The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahïm: The Taf sir Sürat al-Fätiha of Jamï

and the School of Ibn c Arab!
Sajjad H. Rizvi

Interpretation is an act of appropriation in which the interpreter assimilates, adopts and comprehends a text on the horizon of his or her existence. Learned Muslims throughout the ages have sought ways in which they can assimilate the word of God to their world and lived existence, to make sense of the word in the light of their own experience, that is mediated and to an extent determined by their training and their language. The venerable tafsïr traditions are rich and varied because different thinkers and practitioners of the Islamic humanities have attempted to understand and explicate the text through their own expertise. Within this rich array of explanations lies the important genre of Sufi exegesis on the Qur'an. The characteristic of this genre exemplifies 'interpretation through the self, a mode of explicating the divine text through the encounter with the Sufi's experience of other modalities through which the divine is manifest in this world. The Sufi approaches the text as a multi-layered network of meanings that come to life when they trigger responses in the soul, when they find the cognate 'switches' that God has placed in their primordial selves. The Sufi is thus the juxtaposition of divine texts, an inscribed text upon whose heart the revealed text is similarly inscribed, existing within the wider cosmos that is the greater book of God. Key narrative texts attributed to the Prophet and saints indicate this: from the text that insists that every Qur'anic aya has an exterior (z,ahr) and interior (batn) meaning and levels of the interior that lead from the point of commencement (hadd) to the point of rising (matlac or muttalac) to existential understanding, to the famous wisdom saying that knowledge of God lies in knowledge of the self {man corafa nafsahu fa-carafa rabbahu)} The quest for understanding both key divine texts, the Qur'an and the self, begins with a dual apperception of the basmala and the opening sura, the Fätiha of the Qur'an, and the recognition of the self as an expiration of the breath of the Merciful (al-nafas al-rahmäni). Intellectual traditions in classical and post-classical Islam refer to this conglomeration as the three 'realities' {haqä°iq)\ the Sufi exegetical tradition, on the other hand, considers them to be the three divine books that demand explanation, interpretation and assimilation.2 At the heart of Sufi hermeneutics of the text lies an appreciation of the homologies between the inscribed Book of God (kitäb Allah), the

The Existential Breath of al-rahman and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm


book of the cosmos {kitäb äfäqi) and the book of humanity {kitâb anfusî) as theophanies of the divine that could only be amenable and comprehensible through a sympathy that recognised truth: the key text for this realisation was Q. 41:53, We shall show them Our signs on the horizons (al-äfäq) and in their souls (anfusihim) until it becomes clear to them that He is the Real. This approach provides for a holistic hermeneutics of the text in which the boundaries of the text and the limits of the hermeneutic circle are constantly tested and transgressed. The apparent literal meaning of the text is the inspirational genesis of interpretation but the boundary between text and interpretation is constantly shifting and the limits to the interpretative enterprise constantly iterating through 'points of rising' on the horizons of the Sufi's experience, seeking to move beyond it. This is not the place to provide an extensive introduction to Sufi taf sir, let alone the larger process of interpretation.3 Nor I am attempting a new explanation of Sufi hermeneutics of the Qur'an. My opening comments are merely an attempt to contextualise the method that I am attempting to apply to the study of a particular Sufi exegesis from the early modern period, and my intention in this paper is rather more humble: to introduce cAbd al-Rahmän Jâmï (d. 898/1492), a pre-eminent poet-theologian of the school of Ibn cArabï (d. 638/1240) and a prominent Khwäjagäm (Naqshbandï) Sufi, and demonstrate how his reading of the basmala is an illustration of one of the key ideas of this Sufi school, namely the metaphysics of mercy.4 The Tïmûrid 9th/15th century was a liminal period, both in the cultural and political sense of being on the threshold of the great 'gunpowder' empires and the cultural spheres of Safavid-Mughal-Shïbanid Central and South Asia, a boundary that traces a limit but also reveals the possibilities of what lay beyond, and in the religious sense in which Sunnï and Shïcï affiliations were not as rigidly demarcated as they became after the Safavid conquest of Iran and Khurasan. Jâmï's role as interpreter and communicator to those cultural successor spheres is critical as indeed was his staunch Sunnism that did not fail to betray aspects of philo-Shïcism.5 Jâmï's explanation of the basmala allows one to demonstrate the inter-textual interpretation of the three divine books as ontological facts and as executors and recipients of divine mercy. The wider point that I wish to make is fairly clear and, I would venture, uncontroversial: one cannot understand any aspect of the tafslr tradition without taking into consideration both the training of the commentator and the other intellectual disciplines in which he made contributions. Therefore one cannot make sense of Jâmï's subtle and interesting commentary on the Fätiha without appreciating his other works in theology and philosophy, in particular his mystical and philosophical explanations of the nature of divine mercy.


Journal of Qur'anic Studies

Exegeses on this particular sura abound (one need not spend too much time perusing catalogues of printed works or manuscripts to realise this), and Jâmï is neither a particularly well-known nor perhaps the most significant exegete of the school of Ibn c Arabï - his tafslr only covers the Fätiha and the first hizb of Sürat al-Baqara and comprises an average of one hundred or so folios of a smallish size. One should also point out that there is no systematic study of the exegetical tradition of the school of Ibn cArabï and I hope that one corollary of this study may be some pointers in this direction. But there are other reasons that obviate his choice: his commentary is the most systematic attempt in the pre-Mughal-Safavid-Ottoman period to provide an extensive exegesis of the metaphysics of mercy located within an explanation of the basmala and goes far beyond two important precursors: cAbd al-Razzäq al-Käshäni (d. 736/1336), the pre-eminent commentator and exegete of the school of Ibn c Arabi whose Ta°wllät al-Qur°än still retains its fame as the 'tafslr of Ibn c Arabi', and Khwäja Yacqüb Charkhï (d. 851/1447) whose Persian exegesis from the Khwäjagäni tradition Tafslr-i kaläm-i rabbonì remains popular in Naqshbandï circles and deserves to be better known in the academic study of Sufi tafslr.6 Such a study will provide a useful comparison from the mature period of the school to the early work of Ibn cArabi's step-son Sadr al-Din al-Qünawi (d. 673/1274) whose own commentary on the Fätiha, entitled Icjäz al-bayän, is a magisterial account of the three divine books: the Qur'an, the human and the cosmos.7 Contextualising Sufi thought is of critical significance: one should not expect writers and thinkers to express themselves outside of time and without their intellectual and cultural context.8 Exegetical traditions develop and change over time once new concerns, training, and intellectual vigour impact on the exegetical process. The commentary of Jâmï is thus of its time and signals a step within the wider scholastic turn in the school of Ibn cArabi. However, before turning to the Qur'anic basmala and the explication of the metaphysics of mercy, let us begin with another divine book: the man himself - Jâmï.

Abd al-Rahmân Jâmï and the school of Ibn c Arabi

Lovers of Persian poetry and Persian culture, not least in Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent, do not need any introduction to Jâmï. A figure who looms like a colossus over the cultural and intellectual heritage of the Persianate world from the late Timürid period onwards, Jâmï's intellectual contributions are significant and well-known. His poetry was and is popular; his many theological works became the object of study and careful commentary in the culture of the madrasa; and his important grammatical commentary al-Fowö°id al-Diyä°iyya on the classical al-Käfiya of Ibn al-Häjib (d. 646/1249) was the central school-text of the madrasa curriculum from Samarqand to Istanbul to Khayräbäd, in the seminaries of Safavid Iran as well as in the curriculum of the Dars-i Nizämi initiated in 12th/18th century India. A famous Persian poet, a significant figure at the Timürid court of Herat and

dated 887/1482. A number of modern studies have been devoted to him in Persian (and even in Arabic) but there remains very little written on him in European languages. Laylä u Majnün. continued the taste for Sufi themes and was also dedicated to Bäyqarä. the Alexander romance Khiradnäma-yi Iskandar and was completed in 890/1485 for his patron Bäyqarä. The final instalment of the heptad recounted another famous myth. 896/1490). This neglect of a major post-classical figure of the Islamicate and Persianate world is. His theological and philosophical works were often commissioned or dedicated to significant figures (including rulers). was born in Kharjird in the district of Jam near Herat in Eastern Khurasan. it is possible to construct a detailed biography. entitled Subhat al-abrär ('The Rosary of the Pious'). 907/1501) and completed in 883/1478 provides examples of his interactions with contemporary Sufis. present-day Afghanistan. allusions and addresses to patrons and friends. The sixth masnavl. his own works provide extensive evidence for his life. he was a major figure of the 9 ώ /15 ώ century in the Islamic East and had a lasting influence on Persianate Islam in particular. was dedicated in 885/1480 to the Äq-Quyünlü ruler Yacqüb (d. Wäsitat al-ciqd ('Midlife'. at least in the last half-century or so. The sources on his life are numerous and because of his central role and function at the Timürid court of Herat. His second poetic epic.12 First.13 His poetry is replete with dates. around 875/1470. retold the old Bedouin story of doomed lovers and was completed in 889/1484. the first in a series of seven masnaviyyöt collectively entitled Haft awrang. the three dlvän-hä of his ghazaliyyät and other poetic compositions are rather neatly entitled Fätihat al-shabäb ('Commencement of Youth'. The Haft awrang is a major source for his intellectual biography. commissioned by his friend Mir c Alï-Shïr Navâ°ï (d. this remains perhaps the most famous of all his works. patrons and disciples. completed in 894/1489) and Khätimat al-hayät ('Culmination of Life'. Nur al-Dïn (originally cImäd al-Din) cAbd al-Rahmän ibn Nizäm al-Dïn Ahmad ibn Shams al-Dïn Muhammad Dashtï. 911/1506).11 whose affiliation name {nisba) and pen-name was Jâmï. The fourth. Yüsufu Zulaykhä. The third epic entitled Tuhfat al-Ahrär ('Gift for the Free'/'Gift for Ahrär') was dedicated in the following year to Khwäja cUbayd Allah Ahrär (d. completed in 884/1479). only too representative of the state of research in Islamic and Persian studies. on 23 Shacbän 817 (7 November 1414).The Existential Breath of al-rahman and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 61 a subtle and learned theologian. The fifth. His biographical works. such as his major compendium of Sufi hagiographies Nafahät al-uns min hazarät al-quds. completed in . 896/1490) and the Khwäjagäni Sufi order. dated and located. completed in 888/1483 and dedicated to Bäyqarä. silsilat al-zahab (The Golden Chain') was dedicated to the ruler of Herat. the Timürid sultan Husayn Bäyqarä (d. Saloman u Absäl. and allows us to understand how Jâmï used poetry to popularise ideas that he expresses elsewhere in prose works. His first major poetical work. took up the Qur'anic story of Joseph. and provides numerous citations of his friends. unfortunately. His other collections of poetry. embellishing it with tropes from the Sufi tradition.

