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Conomos Source: Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 36, (1982), pp. 15-28 Published by: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1291460 Accessed: 07/08/2008 11:56
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'R.4Most of the investigations have been Song Book. Jacimirskij. E. IV. Aside from his military and administrative achievements. for a time. E. 1934). G. and to my colleagues Anne E." ibid. 149-64. R. 51 (1973). 1979). 1883). E. Philos. 5 (1962). 56. Pava. Rumanian Art Treasures: Fifteenthto EighteenthCenturies (Edinburgh-Cardiff-London. "The Composition of Evstatie's Song Book" (supra. For additional information on Evstatie.3 (Moscow. his generous grants of monastic lands. 47. Velimirovic (New York. Romania. W. "Kirillovskija notnyja rukopisi s glagoliceskimi tajnopisnymi zapisjami. note 3)." Communications du XIV' Congres International des Etudes Byzantines (Bucharest. in the exhibition catalogue. La musiquebyzantinechez les bulgareset les russes. but it will become clear from my remarks below that his role and influence were crucial. de Citlema. singer. "Stefan the Serb in Moldavian Manuscripts. Pennington. 565-83. the elegantly wrought epitaphios presented by Stefan to the Dobrovat Monastery. including crosses and embroideries. 16 (1966). Imperatorskago Moskovskago Arheologiceskago 1902)." Studies in Eastern Chant. 31-67. "Les manuscrits de Putna et certains aspects de la civilisation m6dievale roumaine. I am very grateful. Ciobanu. Seton-Watson. see G. 90-99. "Beitrage zur alteren Geheimnisschrift der Slaven. Trudy slavjanskoj Kommissii Obscestva. 102 (Vienna. These were made possible by a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 64-83.. 287-308. ed. and an award from the University of British Columbia Killam Foundation. CONOMOS Founded by the munificence of Stefan the Great (1457-1504) as a thank offering for his defeat of the Tartars in 1466. 112-33.-hist. Only recently have the materials of the Moldavian school been brought to the attention of music scholars although some of the manuscripts have been known to philologists since the late nineteenth century.3 its known production-a substantial number of anthologies of chant *Research for this paper required visits to State and monastic libraries in Greece. which singles out the monastery of Putna as a major center of church music in Moldavia. 50 (1972). D. G. Yugoslavia. impressive vestments. G. 107-12.' He endowed Putna with many personal treasures. Palikarova Verdeil. "Un creator de muzica la inceputul secolului al XVI-lea. "Scoala muzicala de la Putna. Wellesz and M. and the workshops of the monastery produced skillfully written and illuminated manuscripts. KI." Revue roumained'histoire l'art. Pantiru. and church ware. 11 (1978). 6 (1973). "Two Bilingual Manuscripts from the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries. Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae. A History of the Roumanians (Cambridge." OxfSlPap. A. 215-19. "Evstatie's Song Book of 1511: Some Observations.2 The writing and copying of music books was also an important part of Putna's artistic life. see A. Ciobanu and C. the monk and protopsaltes. Evan Kreider (Vancouver) for their invaluable assistance. 14-20. 1953). Stefanovic. On the manuscript productions of Putna. Katuzniacki. 3A protopsaltes was the lead singer in the right-hand choir of the church (see infra. Ciobanu." SlEERev.THE MONASTERY OF PUTNA AND THE MUSICAL TRADITION OF MOLDAVIA IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY* DIMITRI E. and composer." Muzica. idem. and the encouragement which he gave to literature and the arts. pl. Pennington. the monastery of Putna was destined from the outset to play an influential role in shaping the musical tradition of Moldavia. R. 6 (1970). Subsidia. 308-9." Studii de muzicologie. some of which found their way into parts of Transylvania. I.Sele Theatre. Ghenea. "Scoala muzicala de la Putna."Music in Sixteenth-Century Moldavia: New Evidence." Studii pi materialede istoriamedie. 9 (1971). III (Copenhagen. 1965-66)." ibid. There is no direct evidence that Evstatie was entirelv responsible for the burgeoning musical life in sixteenth-century Moldavia. 1971). idem. for example. 2See. idem. idem. embracing foreign and local elements." RESEE." OxfSlPap." Drevnosti. "A Polychronion in Honour of John Alexander of Moldavia. idem." SBWien. 14 (1964). note 47). 23. 335-47.Musiqule. "Cartea de cintece a lui Evstatie de la Putna. Its tradition of music manuscript writing was developed and. To these agencies. "The Composition of Evstatie's representing over a hundred years of musical activity-bears witness to a rich heritage. a John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Fellowship. controlled by the talented scribe. 65-77. A. Stefan is known for his constant devotion to the Church. the Soviet Union. and Italy. then still in their infancy. "Seven Akolouthiai from Putna. Pennington (Oxford) and J. . 92 f.13 (1976). 4E. Evstatie.
9 The following investigation is. MS 816 in the library of the Ecclesiastical Museum in Sofia (ca. and MS 13. 6For further details about these two manuscripts. and I shall attempt to establish certain hallmarks of his psalmodic style which will then be used. monk of Harsianites and domestikos of Serbia (the latter's ethnic origin is still in doubt). Dometian the Vlach and Theodosie Zotika. I shall leave the settings transmitted in Greek by Greek composers for a later and more comprehensive study which will also take into consideration the evidence from earlier Byzantine sources. in sixteenth-century Moldavia. in fact. two are part of the same book written and autographed by Evstatie probably in the year 1511: MS Scukin 350 in the State Historical Museum (GIM). contributions to the Koinonikon repertory. The present paper. CONOMOS the early sixteenth century. It begins with a survey of those Communion hymns. and MS S1.7 Unless an earlier anthology of Evstatie comes to light. conducted by Marin Constantin). Leningrad. "Evstatie's Song Book of 1511. to identify his unattributed compositions in the anthologies. though small. and MS 1. with the works of Evstatie and others sung by the Corul de camera Madrigal (Electrecord Recording. 42-49. mid-sixteenth century). which.3. it would be desirable to have a more detailed study of the music preserved in the Moldavian manuscripts-a study that would relate it to the GrecoSlav tradition in general. with the necessary reservations. this one can be considered a kind of archetype from which the format of the remaining eight books has been derived. which survive in ten manuscripts. written in the Dobrovat monastery by deacon Makarie in 1527. 