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Choreographing An American Revolution
As the financial crisis intensifies our social crisis, strange bedfellows will emerge.
with Gene Sharp, Ivan Marovic (with Occupy Wall Street), Saul Alinsky, Wade Rathke, George Soros, Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and Colonel Robert Helvey ...
Egyptian activists from the April 6 Youth Movement shout anti-government slogans and hold signs daring police to “shoot us” during a protest outside parliament in downtown Cairo on April 20, 2010.
OTPOR, the CIA and Wall Street
A No Copyright Productions©
Choreographing An American Revolution
published by Jeff Prager
WTF Concepts® with The “Wake Up ” Company and Howard Beale Publications©
It’s All Class Warfare ...
Most of you might have to use their money. Don’t Drink Their Water. Don’t Eat Their Food.
Don’t Buy Their Stuff.
(This is not an endorsement for canned food. The publisher doesn’t eat canned food and doesn’t recommend canned food, but he likes the Popeye cartoon.) Published to the internet without express permission of the author.™ A Runaway Slaves, LLC.® The propaganda and indoctrination, as Jethro Tull said, is “Thick As A Brick” ©®™®©, yada, yada, yada... Remember Nugan Hand!
Some portions of this eMagazine will be disturbing to NeoCons, Christian Conservative Republicans, Fascists, the US Military, Wall Street, the Federal Reserve and you. It’s supposed to be. It’s the truth.
Hundreds of thousands of anti-government protesters fill Cairo’s Tahrir Square on Feb. 11, the day that Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak announced that he would step down after nearly three decades in office
US Colonel Robert Helvey (below) in Washington
The defeated and despondent enemy immediately went into action and set off a chain of chaos and riots in Tehran through the mobilization of its propagandist, political, and local agents. Our dear compatriots suffered many losses of life, property, and mental health as a result. According to documents which we have obtained and the confirmed confessions of the accused, the occurrence of these events was completely planned in advance and proceeded according to a timetable and the stages of a velvet coup in such a way that more than 100 of the 198 events were executed in accordance with the instructions of Gene Sharp (above, left) for a velvet coup. The following speech is an excerpt from an Iranian court hearing: Honorable president of the court. A velvet coup is a kind of coup which has the same goals of a military coup but totally different in methods and means. In this connection, Mr. Robert Helvey, a retired CIA officer and a student of Dr. Gene Sharp, writes in his book titled On Strategic Nonviolent Conflict: Thinking About the Fundamentals,
“Non-violent conflict [i.e., that same velvet coup—Mojtaba] does not have any special difference with military conflict except that the weapon used in it is different and unique to this technique.” [not from the original] Another of the differences between a velvet coup and a military coup is in the way it is formed from start to finish and its long duration, which can at times last a decade or more. The most important point which must be noted concerning a velvet coup is that the theoreticians bought by the West’s spy and intelligence services have developed this method at the orders of their commanders to get World Arrogance out of its practical dead end by overthrowing independent systems or systems which are not in alignment with the West’s hegemony and lust for domination. It is the result of years of research and fieldwork in various coup-prone countries. This technique of fomenting coups is so planned out that by employing so-called civil and long-term methods, it can stealthily and quietly complete the stages of the velvet revolution without attracting serious attention among the people or the political systems of the countries. By the time the political systems come to their senses, the velvet coup has usually reached its final stage and the probability of its success has greatly increased.
What If We Had A Revolution On Wall Street And Everyone Showed Up?
lark e 20 11
Revolution University Otpor! and the CIA
Revolution U: What Egypt Learned From the Students Who Overthrew Milosevic
By Tina Rosenberg Foreign Policy Magazine February 16, 2011
termath, had been an object lesson in the limits of social networking as a tool of democratic revolution. Facebook could bring together tens of thousands of sympathizers online, but it couldn’t organize them once they logged off. It was a useful communication tool to call people to -- well, to what? The April 6 leaders did not know the answer to this question. So they decided to learn from others who did. In the summer of 2009, Mohamed Adel, a 20-year-old blogger and April 6 activist, went to Belgrade, Serbia. Mohamed Adel The Serbian capital is home to the Center for Applied NonViolent Action and Strategies, or CANVAS, an organization run by young Serbs who had cut their teeth in the late 1990s student uprising against Slobodan Milosevic. After ousting him, they embarked on the ambitious project of figuring out how to translate their success to other countries. To the world’s autocrats, they are sworn enemies -- both
Srdja Popovic (at left) as foreign policy’s “Coca Cola Kid”: the company pays ME to expand the market. Why am I in your town? Because I love Coca Cola?
Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez and Belarus’s Aleksandr Lukashenko have condemned them by name. (“They think we are bringing a revolution in our suitcase,” one of CANVAS’s leaders told me.) But to a young generation of democracy activists from Harare to Rangoon to Minsk to Tehran, the young Serbs are heroes. They have worked with democracy advocates from more than 50 countries. They have advised groups of young people on how to take on some of the worst governments in the world -- and in Georgia, Ukraine, Syria-occupied Lebanon, the Maldives, and now Egypt, those young people won.
Early in 2008, workers at a government-owned textile factory in the Egyptian mill town of El-Mahalla el-Kubra announced that they were going on strike on the first Sunday in April to protest high food prices and low wages. They caught the attention of a group of tech-savvy young people an hour’s drive to the south in the capital city of Cairo, who started a Facebook group to organize protests and strikes on April 6 throughout Egypt in solidarity with the mill workers. To their shock, the page quickly acquired some 70,000 followers. But what worked so smoothly online proved much more difficult on the street. Police occupied the factory in Mahalla and headed off the strike. The demonstrations there turned violent: Protesters set fire to buildings, and police started shooting, killing at least two people. The solidarity protests around Egypt, meanwhile, fizzled out, in most places blocked by police. The Facebook organizers had never agreed on tactics, whether Egyptians should stay home or fill the streets in protest. People knew they wanted to do something. But no one had a clear idea of what that something was. The botched April 6 protests, the leaders realized in their af-
In Belgrade, Adel took a week-long course in the strategies
of nonviolent revolution. He learned how to organize people - not on a computer, but in the streets. And most importantly, he learned how to train others. He went back to Egypt and began to teach. The April 6 Youth Movement, along with a similar group called Kefaya, became the most important organizers of the 18-day peaceful uprising that culminated in President Hosni Mubarak’s departure on Feb. 11. “The April 6 Movement and Kefaya are the groups that have led the charge in actually getting protesters organized and onto the streets,” a Feb. 3 report from the geopolitical analysis group Stratfor said. The tactics were straight out of CANVAS’s training curriculum. “I got trained in how to conduct peaceful demonstrations, how to avoid violence, and how to face violence from the security forces … and also how to organize to get people on the streets,” Adel said of his experience with the Serbs, in an interview with Al Jazeera English on Feb. 9. “We were quite amazed they did so much with so little,” Srdja Popovic, one of CANVAS’s leaders, told me.
a dictatorship that galvanize public anger: a hike in the price of oil, the assassination of an opposition leader, corrupt indifference to a natural disaster, or simply the confiscation by the police of a produce cart. In most cases, anger is not enough -- it simply flares out. Only a prepared opponent will be able to use such moments to bring down a government. Ivan Marovic talking “revolution” in Mexico City, 2011 “Revolutions are often seen as spontaneous,” Ivan Marovic, a former CANVAS trainer, told me in Washington a few years ago. “It looks like people just went into the street. But it’s the result of months or years of preparation. It is very boring until you reach a certain point, where you can organize mass demonstrations or strikes. If it is carefully planned, by the time they start, everything is over in a matter of weeks.”