the courtier c Alï-Shïr NaväDi wrote Khamsat al-mutahayyirln in Chaghatay Turkic about the circle of Jâmï. His fame is such that it is beyond the need of description. its inhabitants will not be unaware 20 of the results of the luminous mind of this great personage. 909/1504).24 A more sober Sufi prosopography that focuses on the mystics of Herat is the Majälis al-cushshäq of Amir Kamäl al-Dïn Husayn Gäzurgähi. Majälis al-naßyis. and his innumerable works in every category are too well known to need introduction'. The second cluster of sources on his life are the earliest poetic tazjcirät that stress the significance of Jâmï as a poet whose style was often regarded nostalgically in the modern period as the last vestige of the greatness of the classical tradition. often neglected by students of intellectual and cultural history. stating that 'the rays of his perfect learning light up the world like the sun. also written in Chaghatay Turkic. not least the major proto-Naqshbandi/Khwäjagäni Sufi master cUbayd Allah Ahrär.23 Within the Sufi tradition. Jämi's literary and intellectual contributions are all the more striking. and the courtier Mir c Alï-Shïr Navä°i. who described Jâmï as a foremost scholar of Herat at the court of Sultan Husayn Bäyqarä: 'In esoteric and exoteric knowledge. 941/1534). 937/1530). who was born in Herat. The third set of sources includes historical and hagiographical accounts of those who met or knew him.18 His prominent disciple and friend. soon to be diluted and corrupted by the new obscurantist. un-aesthetic and 'difficult' sabk-i hindi. Jämi's correspondence {munsha°ät) with prominent figures of the time. Bäbur (d.62 Journal of Qur'anic Studies 895/1490). 899/1493^) and Sayyid Asïl al-Dïn cAbd Allah Väciz (d. Poetic expressions are an important category of source material for the construction of biography. a confidant of Sultan Husayn Bäyqarä. Given the significance of Timürid Herat as a cultural centre.25 The most important Sufi source is that of Jämi's hamzulf0Ali Safi Käshifi (d. 939/15323) in his major study of the nascent Naqshbandï order Rashahät-i cayn al-hayät. is well-preserved and became a model for epistolatory literature in Central Asia and India in the early modern period. the memoirs of the Timürid prince and the first Mughal emperor of India. 912/1507) which was written shortly after his death some time around 900/1494 on the request of his son Ziyä° al-Dïn Yüsuf. 883/1478-9). an important memoir from what was becoming the Naqshbandï tradition is the hagiographical Maqämät-i Jäml by his disciple cAbd al-Vasic Bäkharzi (d.22 Hyperbolic praise was also heaped upon him by contemporary historians of Herat such as Mucïn al-Dïn Muhammad Isfizäri (d. which provides an extended hagiography that stresses the miraculous nature of Jämi's intellectual and spiritual abilities.17 Perhaps most prominent on this list is the continuation {takmila) of his Nafahät al-uns by his student and disciple cAbd al-Ghafur Lari (d. .19 His praise for his friend and mentor is appropriately hyperbolic: 'as long as the world is. and included a brief notice in his poetical tazjcira.' Other testimonies include the Bäburnäma.'21 The famous historian Khvänd Mir (d. there was no one like him at that time. described his influence in Habib al-siyar.

the Safavid prince and sometime governor of Herat in the early 10ώ/16ώ century. I grew to love the Khwäjagän. poetic and prosaic were becoming famous and starting to be copied in manuscripts around the Persianate world. where in 822/1419 Jâmï met Khwäja Muhammad al-Bukhäri known as Pärsä (d. 910/1505). closely followed by a younger contemporary. from the poetical tazkira genre is the famous account of his contemporary Dawlatshäh Samarqandi (d. He turned around and bestowed upon me a sweet smile.31 He later recounted his fleeting encounter with the disciple of Naqshband: As one had learnt that he would be passing by the town of Jam . a neighbourhood in Isfahan. beginning with the exegesis of the Fätiha and culminating with the exegesis of aya 40 of Sürat al-Baqara.27 Dawlatshäh is the first source to mention Jämi's exegesis. the 30 eponymous 'founder' of the Sunnï Hanafi legal school.The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 63 Finally. This state of incompletion does not necessarily suggest that Jâmï had any intention of writing a complete exegesis. cAlï Safi's father.and according to some this was either at the end of Jumada I or the beginning of Jumada II [822/mid-late June 1419] . about the time when Jämi's works. Jämi was a descendent of Muhammad al-Shaybanï (d. His first teacher and mentor was his father Nizäm al-Dïn Ahmad. a learned man who frequented the company of Sufis such as Bahä° al-Dïn cUmar Abardihi and Fakhr al-Dïn Lüristäni. his earlier contemporary Husayn Väciz-i Käshifi (d. the family moved to Jam. one complete and the other 28 mainly focused on the Fätiha. Jämi's family was originally from Dasht. who wrote his Tuhfa-yi Säml around 957/1550. 189/805). . It is now 60 years later but the purity of his luminous countenance remains before my eyes and the pleasure of the blessed vision of him in my heart. Jâmï thus claimed that his later affiliation to the order was a result of this miraculous look of compassion that he received from an old and dying shaykh. cAlï Safì and later Säm Mïrza follow Dawlatshäh in discussing the exegesis and stating that it was incomplete. and at that time I was barely five years old. Säm Mïrza. belief and father with a group of his friends and intimates went forth from the town to meet him. roughly the first hizb of one juz° (one-thirtieth) of the Qur'an.29 From the paternal line. which he claims was taking up much of his time then and hence was in progress: we know that he never completed the task. companion and disciple of Abu Hanifa (d. 890/1494) in his renowned Tazkira-yi shucarä\ completed in 892/1487. 150/765). At an early age. Through this encounter of sincerity. 822/1419) who was on his way to perform the Hajj. wrote two exegeses. One of those friends told me that he carried me on his shoulders so that I could see [Pärsä' s] luminous countenance beyond the crowd. and it was his grandfather Shams al-Dïn Muhammad who migrated to the environs of Herat.

himself a student of the famous philosopher Sayyid cAlï Jurjäni (d. played an important role in authenticating it. with the leading thinkers of his time. he adopted a most prominent Khwäjagäni shaykh of his time.his master Naqshband. logic and rhetoric with his father and with Mawlänä Junayd at the Madrasa-yi Bäzär-i Khüsh. and Jâmï himself.48 . adopting as his master the Khwäjagäni shaykh Khwäja Sacd al-Dïn Kashgharï (d. he also embarked on the study of the intellectual disciplines of rational theology. The sanctity of Herat and its surrounding part of Khuräsän and the role of the order in promoting it was amplified from 884-5/1480 when the shrine of cAlï ibn Abi Tälib was 'discovered' in Balkh.42 After Kashgharï's death. naturally. cUbayd Allah Ahrär. he became a central conduit for the two main branches of the order in the pre-Mughal period.33 As a teenager. philosophy and the exact sciences with Khwäja Shams al-Din Muhammad Jäjarmi and Khwäja c Ala3 al-Dïn c Ali Samarqandi.35 (This visit may have been undertaken in 838/1435. 904/1499) to perpetuate the line.his master Khwäja cAla3 al-Din cAttär (d.36) In Samarqand. according to Bakharzï.his master Khwäja Nizäm al-Dïn Khämüsh (d.39 This placed him in a spiritual lineage that connected him to one of the eponymous founders of the Khwäjagäni order. especially astronomy. There Jâmï continued his studies in the elementary subjects of language. Through Jämi's links to Ahrär in Samarqand. He also played a political role in implementing orthodoxy and attacking heresy.34 He proceeded to Samarqand to study the sciences. who marvelled at the precocious and talented young man. 822/1419). 791/1389). he encouraged his successor Shams al-Dïn Muhammad Rüji (d. Jâmï challenged his 'heretical' ideas and. began to teach and write 38 works. partly with the intention of avoiding the plague then prevalent in Herat. after his death in 860/1456. as a trained scholar. perhaps around 830/1427. assisting his master Kashgharï in his sessions at the main Friday mosque and at the Madrasa-yi Ghiyäsiyya and.47 Nurbakhshï sources. He then returned to Herat in 856/1452 and. 802/1400)41 . present the disputation in a different light. Jâmï took the Sufi way in around 857/1453. he preached and held court.64 Journal of Qur'anic Studies A few years later. The order. ca 853/1449)40 .45 Herat was thus the centre for the propagation of what became known as the Naqshbandï order. known as Naqshband (d. defeated him in disputation. 860/1456). through three links: Kashgharï . When the Nurbakhshï Sufi Shäh Qäsim Fayzbakhsh (d. Qäzizäde Rumi and cAlï Qüshji. 919/1513^1) visited Herat on the invitation of Bäyqarä.43 meeting him in Samarqand at the beginning of 870/1465 and again when the latter visited Herat in the same year. as his mentor. the family moved to the city of Herat. Khwäja Bahä° al-Dïn Muhammad al-Bukhäri. Jâmï 37 also continued his study of Hanafi fiqh with Fazl Allah Samarqandi.44 Jâmï played a pivotal role in establishing the Tariq-i Khwäjagän in Herat.