1974). Nonetheless. however. This is particularly true of MS Putna 56 (fols. Conomos. For the sake of brevity. A Study of Late Byzantine Liturgical Chant (Thessaloniki. is given in Pennington. both composers' names first appear in Greek anthologies of the preceding century. they belong to the same melodic tradition. comprehensive collection which follows the format of the Byzantine akolouthiai of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in that it provides music for Vespers. or Koinonika (xolvVWvLxd). "Two Bilingual Manuscripts" and idem. see D. as well as compositions of his own. STMECE 01199 and STM-ECE 01277. by non-Greeks. what is most conspicuous. their composition and contents.6 Evstatie's songbook is a clearly written. arranged in two sections. Representation from fifteenth-century Serbia comes in the form of melodies by the well-known Stefan the Serb. 1-84v). nos.16 DIMITRI E. The sources make generous provision for these hymns. There are nine anthologies. Moscow. all from the sixteenth century. Matins. and that would also attempt to trace those manuscripts from Putna that found their way into other communities. only two are dated: MS 258 in the library of the monastery of Leimonos on Lesbos.16 in the Library of the Academy of Sciences (BAN). too generous for a full examination at this time. 12 in the library of the University at Leipzig (late sixteenth century. Principally.)8 In principle. Stara SrpskaMuzika (Belgrade. often in an identical and arbitrary order. and bibliography on p. The second section of this examination is devoted to Greek 8Descriptions of these manuscripts. written in part by a monk who signed himself "Isaiah the Serb" from the monastery of Matejce in Macedonia. The remainder are MSS Slav 283 and Slav 284 in the library of the Romanian Academy of Sciences in Bucharest. and is restricted to a study of the Communion chants. with 14 folios. Two lesser-known Moldavians. Byzantine Trisagiaand Cheroubika the Fourteenthand Fifteenth Cenof turies. and." 9Attention to MS Athens 928 and its Serbian compositions has been given in Stefanovic.26 in the Central University Library in Jasi. for the sake of convenience. composed both in Greek and in Slavonic. Of the other documents. were sung in both Greek and Slavonic. and Joakeim. they comprise an ample number of settings in both Greek and Slavonic and preserve many bilingual chants. also made original. E. carried out by specialists in Romania. "Seven Akolouthiai" and "Music in Sixteenth-Century Moldavia. is much more limited in scope. though for transcription purposes its notation is often unreliable and misleading. 1975). since they represented a vital and authoritative melodic tradition and provided models for the Moldavian and Slav composers of later times. the use to which these Greek chants were put in Moldavia should be neither underestimated nor lightly dismissed. written at Putna in 1545 by Antonie the hieromonk. . the discussion centers on the works of Evstatie. these collections contain the same pieces." 7On the Late Byzantine Akolouthiai. comprising 158 folios. mid-sixteenth century). The only other source for bilingual chants from this period is MS 928 in the National Library in Athens. and the three Eastern liturgies-music by early and more recent Greek composers.5 However. both preferred Greek texts only. 43 note 9. which were used in the religious communities of Moldavia. see Pennington. MS 52 in the library of the monastery of Dragomirna (ca. also written in 5Through their efforts a recording of Moldavian chants was issued in 1978.
which directed the performers to repeat a section of the refrain. fol.early fifteenth-century Constantinopolitan lampadarios. They did this in order to amplify the Koinonikon repertory. draws the symbol in a slightly different fashion: ). were the melodies composed by the late fourteenth. Antonie. . two settings in Mode I Plagal of the Koinonikon for ferial Saturdays. fol. to note the degree of faithfulness to the model by making comparisons with the earliest known transmissions. The final note d is not given in the latter transmission. the wholesale appropriation of Byzantine melodic devices and liturgical conventions and their deployment in a Moldavian monastic milieu point to a dependence which bears favorable comparison with the late medieval church music productions of Serbia and Russia. 39-40 and 242-50. Byzantine works dating from the early fourteenth century were known to the Moldavians. Xenos Korones.. . 1 Psalm 18:5. 17. Phokas.16 (1963). fols. and Putna 56. and MS Putna 56. Evstatie probably composed several of the many other anonymous settings. na. for this reason. The opening syllable. though the scribes usually write the Cyrillic i for eta). B^AaiKeHHAKe 436pa rocnoa . is very common within alleluia chants appended to Greek texts. and Conomos. "A Hymn for Thursday in Holy Week. and MS Putna 56.bcb 3eMAA H3H4e:11 MS Scukin 350. 73'-74r. loannes Kladas. the borrowed melodies rarely carried Slavonic translations of the original texts. cit. 71v. 19. The scribe of MS Putna 56. The appearance of this term and of XEye (= say) in his alleluias is so common that they become hallmarks of his settings-veritable cliches (they are only occasionally found in Greek compositions). chants by Dimitrios Dokeianos.. the consonant n is used to separate the last syllable of one alleluia from the first syllable of the following. 12775.16. Example 116 is instructive in that it exhibits a number of features which can be used as fingerprints of Evstatie's style. fols. and two in Mode I Plagal: MS BAN 13. three settings of the Koinonikon sung at Memorial liturgies. By far the most popular. 109r and 104v. '7Supporting evidence for this is given in Conomos. the Koinonikon for the feast of the Apostles in Mode I. 68r-69v (the only Greek setting by Evstatie). PaA4HTecenpaBeAHH:15 MS Putna 56. col. fol. as shown in the example. KOINONIKA MOLDAVIAN BY AND SERBIAN COMPOSERS 17 fols. ). Levy. 103r-103v. fol. 1-84v.12 one in Mode I: MS Putna 56. Without exception. op. The appearance of certain features"?which are characteristic of his compositional technique suggests that the majority of unidentified pieces in his songbook are his own creations. B-b B. fols. 72v-73r. 262-63. 2-p. 74r-74'. 104r. fols. to find this consonant. cit. D. and the other scribes) writes the alleluia ending to his Slavonic Koinonika in Greek letters (alphas and lambdas are always in Greek.PUTNA AND THE MOLDAVIAN MUSICAL TRADITION musicians whose melodies were appropriated by the Moldavian scribes and given Slavonic texts. and to observe the manner of textual alignment. These are the only two anthologies which contain the sign. B. with the first utterance of the word. however. that to their alleluia endings is entirely different. This is curious because it seems clear that the meaning of dnakLv was not really understood by the chanters at Putna. and. 14 The musical and liturgical history of this troparion has been treated at length by K."See infra. In them. and Manuel Chrysaphes were used for the Communions. MS Scukin 350. 73r-741. as it appears here. consequently. it functions identically. Indeed. Evstatie's compositions betray a strong allegiance to Greek musical practices. Significantly.3. following him. 104r. and even more surprising is Evstatie's use of 32:1. Makarie. Evstatie (and. and to complete the liturgical cycle. and MS Putna 56. he uses the sung instruction rdaXkv (=again) untranslated. Tov beitrvov 0ov TO tCvoTLxo0. it has been my aim to uncover the true identity of the original composer. 12'12v. MS Scukin 350.14 in Mode III: Putna 56. Evstatie used a symbol. to provide an element of variety. Essentially. I6Example 1: The alleluia to PaA8HTece npaBeAHHin Mode I Plagal (MSS Scukin 350. p. It is uncommon. 13While the music to the psalm verses of the two Plagal settings is essentially identical. and its appearance in the later Putna manuscript supports the belief expressed above that Evstatie's songbook was used as an exemplar by the Putna scribe. fol. fol."Journalof theAmerican Musicological Society. loannes Sgouropoulos. 12Psalms 64:5 and 101:13. 15Psalm Evstatie of Putna Although identified as the writer of music for only seven Communion hymns. however. for purposes of internal repetition. fols."7and it is obvious that Evstatie imitates this practice in the subsequent repetitions of the word. the Koinonikon for Holy Thursday.13 C. otherwise. fol. 73r-73'). The ones directly attributed to him are: A. op.