As nonviolent revolutions have swept long-ruling regimes from power in Tunisia and Egypt and threaten the rulers of nearby Algeria, Bahrain, and Yemen, the world’s attention has been drawn to the causes -- generations of repressive rule -- and tools -- social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter -- animating the wave of revolt. But as the members of the April 6 movement learned, these elements alone do not a revolution make. What does? In the past, the discontented availed themselves of the sweeping forces of geopolitics: the fall of regimes in Latin America and the former Soviet bloc was largely a product of the withdrawal of superpower support for dictatorships and the consolidation of liberal democracy as a global ideal. But the global clash of ideologies is over, and plenty of dictators remain -- so what do we do? The answer, for democratic activists in an ever-growing list of countries, is to turn to CANVAS. Better than other democracy groups, CANVAS has built a durable blueprint for nonviolent revolution: what to do to grow from a vanload of people into a mass movement and then use those masses to topple a dictator. CANVAS has figured out how to turn a cynical, passive, and fearful public into activists. It stresses unity, discipline, and planning -- tactics that are basic to any military campaign, but are usually ignored by nonviolent revolutionaries. There will be many moments during
CANVAS is hardly the first organization to teach people living under dictatorship the skills they can use to overthrow it; the U.S. government and its allies have funded democracy-promotion organizations around the world since the early years of the Cold War. Living under two dictatorships -- Chile under Augusto Pinochet and Nicaragua under the Sandinistas -- and visiting perhaps a dozen others, I had seen armies of them at work and served as an election monitor myself. But I had never seen anything like CANVAS. Traditional democracy-promotion groups like to collaborate with well-credentialed opposition parties and civil society groups; CANVAS prefers to work with rookies. The theory is that established parties and organizations under a dictator are usually too tired and tainted to be able to topple him, and that hope rests instead with idealistic outsiders, often students. The Serbs are not the usual highly paid consultants in suits from wealthy countries; they look more like, well, cocky students. They bring a cowboy swagger. They radiate success. Everyone they teach wants to do what the Serbs did. Srdja Popovic If CANVAS has torn up the old democracy-promotion playbook, it’s because the group’s leaders have drawn up a new one, taken from their own firsthand experience. The group traces its roots to an October 1998 meeting in a cafe in Belgrade, where Popovic, a tall, sharp-featured man, then
25 and a student of marine biology at Belgrade University, had called several of his fellow students together. At the time, Milosevic had been in office for nine years and was firmly entrenched in power. He had started and lost three wars and was in the process of launching a fourth, in Kosovo. Popovic and his friends had been active in student protests for years. They had marched for 100 days in a row, but their efforts had yielded next to nothing. “It was a meeting of desperate friends,” Popovic says. “We were at the bottom of a depression.”
whacking Milosevic with a bat. This was Otpor’s favorite kind of prank, a dilemma action: It left the regime damned either way. If the government had let the barrel roll, it would have looked weak. But when the police stepped in, the optics were no better: The Otpor members fled, and the opposition TV the next day showed pictures of the police “arresting” a barrel and loading it into the police van. The country sniggered at these pranks -and signed up for Otpor.
Rather than trying to avoid arrests, Otpor decided to provoke The students christened themselves Otpor! -- “Resistance!” in them and use them to the movement’s advantage. After a few Serbian -- and began rethinking revolution. The first and most months it became evident that while police would rough up daunting obstacle was the attitude of their countrymen. Surveys Otpor members, torture was rare and few of them would even taken by the opposition showed that most Serbs wanted Milosbe kept overnight. When any Otpor member was arrested, the evic to go. But they believed his ouster was simply impossible, organization sent a noisy crowd to hang out on the street outor at least too dangerous to try. And Serbia’s extant political opside the police station. Detainees would emerge from the police position was hardly inspiring: Even the anti-Milosevic parties station to find a pack of opposition journalists and a cheering were largely vehicles for their leaders’ personal ambitions. crowd of friends. Young men competed to rack up the most arrests. If wearing Otpor’s signature fist-emblazoned black T-shirt Ivan Marovic Speaking Revolution But Otpor’s founders realized that young people would particimade you an insider in the revolution, getting arrested made pate in politics -- if it made them feel heroic and cool, part of someyou a rock star. People who once thought of themselves as victhing big. It was postmodern revolution. “Our product is a lifestyle,” Marovic explained to me. tims learned to think of themselves as heroes. “The movement isn’t about the issues. It’s about my identity. We’re trying to make politics sexy.” Traditional politicians saw their job as making speeches and their followers’ job as Two years after its founding, Otpor’s 11 members had become more than 70,000. listening to them; Otpor chose to have collective leadership, and no speeches at all. “The signal thing they did that should never be lost is that they made it OK for Serbs And if the organization took inspiration from Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., it to say publicly that the regime was not invincible, that many Serbs shared a sense also took cues from Coca-Cola, with its simple, powerful message and strong brand. that change could come,” said James O’Brien, the Clinton administration’s special Otpor’s own logo was a stylized clenched fist -- an ironic, mocking expropriation of envoy to the Balkans. By the time Milosevic ran for reelection as president of Yuthe symbol of the Serb Partisans in World War II, and of communist movements evgoslavia in September 2000, Otpor’s prolonged protest campaign -- and Milosevic’s erywhere. attempts to suppress it -- had eroded the president’s popularity and emboldened and helped to unify the opposition. When Milosevic refused to concede defeat to opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica, Otpor’s example of disciplined nonviolence, along Otpor steered clear of the traditional opposition tactics of marches and rallies -with its masses of activists, were crucial in convincing Serbia’s security forces to partly out of necessity, because the group didn’t have enough people to pull them off. defy Milosevic’s orders to shoot at the protesters. On Oct. 7, the embattled president Instead of political parties’ gravity and bombast, Otpor adopted the sensibility of a resigned. TV show its leaders had grown up watching: Monty Python’s Flying Circus. Its daily work consisted of street theater and pranks that made the government look silly The unthinkable had happened. For the young Serbs, the next step was figuring out and won coverage from opposition media. Wit was perhaps not always achieved, but how to export it. it was always the aim. Slobodan Djinovic The most famous stunt involved an oil barrel painted with Milosevic’s picture. Otpor Srdja Popovic rolled it down a busy street, asking people to insert a coin in a slot for the privilege of Within a few months of Milosevic’s ouster, Otpor’s leaders began to get calls from de-
“Our product is a lifestyle,” Marovic explained to me. “The movement isn’t about the issues. It’s about my identity. We’re trying to make politics sexy.” Traditional politicians saw their job as making speeches and their followers’ job as listening to them; Otpor chose to have collective leadership, and no speeches at all. And if the organization took inspiration from Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., it also took cues from Coca-Cola, with its simple, powerful message and strong brand. Otpor’s own logo was a stylized clenched fist -- an ironic, mocking expropriation of the symbol of the Serb Partisans in World War II, and of communist movements everywhere.”
mocracy activists in other countries eager to copy the movement’s success. Slobodan Djinovic, one of Otpor’s original organizers, began traveling to Belarus, meeting clandestinely with a student movement there. It was soon infiltrated, however, and eventually collapsed. Djinovic had more success in Georgia, where a group of young people had founded a movement called Kmara! (“Enough!”). In 2002, Djinovic and other Otpor leaders began visiting, and hosting Kmara students in Serbia. After Eduard Shevardnadze, the former Soviet functionary who had served as Georgia’s president since 1995, stole the country’s November 2003 elections, a movement led by Kmara forced him out in what became known as the Rose Revolution. It was followed by the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, where former Otpor activists spent months advising the Pora (“It’s Time”) youth movement. On a trip to South Africa to train Zimbabweans in 2003, Djinovic and Popovic decided to establish CANVAS. At the time, Popovic was a member of parliament, but he stepped down in 2004, preferring a career as an organizer and a revolutionary. Djinovic had founded Serbia’s first wireless Internet service provider in 2000 and was well on his way to becoming a mogul. Today he is head of Serbia’s largest private internet and phone company and funds about half of CANVAS’s operating expenses and the costs for half the training workshops out of his own pocket. (CANVAS has four and a half staff employees. The trainers are veterans of successful democracy movements in five countries and are paid as contractors. CANVAS participates in some workshops financed by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the United Nations Development Program, an international NGO called Humanity in Action, and Freedom House, an American group which gets its money from the U.S. government. But CANVAS prefers to give Washington a wide berth, in part due to Otpor’s experience. Like the entire opposition to Milosevic, Otpor took money from the U.S. government, and lied about it. When the real story came out after Milosevic fell, many Otpor members quit, feeling betrayed.) Most of CANVAS’s work is with democracy activists from the middlingly repressive countries that make up the majority of the world’s dictatorships. All its successes have been; the Serbs have helped overthrow the low-hanging fruit of autocracy. Whatever one might say about Shevardnadze’s Georgia, it wasn’t North Korea. So last year I decided to watch Popovic and Djinovic work with activists from a country that would put their ideas to the severest test yet: Burma.