972-3/1565) was the main influence and populariser who focused on the non-philosophical exposition of the doctrine. the postulation that only the divine essence and its manifestations that comprise the totality of the cosmos exist. and by his disciple cAbd al-Ghafur Lari (d. the poetaster cAbd al-Nabï Fakhr al-Zamanï Qazvïnï wrote:55 People of distinction regard him [Jâmï] to be the equal of Shaykh Muhyï'1-Dïn [ibn] cArabï and the scholars of Central Asia regard him to be his better in the science of mysticism. his al-Yawäqlt wa'1-jowähir remains a masterful summation of al-Futühät al-Makkiyya.The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 65 Jâmï died on Friday 17 Muharram 898/9 November 1492 in Herat after an illness lasting four days. he was seen as a more influential and significant thinker than Ibn c Arabi himself. William Chittick is perhaps the one scholar who has done the most to promote the study of the 'school' of Ibn cArabi.50 He was survived by his son Ziyä3 al-Dïn Yüsuf (d.51 There is one important distinction between the allusive. 'spiritualised intelligence' of the work of the master and the more systematic. in particular an exposition of his central doctrine of monorealism {wahdat al-wujüd). the Egyptian cAbd al-Wahhäb al-Shacräni (d. about one hundred years after his death. For our purposes. in Central Asia. Jämi's own engagement in the school of Ibn cArabi was extensive. The process of creating a 'school' centred upon commentary traditions on the twin pillars of Ibn c Arabi's doctrine.53 Jämi had already provided a vigorous philosophical defence of the master's metaphysics. the most significant biographical detail concerning Jâmï is his attachment to the work of Ibn cArabi and his espousal of the 'school of Ibn c Arabi'. namely the Fusus al-hikam and al-Futühät al-Makkiyya. in Persianate contexts. especially in Central Asia. The very last work he wrote in 896/1491 was an influential Arabic commentary on the Fusils . 919/1513). perhaps due to the notoriety that the Andalusian master had acquired. and in Arab Sufi contexts. 912/1507).49 His funeral and mourning ceremonies were organised by Sultan Husayn Bäyqarä and were attended in large numbers by the elite and populace of Herat and Khuräsän. for whom he had written the belles-lettrist anthology Bahäristän in 892/1486 and al-Fawä°id al-Diyä°iyya in 897/1491. disseminatory and even philosophical style and content of his 52 followers.54 In fact. Iran and the Indian subcontinent precisely because he was seen as a spokesman for the school of Ibn c Arabi and a thinker who completed and culminated the scholastic turn of the school. In the Islamic West. and had reached its apogee in the 10Λ/16ώ century. and had written a number of commentaries and works expounding the doctrine of the master including a partial commentary on the Qur'an. His contribution had a lasting effect in the Islamic East. although he is keen to caution the use of the phrase: practitioners of the school were not 'mere commentators' and had clear differences in style and content with the master.

completed in 863/1459.62 wrote an important Persian commentary on the Fusüs. he wrote: I devoted much time to its study [the Fusüs] and meditated upon it but did not find a master who would grant me its benefit by glossing its difficulties nor a guide who could direct his disciples to unveil its knots. The disclosure of a text requires first and foremost the mediation of a spiritual master initiated into the meanings of the text.61 However. a true disclosure of meaning only comes about on the horizon of one's experience of the text as a result of the spiritual rank and station of the interpreter. in 870/1465. The Tariq-i Khwäjagän (later famous as the Naqshbandï order) is often assumed to have been hostile to the thought of Ibn cArabï mainly due to the famous critique of monorealism posited by the Naqshbandï shaykh Ahmad Sirhindï (d. a project that was well underway in the school. In the prcemium.59 He also wrote a short and elegant Persian treatise expounding the doctrine of monorealism entitled Lavä°ih. a prominent master of the order. Finally. who Jâmï met when he was a child. he popularised the thought of Ibn c Arabi and played an important role in the dissemination of his doctrine. a number of predecessors of the order exhibited a deep attachment to the ideas of the Sufi master and it is in this context one ought to understand the role of Jâmï. 872/1467). So I set forth for all its commentaries and considered them keys to the gates of its understanding and studied them one after another and returned to them again and again until I decided to fix my opinion of what I had selected from them that assisted me to resolve its explanation and sufficed me to understand its meanings.66 Journal of Qur'anic Studies which followed his earlier Arabic and Persian mixed commentary. It reflects his deep attachment to the thought of the Andalusian master 58 and the Fusüs. and his Fasi al-khitäb is a repository of Sufi teachings from the school of Ibn .60 Through his other Persian works. rather grandly dedicating it to the Shïcï Qarä Quyünlü ruler of Herat. 1034/1624). I added to that what came to my mind in my study of it and what my states and moments permitted. in the propagation and dissemination of the doctrine of the school of Ibn cArabï. Jahänshäh (d. completed in 886/1481. Second. His Arabic treatise in philosophical theology al-Durra al-fäkhira fi tahqlq madhhab al-Süfiyya wal-mutakallimln wa'l-hukamä3. 822/1419).51 Both are significant works but especially the former since it was widely cited and represented his mature thought and recognition of his expertise in the field. on Ibn cArabi's own summary of the Fusüs entitled Naqd al-nusüs fi sharh naqsh al-Fusüs. a text may be understood to a certain extent through reading its commentaries. Khwäja Muhammad Pärsä (d. What this passage reveals further is Jämi's understanding of the hermeneutics of the school of Ibn cArabï. is an extended rational defence of the metaphysics of Ibn cArabi aimed at philosophers.

I want to examine aspects of the doctrine of mercy that is expounded in Fusüs al-hikam and its commentaries. when Jâmï visited him in Tashkent in 873/1469. Darvishäbäd.. 889/1484). entirely representative but also complex. 912/1506) in Tabriz in 878/1473 because he was a renowned teacher of the Fusüs. in particular the commentary of Jâmï. A partial commentary on the Fusüs is attributed to him and. you do not possess existence .69 Later when he was writing his own commentary on the Fusüs..64 Jämi's own spiritual preceptor Sacd al-Dïn Kashgharï betrayed the influence of the Sufi master as well: his Risäla-yi tavajjuh is replete with notions from the school and demonstrates a clear enunciation of the doctrine of monorealism:65 Know that you are absolutely non-existent and know that God alone absolutely exists . for some time now scholars have been insisting on the deeply Qur'anic nature of the text. You only have existence annexed through the rays from the sun of the divine essence . Mahmud Gäwän (d..67 Jâmï developed this tendency and thus became a major focus for the dissemination of the doctrine of Ibn cArabï. we now turn to the book of the cosmos as he understood it. Jâmï even went beyond sectarian differences. Jämi's companion and his second spiritual mentor cUbayd Allah Ahrär had a deep attachment to the thought of the school of Ibn c Arabi. He sat at the feet of the Shïcï Kubravï Sufi Sayyid Ahmad Lälä3i Darbandï (d. including the Bahmanid vizier from the Deccan. Khwäja Shams al-Din Muhammad Rüji (d. arranged as it is around the wisdom associated with Qur'anic prophets. Focusing on the doctrine of mercy in the Fusüs as a means for elucidating the basmala makes perfect sense. he had hoped to show it to Ahmad Lälä°i for his approval but never did (or perhaps never had the opportunity). who carried out an extensive correspondence with him on matters commercial and spiritual.The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahim c 67 Arabi. and spent time at his khänaqäh. he sought elucidation of difficult passages in the Futühät.72 .. for our purposes. 904/1499) likewise had a deep affinity to the thought of Ibn cArabï. having considered his life and his role within two traditions. From the book of humanity.63 Jämi's compilation of the sayings of Pärsä entitled Sukhanän-i Khwäja Pärsä includes many sayings from the Ibn cArabi tradition.68 In matters concerning Ibn cArabï. and was consulted by his contemporaries. In reality.. However.66 Jämi's colleague and the spiritual successor to Kashgharï in Herat. Existence and Mercy The ontology of mercy is a critical theme throughout the work of Ibn cArabï..70 Jämi's attachment to the school was thus deep. Only God truly is existence.

Mercy is existence itself and the act of being merciful is the bestowal of 80 existence. al-rahmän is an intensive proper name exclusive to God while al-rahlm is homonymously shared with others. the former entails a greater and more wide-ranging compassion {ariqq). it is differentiated into the functions of al-rahmän and al-rahlm}2 The ontological turn of the school in its approach to mercy is thus . one of which He sent down to the earth to divide among the whole of His creation so that they might be merciful to one another and show compassion. is an allusion to the complementarity between praise and the act of giving thanks and the reception of grace and mercy. 150/767) states. it is subsumed in the universal.73 Thus the former name is an absolute state of the divine while the latter is a volitional state. Al-Qünawi argues that the two names engender two chains of emanative existence flowing from the One. it is commonly said in the exegetical tradition that God is al-rahmän in this world and al-rahlm in the afterlife.79 Al-rahmän is the proper name that indicates the absolute being and the source of all existence. God's mercy is undifferentiated considered in itself. The exegeses of the school of Ibn c Arabi and the Tariq-i Khwäjagän did not broadly differ from this: Yacqüb Charkhi in his Tafslr-i kaläm-i rabbänl states that al-rahmän provides existence and sustenance to all creatures while al-rahlm gives salvation to those who deserve it.74 The most common formulation that remains popular was to gloss that God is 'the source of mercy for the whole of His creation.78 But what these traditions do is that they extend the meaning of mercy to include an ontological dimension. 122/740) put it. This aspect is already present in the early ta°wll of Sadr al-Dïn al-Qûnawï. the former is the Compassionate One and the latter is the One who deigns to act compassionately. Al-rahlm is a specific name to recipients of special grace but as the particular. differentiated by 81 their objects of mercy. like existence and many other fundamental concepts and things. one ought to point out that the earliest exegeses make it quite clear that there is a distinction between the two names of mercy in the basmala: al-rahmän is more general than al-rahlm as the early exegete Muqätil ibn Sulaymän (d. This duality does not violate the non-duality of the godhead and the nature of reality articulated in the school of Ibn c Arabi. He considers the role of the two names as functioning within the cosmology of the manifestation of the One in the universe. Put in different terms.68 Journal of Qur'anic Studies Before examining the metaphysics and relating it to the exegesis.76 This is exemplified in a narration attributed to the Prophet:77 God. as Zayd ibn cAlï (d. but deployed to objects of mercy. The location of the names of mercy.75 Finally. possesses 100 mercies. Mighty and Majestic. before and after the formula of praise for God. is a singular reality to which we ascribe multiplicity. and as such acts upon all things. He retained the remaining 99 for Himself to exercise over His servants on the Day of the Resurrection. and the giver of mercy for His believing servants'. Mercy.