known as a parakalesma (one of the standard cheironomic melodic devices of Late Byzantine music18). Thirdly. cit. These can be found in MS Athens 2622 fols. Psalm 77:65. according to Byzantine sources (for example. for. 59'. the hymn would conclude with the 22The Koinonikon for Holy Saturday. respectively.to create an extended melismatic ending. (etc. Fourthly... Secondly. fol.20 but more often. although when deacon Makarie uses the hymn in its original Greek form in MS Leimonos 258. no particular melodic formula is preferred. the as Wdktv. It appears that the latter method was sometimes employed by the Moldavians. 406' and 405'. In this case. Here. at the repeat. 259r-259'. (Psalm 148:1.19 Occasionally. Evstatie's treatment of the sung instruction tidXIv also informative. and this undoubtedly means that its location determined the procedure-it was not simply an arbitrary arrangement. fol.16. 19Ibid. marked by >) and the gorgon (marked by F. is he sets the first syllable to a two-note alternating pattern (which may comprise from four to six repercussions) and gives the last syllable a long note. C .364.. With the final alleluia the term would presumably not be repeated. fol.TT - J hlv oc 1k6 &cc-XXC--XoP -TTW Cyrillic letters for the first syllable of an otherwise entirely Greek refrain. he arranged the texts under the neumes in the following manner: )njtdktv &kk(XkotLaaaaaaac .azoc-uE-oL AXr7-AoN - - i J J. This figure.kk-n ^J. with its characteristic accents on the upper note (the oxeia. . he follows the established Putna tradition and inserts both. The original of Kladas. in Example 1. the term "'See ibid. and it is copied by the scribe of MS Putna 56.. to which Evstatie invariably gives an epegerma2l (not shown in Example 1). 357-63. 344-46. respectively. op. in the alleluia to B-bcTa IAKO cHA rocno822 which Evstatie borrowed and edited from the refrain of loannes Kladas' AlveTE Tov in x@tQLov Mode I. MS Athens 2622. but when used by the Greeks. 10-10". This is also true of the instruction Xkye. when the term is used. 403r-403"-see Table I did not have the double text. the KoiJohn the Baptist) and AivlCTe r6v xtQLOV nonikon for Sundays) in Modes IV and III. and not after. 20 Iloannes Kladas does so in his alleluia refrains to Eisg tvt[6cruvov alitvtov (Psalm 111 :6b.18 DIMITRI E.oL. and the singers would either bypass the omalon and continue with the cadence on the final letter or they would use the omalon figure..)23 Here the symbol comes before. 23Evstatie writes this in MS BAN 13. the small five-note figure under the bracket marked P.. is almost always used by Evstatie at the beginning of his alleluias regardless of the piece's modality.. Evstatie's unique repeat sign after aikLtv (-)) directs the chanters back to the same sign at the beginning of the alleluia refrain. marked 0 under the bracket. as elsewhere. L - F a . 21 See Conomos. CONOMOS Example1 ! H(Xw - ^HA j .a X XaU ntizi^n-Aat ~ us i . strongly resembles the cheironomic formula known as the omalon. fol. the Koinonikon for feasts of St. directing a rapid execution). can be given any one of a number of motives. Greek composers use the omalon with jikdLv.3. without the takLtv..
we may tentatively identify as his creations a number of anonymous compositions in the Moldavian sources. Psalm 103:4. respectively. I have examined the Greek chants from Byzantine sources to see whether any were appropriated by the scribes and provided with Slavonic texts. 261-73. the postcadential phrase is identical to that in Example 1. The final fingerprint is the post-cadential rising phrase (after the broken bar line).24 but its function of notifying the clergy that the hymn has ended identifies a Moldavian adaptation of Greek liturgical practices. and there is good reason to believe that it was (see 24 For a discussion of the function of intercalated letters in Byzantine chants.n8Tece upaBeaHn4 in Mode I Plagal (MS Putna 56. This kind of borrowing was certainly most common. and Chrysaphes.16. and secondly. 107v-108v. Moreover. 28The Koinonikon for feasts of the Mother of God. This would certainly mean Evstatie. if the previous chant in the Putna manuscript.PUTNA AND THE MOLDAVIAN MUSICAL TRADITION long melisma on the last letter. I suggest now that. it uses the parakalesma for the alleluia opening. Examples 2 and 329 demonstrate two things: first. It should be understood. A setting of TBop^H arreAn CBOA27 in Mode I (MS Scukin 350. 112. editor. also in this mode (see supra. since it is well known that Romanian monks traveled to and entered Greek monastic communities. 3. p. the Koinonikon for feasts of the Apostles (Psalm 18:5)-MS Scukin 350. fol. fol. and inventor of Glagolitic ciphers and new musical symbols. This is hardly surprising. A setting of 4ama cnaceHia28in Mode I Plagal (MS BAN 13. A setting of Pa. 29Example 2: a. fol. fols. A second setting of the same text. in Mode IV Plagal in MS Putna 56. The use of a double text in this fashion never occurs in Greek or Serbian sources. 2. see Conomos. and the motive above Tdkltvis a modified omalon. a feature of Greek settings since the thirteenth century which is included somewhat mechanically by Evstatie in virtually all of his compositions. in its opening phrases. Finally. fol. but with the Slavonic words written in Greek characters: Pa4AiTece w The same melody appears npaP. several share a considerable amount of material. "Stefan the Serb" (supra. op. cit. note 4). and Bucharest 283. fols. the singer.. however. 98') may be by Evstatie. Moreover. 74r-74v. its extensive refrain passes and through various modes-a procedure to which Evstatie is partial. also in Mode I Plagal (MSS Sofia 816.kwtv. eleven Koinonikon settings can now be ascribed to Evstatie of Putna: ten Slavonic and one Greek. whereas in Example 1 the chanters may have omitted the omalon phrase entirely and moved on to the cadence. 26Needless to say. Evstatie does not intercalate double gammasor other extraneous letters into this phrase. 12v) uses much of the ma'terial from Evstatie's other Plagal I Koinonikon settings and is clearly the work of the same hand. Example 3(a) infra). such as the parakalesma opening of the alleluia with the intercalation of n on its first syllable. Whether the writing of a Slavonic text with Greek letters is the innovation of Evstatie himself or of the Sofia scribe is open to question.eAveL rocncoAEL. 139r--139v). Once again. This is indeed a remarkably high number by late medieval standards. particularly in longer compositions such as this. 25Pennington. and here the rubric says TOf aciTof (= by the same). the alleluia opens with a parakalesma formula on the syllable na. the omalon figure on d. were written by him. which functions with the JdiklV (as in Example 1) is used. and the omalon figure on tdXtv. 72r-72v) strongly resembles. that of the ten Slavonic works. If my judgments. by using them as a guide. scribe. 27The Koinonikon for feasts of the Angels. it strongly suggests a local custom. Psalm 115:4. Possibly this chant was composed for the use of Greek monks visiting Putna. based as they are on the sheer strength of the musical evidence. Unlike the Greek composers. 17). and it bears witness to a prolific and ingenious composer. . the special repeat sign. a style which clearly comprises a common vocabulary of melodic idioms familiar from. the Koinonikon for Memorial liturgies (Psalms 64:5 and 101:13)-MS Putna 56. the only scribe otherwise known to have recorded this hymn. fol. but it seems well in accord with the novel extravagances of Evstatie. BAaHceHCIH >e H36pa rocuo a on fol. ranking favorably with the compositions of Kladas. possible sources of inspiration for Evstatie's musical technique.25 19 Having isolated these features of Evstatie's compositional style.3. These examples exhibit one particular aspect of Evstatie's psalmodic style. 4. the two compositions for this text attributed to Evstatie. b. 103r. perhaps initiated by Evstatie himself and readily adopted by other Romanian composers and scribes. fol. Evstatie's special repeat sign. there are stylistic leads which identify the work of the Putna musician.26 1. the fact that it appears only in his songbook and that it is a condensed version of other compositions by him argues favorably to this end. Aside from this circumstantial evidence. Korones. 74v-75r. are correct. but I am satisfied that the works in the following list are not copies. the degree of agreement among Evstatie's works in Mode I Authentic and Mode I Plagal.