In 1962, a military coup led by Gen. Ne Win put an end to the democratic government that had ruled Burma since its independence 14 years earlier. In the intervening half-century there have only been a few brief moments when it was reasonable for the Burmese to hope for something better. Anti-government demonstrations erupted for months in 1988, but ended after soldiers killed thousands of protesters. Two years later, Burma held the first free elections since the coup. But when Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, won an overwhelming victory, the regime nullified the results. Mass protest did not return until September 2007, when the government removed oil subsidies without warning and the price of some fuels rose by 500 percent. Buddhist monks protested the price hikes, only to be beaten by security forces. A monk in Rangoon named Ashin Kovida, a small, soft-spoken man of 24, was outraged. He sold his robes and used the money to make and photocopy a leaflet inviting the monks in Rangoon’s monasteries to march. On Sept. 19, about 400 monks did, joined by students in what became known -- after one of the colors of the monks’ robes -- as the Saffron Revolution. Kovida, who now lives in exile in California, told me he was inspired by Bringing Down a Dictator, a documentary about the fall of Milosevic that had been subtitled in Burmese and circulated clandestinely in the country. He thought the government would not dare to shoot monks. He was wrong. Dozens of people were killed, and thousands of monks and nuns were arrested; some of them were handed sentences of more than 60 years. Burma’s opposition fell silent again; elections were held in November, 2010, but brought the country only token change. There are still Burmese, however, willing to take risks for real democracy. Last year, 14 of them, most of them very young, gathered in a hotel conference room outside of Burma for a CANVAS workshop. They had been brought together by a veteran opposition activist who asked to be identified only by his nickname, K2. (The presence of a reporter and photographer was carefully negotiated to protect the participants’ safety: I could not identify the Burmese or mention the date or location of the workshop.) This was new ground for the Serbs -- CANVAS had worked with Burmese exiles, but these were people who lived inside the country. The
Kovida poses with other “nonviolent” democracy activists
Serbs worried about the fact that the students did not know each other. Mistrust could be fatal. Popovic once taught a group that included both opposition party youth and nongovernmental groups from Zimbabwe. They were all against the dictator, Robert Mugabe -- but they also hated each other. “Endless war,” was how he characterized it. In a country like Burma, people feared those they did not know. The Serbs thought that this could be trouble. And of course, Burma was not Ukraine. The less developed the democracy movement, the longer it takes for the gears to start turning. The countries whose activists had caught on the quickest, the Serbs said, were Georgia and Vietnam. The Burmese were more likely to respond like others from totalitarian countries had. “Belarus,” said Djinovic, shaking his head. “They were extremely tough to motivate -- extremely passive. I couldn’t find the spark in their eyes.” And then there were the North Koreans: “They were great young students in a big hotel in Seoul,” Popovic told me. “We worked for two days and had no idea how the hell we were doing. People didn’t change the expression on their faces. They sat like monuments. It was awful.” With Africans, Latin Americans, and Georgians, the CANVAS trainers were loose and lively -- “Serb style,” Popovic called it. With people from Asia, the Middle East and most of Eastern Europe, they tried to be more formal. But while the style needed adaptation, the curriculum stayed the same. It was developed for the first two ongoing conflicts where they had worked, Zimbabwe and Belarus -- places that differed in every possible way. Middle Eastern students, Djinovic said, sometimes argued that the strategies wouldn’t work in the Islamic world. But CANVAS’s only successes outside the former Soviet Union had come in Lebanon and the Maldives, both predominantly Muslim countries. When Popovic asked the Burmese what they hoped to learn from the week, their answers focused on two issues: mobilizing people and overcoming fear. “We are afraid of what we are doing,” said a tall man. “We have the ‘there is nothing we can do’ syndrome. We have never tasted freedom.” One young woman pointed out that the government considers any
meeting of more than five people to be illegal. “Nonviolent struggle is very risky,” she said. The Burmese were exhibiting the most formidable challenge facing CANVAS in countries without a history of effective opposition: the passivity, fatalism, and fear of their citizens. CANVAS’s most useful lesson is how to dismantle this barrier. “At each workshop, someone comes to me and says, ‘Our case is totally different,’” Djinovic told the Burmese. There was nervous laughter. But the Burmese had a point: Anyone demented enough to roll a barrel with Than Shwe’s picture on it for the citizens of Rangoon to whack would be risking not a few hours in jail, but dozens of years. What could the Serbs possibly talk about? The tactical blueprint for CANVAS The Politics Of Nonviolent Action • Part Two The Methods of Nonviolent Action A lot, it turned out. Some of the students said they had thought nonviolence meant passivity -- morally superior, perhaps, but naive. Popovic framed the task in terms of Sun Tzu: “I want you to see nonviolent conflict as a form of warfare -- the only difference is you don’t use arms,” he told them. This was new. He argued that whether nonviolence was moral or not was irrelevant: It was strategically necessary. Violence, of course, is every dictator’s home court. The Otpor founders also knew they could never win wide support with violence -- every democracy struggle eventually needs to capture the middle class and at least neutralize the security forces. Over and over again, Djinovic and Popovic hammered at another myth: that nonviolent struggle is synonymous with amassing large concentrations of people. The Serbs cautioned that marches and demonstrations should be saved for when you finally have majority support. Marches are risky -- if your turnout is poor, the movement’s credibility is destroyed. And at marches, people get arrested, beaten, and shot. The authorities will try to provoke violence. One bad march can destroy a movement. Here was a point that had people nodding. “Any gathering in Rangoon is lunacy,” Djinovic said. But if not marches, then what? The Serbs showed the participants excerpts from A Force More Powerful, a documentary series about nonviolent struggles: Gandhi’s Salt March, the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, and the lunch-counter sit-ins and bus boycotts of the American civil rights movement. Popovic pointed out the planning involved in these actions, and made the group list the tactics they saw: leaflets, banners, sit-ins, boycotts, picketing, music. “South Africa and Burma have a similarity: zero free media,” he said. “So how do you spread the message?” “Songs,” said a man with a mustache. “Prayers and funerals,” said a middleaged woman, the oldest in the group, a stern woman the others took to calling Auntie.