sustenance and so forth. the absolute sense of mercy as a synonym for the bestowal of existence to all things.. We can summarise the doctrinal approach in the following manner. This last fourfold division can be seen as a reflection of the fact that there are four names . The Giver of Mercy is the One who overflows spiritual perfection to those specified by humanity with respect to the culmination of existence. and the concept that the difference between the two names expressed two types of relationship with the One. the mercy of being-the-giver-of-mercy is specific to those existents to whom the command of God extends. this is with respect to the origins of existence. third. The commentary of al-Käshäni's disciple Däwüd al-Qaysari (d. the obedient and the disobedient with existence. the role of mercy in the graded unfolding of the cosmos. the descending order of existence from the One to the cosmos that brings about existence as we perceive and experience it and the ascending order of existence that folds up that realm and returns it to the One. second. The name 'Giver of Mercy' also has a comprehensive scope. 736/1336) in his Ta°wllät al-QurDän wrote: 83 The Source of Mercy is the One who overflows [i. 751/1350) on this phrase makes it more explicit and accessible:84 The name 'Source of Mercy' has a comprehensive rank over all things including the other divine names .The Existential Breath of al-rahman and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 69 signalled early on as is the strong impression of the language of mercy from the Fusüs. It is perfection that is appropriate to the ontological preparation of each one of them. outpours] existence and perfection on all things according to the requirements of His wisdom and the ability of receptacles to accept it. The mercy of being-the-source-of-mercy is a mercy common to the people of this world and the afterlife and encompasses the believers and the non-believers. cAbd al-Razzäq al-Käshäni (d.. this trend developed with the first major and complete exegesis of the school. we begin to discern the role of the exegesis in the explication of the cosmology of the school. [However]. Therefore.e. Ibn cArabi's doctrine articulates three approaches to the exegesis of mercy: first. the distinction between the two names expressed in the duality of universality and particularity. This short passage illustrates three themes: the association and equivalence of existence and mercy. In the following generation. the division of mercy into four divisions of that pertaining to the divine essence and that pertaining to the divine attributes and further into the general and the specific.

There is no doubt that the overflowing is an existential fact that demands existence. Being merciful as a divine attribute is equivalent to the process of giving existence. Existence is thus the overflowing of mercy to all things.. however. in Chapter 558. such as knowledge and ability. so it is preceded by being-the-source-of-mercy. Elsewhere. a theme common in Neoplatonic writings whether pre-Islamic or Islamic. Ibn cArabi says . which is devoted to the concept of the breath of the Merciful.70 Journal of Qur'anic Studies of mercy mentioned in the Fätiha. and how one can see the process of divine mercy acting upon itself. Ultimately. he explains how that breath encompasses everything by bestowing existence upon all things. If it were not annexed to mercy. there are two main divisions of mercy: the 'gratuitous gift' of mercy/existence associated with al-rahmän which Ibn c Arabi calls imtinän. This bestowal arises because God overflows with munificence {al-jüd).. Because even the divine names and divine wrath are things. and with respect to the possible properties that follow this existence. the first thing that mercy extends to is mercy itself and that self is what the tradition calls 'the breath of the Merciful' {al-nafas on al-rahmänl). The absolute overflowing of existence is mercy. and the/<m on Zechariah.91 Second. Explanation of this doctrine requires study of the two main chapters of the Fusüs in which mercy is central: the fass on Solomon which is described as the 'wisdom of being-the-source-of-mercy' {hikma rahmäniyya). ontological facts that do not exist in our world but exist in the mind of God. mercy is not merely an emotive attitude or compassion {riqqat al-qalb) in some formulations but an ontological fact of bestowing existence. as it says in the Fusüs. encompassing everything with respect to the existence specific to it.87 Jâmï explains this further:88 'Know that the mercy of God encompasses everything as a mercy both in reality and in possibility' means that the mercy of God is existence that comprehends everything. mercy extends to them and envelops them as well.90 'The breath of the Merciful' is the process through which existence is manifest in the cosmos. which is mercy. In Chapter 198 of the Futühät. wrath itself would not be realised. First. In fact. and the obligation of mercy to the spiritualised associated with al-rahlm which the master calls wujüb. and that depend upon its preparedness for existence that follows its existence in (divine) knowledge that precedes its existence in reality . Ibn c Arabi explains the link between mercy and the bestowal of existence. mercy plays a critical role in the unfolding of the cosmos.85 Pathos and emotions as human properties are attributes of imperfection or absence and cannot be applied to God.

However. Ibn cArabi explains: Mercy is of two kinds: the mercy of the gratuitous gift and the mercy of obligation corresponding to the name al-rahmän and al-rahlm respectively. This second stage of overflowing is called 'the holy overflowing' {al-fayd al-muqaddas).. while He obligates Himself [to requite] under the name al-rahlm. 71 The process of existentiation or 'the act of mercy' is as follows. Mercy in the divine names then acts further endowing those essences with existence such that mercy brings forth into existence the cosmos or the things in their actual existence.94 The first division reflects the duality of the two names in the basmala'. the former pertains to the divine essence and the unfolding of the breath of the Source-of-Mercy and the latter pertains to the divine attributes and the Giver-of-Mercy. there is a fourfold division of mercy. Each of them relates to different recipients of mercy ranging from the divine names themselves to the spiritual elite in the afterlife. the specific aspect of the mercy pertaining to the divine essence is divine providence {al-cinäya) while the specific aspect of the mercy pertaining to the divine attributes is the mercy of perfection bestowed upon the spiritual elite. For example. God exercises mercy as a gratuitous gift under the name of al-rahmän. however. 6:12) in such a way that mercy of this kind may be extended to His servants in reward for the good works done by them individually . Third.93 Divine mercy acts upon itself. This is why we assert that the mercy of God extends to everything both in reality and in possibility {caynan wa-hukmon). This kind of obligation. by the very mercy which He exercises upon it. was the subject of much scholastic vigour in the centuries after the Andalusian master. central to which is the key notion of mercy. This kind of mercy is an obligation upon God with . the most important aspect of the division of mercy relates to the two aspects of gratuitous gift associated with al-rahmän and obligation associated with al-rahlm. At this level. pre-empting the desire for essences to come into existence and this self is 'the breath of the Source of Mercy'. This entity then acts mercifully towards the divine names and brings forth archetypes or essences of things {acyän thäbita) in the mind of God or in the divine names itself. For God. is part of the gratuitous gift and so al-rahlm is contained within al-rahmän.The Existential Breath of al-rahman and the Munificent Graèe of al-rahim Every thing seeks existence from God. God has prescribed for Himself mercy (Q. the act of outpouring mercy is called 'the most holy overflowing' {al-foyd al-aqdas). Each of these in turn has a general {cämm) and a specific {khäss) aspect. The terminology and systematic nature of the cosmogony expounded by Ibn cArabï. accepts that thing's desire to exist and brings it into existence.. God's mercy extends to and covers everything. Accordingly.

that is preceding [mercy]. 'The bestowing grace of mercy'. [This mercy] is included within the bestowing grace because the promise of it to one who acts is pure giving.. 'Original mercy' {al-rahma al-asliyya) means existence because it [existence] is the origin of every mercy and the source of every bounty . is so called because God bestows it freely upon creatures without their deserving it and it precedes their works which would render them deserving .72 Journal of Qur'anic Studies which He has bound Himself towards those servants and the latter rightfully merit this kind of mercy by their good works... Abd al-Razzäq al-Käshäni in his Istilähät al-Süfiyya summarises the position of the master by providing definitions of the two divine names associated with mercy and of the two sub-definitions of mercy that are central to the doctrine in the Fusüs. and from which existence flows forth bestowing perfections on all contingent beings. . 'The necessitation of mercy' is the act of being a giver of mercy {al-rahlmiyya) promised to the pious and the virtuous as in His saying and I shall prescribe it for those who are pious (Q. 7:56). 7:156) and surely the mercy of God is close to the virtuous (Q. In another work on definitions attributed to al-Käshäni entitled Latä°if al-icläm fi _ 97 c ishärät ahi al-ilham. the equation of mercy and existence is made more explicit: 'The Source of Mercy' is the name for the form of divine existence and is an expression for the totality that obtains when the divine names are manifest to themselves from the interiority of the divine essence..9 'The Source of Mercy' {al-rahmän) is a name for God considered in the totality of the names that are in the divine presence. 'The bestowing grace of mercy' is the act of being a source of mercy {al-rahmäniyya) demanded by bounties that precede works and encompasses all things. 'The Giver of Mercy' {al-rahlm) is a name for Him considered with respect to two flows of spiritual perfection bestowed upon the people of faith such as gnosis and unity. namely bestowing grace of mercy and the necessitation of mercy {al-imtinän wa!-wujüb).

manifesting the Qur'anic modality of divine mercy encompassing all things.' It is either a gratuitous gift or obligatory. Jämi's Exegesis on the basmala The Arabic exegesis of Jâmï is hardly attested in the secondary literature and yet 100 there are more than 40 manuscripts of it around the world. There are servants whom it embraces as a property of obligation. a codex that is a majmüca of the kulliyyät (complete non-poetical works) of Jâmï in which the exegesis of the Fätiha is between folios 3v to 9v inclusive. speculative enterprise of explaining the cosmos. ba-ictibär al-cumüm lVl-acyän\ metre: khafif) contained in his first masnavï Silsilat al-zjahab which dates from between 873/1468 and 877/1472. he distinguishes between the names in the following manner. and there are others whom it embraces as a property of gratuitous gift. the school of Ibn cArabi constructed an elaboration ontological and cosmological scheme that demonstrated the intimate connection in their work and outlook between the exegetical process and the spiritualised. While exegetes found narrative interpretations to explain the reason for the use of two names of mercy in the divine Book. Although it seems that the term with respect to the . Hence the very manifestation of engendered existence derives from gratuitous gift.The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 'The necessitation of mercy' means that mercy specific to the pious and virtuous people since God has made it incumbent upon Himself to be merciful to them as a grace and a bestowal but not as an obligation upon Him. we therefore turn finally to the actual divine Book and its exegesis of mercy in the work of Jâmï. bounty and the bestowal of blessing since at first there was no engendered existence to deserve it. 'My mercy embraces all things.98 It is also clear in the Futühät: God says. From the book of the cosmos and its exegesis in the school of Ibn c Arabi. divided into the free gift {al-imtinän) and obligation {al-wujüb). that is up to twenty years prior to the formal (Arabic) exegesis. The present paper relies upon MS India Office Islamic 842. Al-rahmän is the proper name of the divine being insofar as it gives existence to all things.103 In this previous poem. is a central doctrine enshrined in the Fusüs itself and later expounded in detail from the earliest commentary. partly accounting for its rather incomplete nature. 73 The two-fold division of mercy. according to the earliest witnesses. is supposed to be among Jämi's last works. But the approach and basic interpretation provided in it was already present in an exegetical poem 'on the meaning of the divine names al-rahmän and al-rahlm' {matlac: hast ism-i vujüd-i haqq rahmän.101 The codex is dated Rabic 1960/February-March 1553 and is thus the second oldest copy extant. But the root is the divine gratuitous gift.102 The exegesis.