ov. and that it is varied by a deployment of irregular phrases. c. A c)XernoKorones 'E-ar -vi.. g. Byzantine musical practices. 91'..Xr-P-/tL pl-ov T-vo-! Kotro o KVpl-p0-ov-rt - KOa . e. . fol. the Koinonikon for feasts of the Mother of God (op.f. the Koinonikon for Thomas Sunday (Psalm 147:1)-MS Sinai 1311. fol...... fol. c.. d)Manuel Vlatyrou .. fol. the Koinonikon for Sundays (Psalm 148:1)-MS Athens 2622.. John the Baptist (Psalm 111: 6b)-MS Sinai 1294. 31 One exception is in line a.). the Koinonikon for Theophany (Titus 2:11)-MS Vatopedi 1495.p.. 105'.. e. cit.. fol.-V) Nomodalindication ^r. 33Two of Evstatie's alleluia chants are transcribed in Conomos.ov r >w . fol. ppp .> '[-'1re. fol. E. This is more than merely a question of slavish copying.)MS Putna 56. some correlation between textual accents and musical inflections31 which evokes a primitive. 26. . 72r. are characterized by uninhibited melismatic elaborations requiring the support of intercalated foreign letters for ease of delivery. cit. were used by the Moldavian scribes for their compilations.'I. p. the Koinonikon for Saturdays (Psalm 32:1)-MS Putna 56. I believe that it is the conservation of a strong and authentic melodic tradition which dates from Early Christian times and which entered Moldavia in Byzantine musical dress. 6namKeHi. 12". 104r. 30Works by all of the Greek composers listed in Examples 2 and 3 were well known to the Putna school...3 bra-:xC-H/ Barys5 TTOM T MX TPIA-AT .." Journal of the AmericanMusicological Society..33 (1980). note 7)... the Koinonikon for feasts of the Mother of God (Psalm 115:4)-MS Sinai 1462. fol. character rarely interferes with the intention of the composer to focus attention on the text.3.. Its semiornate 72'.. h. and others. 108r.. b. 448'.. 206r.. fol. the long lines of music. 74r. b)Evsatie A-C?C . In them.32 Evstatie also continues the long-standing practice of writing accompanying alleluias in a style entirely different from that of the psalm verse. 241-63.. CONOMOS 2 Example Mode J1 I A a)EvS'atie BE& B'-Ct3eM -JA M - 3M - AC Bt- I - HI . the Koinonikon for Memorial liturgies (op. vK p-ov Barys -ve Tv O . the Koinonikon for the Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts (Psalm 33:9)-MS Sinai 1311.b. 1 '-p r . since numerous chants by them..&-pov-o-X .. L Ioannes Kladas TTo-Tr-p-ovO-rr) . 309 and 313.. TroVei . fol. There is. recitative-like simplicity with very moderate embellishment.30 The transcriptions show that his psalmody is fairly elaborate...20 DIMITRI E. built on a vaster time scale..33 This ornate appendage is strongly influenced by the well-established kalophonic style of writing which emerged in Byzantium two centuries earlier through the ef32The conservative retention of Early Christian psalmody in Byzantine melismatic chant is demonstrated by D.. rather.5PaFOC M. 104". the Koinonikon for feasts of St. Conomos. ibid. ...16. d. fol.. Example 3: a. i 1. Byzantine Trisagia and Cheroubika(supra. 407r (This melody is used by Evstatie for the Pentecost Koinonikon in Slavonic.)-MS BAN 13.. the Koinonikon for Saturdays-MS Scukin 350. at least in Example 3. see infra.d...Tr-pi-os ra-c-v. "Communion Chants in Magna Graecia and Byzantium.
aTTPO-MX WU 30 30 f) Phokas Ai TO..pi .rv KV .ov EK TrV ..... ovrl VO -o v--vov xo -Ov f-oTrat . a Greek setting in Mode IV Plagal of the Koinonikon for .. inconsistent musical texture.. ...PUTNA AND THE MOLDAVIAN MUSICAL TRADITION 21 Example 5 Mode I Plagal a) EvLtatie HOe BJT:-XC A)A-C '3 - IX pa roc-TOA m TTPA-AJ B"bCC- Bb.TL . and in the light of his Slavonic settings we should appreciate Evstatie's oeuvre as a challenging and influential extension of a rich musical heritage.. it makes great demands on the singers and departs radically from the well-known Byzantine settings in the repertory with its heterogeneous treatment of melismata. Evstatie's one Greek Koinonikon is entirely written in the kalophonic style.. C Ta-CC-H -~ TP-M MVM -A -LLa -Cc-H.. b)Ev?latie Pa-A TCe-CCe Pa BCA - H0. and which played a dominant role in the compositions of post-Byzantine musicians. note 14. Frv-o-aOO- forts of the celebrated maistores of Constantinople and Mount Athos.) _ ?)~r)~r)~)~bJ -i) h H4M BOA- A ro A P -A A - -TC-CCTrpa NO e) Evluatie &J 1 h ^ LLLDDJj) h j b ULDD < j BA. The delightful and telling individual touches that we have encountered allow us to acknowledge his highly imaginative and sophisticated musical mind. -MA FOC-TOAHC-TP rOC-TTOAHe-TrPV 43-.. Dometian the Vlach This obscure Romanian composer is at present known as the writer of only a single chant... h) Oeorgios Kontopetris 6'~ ~ Kai ~ ~ L - J) 8ear-T O'.... c) Evtatie Pa -A -TC-CC TTPa Na d)Evfiatie _ _ Lh4t _ . and irregular modality..... A long and complicated piece..... exception..... g)loannes Koukouzeles El .34 But this is an 34See supra...
