
Svaw¡ àitpadyiNt, #h tu cÂev cÂa, luMmnu:ye 5.3.98 #it kn> luip k«te - luip yu´vdœ Vyi´vcne
1.2.51 #it pu<s> Aip ôIil¼ta, ten nTv< n Évit - cÂa> pZy, viØka> pZy #it, tSmadœ #it ikm! ?
@ta<írt> ga> pZy, zs> #it ikm! ? v&]a>, Pl]a>, pu<is #it ikm! ? xenU>, bþI>, k…marI>.
f --

26.05.2005 - 1530
naidic 6.1.104 /S196
A pUvRsv[R>,1,1, 6.1.102 dI"R>,1,1, 6.1.101 @k>,1,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, 6.1.84 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p n,0,0, Aat!,5,1, #ic,7,1,
A Aat! #ic pUvRpryae> @k> pUvRsv[R> dI"R> n s<ihtayam!
s --
Av[aRdœ #ic prt> pUvRpryae> Swane pUvRsv[RdI"R n Évit
In a sandhi situation (in the sense of àwm & iÖtIy ivÉi´) when Av[R preceds and Ac! follows, the preceding and
T the following are Not together replaced by a single pUvRsv[RdI"R
Note: This is an Apvad (exception) to àwmyae> pUvRsv[R> 6.1.102
% v&]aE, Pl]aE, oqœve, k…{fe
The substitution of a long vowel homogenous with the first, does not take place when A or Aa is followed by a vowel
(other than A) of the case affixes of the nominative & the accusative
f n → 6.1.105 #ic → 6.1.106

27.05.2005 - 1530
Aim pUvR> 6.1.107 /S194
A Ak>,1,1, 6.1.101 @k>,1,1, pUvRpryae>,6,2, 6.1.84 s<ihtayam!,7,1, 6.1.72
p Aim,7,1, pUvR>,1,1,
A Ak> Aim pUvRpryae> @k> pUvR> s<ihtayam!
s --
Ak> Aim prt> pUvRpryae> Swane @k> Aadez> Évit
In a sandhi situation, when Akœ is followed by Am! , the preceding and the following are together replaced by the
% v]m!, Ai¶m!, vayum!
V There is a single substitution of the first vowel, when a simple vowel is followed by Akar in the case of Am!
f pUvR> → 6.1.110

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30.05.2005 - 1530
qa'is'saimnaTSya> 7.1.12 /S201
A At>,5,1, 7.1.9 A¼Sy,6,1, 6.4.1
p qa-'is-'sam!,6,3, #naTSya>,1,3,
A At> = A¼Sy qa-'is-'sam! #naTSya>
s qaí 'isí 'í qa'is's>, te;am! < < <, #n! c Aat! c Syí #naTSya>, %ÉyÇetrÖNÖ>
v AdaNtadœ A¼adœ %Äre;a< qa, 'is, 's! #Tyet;a< Swane ywasIOy< #n! , Aat! , Sy #Tyete
& Aadez> ÉviNt
T The pratyayās - qa3/1, 'is5/1, 's!6/1 are replaced by #n! , Aat! and Sy, respectively, when an AdNt A¼ precedes
% qa - v&]e[, Pl]e[. 'is - v&[at!, Pl]at!. 's! - v&]Sy, Pl]Sy
After a stem ending in Akar, are substituted - #n! for the instrumental ending Aakar, Aat! for the ablative ending
As! and Sy for the genitive ending As!
f --

suip c 7.3.102 /S202
A At>,6,1, dI"R,1,1, yi|,7,1, 7.3.101 A¼Sy,6,1, 6.4.1
p suip,7,1, c,0,0,
A At> A¼Sy suip c dI"R>
s --
AkraNtSy A¼Sy dI"R> Évit suip c prt>
T The final Akar of the AdNt A¼ is replaced by dI"R> when a y|aid-sup!-àTyy follows
% rama_yam!
Before a case ending in ykar or É (literally a consonant of y|! àTyahar), the final Akar of a nominal stem is also
f suip → 7.3.103

b÷vcne HLyet! 7.3.103 /S205
A suip,7,1, 7.3.102 At>,6,1, 7.3.101 A¼Sy,6,1, 6.4.1
p b÷vcne,7,1, Hil,7,1, @t!,1,1,
A b÷vcne At> A¼Sy Hil suip @t!
s --
AkraNtSy A¼Sy @k> Aadez> Évit, b÷vcne HladaE suip prt>