The actual exegesis on the Fätiha formally extends this earlier commentary and makes the metaphysics of mercy more explicit. Since Jâmï was composing his taf sir towards the end of his life when he was already well known and respected. It delineates the distinction between the two names. His mercy of being-the-source-of-mercy {rahmatihi al-rahmäniyya) is general for all existent things. it does entail some form of analogy insofar as a merciful individual responding to another's need indicates a more intensive form of that mercy enacted by the divine. gives them existence).e. it would seem that the introductory remarks explaining the need for the work can be seen as an affirmation of his scholarly significance and credentials for writing it and also as a sign that the contents that follow are worthy of study and reflection. It bestows upon seekers the portion of existence and perfection that they require and that is appropriate to them. It also demonstrates a stylistic feature that some students have noted. comprehensive existence {li-wujüdihi al-shämil al-cämm) and the Giver of Mercy {al-rahlm) through His perfect and complete munificence {li-jüdihi al-kämil al-tämm). on the other hand. As we have seen above. as well as his adherence to the singular reality of the divine to the exclusion of all other that he grasps from the teachings of Ibn cArabi.m Jâmï then goes on to say that he had considered for some time the need to write a comprehensive and complete esoteric exegesis. he moves to the exegesis of the . ascribing universality to the former and particularity to the latter. After the standard consideration of the importance of the Fätiha and its excellences (fadä°U). and His mercy of being-the-giver-of-mercy is specific to whomsoever He wishes however He wishes. namely that the prœmium of a work often indicates the genre and the content of the work that follows the formulaic ammä bacd. It is a proper name for God but it represents a particular relationship of the one who makes things necessary (i. The exegetical order that he follows is what one expects of the genre. this is fairly standard and not much different to al-Käshäni. there is no analogy: al-rahmän can only be predicated of God. As a name denoting an attribute. Al-rahlm. is a more particular name. he often states in the prœmium of his works that he perceived a need to write such a work and does not use the rather common 'response to a request' reason for writing a work. Thus far. on seeking refuge {isticädha).74 Journal of Qur'anic Studies attribute of mercy entails an analogy between the divine and the created. This verse clarifies Jämi's theological commitments to the Ashcari school in his rejection of any analogy between Creator and created. The prœmium {khutba) already contains within it a brief exegesis in which the question of the two aspects of mercy is raised:104 He is the Source of Mercy {al-rahmän) through His general.

'.109 The use of the Sufi terminology of the school of Ibn cArabi is already striking.The Existential Breath of al-rahman and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 75 text.107 Al-rahmän follows the paradigm fa clän and acts as a name of similitude. to explain the significance of the theophanies of the two names of mercy within the cosmogonie and cosmological scheme of the school of Ibn cArabï. for him. he begins his exposition of the names in the basmala by examining their morphology and their linguistic meaning. but the latter. the names mean more than an emotive compassion. The former is the act of existentiating mercy.. are on the same paradigm with the sense that God sees and hears in a manner that transcends that of human perceivers. The first name indicates an act whose end is to bestow without conditions (the gratuitous gift of imtinän) and the second is to bestow bounties that are intended and deserved (the volitional bestowal of wujüb). is a limited and particular relationship. if one considers it with respect to its own individuality [it is al-rahmän]. A Khwäjagäni Sufi contemporary of Jâmï uses a similar metaphysical language. he quotes the famous narration that we encountered above.108 Both have as their root meaning compassion. the latter reflects separation and refers to God's mercy to His believers in this world. However.. Khwäja Nicmat Allah Nakhchiväni known as Shaykh cAlvän glosses the names in the basmala in his exegesis entitled al-Fawätih al-ilähiyya wa'l-mafätlh al-ghaybiyya which he completed in Tabriz in 902/1496: . than it is al-rahlm. by virtue of its attachments to other than itself. He then presents some thoughts on the complementary nature of the two names: the former reflects union and is more comprehensive because it encompasses the existents of this world and the afterlife.1 6 As we have seen. on the other hand. He completes his commentary on these names by referring to the views of the mystics. namely that that God is al-rahmän in this world and al-rahlm in the afterlife. to things that in themselves are privative. In this vein. 'the Hearing' and 'the Seeing'. Al-rahlm. 112 which he endorses: Mercy is existence. is an intensive following the paradigm fa ΊΙ. just as the divine names. he complicates the interpretation by indicating the interpénétration of the two names with respect to the realms of this world and the next by citing the preliminary supplicatory phrase attributed to the Prophet: Ό al-rahmän of this world and the afterlife and al-rahlm of them both . But if considered with respect to its individuality and its attachments [to objects of mercy].110 However. Drawing on the traditions of the exegetical community. drawing explicitly on the terminology of the school. any discussion of the doctrine of mercy in the Fätiha requires an explanation of the two divine names in the basmala and then the two divine names in the third aya.

Jâmï says: God manifests Himself through the forms of the permanent archetypes by His most holy overflowing (faydihi al-aqdas). the exegesis of the names in the third aya of the Fätiha reflects the real deployment of the doctrines of the school of Ibn c Arabi. God in this consideration to the totality of His overflowing and its application is al-rahmän. In the passage from Chapter Twelve on the meaning of the Fätiha. the eschaton beyond space and time: Al-rahlm denotes the unitary essence considered with respect to its unity after having become multiple and its union after its separation (jamHhä bacda tafrlqihä) and its folding after its spreading out and its raising after its falling and its abstraction after its determination. for repetition is defined as that which does not contain any additional benefit. varied and most excellent form'. The names in the aya lie between the mention of God as 'Lord of the cosmos' {rabb al-cälamln) and as 'Possessor of the Day of Judgement' {mälik yawm al-dln). with consideration to His individuating [other things] He is al-rahlm. Returning to Jâmï. He then quotes the famous theologian and Sufi Abu Hamid Muhammad al-Ghazäli (d.116 The second name refers to God's mercy . For Shaykh cAlvän. The order is significant as it indicates an existential order: first bestowing mental existence to the forms in the mind of God and then bringing them into actual existence. The repetition is not real but rather it is meaningful because the names actually mean different things in the basmala and then in the third aya. and their taking on the colours of the worlds of being and becoming. The first name therefore reflects God as the One who is merciful for the creatures of the cosmos which 'He has created in the most perfect. The two names of mercy are therefore not actual synonyms. al-Ghazäli glosses the two names of mercy:115 Do you imagine that this is repetition? There is no repetition in the Qur'an. Thus far this name is responsible for the bestowal of existence in its different unfolding stages and manifestations. 505/1 111) from his work Jawähir al-Qur°än on the significance of the repetition of names. the second name is concerned with the return.76 Journal of Qur'anic Studies Al-rahmän denotes the unitary essence {al-dhät al-ahadiyya) considered with respect to its manifestations upon the pages of the book of existence and their transformations into the vestments of necessity and contingency {al-wujüb wa!-imkän) and their descent from the stage of unicity to the stage of multiplicity and their being determined as individuals whether considered in the mind or existing in reality.

Such a holistic reading will not only reveal the influence of exegesis upon the received text and its interpretation.The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 11 at the end of time at the Judgement when His mercy extends to deserved bounties and favours. One would expect that further study of the remainder of the taf sir would sustain and extend this conclusion and would indicate. Jämi's exegesis. The exegetical act imposes upon the text not only the training of learning of the exegete steeped in his scholastic tradition but also alludes to understanding from years of his spiritual training as a practising Sufi. but also the Sufi metaphysics expounded in the text and commentaries of the Fusüs al-hikam. but also be entirely consonant with the tradition . citation of authority whether in the shape of narrations or previous scholarly sources. that a true and full understanding of the exegesis of a thinker like Jâmï requires not only familiarity with exegetical techniques. without a shadow of doubt. syntax and morphology. At the same time. the taf sir demonstrates his training as an acute thinker of the school of Ibn cArabi who uses the terminology of the school and the metaphysics of mercy that is central to the school to make sense of the divine names of mercy in the Fätiha. Al-rahlm is the one who reverts everything in the afterlife by folding up the heavens of the names and the earth of base nature and from whom issues the beginning and to whom is the end. after some time devoted to the Futühät. Significantly. somewhat like that of his predecessor Charkhi. and al-rahlm as the volitional instrument of the reversion of the cosmos to the One: Al-rahmän is the principle in this world that creates by spreading the shade of its most beautiful names and lofty attributes over the mirrors of reflected non-existence including the entire cosmos.117 Thus the names in this context refer in the first instance to the origins of existence {al-mabda0) and in the second to the end of the cosmos {al-macäd). its befores and afters without any discrimination. contains the standard elements of interpretive style: discussion of language. Shaykh cAlvän similarly draws on the significance of the meaningful repetition of the names of mercy in the later aya by comparing the function of al-rahmän as the free and undiscriminating principle for the procession of existence. and necessitate our close reading of exegesis in the tradition of Ibn c Arabi alongside the Fusüs cycle of texts. The deeply Qur'anic nature of that text will force students to revert to its study. to use Neoplatonic language. Concluding Remarks What this brief survey of Jämi's thought and exegesis reveals is the striking difference from the short but allusive style of al-Käshäni and other Sufi exegetes. the exegesis goes beyond the parameters of standard exoteric commentary and exhibits the 'ontological turn' of his intellectual heritage. its visible and unseen parts.