fols. "Stefan the Serb. Bucharest 283. Pennington of two more works by him preserved in the Moldavian sources. feasts of the Mother of God. does not altogether constitute a convincing argument. as expected. at the end of the alleluia. the evidence of the music itself argues convincingly for an early date. refers to the fourteenth-century Byzantine domestikos Georgios Moschianos. written in Greek in MS Putna 56. 86r). 23'. 7v-9v. and. fol. and of the ordinary Sunday chant in the Barys mode. fols. The former appears in MS Leimonos 258. These expressions rarely appear within the text but are common. This suggestion is based on the fact that the composer is given an ethnic attribute and that the Moldavian scribes write his name with a Greek ending. within the psalmody he creates a number of abnormal subdivisions: the sung instructions tdkLXiv Xkye segand ment the verse into smaller units of chant in the authentic form of the mode. but its ambitus seems to 35This is preserved in four Moldavian anthologies: MSS Sofia 816. gal. not only for the convincing reasons given by Pennington.35 It has been suggested by A.41 These are settings in Greek of the Communion hymn for in Mode I PlaEaster. The fact that one of his compositions is set to a Slavonic text. fol. it is satisfactory to view Dometian as a fifteenth-century composer of Wallachian origin who. CONOMOS cover over two octaves with an inordinate amount of complex musical material at both extremes. note 4). received a Greek musical education.. p. fol.39 since it was a common practice of Moldavian compilers to use Greek melodies for Slavonic verses. 60V. Ja?i 1. without an attribution. it is very likely that Theodosie was a Romanian. but also because the music follows the mannered and uncomplicated style of the composer's other works. Although his name appears in a Greek form in the manuscripts. 111-12. Isaiah and Nico39Cf. cf. is not always reliable since. like so many other Romanians at that time. Therefore. aside from the fact that none of the manuscripts which preserves the chant dates from before the mid-sixteenth century. A transcription is given in Pantiru "$coala muzicala" (supra. In an unprecedented fashion." "scoala Muzicala. there was no Greek composer of Koinonika by this name before the mid-sixteenth century. Pennington. Stara SrpskaMuzika (supra. to my knowledge." and Pennington. however. ibid. 00 and note 69. fol. fol." . as I demonstrate below. but they fail to correspond to the original music.38 One of these is an extremely elaborate setting in Greek of the Sunday Koinonikon in Mode I.36 The argument from philology. note 4). ibid. So far I have been able to identify over a dozen instances in which scribes have appropriated Greek Koinonikon melodies and inserted Slavonic words. Is this composer Stefan the Serb? I believe it is. Georgie. note 9) 53-66. Its single transmission. with the incomplete attribution TOD as XTe(p(dvov. and whose music later formed part of the polyglot tradition in the Moldavian monastic communities. In the highly ornate alleluia. Also irregular is the fact that the entire piece ends in the authentic mode. Pennington that he was not directly connected with or influenced by the scholacantorum at Putna. Dometian's style belongs. and Dragomirna 52. TheodosieZotika An equally enigmatic figure is this monk-composer to whom are attributed three hymns. occasionally together with the Greek original.26. 127r127". 255v-256r. to trace Theodosie's melody in Byzantine sources. fols. note 4). defies accurate transcription. 38On Theodosie. 103-105r. to the free kalophonic genre-rich in melismata and extreme in its vocal range.22 DIMITRI E.ETcXadeCeTs. 111. however. 82. Stefan the Serb Known already from Serbian manuscripts as the composer of two bilingual chants for the Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts-the Cherubikon and the Koinonikon40-Stefan's achievements as a composer receive wider acclaim with the recent discovery by A. Dometian devotes twenty-five lines of music to the psalm text and sixteen lines to the alleluia. well as on the second folio of an earlier Greek codex now appended to the Moldavian akolouthia (MS Putna 56. "Stefan the Serb. however. in MS Leipzig Sl. see Pantiru." 109. 37See infra. His is a conservative idiom whose elegantly structured phrases balance each other with a rare precision that is also noticeable in the work of Stefan's colleagues. "Stefan the Serb" (supra. "Music in Sixteenth-Century Moldavia" (supra. 12. as we have seen in Evstatie's compositions. the Romanian nominative form. it does not bear even faint resemblance to any other Greek Communion chant in Mode I. but that he may have lived and composed in the century preceding Evstatie. X%t4aXQiroioO sL. 41Pennington. the repeats (with are dXaklv) written out. until new evidence is brought forth. 40See Stefanovic. 36Pennington. Moreover. It has not been possible. 11 r.37 But. Pennington. and idem.
ibid. and the supremacy of a cardinal and highly integrated musical tradition in Eastern psalmody. fols. fols. 28r-30r. Moreover.a e - . Two striking facts emerge. The melody for the psalm verse is moderately ornate and exhibits a much freer style than that encountered in the former work. areas of melodic agreement with Byzantine Sunday Koinonika in the same mode become extremely obvious when the comparable melodies are stripped of their ornamental accretions (see Example 4). c. 25). it bears no similarity in its essential structure or formulaic patterns to Stefan's other chants or to comparable Greek melodies. In the psalmody. the Mode I Greek Koinonikon for feasts of the Mother of God by loannes Kladas. from even a superficial examination: first. 240r-241v. ibid. fol. Quite the opposite is true for his Sunday Koinonikon. fol. p. internal repeats. Sofia 816.vl. Joakeim. This latter argument gains further credibility when we observe how. .PUTNA AND THE MOLDAVIAN MUSICAL TRADITION 23 Example4 Barys Mode Al . fol. the scribes have squeezed in the Slavonic text. 107v. 105r. fols. and secondly. 12. see Conomos. Bucharest 283. always the primary one. MS Athens 2622. 94r-95v (see Table I). fols. MS Putna 56.43 This kind of allegiance. It is quite probable that the scribes. bears impressive testimony to the survival 42 For details on the music of these composers. as Table I discloses (see infra. 408'.. Apart from general details of style.Monk of Harsianites and Domestikos Serbia of The five bilingual Koinonika in the Moldavian musical documents offer a rare insight into the working of the Putna scribes.vv E . fol. fol. fol.26. Its accompanying alleluia is very flexible and complex with long drawn-out syllables extended by intercalated letters.. For example. the Greek text. 359'. as noted above with regard to the work of Evstatie. b)ChVrltophoros c) loannes Kladas J'--L d) Panaretos 0 ____ B __ c) Manuel Argyropoulos las. and when duplicated settings are given two texts in one source the other sources provide only the Greek original.76-81 and 207-12. 35v-36r. and an exploitation of low and high vocal registers. . in all cases. fol. is joined by the Slavonic Communion verse for Theophany in MS Ja?i 1. the two psalm texts never agree.26. 13Example 4: a. 35'. in the manuscript itself. 97v. Byzantine Trisagiaand Cheroubika. e. 208v.42This Easter hymn is unique. Leipzig Sl. is used as a control for the disposition of the Slavonic syllables which. transmitted in MS Sofia 816. 409r. MS Vatopedi 1495. give the appearance of being an arbitrary insertion on the part of the scribe. Leimonos 258.Te a) Steifan ___ TOv KV1-p - ov bK TrV ov - pa . which is known from six sources: MSS Putna 56. bilingual chants are always unique to one manuscript. d. 74v. and Jasi 1. fol. b. compelled by modal con- fol.