Popovic pounced. “So what’s interesting about using funerals?” “It’s the only place people can meet,” a young man said. “Funerals are a dilemma for your opponent,” said Popovic. In Zimbabwe, a gathering of five people was banned, but what if I have 5,000 people at a funeral? Whenever anyone related to the movement dies, they will gather and sing songs -- and the police will not interfere! It’s a real problem to tear-gas a funeral.” Gene Sharp: receives love letters from the Pentagon The next idea was one the Serbs had learned from the American academic Gene Sharp, the author of From Dictatorship to Democracy (a book originally published in 1993 in Thailand for Burmese dissidents), who has been called the Clausewitz of nonviolence. Popovic was first introduced to Sharp’s ideas in the spring of 2000 by Robert Helvey, a former U.S. Army colonel who had served as defense attaché at the U.S. Embassy in Burma in the 1980s before becom-
ing disillusioned with armed struggle. When the Otpor members met Helvey, the movement already had 20,000 active members and a formidable reputation. But the group had hit a wall -- the movement was growing, but its leaders couldn’t see how Otpor could turn that growth into the fall of Milosevic. Robert Helvey: this army colonel was the defense attache in the U.S.-backed destabilization campaign against the Burmese government, then utilizing a ‘traditional’ military strategy of arming and training local insurgents; a strategy which was largely-unsuccessful. Helvey says he was later introduced to Gene Sharp and his “strategic nonviolent” approach... not intentionally but accidentally. He says, “...I was up at Cambridge one day, I saw a little poster saying “Program for Nonviolent Sanctions,” you know, room such and such. I didn’t have anything to do that afternoon so I went up to the seminar on nonviolent sanctions. Primarily, I guess, being an army officer I was going to find out who these people are, you know, these pacifists and things like that — troublemakers. Just trying to get an understanding of it.” He claims to have been impressed with Gene Sharp from a strategic point-of-view. Helvey later returned to Burma--as
Political thinker Gene Sharp at his office in Boston.
a ‘civilian’ of course--this time to help destabilize Burma using Gene Sharp’s “nonviolent” methods; and even becoming the director of the Albert Einstein Institution for a number of years, where he provided direct assistance in the effort to overthrow a handful of governments on the U.S. foreign policy hit list (a task which has been ‘outsourced’ to Serbian ‘veterans’ Srdja Popovic and CANVAS). But if you ever should dare to even SPECULATE that this professional soldier, military tactician, and destabilization expert is SECRETLY working for the CIA...well... Mr. Helvey’s got some words for you. Helvey showed them how. He explained Sharp’s idea that a regime stays in power through the obedience of the people it governs. The goal of a democracy movement should be to persuade people to withdraw their obedience. A government is like a building held up by pillars, Sharp explained. Otpor needed to pull Milosevic’s pillars into the opposition camp. Gene Sharp’s “pillars”: this way to the light In fact, Otpor was already doing well with two important Milosevic pillars. One was old people: They had always been Milosevic’s base of support, but the constant arrests of Otpor’s 16-year-olds -- and the government’s hysterical accusations that the students were terrorists -- were getting grandma angry. The other pillar was the police. From the beginning, Otpor had treated the police as allies-in-waiting. Otpor members delivered cookies and flowers to police stations (sometimes with a TV camera in tow). Instead of howling at police during confrontations, Otpor members would cheer them. The Serbs recounted this to the Burmese, and added another step: the power graph, a Djinovic invention. He asked the students to list various groups with influence in society, and then chart each group’s level of loyalty to the regime over time. The idea was to see which groups had fluctuated -- and what events in Burma’s recent history provoked the change. From that they could glean clues about whom it was most profitable to woo. The students put themselves in the shoes of Burma’s police, workers, women, and other groups -- what did they all want? The lists they compiled were predictable in their self-interest: Students wanted private schools, businesspeople wanted a reliable banking system, farmers wanted crop subsidies. What was interesting was what the lists didn’t include. “Where is democracy? Human rights?” Popovic said, pointing to the lists tacked to the wall. “People don’t give a shit about these things. Normally your politicians talk about things that don’t matter to people. Remember Gandhi’s Salt March? The issue was not ‘You Brits get out!’ -- not officially. The issue was: ‘We want to make salt.’” Approaching midweek, the Serbs were worried. “They don’t trust each other,” Djinovic told me over lunch. The Burmese held a meeting on Tuesday night in K2’s hotel room to air it all. They
introduced themselves to each other, and set rules for the group. They figured out a common cover story to tell Burmese authorities. They ended up playing songs like “Dust in the Wind” on the guitar and singing until 3 a.m. Things started to change the next day. Wednesday’s lesson was about replacing tactics of concentration -- rallies, demonstrations, marches -- with tactics of dispersal, which are lower cost, lower pressure, and less dangerous. The Serbs talked about Chile’s cacerolazos, or pot-banging sessions, which served to let people know that their neighbors, too, were against Pinochet. They explained the concept of dilemma actions, such as Otpor’s stunt with the oil barrel. “Do a small thing and if it is successful, you have the confidence to do another one and another one,” Popovic said. “You recruit people, train them, and keep them constantly active. You hit, proclaim victory -- and get the hell out. If it is successful, people will come to you. Participating in small successes, you build self-confidence. Nonviolent struggle changes the way people think of themselves.” The Burmese did not seem persuaded. “So we are all putting candles in our windows at a certain time,” said a young man with glasses. “They might not be able to arrest 10,000 people, but they will pick one poor guy and arrest his whole family -- even his children.” Popovic agreed. “Yes, you guys have problems even if the tactic is low-risk -- if it is political,” he said. “But what if the issue is the government is incapable of supplying people with electrical power?” When the Burmese divided into small groups to invent their own dilemma actions, the first group took this advice to heart. It had decided to tackle the issue of garbage, which the Rangoon government had stopped collecting. The members proposed starting with a group of 20 young people to do the work, providing gloves and masks, and trying to recruit others to join in. Then they would go to the city government, submit a petition signed by influential people, and tell them: It’s your problem. “OK, good. You’re developing parallel institutions,” said Popovic. This was Adam Michnik’s strategy for Solidarity in Poland: Don’t tear down institutions -- build your own. “You did this to remove bodies after Cyclone Nargis” -- the 2008 disaster that killed more than 138,000 people in Burma -- “when the government would not. Now, what if the municipality doesn’t care?” “We’ll dump the garbage in front of the mayor,” said a tall man. Popovic laughed. “Or you could choose a lower-risk strategy -- take pictures of the garbage and present them to authorities,” he said. When the next group came to the front of the room, its members were smiling and, oddly, taking off their shoes. Their spokeswoman, a young woman in a pink shirt who was wriggling with
Serbian opposition supporters demonstrate at a rally on Sept. 29, 2000, in Belgrade, demanding that President Slobodan Milosevic accept his defeat in the presidential election five days before. From Minsk to Cairo, the nonviolent democratic uprisings of the past decade have been influenced by the tactics and imagery of Serbia’s 2000 Bulldozer Revolution.