Brill. Brill. Die politische und soziale Bedeutung der Naqsbandiyya in Mittelasien im 15. I am grateful to the participants for their valuable comments and discussion. Tafslr Ibn cArabi (2 vols. see Hamid Algar. Jürgen Paul. Les commentaires ésotériques du Coran après c Abd al-Razzâq al-Qâshânî (Paris: Les Deux Océans. art. and to Marianna Klar and Helen Blatherwick for their judicious advice. tasawwuf and tafslr. pp. M. With Reverence for the Word: Medieval Scriptural Exegesis in Judaism.). 'Naqshbandis and Safavids' in M. Paul Nwyia. 198. 1992). ¡sari tefsir okulu (Ankara: Ankara University. 9. pp. Christianity and Islam (New York: Oxford University Press. Hamid Algar. Popovic and T. 1991). 500. 'The Scriptural "Senses" in Medieval Sufi Qur°än Exegesis' in J. Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd. vol. 1990). most recently in two well-produced volumes fraught with errors (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-cIlmiyya. Mazzaoui (ed. Jahrhundert (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. 2001). 'Nakshbandiyya' in Encyclopaedia of Islam. I have supplemented readings from the following Tïmurîd era MS British Library Or. 2003). 3. see Lory. 344-6. available at http://www.d.html. p. 1980). cf. Falsafat al-ta3wll: diräsa fi ta°wll al-Qur3än cinda Muhyl al-Dln Ibn 'Arabi (Beirut: Dar al-Wahda. 2001). p. pp. pp. For some representative ones that are relevant.). and between the understanding of the inscribed Book of God. Islamic Studies Presented to Charles J. William Chittick. al-Tafslr wa'1-mufassirün (Cairo: Dar al-Macärif. McAuliffe et al (eds). 41-56. 1970). the book of the cosmos and the book of humanity. Pierre Lory.J. Naqshbandis: Cheminements et situations actuelles d'un ordre mystique musulman (Paris and Istanbul: Editions Isis. Little (eds).uga.78 Journal of Qur'anic Studies that did not mark clear boundaries within the hermeneutical enterprise between the disciplines of hikma. various authors. I remain responsible for the arguments advanced in this paper. 2004). I hope to examine this point in greater detail in a forthcoming paper. Ignaz Goldziher. For a study of this commentary. Les commentaires ésotériques du Coran après cAbd ar-Razzâq al-Qâshânî. 116-25. vol. Marc Gaborieau. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-cIlmiyya. p. al-Mufassirün: hayätuhum wa-manhajuhum (Tehran: Vizärat-i Farhang va Irshäd-i Islârnï.edu/islam/suftaf/tafsuftoc. 1989). 2 For an excellent introduction to this concept. University of London. vol. Alan Godlas. 4 On this Central Asian Sufi order. pp. 1974). 346-65. The Sufi Path of Knowledge: Ibn cArabVs Metaphysics of Imagination (Albany: State University of New York Press. consult the relevant sections in Muhammad al-Dhahabï. 1373 Sh/1994). 2. 1 There is an extensive literature of citations of these texts. 2nd edn. 1991). Gerhard Böwering. A Culture of Sufism: Naqshbandis in the Ottoman World 1450-1700 (Albany: State University of New York Press. vol. see Ibn cArabï. Dina LeGall. and vol.D. For Khwäja Yacqüb .J. 5 Within the guise of a study of his pilgrimage. art. 1974). 'The QurDän Commentary of al-Sulamf in W. Exégèse coranique et langage mystique (Beirut: Dar el-Machreq. 1. The Tao of Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press. 2003). n. Gerhard Böwering. 1-48. pp. 10-12 November 2005 at the School of Oriental and African Studies. 'Exegesis' in Encyclopaedia Iranica. Zarcone (eds). [al-Käshäni]. As ever. Cairo: Büläq. 3 For some useful surveys of Sufi tafslr and hermeneutics. Safavid Iran and her Neighbours (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. 'Sufi tafsir: A Survey of the Genre'. Suleyman Ateç. 6 cAbd al-Razzâq al-Kâshânï's tafslr has been repeatedly printed as Tafslr Ibn cArabi. Interpretation and Translation. Ayâzï. Die Richtungen der islamischen Koranauslegung (Leiden: E. 6351 entitled Ta°wllät al-Qur°än. NOTES An earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference on The Qur'an: Text. 934-6. 7. see Sachiko Murata. A. 1961). 1983). Adams (Leiden: E. al-Futühät al-Makkiyya (4 vols. Hallaq and D. 24.

1370 Sh/1991).A. and tr. a beautifully ornate and complete work in naskhl and nastacllq. 98-100. 523-9. 912/1507). see Lari (d. pp. 1970). 'Jâmï dar Shib-i Qärih' in Hasan Anüsha (gen. 1377 Sh/1998). On Charkhï and his tafslr. Nadhïr Ränjhä (Lahore: Zähid Bashïr. reprint (Richmond: Curzon Press. vol. p. 1371 Sh/1992). ed. Entwicklungsgeschichte und Tendenzen am Beispiel von Lucknow (Leiden: E. 'Dars-i Nizärnf. 1978). vol. 507-48.The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 79 Charkhi's Tafslr-i Kaläm-i Rabbani. 834-42. G. Recent brief literary judgements include cAbd al-Husayn Zarnnküb. 'The Curriculum of Islamic Higher Learning in Timürid Iran in the Light of the Sunni Revival under Shäh-Rukh'. p. Hindustan kl qadlm darsgähen (Azamgarh: n. Two recent critical studies which are excellent are: Alokhon Afsahzod. I have consulted two manuscripts: MS British Museum Or. 425 inter alia: Mutribï refers to him using the standard honorific for an important Sufi master hazrat-i makhdüm and hazrat-i haqä°iq-panähl. Nigähl bih tärlkh-i adab-i ßrsl dar Hind (Tehran: Intishärät-i Shürä-yi Gustarish-i Zabän va Adab-i Farsi. Persian Literature: A Bio-bibiographical Survey Volume I Part I (London: The Royal Asiatic Society. M. 425-50 which is wholly derived from it. p. Alï-Asghar Bashïr Hiravï (Kabul: Anjuman-i Jâmï. 1.D. 1377 Sh/1998). and MS India Office Islamic 754. Sufi. 355. ed. see Hamid Algar. 121. p. and a new partial edition has been published (Istanbul: Yildiz. Islamische Gelehrtenkultur in Nordindien. 9490 dated 960/1553. 9. Därä Shiküh . Sayrl dar shicr-i Farsi (Tehran: Intishärät-i cIlmï. p. 1364 Sh/1985). pp. Sayyid cAbd al-Hayy. Jäml (Tehran: Tehran University Press. 163. pp. 92ff. al-Nadwa 6 (1909). Jäml (Tehran: Tarh-i Naw. 2002). p. TazJàrat al-shucarä3. 4. 1040/1631). pp. pp. 7 There is no critical edition of this text nor any serious engaged studies. 1378 Sh/1999). 1971). 1343 Sh/1964). ed. Journal of the American Oriental Society 115 (1995). There are older lithographs of the exegesis. Asghar Jänfadä (Tehran: Mïrâs-i Maktüb. A History of Persian Literature Volume III . p. Other works of Charkhï that are important for the later Naqshbandï order include Risäla-yi unsiyya. Abü'l-Hasanät Nadvï. Dhabïh Allah Safa. Tehran: Intishärät-i Firdowsï.M. The Käfiya was the main grammatical text studied in Timürid Iran . Risala-yi Abdäliyya. 112. pp. ed. see Javäd Sharîfï. pp. p.J. Tawfïq Subhânï. 'Jäml.see Maria Subtelny and Anas Khalidov. 70ff. On Jämi's influence in India. dated 6 Jumada II1089/26 July 1678 which is in a rougher hand and has the first half of the prœmium missing. 'Carkf in Encyclopaedia Iranica. cAbd al-Husayn Zarnnküb. 21. 287-90. ed. pp. 4. 1375 Sh/1996). Tärlkh-i adabiyyät dar Iran (8 vols. Storey. pp. pp. 1983). On the significance of Jämi's text in India. p. cärifi Jäm' in Bä-kärvän-i Hilla (Tehran: Intishärät-i cIlmï. Tehran: Intishärät-i Vizärat-i Farhang va irshäd-i Islämi. Nadhïr Ränjhä (Islamabad: Iran-Pakistan Research Institute. 1997). Arberry's chapter in Classical Persian Literature. 1991). 226 passim.Under Tatar Dominion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. art. 1977).. al-Minhaj: Being the Evolution of Curriculum in the Muslim Educational Institutions of India (New Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyyat-i Dilli. 9 The simple fact that there are numerous manuscripts in the Persianate world of this work (and even in the Dar al-Kutub and al-Azhar collections in Cairo) attests to its popularity. vol. pp. M. such as the one produced in Lahore in 1331/1913. C. p.). See his collected articles on method in Visions of Politics Volume I: Regarding Method (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1994). 135-8. 1377 Sh/1998). 10 cAli-Asghar Hikmat. see Jamal Malik. Takmila-yi Nafahät al-uns. Brill. 8 The social and linguistic conventionalism of Quentin Skinner's approach to intellectual history appeals to me. c 11 On Jâmï as 'cImäd al-Din'. Naqd va barrasl-yi äsär va ahväl-i Jäml (Tehran: Miräs-i Maktüb. 1924). pp. 347-68. 84. 39.p. pp. 210-36. Dänishnäma-yi adab-i Farsi: dar Shib-i Qärih (4 vols. 7-14. Jâmï's significance in Central Asia is attested in a number of biographical and poetical works such as Sultan Muhammad Mutribï Samarqandi (d. Another classic account is Edward Browne.J. 819-20. 1320 Sh/1941) remains a classic and the basis for many later studies including A. The standard edition was produced in Hyderabad by Osmania Oriental Publications in 1947. Najïb Mäyil Hiravï.