Unfortunately. In melismatic music of this kind the degree of adaptability is naturally quite high. in Antonie's anthology. fols. By repeating the last three words of the Greek. Antonie selected Joakeim's ordinary Sunday chant because it was conducive to a happy 44 alliance of the An Sunday and the Christmas (Psalm 110:9a) Koinonika (Example 5). Athens 2406. the problem would not exist. a musician of long-standing and wide reputation. However. identified in the Athens anthology.BAe TE AlvsC siderations. Slavonic text is squeezed between the neumes and the Greek. has honored the note/syllable arrangement of the original and has. with H36a. Recueil de travaux de xai l'institut d'etudes byzantines." Essays Presented to Egon Wellesz. in an effortless yet rational manner. For he. it suits Antonie's artistic purposes to make a modification by repeating the first two syllables of H36anBAeHie. The textual underlay in Example 5 is given as written by Antonie in the Ja?i manuscript. and Antonie.[H36a] . I investigated the Byzantine akolouthiai and discovered the same melody in two mid-fifteenth-century sources: MS Athens 2406. But at a more practical level. who lived in the Constantinopolitan monastery of Harsianites. obviously delighted with the fortuitous coincidence of the same vowel in both texts (-cno and -vCov). In other words. for example.. as in Stefan. 1964). Although he rarely anticipates the original structure by using a new Slavonic syllable before a new Greek one (the one exception in this case is CBOHMagainst the last syllable of ofiavCov).. like the other Putna scribes who liberally borrowed from Greek psalmody to create Slavonic chants. Joakeim abbreviates a melisma by inserting the extraneous letter X. Full credit must be given to him for the care and consideration with which he has attended to the task of textual application. Example 5 HI36a.2 (=Melanges George Ostrogorsky) (Belgrade. 38. thereby presumably a Serb.46 but with this Koinonikon in the Ja?i manuscript we can see in Joakeim. 'Iwaxet [tovactX6 TO (caQot(Lav(Tov 60otoTtxog ef(eag. fol. thanks to the efforts of Antonie of Putna. and MS Vatopedi 1528. less arbitrary than one may at first imagine. see her Survey of Serbian Music through the Ages (Belgrade. Greek verse is the principal one written in bold. see M. as we can see at the beginning of the example. a monk and domestikos (or precentor) of Serbia. Velimirovic. The upper. 254'254v. Where Joakeim writes a melisma on the second syllable of Alvedte. J. Westrup (Oxford. 1966). In a disjointed and ungainly fashion it skirts both the main and subsidiary notations. Here.. which is only found. in one respect at least. without attribution. was neither totally slavish nor mechanical. 451-58. 84r-84v. MS Jasi 1. but he is.QLov Nx AIo-AeM no-cAa ro-cno 8 -o-xo a TOV o1 . was Joakeim.45To date this composer has been known chiefly from the handful of compositions which bear his name in the Athens codex.ed. 45Concerning Joakeim. This is certainly true with the bilingual chant AlveT?E/H36aBAeHHe44 (Mode II). thereby producing the curious form rocno~ ooxo6 instead of the regular rocnoooxoa. Stana Djuric-Klajn argues that Joakeim's nationality cannot be established with full certainty since the title "domestikos of Serbia" need not necessarily mean that he was a Serb. 15. 95v-96v.applies the same device. 1972). however. Velimirovic. Antonie admirably solves the difficulty created by the inequality of syllables. and one can appreciate the facility with which the Moldavian scribes improvised with well-known Greek chants in order to serve their own needs. The lower. and the adjustment is made neatly by the repetition of the first syllable of AIOAeM against the two Greek . XO. If Antonie were not so concerned with preserving an exact alignment. for he inadvertently extends the vowel after the final consonant rather than before it.against r6v.Qa-vCO ywo CBO-HM V()V AOK '?X AIOAeM CBO-HM ob-Qpa1 TOV o() - Qa-Vwv ~Xrlotla The imitation. used an)y Greek Koinonikon in the repertory so long as it accommodated the proper Slavonic text without serious complications. Joakeim obliges him to deal with the problem of five syllables against four. one instance of a rigid alignment producing unusual results occurs in the last syllable of the first oicav(bv. CONOMOS disposition of syllables-one which satisfied his desire to honor the primacy of the Greek setting. H36a.BAe-HH-e tOV . "Byzantine Composers in MS. Antonie will repeat earlier text as the chant unfolds. but not in another: valid in that the chant was originally set solely to Greek words. 46See M. fol. adhered to this arrangement in the alignment of the new text.26.24 DIMITRI E. his linguistic perspective was distorted by his euphoria. 8. For his Christmas Communion hymn. the choice of his Greek model was. as. Suspecting a Greek original. In one respect my suspicions proved to be valid. not valid in that its composer. prominent letters by the scribe.