excitement, proposed a “Barefoot Campaign,” to commemorate the monks of the Saffron Revolution, who do not wear shoes. The idea was to start with 100 young people, contacted by email and social networks. They would do something simple: go barefoot in public spaces. “We can start with the pagodas,” said Pink Shirt -- no one wears shoes in a pagoda anyway. And people could walk through paint, Pink Shirt said. “We can easily measure success -- if we see barefoot people and footprints everywhere.” “When the authorities respond with arrests, how will you respond?” Auntie asked. The group had thought through this. “For safety, people can carry a pair of broken sandals in their pocket to show the police,” said a cherubic-faced young man. “Or you can say, ‘I’m getting ready to go running.’” The tall man halted their excitement. “If the authorities see you leaving footprints, they will know and arrest you.” “They won’t know who it was if we do it at night,” said the Cherub. “Let’s do it!” He pumped his fist in the air. Everyone laughed. But the footprints were a problem -- they could quite literally lead the police to their prey. Then a soft-spoken young woman in a gauze shirt spoke up. “There are lots of stray dogs and cats,” she said. “We can put a dish of paint in front of where they live so they will walk through it.” Cats and dogs as the foot soldiers of democracy! They looked at each other, awed by their own brilliance, and slapped hands all around. Near the end of the week the group watched Burma VJ, a 2008 documentary by Danish director Anders Ostergaard about a group of clandestine Burmese video journalists, whose
footage, smuggled out of the country, is often the only way the outside world knows what is happening in Burma. The film takes place during the Saffron Revolution; it is precious contraband in Burma, and most of the participants had seen it before. It is a document of hope and valor, a record of a few weeks many Burmese consider the high point of their lives. But after a week of CANVAS training, the Burmese were watching it with fresh eyes. When the film ended, Djinovic walked to the front of the room. “So what did you think?” he said. The Cherub was wide-eyed. “This was not organized!” he said. Suddenly the Saffron Revolution looked very different. It was so brave, so inspiring -- and so improvised, foolish, and irresponsible. “People were going into the streets spontaneously, asking for something that is not achievable,” Djinovic told them, perhaps not gentle enough as he razed their heroes. “Our advice,” he said slowly, “is that you think about nonviolent struggle totally differently than you have seen in this movie.” Silence fell over the group. “Then you know what you have to do,” he said. CANVAS has worked with activists from 50 countries It cannot point to 50 revolutions The most prosaic reason is that often the people it trains aren’t the ones in charge of a movement. Some groups, like Georgia’s and Ukraine’s dissidents, choose to model themselves on Otpor. In Iran, by contrast, though small groups of CANVAS trainees held successful actions, the leaders of the Green Revolution have not adopted Otpor’s tactics. The more profound reason, however, is that context matters. A very closed society, the kind that most desperately needs a strong democracy movement, is the place least able to grow one. By the end of the Burma workshop, Popovic and Djinovic were content; the students had understood the lessons. But what they could do
with them was not clear. On the workshop’s last day, I asked the members of the Barefoot Campaign group whether they would try to start one in Burma. The strategies were wonderful, valuable, fresh, they said -- but better for someone else. “I am not sure it’s practical for me,” Pink Shirt said. The Serbs argue that a country’s level of repression is not dispositive. Popovic told the Burmese that far more important than the government’s brutality is their own level of skill and commitment; a well-organized and committed democracy movement can gradually win enough freedom to work. “Political space is never granted. It is always conquered,” he said. It was easier to work in Serbia in 2000 than it had been in 1991 because the opposition had won important concessions over that time. “Serbia built those advantages,” he said. For example, it forced Milosevic to respect local election results in 1996 that left municipal television stations in opposition hands. But could this apply to Burma? Winning political space there could take decades and there was no guarantee that the country would even move in the right direction. Burma, however, is the extreme. Most authoritarian countries are closer to Milosevic’s Serbia, or Mubarak’s Egypt: autocratic governments that do permit some opposition media and political activity. Algeria, Angola, Cambodia, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Nicaragua, Russia, and Venezuela, to name a few, follow this model. And though the Serbs cannot carry revolution in their suitcases, their strategies can greatly increase the chance that when there is a moment that shakes a dictatorship, the opposition will be able to take advantage of it.
conducted miniature versions of the CANVAS workshop in Egypt, stressing unity, nonviolent discipline, the importance of clear goals, and keeping members engaged. Just after the Jan. 25 protests began a 26-page pamphlet called “How to Protest Intelligently” -- authored anonymously, but widely attributed to the April 6 group -- began circulating in Cairo. It laid out the goals of the protests: taking over government buildings, winning over the police and Army, and protecting fellow protesters. It instructed people to carry roses, chant positive slogans, gather in their own neighborhoods, and persuade policemen to change sides by reminding them their own families could be among the protesters. It also gave practical advice on what demonstrators should wear and carry to protect themselves from tear gas and police batons. It suggested that they carry signs reading “Police and People Together Against the Regime.” The protests were a model of unity, tolerance, and nonviolent discipline. The different groups put aside their individual flags and symbols to show only the Egyptian flag and to speak, as much as possible, with one voice. Protesters swept the square clean and protected shops, detaining looters and making them give back the stolen goods. Coptic Christians in Tahrir Square formed ranks to protect the Muslims while they prayed; when the Christians celebrated Mass, the Muslims formed a ring around them. Together they embraced soldiers and faced the police with roses. They sang songs and wore silly hats. It had an authenticity that was uniquely Egyptian, but it was also textbook CANVAS.
April 6th Movement leaders: are these guys cheap whores or just dupes? The crux of the matter is Machiavellian strategy: non-violence may be a moral imperative, but not according to Gene Sharp. Only victory. Only “democracy”--whatever that means. We ask, what can honestly be expected of a foreignbacked “revolution” in Egypt? A frontal assault upon national sovereignty? More IMF privatization schemes? Throwing more workers out of good-paying jobs? Oh wait, who cares.. I shook hands with Mohammed ElBaradei!
The Egyptian example shows how. The April 6 movement knew about Otpor and adopted the fist as its logo even before Mohamed Adel went to Belgrade. The course he took there was the same one the Burmese took. Last April, Serbian newspapers carried a front page photo of a protest in Egypt, with demonstrators waving the April 6 flag, complete with a familiar fist logo. “The Otpor fist threatening Mubarak?” the headline read. As images of demonstrators in Tahrir Square hoisting their children onto Egyptian Army tanks filtered out to the rest of the world last week, Popovic recalled that on Adel’s power graph, the military loomed particularly large; it was crucial, he had realized, to pull out that pillar. The Serbs never met Adel again, but their young Egyptian student kept emailing, occasionally pointing out mistakes in Arabic translations of CANVAS materials. He had gone home with copies of Bringing Down a Dictator subtitled in Arabic and continued to download books. He
April 6th Movement leaders: are these guys cheap whores or just dupes? The crux of the matter is Machiavellian strategy: non-violence may be a moral imperative, but not according to Gene Sharp. Only victory. Only “democracy”--whatever that means. We ask, what can honestly be expected of a foreign-backed “revolution” in Egypt? A frontal assault upon national sovereignty? More IMF privatization schemes? Throwing more workers out of good-paying jobs? Oh wait, who cares..I shook hands with Mohammed ElBaradei! CANVAS has worked with dissidents from almost every country in the Middle East; the region contains one of CANVAS’s biggest successes, Lebanon, and one of its most disappointing failures, Iran. Popovic wonders whether Iran could turn out differently next time: What would happen if the Green Movement were to organize not around election fraud, but staged a Salt March instead, focusing on unemployment, low wages, and corruption? Iran is like Tunisia and Egypt were: a young, relatively well-educated population and a corrupt authoritarian government dependent on fear to keep people in line. “Governments that rely for decades on fear become very
Egypt’s Color Revolution inflexible,” said Popovic. “The pillars of the regime support it out of fear. The moment the fear factor disappears and people are fearless with the police and hugging the military, you have lost your main pillars.” Hosni Mubarak no doubt would have ruefully observed the same thing. In Burma, it is hard to imagine what can vanquish that fear -- what can turn people from passive victims into daring heroes -- unless people like Pink Shirt do it themselves. In the Middle East, however, the fear is already crumbling, and the heroism is infecting country after country. This is a huge advantage. But for dictatorship to fall throughout the region, the protesters must catch more from Egypt than audacity. At right, Egyptian activists from the April 6 Youth Movement shout anti-government slogans and hold signs daring police to “shoot us” during a protest outside parliament in downtown Cairo on April 20, 2010. The clenched fist is the Otpor logo used in every color revolution we’ve seen.
An American activist is arrested at Occupy Wall Street
©Giles Clarke 2011
A demonstrator sits under an Otpor movement flag at a students’ demonstration at the Serbian parliament in Belgrade on Oct. 9, 2000.
An activist from the Oborona (Defense) youth group wears a mask with the face of then Russian President Vladimir Putin during a protest in St. Petersburg on Jan. 25, 2006.
Police arrest a participant in a rally against Belarussian President Aleksandr Lukashenko in Minsk on July 21, 2004.
An American activist is arrested at Occupy Wall Street
©Giles Clarke 2011
Members of the Georgian opposition rally in downtown Tbilisi on Nov. 8, 2003.
Opposition protesters camp in the streets of the Ukrainian capital city of Kiev on Dec. 3, 2004, the 12th day of the Orange Revolution.
Burmese pro-democracy activists chant slogans against Burma’s ruling junta during a protest rally in front of the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok on Aug. 8, 2007.