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T The final Akar of the AdNt A¼ is replaced by @t! when a Hlaid-sup!-àTyy follows, in the plural
% rame_y>
Before a case ending beginning with Ékar or skar (literally a consonant of Hlœ consonant), in the plural, @kar is
substituted for the final Akar of a nominal stem
f @t! → 7.3.106

Atae iÉs! @es! 7.1.9 /S203
A A¼Sy,6,1,→ ,5,1, 6.4.1
p At>,5,1, iÉs!,6,1, @es!,1,1,
A Atae A¼at! iÉs! @es!
s --
AdNtat! A¼at! %ÄrSy iÉs> Swane @es! #Tyym! Aadez> Évit
The affix iÉs! that comes after an AdNt A¼ is replaced by @es! (total replacement caused by - Anekalœ-izt!-
svRSy 1.1.55)
% ramE>
V After a nominal stem ending in Akar, @es! is substituted for the case ending iÉs!
f At> → 7.1.17 iÉs! @es!! → 7.1.11

'eyR> 7.1.13 /S204
A At>,5,1, 7.1.9 A¼Sy,6,1, 6.4.1
p 'e>,6,1, y>,1,1,
A At> ↔ A¼at! 'e> y> (y! + A → Anekalœ)
s --
v AdNtat! A¼at! %ÄrSy 'e> #TyetSy Swane y> #Tyym! Aadez>
& Évit
T The affix 'e that comes immediately after an AdNt A¼ is replaced by y
% ramay
After a stem ending in Akar, there is substituted ykar for the dative ending
f 'e> → 7.1.14

s Aaeis c 7.3.104 /S207

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A @t!,1,1, 7.3.103 At>,6,1, 7.3.101 A¼Sy,6,1, 6.4.1
p Aaeis,7,1, c,0,0,
A At> ↔ A¼Sy @t! Aaeis c
s --
Aaeis c prt> AkaraNtSy A¼Sy @k> Aadez> Évit
T The fnal Akar of an AdNt A¼ is substituted by @t! when Aaes! follows
% ramyae>
Before the case-ending Aaes! , @kar is substituted for the final Akar of a nominal
f Aaeis → 7.3.105

31.05.2005 - 1530
ÿSv-n*apae nuqœ 7.1.54 /S208
A Aaim,7,1, 7.1.52 A¼Sy,6,1,→ ,5,1, 6.4.1
p ÿSv-n*ap>,5,1, nuqœ,1,1,
A ÿSvn*ap> ↔ A¼at! Aaim nuqœ
s ÿSv c ndI c ÿSvn*ap! tSmat! < < < smaharae ÖNÖ>
ÿSv-ANtat! n*-ANtat! AabNtat! c A¼at! %ÄrSy Aam> nuqœ Aagm> Évit
When an A¼ ending in a -
1 ÿSv
T 2 n* zBd
3 Aam! ANt zBd
is followed by Aam! pratyayā, the Aam! pratyayā gets a nuqœ augment
N Here the word ÿSvn*ap> has pÂmI indeRz & Aaim has sÝmI indeRz, due to the p|cmI indeRz, Aam!
o should become the Swain and due to the sÝmI indeRz - ÿSvn*ap> should become the SwanI, thus there is a
t conflict, but due to the pirÉa;a - b÷;u b÷vcnm! 1.4.21, ivàit;ede pr< kawRm! - pÂmI will take precedence
e and Aam! will become the SwanI and take the augment. This augment being a iqt! will be placed in the beginning
The augment n, is added before the genitive plural ending Aam! , after stems ending in a short vowel, after stems
called ndI (1.4.3 etc.), and after the stems ending in feminine affix Aa
f nuqœ → 7.1.57

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