fols. fols. tQocoToipaXTov. Rallis. but in both cases he neglects to name the composer. 116-28. 403r403v Athens 2622. 66-69. ibid. But. 409v-410r Mode I Barys IV Plagal I Nenano54 Moldavian Source BAN.PUTNA AND THE MOLDAVIAN MUSICAL TRADITION prepositions. . M. it sustains a high tessitura and is extended by means of internal repetitions. in IQcaxTtxdx Tfg &xact6ritag tof AO0lv6v. the alleluia surpasses the psalmody in both length and elaboration.appears in its Greek original form in MS Leimonos 258. 11 (1936). 265. takes the trouble to supply the Greek original as the primary text in his selection. Verpeaux (Paris. fol. Clugnet. fol. Both the scribe of the Putna manuscript and deacon Makarie in the Leimonos manuscript identify Kladas by the enigmatic form: TOD 'Iodvvou. KOINONIKA BY GREEK COMPOSERS 25 Ioannes Kladas The most widely represented Byzantine composer in the Moldavian collection of Koinonika is the late fourteenth-century lampadarios. 59v-60r Putna. also attributed to xbQ 'Ictoavvou. FIlei TOV &tb[tctaog ITO kat[abtaeiov. 425-57. idem. 241. 259r_259v. in the Jasi manuscript. 407v Sunday 47A lampadarios was the lead singer in the left-hand choir of the church." ROChr. 269. Sgouropoulos. 67r-68r BAN. 263. four were originally set to the Sunday Communion verse and one to the verse for feasts of the Mother of God (see Table I). rle@i Toiv &tt(llalog ibid. 240. 191. fol. 51Psalm 131:13. fols. 198. 52This is a bilingual arrangement in MS Ja?i 1. 226. At least he made the task of tracing exemplars considerably less laborious. 1360. fols. L. The more obvious procedure. Example 5. at the same time. 53 Titus 2:11. 48Psalm 77:65. fols. 4 (1899). 403v Mother of God Jasi. Otherwise. See PseudoKodinos' Treatiseon the Offices. 56v Ja?i. 26064. fol. 49Dated 1341-ca. etc. 54This is a Late Byzantine modal form related to II Plagal. was one of many in the Byzantine Church. fol. since it would have created confusion with other eminent writers named loannes such as Glykes. allows us to understand the motivation behind the Moldavian scribes' choice of Greek models. 3 (1898). 192. 55This is a bilingual arrangement. BLE I Feast (Slavonic text) (Slavonic text) Holy Saturday48 Palm Sunday50 The Annunciation5' The Theophany53 The Ascension56 Earliest Earliest Byzantine Source Athens 2622. loannes Kladas. J. 56Psalm 46:6. 203. 190. fol. 1966). this chant.. like that of the protopsaltes (see supra. the singers at Putna had at their disposal a full cycle of Slavonic and Greek chants for the ecclesiastical year which were economically compiled by their ingenious scribes. Greek only in MS Sofia 816. This office. that of adapting the Slavonic verse to the same festal chant in Greek. This is never encountered in Greek sources. 214.49 fol. 409r-409" Athens 2622. 50Psalm 117:26.26. 74v52 Attribution none Kb@'Iovvov TOO tkaLabaQiov Feast (Greek text) (Greek text) Sunday Mother of God Sunday none ToO katnabcaQiov none none Athens 2622. note 3). 9 (1934). 8r--8v Putna. therefore. "Les offices et les dignites ecclesiastiques dans l'eglise grecque. was clearly unsuitable. Typically. 10r-10v Putna. the composition is written in the ambitious kalophonic style of most Byzantine chants of the fifteenth century. and trans. 142-50.. 308. 259-61. By means of this bilingual duplication. K. fol. Koukouzeles. fol. M. 225. 103v-104v55 none Athens 2622. the more familiar and unambiguous TO0 atcna8a&t(ovis also used by the Putna scribe. 94r-95v Sofia.ed. Only Antonie.47 Of the five compositions by him appropriated for Slavonic texts.
Although Evstatie. and MS Putna 56. fol. A setting in Mode IV Plagal of the Koinonikon for the Saturday of Lazarus:60 MS Scukin 350. MS Vatopedi 1495.57 The original is a Sunday Koinonikon in the same mode by the fifteenth-century lampada57The spelling of the Moldavian scribes is exceedingly erratic. Manuel Chrysaphes. 2. Virtually all of these have been arranged by Evstatie and appear anonymously in his songbook. and its most authoritative version (without the epithet) can be found in Chrysaphes' signed anthology. unlike Antonie. fol." Proceedingsof the Eleventh International Musicological SocietyCongress. Like Antonie. in MS Athens 2458. This scribe. Evstatie deftly follows suit in his conservative adaptation. The attribution in the latter is ov Aoxetcavoi. fol. I have already noted how.26 DIMITRI E. A setting in Mode IV Plagal of the Koinonikon for Theophany: MS Scukin 350. as in Antonie's alliance of the Theophany verse to Kladas' Mode I Koinonikon. attributed in the latter to xiQ MavouiXkand given the descriptive epithet 6@yavLx6v. Once more. and MS Putna 56. when these aphe pear in the Greek they are left intact by the Moldavian arrangers. 59See D. and composer. and in many cases we must rely on the more considerate. on two occasions continues the Slavonic verse over two Greek sung instructions (as given in the Athens transmission). and possibly earlier. 247v. however."suggests) who. MS Iviron 1120 (dated 1458). Conomos. identifying the composer where possible.58 Now we can say with certainty that the work of this prolific composer-a composer who is known to have traveled to Serbia. followed by the descriptive epithet 6QycvtxOv. The original is a Sunday Koinonikon in the same mode by Phokas TOO IoXkiTov. 63Psalm 88:16b and 17a. Evstatie. Evstatie fails to acknowledge the composer. in which he isolates rrdXLv from the Slavonic text. the Slavonic text. In failing to identify x@Q Mavov)k as Chrysaphes. "The Treatise of Manuel Chrysaphes. in 1336. CONOMOS rios. 81-82. Otherwise. 99r. fol. does not have the epithet. does not provide the Greek text. Instead of kXye he writes the last two syllables of 6AarocAoBeH. but owing to the conscientiousness of the Putna scribe. fol. these are obviously straightforward copies with minimal modification. despite the fact that it is not a translation. note 4). fol. E. fol. a celebrated pupil of loannes Koukouzeles. it can be found. 407r. 206r. For the purposes of this study I have made the necessary adjustments. 4. rarely anticipates the Greek but unfolds at the same moment. 1. according to MS Iviron 1120. "of the City. I shall conclude by simply listing the remaining borrowings. 94r58See her "Music in Sixteenth-Century Moldavia" (supra. 107". Normally. though less musically precise. exercising his powers as an editor. fols. note 49. A setting in the nenano mode of the Koinonikon for The Transfiguration:63MS Scukin 350. theoretician. 64v. and has retouched the composition by repeating certain notes to accommodate the longer Slavonic text and by writing in his own nrdXtvmelody and second ending for the repetition. held the office of laosynaktos in the Great Church. both he and Antonie adhere to the principles of adaptation outlined above. Evstatie has again used his distinctive da capo sign. a comparison of the two chants (for Holy Saturday and for The Annunciation) used by him in the Leningrad manuscript with the earlier transmissions in the Athens source identifies an equally careful syllable-to-note relationship. 60 Psalm 8:3a. Pennington mistakenly claims that Makarie is the first Moldavian scribe to incorporate his compositions. 62See supra. and MS Putna 56. 748. and noting the earliest Greek sources.62 fol. II (Copenhagen. 961-96v. a midfourteenth-century composer from Constantinople (as his title. where he wrote music59-entered Moldavia at the beginning of the sixteenth century. but in a later transmission. The original is a setting in the same mode of the Koinonikon for feasts of the Mother of God by the early fourteenth-century composer Dimitrios Dokeianos. scribe of MS Putna 56. 1974). 66v. 565'565v. 3. they place accents on unstressed syllables or neglect them entirely. 61Psalm 142:10. . Where the Greek repeats a portion of the verse or has an intercalated consonant. 93v-94r. Its earliest dated appearance. 62r-attributed in the latter to x/i (Fcox. A setting in Mode I Plagal of the Koinonikon for Pentecost:6' MS Scukin 350. fol.and instead of TadXLv writes 6or. Apart from confusing Greek and Cyrillic alphabets. Its earliest appearance is in MS Athens 2622. makes use of his special repeat sign and couples the instruction jrdikv with the end of the alleluia in the final melisma.1972. in the Annunciation hymn. When the former includes chants used by Evstatie. most of the names are supplied. fol. who uses a Marian chant by Kladas for the Palm Sunday Koinonikon. when monastic singers formed part of the first community of Stefan's monastery. fol. Copenhagen.