Big Soros Money Linked to “Occupy Wall Street”
Quite frankly, I’m amazed this scumbag asshole is still alive and breathing. Either he has one helluva private security detail, or much of the rest of the world couldn’t find its testicles with the help of a dozen Clinton White House interns and Hillary’s infamous lock-box. Long regarded as the puppet master who pulls the strings and programs the lips of the Kenyan imposter, Soros is an admitted and avowed enemy of not just the United States, but pretty much democracies everywhere. You see, Soros, now that he’s a billionaire, is a facist who thinks he should be running the world. Actually, he’s been referred to as a socialist-capitalist as well as a national socialist. I just refer to him as an oxygen thief. Call Soros what you will, he’s not a nice guy. In fact, he’s one miserable twisted son of a bitch. And, he’s an admitted enemy of the United States and our strongest allies. While he’s not one of my favorites, Glenn Beck apparently sniffed Soros out pretty good and has connected the dots. Glenn Beck: Soros Exposed There are some pretty damning admissions from Soros himself in this piece. Why no interest in Soros? If I were the Mossad, I’d be on this guy like stink on a skunk. Or what about the Brits? Soros crashed their economy and jeopardized the pound, the primary currency in England at the time. Businesses failed, personal savings and wealth vanished and so on. Why wasn’t MI6 or SAS given covert orders to cease and desist Soros? And then there’s Russia. Many firmly believe that Soros’ financial market meddling is what brought the Kremlin to its knees. And even today, the Russians aren’t in real great financial shape, thanks to this SOB.And while the KGB no longer (officially) exists, the Motherland still has the ability thanks to the SVR, the Foreign Intelligence Service. Three mighty nations Soros has severely wounded, yet he’s unblemished. And then there’s us, the United States, the nation Soros rabidly hates. We already know everything this asswipe has done to us, how he set up and funded MoveOn.org and MediaMatters.com to wreck anything moderate or mainstream or conservative in American politics and/or business. Moveon.Org and M-M are slander squads funded by György Schwartz, later known as György Soros (with two sh-sounds), and later George Soros, US citizen. In his autobiograpy, modestly entitled Soros on Soros, he described how as a teenager he helped to cart off the stolen possessions of Hungarian Jewish men, women and children after they were rounded up and transported to death camps. He claims it never bothered him a bit, and still doesn’t bother him today. He has no personal regrets about his actions. Somebody would have done it. This makes me wonder why the Israelis haven’t put an end to Soros’ ability to flex his diaphragm and inhale air. Those folks were pretty serious about chasing down a number of WWII war criminals, no matter where they’d fled or how rich or how poor they were.
“If truth be known, I carried some rather potent messianic fantasies with me from childhood which I felt I had to control, otherwise I might end up in the loony bin. But when I made my way in the world I wanted to indulge myself in my fantasies to the extent that I could afford.” George Soros “Underwriting Democracy: Encouraging Free Enterprise And Democratic Reform Among the Soviets and in Eastern Europe” – George Soros 60 Minutes Interview – 12/20/98
A piece in The American Thinker today, Soros the guiltless, reveals that Soros has no regrets whatsoever about helping Nazi soldiers loot the property of Hungarian Jews--his own people-during WWII when Soros was a teenager.
The result is we have the Kenyan imposter leading the charge, who bows to the raghead kings in Saudi Arabia while intentionally snubbing the Israelis. Not to mention the most devastating historic debt this nation has ever seen--and may not be able to pull itself out of. All deliberately planned and executed by the Hungarian ex-patriot piece-of-shit traitor to his own homeland and native people. So again, I ask the question: Why is Soros still breathing oxygen? Can anyone answer that? Soros Objectives? Labor unions, communists, “community organizers,” socialists, and anticapitalist agitators have all joined together to “Occupy Wall Street” and protest against “greed,” corporations, and bankers. But despite efforts to portray the movement as “leaderless” or “grassroots,” it is becoming obvious that there is much more going on behind the scenes than meets the eye. Billionaire financier George Soros’ fingerprints, for example, have been all over the anti-Wall Street campaign from the very beginning. And this week, the infamous hedge-fund boss publicly announced his sympathy for the protesters and their complaints about bailouts — despite the fact that he lobbied for even greater unconstitutional handouts to bankers in 2009. “Actually I can understand their sentiment, frankly,” he told reporters while announcing a large donation to the United Nations. “I can sympathize with their grievances.” But Soros’ support for the protesters goes far beyond his tepid public statements. In fact, the original call to “Occupy Wall Street” came from the magazine AdBusters, an “anti-consumerist” publication financed by, among other sources, the Soros-funded Tides Foundation.
Other Soros-backed outfits promoting big government — some with myriad ties to the Obama administration — are also publicly driving the occupation campaign. MoveOn.org, for instance, has received millions of dollars from the billionaire banker. And now, the group is urging its supporters to join the Occupy Wall Street movement as well. “Over the last two weeks, an amazing wave of protest against Wall Street and the big banks has erupted across the country,” MoveOn said in a recent e-mail to supporters, praising the “brave” demonstrators. “On Wednesday, MoveOn members will join labor and community groups in New York City for a huge march down to the protest site — the biggest yet.” On top of supplying activists to join the demonstrations, MoveOn is also staging what it calls a “massive ‘Virtual March on Wall Street’ online.” The Internet-based demonstrations are a collaborative effort with another radical and well-connected outfit tied to Soros called Rebuild the Dream. Led by self-described communist and former Obama administration czar Van Jones, the “Dream” movement is a partnership between a host of Sorosfinanced “progressive” groups. Big Labor and even Planned Parenthood — the largest abortion provider in America, which receives hundreds of millions of tax dollars each year — are partners, too. “Together, we’ll add hundreds of thousands of voices of solidarity from the American Dream Movement for the protests across the country and show just how widespread outrage at the Wall Street banks really is,” MoveOn boasted in its e-mail. Other groups working with Rebuild the Dream are also publicly hyping the demonstrations. And more than a few of them are on the Soros payroll as well. Some examples include People For The American Way, Planned Parenthood, Campaign For America’s Future, Democracy For America, Leadership Conference for Civil and
Human Rights, Common Cause, Public Campaign, and many more. Soros, of course, has a long history of financing organizations targeting the American system of government. He has also served on the board of the immensely influential global-governancepromoting Council on Foreign Relations. Just last year, Soros claimed that the brutal communist dictatorship ruling mainland China should lead what he calls the “New World Order.” The Chinese tyrants, meanwhile, have also been touting Occupy Wall Street through the regime’s propaganda organs. But Soros does not love the despots in Beijing for their commitment to “equality” or “democracy.” As The New American reported, behind Soros and his tens of billions lies even more wealth and power: the unimaginably vast Rothschild banking empire. One of the richest men in the world today, Soros has been in legal trouble for corruption before — in France, for instance, he was fined more than $2 million for his illegal scheming. So, critics noted, it might seem ironic that the textbook example of a “corrupt financier” would finance a protest supposedly aimed at corrupt financiers. But the irony hardly ends there. Union bosses and others intimately linked to President Obama — whose top campaign contributors included Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan Chase, Citigroup, and other big banks — are also playing a key role in the Wall Street protests. The protesters are even recycling administration talking points such as the old “the rich should be forced to pay their ‘fair share’” — despite the fact that the “Buffett rule” tax proposal being advanced would almost exclusively soak what remains of the middle class. But that might be the point. According to reports and analysts, the whole anti-Wall Street movement has been carefully orchestrated by the Obama-linked anti-capitalist union titans and tax-funded “community organizers.” A troubling plot to essentially finish off capitalism was exposed earlier this year, and at the time it was blasted as “economic terrorism.” Even more disturbing: It was uncannily similar to the growing Wall Street demonstrations. Community organizer Stephen Lerner of the SEIU, a regular White House guest, was caught
on video in March discussing the scheme to “bring down the stock market” and “destabilize” the nation — all with the stated goal of “redistributing wealth.” And while the whole conspiracy was not revealed because Lerner suspected police were present, the strategies he mentioned included civil disobedience and mass anti-banker protests. Another conspirator said to be pulling the strings, disgraced ACORN founder and union boss Wade Rathke, was advocating massive “Day of Rage” protests targeting bankers earlier this year. And he is also closely tied to Obama, who actually used to work for Rathke’s “community organizing” outfit. ACORN, of course, was recently exposed engaging in widespread criminal activity while receiving millions of federal tax dollars. But after the organization filed for bankruptcy, its tentacles are taking over under new names — and still receiving government handouts. Rathke is also a founding board member of the Soros-funded Tides Foundation, a key source of money for AdBusters magazine (which first called for the Wall Street occupation) and countless other anti-business groups. And he is directly tied to more than a few unions including the SEIU. Beyond Big Labor and Soros “front groups,” as critics call them, is also a vast collection of socialist and Marxist organizations supporting the demonstrations. The Socialist Party USA, the Marxist-oriented Workers World Party, the International Committee of the Fourth International, and the Communist Party USA-affiliated People’s World are all publicly and openly backing the movement. While the occupation movement purports to be “leaderless,” in reality, critics say its leaders and financiers are barely concealed. According to analysts, the protests — which are quickly spreading to cities across the United States, Canada, and Europe — actually represent a well-orchestrated operation being used by the very same elite “one percent” supposedly being protested against. The “official” goals remain murky so far, almost certainly not by chance. But it is becoming increasingly apparent that liberty and honest money are not among the demands. Rather, bigger government, higher taxes, and an end to what remains of the free market system seem to be at the top of the list.