1986). see Maria Subtelny.for the full critical edition. p. pp. Persian ed. 17 For a brief and usual discussion on some of these sources. 63564. 2001). Brill's Inner Asian Library. 151-80. 1998). ed. see Hiravï. tr. Dil ve Tarih Yüksek Kurumu. Κ. see Jawid Mojaddedi. Mano (2 vols. Ahrär. Terry Allen. 1993). 1979). ed. ed. Thackston (3 vols. Urunbaev and A.J. and tr. Jäml. Türk Dil Kurumu. or Bäburnäma: The Chagatay Turkish Text with cAbd al-Rahlm Khän-khänän 's Persian Translation. 1323 Sh/1944). 37-58. though widely shared by Iranian critics in the 13Λ/19Λ and 14Λ/20Λ centuries. Afsahzod.80 Journal of Qur'anic Studies (d.J. Africa and the Middle East 24 (2004). p. M. Majälis al-nafäyis. 310-12.see Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam. and 5:3-4 (2002). 'Vïzha-yi munsha3ät'. CA: Mazda Publishers. 19 Navä% Mecâlisun-Nefâyis. ed. see Stephen Dale. J. Nafahät al-uns. Naqd va barrasl-yi äsär va ahväl-i Jäml. 14 On the milieu. the third version was translated later in the 10Λ/16* century by Shah-cAlï and is attested in MS British Museum Add. 2002). 104. and 'The Poetry and Autobiography of the Babur-nama\ Journal of Asian Studies 55 (1996). pp. 6172. 105. The Biographical Tradition in Sufism (Richmond: Curzon Press. has argued that in fact Jämi is a pivotal figure whose style actually prefigures the Mughal-Safavid one. pp. 2001). ed. 1343 Sh/1964). Cambridge. A. Gross with introductory material. Jäml. The original Chagatay text was probably called Vaqäyic . p. Brill. 115. pp. p. 2002). . 21 Baburnama. Urunbaev. is beginning to lose favour. pp. For discussions. Kyoto: Syokado. 1659). 12 Professor Hamid Algar of Berkeley informs me that he is at the moment writing such a work that will provide an intellectual biography located within the cultural and historical context of the nascent Naqshbandï order in Central Asia. 212. Thackston (New York: The Modern Library. Safinat al-awliyä3. see Bäbur-näma (Vaqäyic). Most recently Paul Losensky. It was a key text for the training of an administrator {munshl) . Kitäb-i mäh {tärlkh va jughräfiya) 3:8 (2000). the second was translated by Shäh Muhammad Qazvïnï for the Ottoman Sultan Selim in 927/1520 as Hasht-Bihisht. Ankara: Atatürk Kultur. Wheeler M. 1370 Sh/1991). The Majälis were quickly translated into Persian. into Urdu by Muhammad cAlï Lutfì (Karachi: Nafìs Academy. of which there are three versions: the first and perhaps the most influential was translated by Muhammad Fakhrï Hiravï in 928/1521-2 as Latäyif-näma. 1983). Rahmanov (Tehran: Miräs-i Maktüb. E. Welcoming Fighänl: Imitation and Poetic Individuality in the Safavid-Mughal Ghazal (Costa Mesa. Eraslan (2 vols. 56. Läri. tr. A. Comparative Studies of South Asia. Takmila-yi Nafahät al-uns. 5 (Leiden: E. Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilisations. 'The Poetic Circle at the Court of the Timürid Sultan Husain Baiqara and its Political Significance' (Harvard University: unpublished PhD dissertation. 13 Jämi. tr. Majmüca-yi Muräsalät: The Letters of Khwäja cUbayd Allah Ahrär and His Associates. various authors. Wheeler M. 20 Latäyif-näma in cAlï-Shïr Navä°i. cAlï-Asghar Hikmat (Tehran: Bank-i Milli. p. 16 Such a literary judgement. 1378 Sh/1999). 15 Näma-hä va munsha3ät-i Jäml. 'Steppe Humanism: The Autobiographical Writings of Zahir al-Din Muhammad Babur. 31. 'The Making of a Munshi'. Timurid Herat (Wiesbaden: Rickert. For a discussion of the work within the genre of Sufi hagiographies. Hiravï. cAlï Asghar Bashïr Hiravï (Kabul: Anjuman-i Jâmï. cAbidï (Tehran: Intishärät-i Ittiläcät. 1995-6). 1483-1530'. Massachussetts: Harvard University. 18 As cited previously. The work contains over 600 biographies including a fair number of his contemporaries. ed. transcription. International Journal of Middle East Studies 22 (1990). ed. cf.

Many other Naqshbandï Mujaddidï sources from India tend to overlook Jämi as he did not take many disciples and most spiritual lineages go through the Samarqand Naqshbandis. cf. 1347 Sh/1968). a disciple of Kashgharï. tr.M. vol. 1375 Sh/1996). 892/1487). associated with Jâmï and which became dominant in Tabriz. Storey. 10. . ' 25 Kamäl al-Dïn Husayn Gäzurgähi. 164r-167v). 1366 Sh/1987). MS India Office Islamic (British Library) 1647 Majrna0 al-awliyä3 of Sayyid cAli-Akbar Husayni Ardistäni completed in 1043/1633 for the Mughal Emperor Shähjahän. 25. p. 28 The complete exegesis is Mavähib-i cAliyya yä Tafslr-i Husayni. 1997). cirßnl. ed. pp. Massachussetts: Harvard University Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilisations. pp. ed. 51920. MS India Office Islamic (British Library) 1426 Tärlkh-i gharlba of Abü'l-Muhsin Muhammad Bäqir ibn Muhammad CAH. Rukn al-Din Humäyün-Farrukh (Tehran: Intishärät-i cIlmi. either through Ahrär or Khwäja Ahmad Käsäni Dihbïdï (d. Thackston (Cambridge.l-Hadä3iq al-wardiyya fi ajlä° al-säda al-Naqshbandiyya of Shaykh cAbd al-Majïd Khanï (d. Säm Mirzä Safavï. and al-Kawäkib al-durriyya Calä. Jämi's spiritual preceptor. Tehran: Intishärät-i Iqbäl. 362-8. ed. The Reign of the Mongol and the Turk Part Two: Shahrukh Mirza to Shah Ismail. 464-8. pp. Hurüfi. cAlï-Asghar Mucïnïyan (2 vols. 1317/1899-1900) (Damascus: Dar al-Bayrüti. Najïb Mäyil Hiravï (Tehran: Intishärät-i Bunyäd-i Farhang-i Iran. Väciz. an extensive collection of Sufi hagiographies of all orders in which the entry on Jämi is at folio 410r-413r. pp. Habib ul-Siyar. I have also consulted the following Naqshbandï and other Sufi sources that tend to follow the account in Rashahät: MS India Office Islamic (British Library) 698 Rawzat al-sälikln of cAlï ibn Mahmud Abïvardï Küräni. Persian Literature. ed. 1977). the latter in his account of Kashgharï. Maqsad al-iqbäl-i sultäniyya wa-marsad al-ämäl-i Khäqäniyya. Tehran: Bunyäd-i Nikükäri-yi Nüriyäni. pp. Muhammad Ramazän. 26 Fakhr al-Dïn cAlï 'Safi' Käshifi. Incidentally. 948/1542). Rawzät al-jannätfi awsäfmadlnat Hirät. Sayyid Muhammad Rizä Jaläli Nä°ini (4 vols. Javäd c Abbasï (Tehran: Miräs-i Maktüb. 1338 Sh/1959). 1362 Sh/1983). 1379 Sh/2000). ed. 23 Mucïn al-Dïn Muhammad Isfizäri. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät. Dabïr-Siyaqï (4 vols. and the shorter one on the Fätiha is Javähir al-tafsir (li-tuhfat al-Amir): tafslr adabl. pp. Käzim Imäm (Tehran: Tehran University Press. Said Arjomand. ed. reprint (Tehran: Intishärät-i Khävar. 1994). TazJàra-yi Tuhfä-yi Säml.see Algar. seems to be one of the first to describe the Sufi order as Naqshbandï when he describes their spiritual way as that of the khwäjagän-i Naqshbandiyya (p. p. The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. M. 1984). 1371 Sh/1992). The Herat branch. Mäyil Hiravï (Tehran: Nashr-i Nay. fol. 4. 159v-174v are on Jâmï and include an extensive account of his Hajj (fol. Maqämät-i Jäml. Majälis al-cushshäq. 25-9. 1329 Sh/1950). Habib al-siyar. 14v-16r.The Existential Breath of al-rahman and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 81 22 Khwänd Mir. 112-13. 'Naqshbandis and Safavids'. an important early history of the order focusing on the biographies of the branch leading up to Ahrär and especially the Transoxianan Sufi cAlä° al-Din Qühistäni (d. ed. Tehran: Intishärät-i Khayyäm. 1351 Sh/1972). 337-8. dated 947/1540-1. 143-52. they destroyed the tomb of Jämi . M. ed. 101-2. was suppressed by the Safavids. N. Tazjdrat al-shtfarä3. Ghuläm-Rizä TabätabäDi-Majd (Tehran: Intishärät-i Zarrïn. 90). fol. pp. ed. pp. éd. 24 cAbd al-Väsic Nizämi Bäkharzi. W. 27 Dawlatshäh Samarqandi. when they conquered Herat in 1510. MS Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris) supplément persan 1418 Silsila-näma-yi Khwäjagän-i Naqshband of Muhammad ibn Hasan Qazvïnï.