it is surprising that the Putna scribe. A setting in Mode I Plagal of the Koinonikon for The Ascension:66 MS Scukin 350. While the melody of the psalm verse is identical in both the Leningrad and Putna transmissions. 27 latter to 'Iwodvvov 6t(x6vov. Evstatie's adaptation is less successful here than in his other borrowings because the melody was originally intended for a short text. 60 -attributed in the latter to xuQ Frey(o@ov. John the Baptist in Mode I Authentic is the source for Evstatie's Ascension chant. A setting in Mode I of the Koinonikon for the Sunday of Thomas:68 MS BAN 13. not altogether uncommon in certain Late Byzantine chant traditions. 61v-attributed in the latter to 'IoWdvov 6Lax6vov. these notes are given to the first syllable of ali6vtov. and MS Putna 56. John the Baptist64 by the early fourteenth-century protopsaltes Xenos Korones. To my knowledge. Panaretos. and Sgouropoulos. 60V-61r (no attribution). and a mid-fourteenth-century transmission is contained in MS Athens 899. 207v208r. the smooth lines.attributed in the 64 Psalm 111:6b. fol. fols.16. the transcription of both is identical. In any event. fol. MS Athens 899. the same composer of the previous chant. It is entirely possible that the modal discrepancy.69 Its earliest known appearance is in MS Athens 2622. according to MS Vatopedi 1495. has been allocated. belongs to the second name on this list. with nearly twice as many syllables as the Greek. fol. A setting in the nenano mode of the Koinonikon for feasts of the Cross:67 Ms Scukin 350. The Slavonic verse. fols. a slight affinity with a setting in Mode IV Plagal of the Easter Koinonikon by loannes Doukas who. fols. 7. antedates Evstatie. without imaginative compromise. fol. This name enjoys equal ambiguity to that of loannes. . have been disrupted by the intrusion of a crowd of syllables. If Evstatie was responsible for reducing the refrain in his songbook. A setting in Mode II of the Koinonikon for Midpentecost:70 MS Putna 56. In one case. as noted above. 21 Iv. fols. The scribe of the later MS Athens 2406. 403v404r. this is presumably by deacon loannes Sgouropoulos. but the similarity between the two melodies is not as convincing as in the other borrowed chants. The original is a Sunday Koinonikon in the same mode also by Georgios Moschianos. fols. 6. It is not unreasonable to assume that Moschianos' chant existed in other collections known to the Putna scribe. and that his exemplar was written in the plagal form. his Koinonikon for feasts of St. and that he chose the more traditional alleluia as an alternative ending. fols. refers to Sgouropoulos as both deacon and domestikos of the Great Church. the only other Communion chant written by Sgouropoulos is a Mode I setting of the Sunday verse (MS Athens 2401. The longer version in Putna is the one found in the Byzantine source and is presumably more authentic. a startling and cumbersome breach of common practice. since it could refer to one of four Greek composers known by the Moldavians: Kontopetris. The only deacon with the name loannes who at this time composed liturgical hymns was Sgouropoulos. and it bears little resemblance to the nenano melody. and MS Putna 56. 132v. Evstatie is forced to place a syllable on a dyo kentemata figure.65 Once again. Strangely enough. I have been unable to trace the Greek original in the Byzantine sources at my disposal. Unless the scribe of the Putna manuscript is again in error. and its earliest appearance is in MS Athens 2622. and MS Putna 56. The original is a setting in the same mode of the Koinonikon for feasts of St. fol. to the chant. intended for melismatic delivery. fol. fols. Its earliest appearance is in a mid-fourteenth-century akolouthia. 8. 69The scribe of the Putna manuscript misleadingly writes this Greek name with a Romanian nominative ending. 252v.3. fols. 93r-93". 63r. It turns out that the original. who. is the only source I know which preserves it). who also makes provision for this hymn on fol. However. Evstatie allows himself the privilege of indicating repeats and of altering the ending. as in nearly every other case. This may be another case of wrong attribution. Moschianos. 70John 6:56. 124v-125r. This composer is not to be confused with the lampadarios loannes Kladas. the ones to which he referred in order to label the anonymous compositions in Evstatie's songbook. however. There is. 65The word Anrla is placed against the two-note figure. is sometimes nebulously identified by Evstatie as xvQ 'Iwavvov. and MS Putna 56. 67 Psalm 4:7. 5. owing to a difference in the opening neumes of the two versions. was a domestikos of the Great Church. 10"11r. 62v-63r-wrongly attributed in the latter to xUQ(cwxa. the alleluia ending differs. 94v95r. Consequently. a Koinonikon in the same mode for feasts of the Mother of God. In the original. 66 Psalm 46:6.PUTNA AND THE MOLDAVIAN MUSICAL TRADITION 94v. did not adopt his version. 68Psalm 147:1.
The adoption of bilingual chants in other Moldavian religious houses and the use of Greek. are the work of Evstatie. and consequently of Greek chants for use in Moldavian monasteries. was being contested. we know that the fine products of Late Byzantine composers survived in a genuine and authentic Moldavian musical tradition in the sixteenth century. and those of Dometian and Theodosie. CONOMOS It is now evident that the musical tradition of Putna was neither simply local nor wholly limited to a brief period. If we can trust the Putna scribe or his source. the evidence reveals an impressive and remarkably conservative allegiance to traditional practices. 71Psalm 110:9a. since I have been unable to trace a Byzantine prototype in this or in any other mode. we must view this chant as another poorly represented Greek composition by deacon loannes Sgouropoulos (or Doukas?).28 DIMITRI E. 6). . offer concrete proof of the early dependence of Romanian psalmody upon Byzantine models. the contribution of Evstatie was obviously a significant one. no. Rather. otherwise the two works have little in common. I believe that this adaptation and that of Kladas' Palm Sunday Koinonikon in the Barys mode (see Table I). It is evident that the hegemony of Greek as a liturgical language. both of which survive only in the Putna manuscript. In particular. 95V-96r. and Romanian chants say much about the nature of this international tradition in the post-Byzantine era. In both cases the principles of modification and adjustment betray the craft of the Putna domestikos. But the new trends of Evstatie's school were far from radical departures. fols. in both the opening is remarkably similar. 64r-64v-attributed in the latter to 'IcWtvvov btax6vov. 357v-358r. A setting in the nenano mode of the Koinonikon for Christmas:71 MS Scukin 350. Serbian. fol. 9. His own compositions. At the same time. Thanks to the industry of the Romanian scribes. The chant which it most resembles is the verse for the feasts of the Cross attributed to the same composer (supra. Evstatie's flair for inventiveness and his bold editorial skills indicate an acute awareness of the need for modifications appropriate to local conditions. and MS Putna 56. and either were once a part of his songbook or were included by him in another collection known to the Putna scribe.
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