Founder of ACORN Chief Organizer at ACORN International Author of Citizen Wealth The lines of evidence now converge: the founder of ACORN is Wade Rathke, who, like William Ayers, was a member of the Students for a Democratic Society. The Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), the student organization founded in 1960 as part of the New Left, was the gateway drug to the Weather Underground. In the early sixties, the SDS was idealistic and many reluctantly supported Lyndon Johnson for president in 1964, and grainy black-and-white pictures show clean-cut men and women registering southern blacks to vote. Tom Hayden was amongst this group. But that was then. By 1969, their Great Society liberalism had been co-opted by Marxists, Maoists, Spartacists, and other assorted revolutionary groups. They were no longer interested in change, but overthrowing the government. It was during this time that Wade Rathke first came into contact with Bill Ayers. Much has been made of Obama’s questionable judgment in befriending and working closely with unrepentant terrorist William Ayers. Regardless of what Obama says, his political career was launched in Ayers’ home, Ayers served with him on Woods Fund, and promoted him to head the Chicago Annenberg Challenge. The founder of ACORN, Wade Rathke, like Ayers, is a disciple of Saul Alinsky. Working for ACORN was an important step in Obama’s political career. An article by Professor David Walls directly connects Rathke’s ACORN to Alinsky, ACORN’s mission of pressuring banks to issue risky mortgages, and the alliance between ACORN and unions: ACORN, the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now, began in 1970 as a spin-off from the National Welfare Rights Organization, founded by George Wiley, who enlisted civil rights workers and trained them in an Alinsky-influenced program at
Syracuse University. From a base in Arkansas, Wade Rathke and Gary Delgado developed a replicable model of forming membership organizations and developing leaders in low-income neighborhoods — relying substantially on young middle-class staff working for subsistence wages. ACORN has established local housing corporations to rehabilitate homes, and has successfully pressured banks to provide mortgages and home improvement loans in low-income communities. ACORN has led “living wage” campaigns in many cities, and has forged alliances with labor unions. But ACORN isn’t just Alinsky-inspired. It’s a direct off-shoot of his revolutionary agenda: Around 1970 several national networks began to coalesce and develop systematic and distinctive approaches to community organizing. These include the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), ACORN, Citizen Action, National People’s Action, PICO, DART, and the Gamaliel Foundation. Each was indebted, in greater or lesser degree, to Alinsky and his early organizing programs in Chicago through IAF. Citizen Action, mentioned above, is not “officially” connected to ACORN. But Citizen Action, like Rathke’s ACORN and Ayers’ radical education projects, was founded by another member of the Alinsky-SDS milieu, Heather Booth. But it’s not just SDS and the City of Chicago that binds this group. As the screen capture below shows, Heather Booth’s husband was both a member of the SDS and Alinski’s [sic] Industrial Areas Foundation. Of equal significance, Citizen Action reported paying Citizen Services, Inc., the shadowy ACORN group first exposed at No Quarter, over half a million dollars for campaign work. This is the Citizen Services, Inc. who has received nearly a million dollars from the Obama campaign: (Expenditure reports also show an October 18 payment to Citizen Services (ACORN) of $590,526.10 for “Campaign consulting.” This is not enough information to determine whether this payment was also for signature gathering, which would make the per-signature cost ludicrously high, or for get-out-the-vote activities, or something else.) According to the Associated Press, the FBI is now investigating allegations of voter fraud committed by ACORN. It should come as no surprise that ACORN is steeped in a culture of corruption, and the manipulative actions of ACORN dovetail perfectly with Alinsky’s Rules. Wade
Rathke, founder of ACORN, was forced out the organization after his brother, Dale Rathke, embezzled more than $948,000 from ACORN and Wade Rathke covered it up. His brother was running one of the 294 ACORN groups which Larry Johnson discovered are all linked through the same address: 139 CITIZENS CONSULTING INC. 1024 ELYSIAN FIELDS AVE NEW ORLEANS, LA 70117-8402 A NON-PROFIT FOREIGN CORPORATION Name Type: LEGAL Status: ACTIVE Indiana Secretary of State The New York Times reports: The amount Dale Rathke embezzled, $948,607.50, was carried as a loan on the books of Citizens Consulting Inc., which provides bookkeeping, accounting and other financial management services to Acorn and many of its affiliated entities. Wade Rathke, prior to Obama’s rapid ascent, was formulating ways to converge the Alinsky Left and take control of the power of the state. This was written in January 2003. He begins his essay with the classic exhortations of a Bolshevik pamphleteer, and his words could not be any clearer: The oldest cliché of our vast peoples’ movement over the last generation or more has got to be that there are so, so many tasks to be done, that there is a job for everyone – and that means, you, too, brothers and sisters! So, you sit here reading this on the fly between one job and another, home and school, heaven and hell, and you say, “hey, bullshit, no way:” every ad for an “activist” is just looking for a canvasser; all of these groups are just gangs with their own cliques – another secret handshake high school behind a storefront window; and, so, you say, what does it matter what I have to say, what I think, or whatever – I’ll just do my thing, my way, and live my life out of the mainstream Here’s my plea – let’s build a bridge in the sky that links our worlds together, while allowing us to stay autonomous and anonymous.
Saul Alinsky’s America
A very revealing tell on what the left is up to in America, led by B. Hussein Obama and Joe Biden. This is not something new, rather something that was hatched during the cold war, in order to undo all that the Founding Fathers shed blood, sweat and tears to create and preserve in the face of tyranny. May we be granted the strength and courage to keep America as it should be, not as the leftists want to remake it. And let’s also be certain we don’t remake it the way the right wants it either. NO ONE on the left or right at the upper echelon of American sociopolitical and socioeconomic power is your friend. A psychopath is a person without conscience; someone who constantly breaks the moral rules of the community. Saul Alinsky was a “community organizer” who found a career that fit that personality disorder. In the Orwellian upside-down world of the Left, community organizers disorganize communities. That is the meaning of revolution, to overturn whatever exists today in the raw pursuit of one’s own power. Alinsky boasted about his close alliance with Frank Nitti, Al Capone’s second in command in the Chicago Mob during the 1930s. Al Capone’s Mob were domestic terrorists, and not for any noble cause either. They poisoned the Chicago politics of their era. Alinsky’s close alliance with Frank Nitti tells us something crucially important today. Alinsky was also a lifelong ally of the Stalin-controlled Communist Party, at a time when Stalin was known to have murdered tens of millions of people. He was proud of building a bridge between organized crime and the power hungry Left. That tacit alliance may continue today. Alinsky’s personality fits the definition of a psychopath — someone who has no guilt or shame toward others. But Alinsky also discovered how to teach psychopathic behavior to college students. That is the key to his success: To persuade hundreds of thousands of ignorant young people that it is much more moral to be immoral. Or, as Bill Ayers famously said, “Bring the Revolution home; kill your parents.” Bill Ayers is now a highly influential professor of education. That is not an accident; it reflects a deliberate program of radical agitation and propaganda through the school systems. If you want to know who brought down American education, Bill Ayers is part of the answer. A lot of the Boomer Left is marked by psychopathic behavior, in politics and in the rest of life. That is why the actions of the Left are so shocking to many of us. Alinsky’s disciples — including Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama — have a warlike political style. They learned politics as war from the Master. Obama is so well-trained in Alinsky tactics that he used to teach workshops on it. That is why Obama can knowingly violate Federal law against usurping the presidential power to negotiate with Iraq before ever getting elected. Actual election to head of state by the voters means nothing, just as it means nothing to Nancy Pelosi and Steny Hoyer, who have negotiated with Syria and the Muslim Brotherhood in clear violation of law while serving in Congress. Teaching hatred for the normal majority is the key to power for radicals. But Alinsky taught that you can’t easily hate millions of people. To do that effectively you need a one-person scapegoat to focus all your hatred on. “Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it.” That is the politics of personal destruction, and it doesn’t matter if the target is black like Clarence Thomas, or a woman like Sarah Palin, or a severely wounded war veteran like John McCain. That is why Obama is now instructing his followers to “get in their faces” of those Americans who are not down for his cause. Obama acts like a nice guy, but he is a political warmonger. He’s been very clear about that: “If they bring a knife to the fight, we bring a gun.” That’s the language of gang war. Today we can see the Left’s rage reaction to John McCain’s choice of Sarah Palin. The New York Sun quoted one feminist saying “All of my women friends, a week ago Monday, were on the verge of throwing themselves out windows …People were flipping out. … Every woman I know was in high hysteria over this. Everyone was just beside themselves with terror that this woman could be our president — our potential next president.” The “comedienne” Sandra Bernhard suggested that Sarah Palin would be “gang-raped by blacks in Manhattan” if she dared to go there.
A British Leftist writing for Pravda (!) called Sarah Palin – The Devil in disguise… Sarah Palin, Mrs. Nobody know-it-all shreiking cow from Alaska, the joke of American politics, plied with a couple of vodkas … cheap little guttersnipe … suppose you shut up … you pith-headed little bimbo from the back of beyond … So next time suppose you keep your mouth shut and while you’re at it, make sure the members of your family keep their legs shut too. … ” That warlike rage has been systematically whipped up over decades by the Left. That’s what college “Women’s Studies” does, just as “Black Studies” is deliberately designed to whip up black rage and victimhood. Michelle Obama’s Princeton thesis is a case in point. Alinsky called ordinary Americans “the enemy.” Normal people don’t declare war on all of society. But Alinsky wrote in Rules for Radicals that radicals “…have contemptuously rejected the values and way of life of the middle class. They have stigmatized it as materialistic, decadent, bourgeois, degenerate, imperialistic, war-mongering, brutalized and corrupt … They are right … ” Normal, decent America is the enemy for these people.
But I do know that man’s obsession with the question comes out of his stubborn refusal to face up to his own mortality. Let’s say that if there is an afterlife, and I have anything to say about it, I will unreservedly choose to go to hell. PLAYBOY: Why? ALINSKY: Hell would be heaven for me. All my life I’ve been with the havenots. Over here, if you’re a have-not, you’re short of dough. If you’re a havenot in hell, you’re short of virtue. Once I get into hell, I’ll start organizing the have-nots over there. PLAYBOY: Why them? ALINSKY: They’re my kind of people.” Raw milk radicals are already using many of Alinsky’s principles. But it’s useful to have them formalized and spelled out like this (see below). Perhaps we can pick up a few new pointers here to help us effect the political changes that we see as needing to take place. The following summary is from Roger Ebert’s recent post titled “Saul Alinsky comes to the Tea Party”: Rule 1: Power is not only what you have, but what an opponent thinks you have. If your organization is small, hide your numbers in the dark and raise a din that will make everyone think you have many more people than you do. Rule 2: Never go outside the experience of your people. The result is confusion, fear, and retreat. Rule 3: Whenever possible, go outside the experience of an opponent. Here you want to cause confusion, fear, and retreat. Rule 4: Make opponents live up to their own book of rules. “You can kill them with this, for they can no more obey their own rules than the Christian church can live up to Christianity.” Rule 5: Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon. It’s hard to counterattack ridicule, and it infuriates the opposition, which then reacts to your advantage. Rule 6: A good tactic is one your people enjoy. “If your people aren’t having a ball doing it, there is something very wrong with the tactic.” Rule 7: A tactic that drags on for too long becomes a drag. Commitment may become ritualistic as people turn to other issues.
Saul Alinsky: Rules For Radicals
The Playboy Interview • 1972 Saul Alinsky died in 1972, just a few months after Playboy magazine published a twelve part series of interviews with the man who had been one of America’s most successful political activists. From the end of those Playboy interviews: “PLAYBOY: Having accepted your own mortality, do you believe in any kind of afterlife? ALINSKY: Sometimes it seems to me that the question people should ask is not “Is there life after death?” but “Is there life after birth?” I don’t know whether there’s anything after this or not. I haven’t seen the evidence one way or the other and I don’t think anybody else has either.
Rule 8: Keep the pressure on. Use different tactics and actions and use all events of the period for your purpose. “The major premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure upon the opposition. It is this that will cause the opposition to react to your advantage.” Rule 9: The threat is more terrifying than the thing itself. Rule 10: The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative. Avoid being trapped by an opponent or an interviewer who says, “Okay, what would you do?” Rule 11: Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, polarize it. Don’t try to attack abstract corporations or bureaucracies. Identify a responsible individual. Ignore attempts to shift or spread the blame. ”Obama learned his lesson well. I am proud to see that my father’s model for organizing is being applied successfully beyond local community organizing to affect the Democratic campaign in 2008. It is a fine tribute to Saul Alinsky as we approach his 100th birthday.” –Letter from L. David Alinsky, son of Neo-Marxist Saul Alinsky Obama helped fund ‘Alinsky Academy’: “The Woods Fund, a nonprofit on which Obama served as paid director from 1999 to December 2002, provided startup funding and later capital to the Midwest Academy…. Obama sat on the Woods Fund board alongside William Ayers, founder of the Weather Underground domestic terrorist organization…. ‘Midwest describes itself as ‘one of the nation’s oldest and best-known schools for community organizations, citizen organizations and individuals committed to progressive social change.’… Midwest teaches Alinsky tactics of community organizing.” Hillary, Obama and the Cult of Alinsky: “True revolutionaries do not flaunt their radicalism, Alinsky taught. They cut their hair, put on suits and infiltrate the system from within. Alinsky viewed revolution as a slow, patient process. The trick was to penetrate existing institutions such as churches, unions and political parties…. Many leftists view Hillary as a sell-out because she claims to hold moderate views on some issues. However, Hillary is simply following Alinsky’s counsel to do and say whatever it takes to gain power. “Obama is also an Alinskyite…. Obama spent years teaching workshops on the Alinsky method. In 1985 he began a four-year stint as a community organizer in Chicago, working for an Alinskyite group called the Developing Communities Project…. Camouflage is key to Alinsky-style organizing. While trying to build coalitions of black churches in Chicago, Obama caught flak for not attending church himself. He became an instant churchgoer.”
It’s A Revolution When Your Organized It.
I wish I had more time to work on this eMagazine but I don’t. It’s up to you to search the internet using key words found within this text to find more of the information you don’t have now in order to keep up with what I believe is a controlled False Flag type of operation. Perhaps “Occupy Wall Street” will, in the end, change America for the better, perhaps not. I suppose we can all hope ... As winter approaches the East Coast the people behind Occupy Wall Street will have made plans for lesser attendance with, I think, the hope of reconstituting the movement in the Spring. Maybe not. Perhaps the final analysis will show itself sooner.
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