vol. Ahmad (2 vols. cAlï 'Safi' Käshifi. 236-7. p. p. 239. Nafahät al-uns. 1975). 159-71. 1. Naqd va barrasl-yi äsär va ahväl-i Jäml. Ν. p. 11. p. Nafahät al-uns. 34 Lari. Jäml. 2003). Kväja' in Encyclopaedia Iranica. Takmila-yi Nafahät al-uns. Jäml. cAli 'Safi' Käshifi. Lewisohn (ed. p. 191-4. Most early Naqshbandï biographical sources such as c Alï 'Safi' Käshifi's Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät are mainly hagiographies of Ahrär. Takmila-yi Nafahät al-uns. p. Jäml. pp. Hiravï. Necdet Tosun. p. 235. Jäml. Khwändamir. vol. Afsahzod. . Takmila-yi Nafahät al-uns. 32. 40 Jämi. Mäyil Hiravï (Kabul: Anjuman-i Tarïkh vaAdab. Habib al-siyar. p. 129. 45 Hamid Algar. Hamid Algar. Rogers. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät. pp. Maqämät-i Jäml. 1333 Sh/1954). vol. p. cAbd al-Hayy Habïbï (Kabul: Anjuman-i Jämi. 4. 137. p. Naqd va barrasl-yi äsär va ahväl-i Jäml. Nafahät al-uns. Jämi also wrote a work on the order: Sar-rishta-yi tarlq-i Khwäjagän. Maqämät-i Jäml. 43 J. pp. 1. 334. 35 cAli 'Safi' Käshifi. Naqd va barrasl-yi äsär va ahväl-i Jäml. Jäml. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät.82 Journal of Qur' anic Studies 29 Bäkharzi. 50. cAli 'Safi' Käshifi. art. SC: University of South Carolina Press. Jäml. 1999). 122. Bäkharzi. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät. 408-10. 34-5. 39 Jämi. Majälis al-mu3minin. p. Bahaeddin Naksbend: Hayati. Afsahzod. 11. cAli 'Safi' Käshifi. 404-7. 265. Hiravï. cf. McChesney. Takmila-yi Nafahät al-uns. 37 Afsahzod. 31 Län.D. p. p. pp. p. 30. pp. 1. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät. Dabïr-Siyaqï (4 vols. Lari. p. 397-8. Bäkharzi. 40. S. 236. 113-14. ed. 2002). vol. p. JoAnn Gross. 42. 129. p. 118. Nafahät al-uns. Jäml. pp. pp. 34-5. 1350Sh/1971). pp. pp. vol. 'Naqshbandis and Safavids'. 178-86. p. 282. Bäkharzi. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät. 60. ed. Waqf in Central Asia: Four Hundred Years in the History of a Muslim Shrine. Tehran: Kitäbfurüshi -yi Islämiyya. 49 Afsahzod. p. p. pp. 704. 667-70. pp. Maqämät-i Jäml. 2nd edn. Shahzad Bashir. 1. Hiravï. The Legacy of Medieval Persian Sufism. 48 Qazï Nur Allah Shüstari. 32 Jämi. 1. 1. 1991). in L. vol. pp. 51. Messianic Hopes and Mystical Visions: The Nürbakhshlya between Medieval and Modern Islam (Columbia. Naqd va barrasl-yi äsär va ahväl-i Jäml. pp. p. art. 'Sacd al-Dïn Kashgharï' in Encyclopaedia of Islam. Hiravï. 49. 1343 Sh/1964). Maqämät-i Jäml. 394-6. 44 Bäkharzi.). 50 Lari. 33 Lari. 46 R. Görüsleri. Tärlkhcha-yi Mazär-i Sharif. p. p. cAbd al-Ghafür Lari. 16. 148-9. p. Bäkharzi. 61. 35. Maqämät-i Jäml. 8. Takmila-yi Nafahät al-uns. Maqämät-i Jäml. pp. 35. M. vol. pp. 47 Bäkharzi. vol. 389-94. ed. Hiravï. 42 Jämi. 40-1. Tehran: Kitäbkhäna-yi Khayyäm. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät. 36. p. p. Takmila-yi Nafahät al-uns. 'Ahrär.M. 95. 12. p. 116-17. pp. Hiravï. 36 Afsahzod. 52. Maqämät-i Jäml. Naqd va barrasl-yi äsär va ahväl-i Jäml. reprint (Oxford: Oneworld. p. ed. Naqd va barrasl-yi äsär va ahväl-i Jäml. 41 Jämi. Maqämät-i Jäml. Hiravï. p. 2. Tarikati (Istanbul: Insan Yayinlan. vol. cAlï 'Safi' Käshifi. 1. 38 Afsahzod. 24-6. 30 Lari. p. 'Authority and Miraculous Behaviour: Reflections on Karämät Stories of Khwäja c Ubaydulläh Ahrär'. pp. Nafahät al-uns. Jäml. 1480-1889 (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Bäkharzi. 338. vol. Hiravï.

pp. éd. Heer (Tehran: McGill Institute of Islamic Studies. Sharh Fusüs al-hikam. 279. 1999). Heer (Albany: State University Of New York Press. 54 William Chittick.. William Chittick. ed. 75-81. For Chittick's translation of the original text. cf. ed. 1978). 1997). ed. 'The Futühät Makkiyya and its commentators' in L. which are considered internally by the tradition to be authentic works of the master. and tr. Hiravï. Gulchïn-Macanï (Tehran: Intishärät-i Hikmat. 'Ibn cArabi and His Interpreters'. p. Chodkiewicz. History of Islamic Philosophy (2 vols. Chodkiewicz. 103. 1362 Sh/1983). pp. pp. Nasr (ed. 2004). Nasr and O. 'Ibn cArabï and His School'. The Heritage of Sufism II (Oxford: Oneworld Publications. reprint (London: The Royal Asiatic Society. William Chittick. 58 Jämi. and yet in comparison to the 122 commentaries and paraphrases of the Fusüs.). 219-32. 'The Diffusion of Ibn c Arabï's Doctrine'. 218-41. for example. See. 1-13. 37-64. For a discussion of the contested legacy. 1. pp. 510-23. CA. 30-93. James Morris. Studia Islamica 49 (1979). 1991). see James Morris. pp. Journal of the Muhyiddin Ibn cArabi Society 23 (1998). 'The Diffusion of Ibn cArabï's Doctrine'. W. Al-Husaynï al-Darqäwi (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-cIlmiyya. A. 1999). 1996). Society and Religion in Early Ottoman Egypt: Studies in the Writings of cAbd al-Wahhäb al-Shacränl (New Brunswick: Transaction Books. 53 While I will be drawing upon the Fusüs and its commentaries.H. 60 Lavä°ih: A Treatise on Sufism. 1977). tr. 59. Chittick (Tehran: Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy. 'Ibn cArabi's "Esotericism": The Problem of Spiritual Authority'.). 36-57. Studia Islamica 71 (1990). the authorship of the Futühät has never been impugned mainly because of the 71 samäcät inscribed on the famous autograph Konya manuscript of the text. E.. Naqd al-nusüsfi Sharh naqsh al-Fusüs. Jäml. Whinfield and M. 2005). pp. and the critical review by James Morris in Journal of the Muhyiddin Ibn cArabi Society 27 (2000). Michel Chodkiewicz. James Morris. pp. 1982). 179-82.M. 751-2. Lewisohn (ed. 57 Jämi. pp. Journal of the American Oriental Society 106 (1986). Mahmud Ghuräb's extensively annotated edition and the preface to Sharh Fusüs al-hikam min kaläm al-Shaykh al-Akbar (Damascus: Matbacat Zayd Ibn Thäbit. 59 AI-Durra al-fäkhira. 39. Tazkira-yi maykhäna. 1985) . there are some who argue that the work has been corrupted by extensive interpolations. . Les Illuminations de la Mecque (Paris: Albin Michel. ed. Ν. James Morris. See Michel Chodkiewicz.": The Political and Aesthetic Dimensions of Ibn cArabï's Legacy'.H. 1979). 52 For some introductions and discussions of this important distinction. London: Routledge. p. see Alexander Knysh. 56 There are numerous popular printings of this text: cf. Lavâyeh: Les jaillissements de lumière. 'The School of Ibn cArabf in S. vol. see 'Ibn c Arabï's Own Summary of the Fusüs: The Imprints of the Bezels of Wisdom'. Muslim World 82 (1992). 'Ibn cArabi and His School' in S. 'Une introduction à la lecture des Futûhât Makkiyya' in Chodkiewicz et al (eds). pp.for a critical assessment. 139-42. The Reflective Heart: Discovering Spiritual Intelligence in Ibn cArabi's Meccan Illuminations (Louisville: Fons Vitae. Sharh Fusüs al-hikam. Chittick. Islamic Spirituality II: Manifestations (New York: SCM Press. Ibn cArabi and the Later Islamic Tradition: The Making of a Polemical Image in Medieval Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press. pp. p.The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahim 83 51 William Chittick. 'The Perfect Man as the Prototype of the Self in the Sufism of Jämi'. Kazvïnï. Journal of the Muhyiddin Ibn cArabi Society 9 (1991). Leaman (eds). The Precious Pearl. 49-79. pp. Michael Winter. Interestingly. 'Notes on Ibn al-cArabi's Influence in the Subcontinent'.H. 1980). see the review by Michel Chodkiewicz in Studia Islamica 63 (1984). and tr. there are barely a handful of commentaries on the Futühät and none of them can be claimed to be complete. pp. Journal of the Muhyiddin Ibn cArabi Society 1 (1982). '"Except His Face . 55 Fakhr al-Zamäm Qazvïnï. ed. p. N.

9495. 294-303. Richard (Paris: Les Deux Océans. al-Anwär al-Qudsiyya fi manäqib al-säda al-Naqshbandiyya (Cairo: Matbacat al-Sacäda. J. Lockhart (eds).84 Journal of Qur'anic Studies Y. Roemer. 1367 Sh/1988). 'The Naqshbandiyyah Order'. 1. 300-4. S. 267-8. 2. ed. Fasi al-khitäb. 1. Rizvi. tr. N. Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia (Gainesville: University of Florida Press. 1993). Chinese Gleams of Sufi Light (Albany: State University Of New York Press. p. 69 N. Misgarnizhäd (Tehran: Iran University Press. p. 'Chahär nazar pirämün-i chahär äsär mansüb bih Sayyid cAlï Hamadanï'. vol. Farhang-i Irän-zamln 6 (1337 Sh/1958). The Cambridge History of Iran Volume 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 68 Mahmud Gawän. 'The "Naqshbandï Reaction" Reconsidered' in D. Friedmann. ed.see Najib Mäyil Hiravï. 63 Sharh-i Fusüs al-hikam. 1983). 66 cAlï 'Safi' Käshifi. ed. Lawrence (eds). but see Y. 64 Edited by Marijan Mole as 'Quelques traité Naqshbandis'. 51. 152. The text in fact seems to overlap extensively with the commentary attributed to the Kubravi Sufi Sayyid cAlï Hamadanï (d. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät. Interpretation of the 'Naqshbandï reaction' which Sirhindi supposedly manifests has been tempered by David Damrel. 13744. 869/1464) and had signalled the Zahabï Shïcï turn in the Kubravi lineage . On Jahänshäh's brief hegemony over Khuräsän. Gilmartin and B. 249-50. p. 207-11. 2000). 872/1468) who had contested the Kubravi mantle of Khwäja Ishäq Kuttaläni with the messianic Sayyid Muhammad Nürbakhsh (d. 'Reflections of Ibn c Arabi in Early Naqshbandï Tradition'. Sultan al-QurräDi (2 vols. pp. 1982). 114-16. 61 Muhammad cAbd al-Haqq Ansäri. p.). pp. cf. pp. 47-55. 167-72. vol. pp. and Hamid Algar. 244. dating from the 12*/18Λ century. Hiravï (Tehran: Intishärät-i cIlmï. 'The Successors of Timur' in P. 1986). pp. 1999). pp. 215-17. 351. ed. It is worth noting that the attribution of the commentary to Pärsä is not uncontroversial. 1366 Sh/1987). 1381 Sh/2002) I consulted MS British Museum Or. Näma-hä-yi dastnavlsl-yi Jäml. Lälä°i was a disciple of Sayyid cAbd Allah Barzishäbädi (d. 680-4.A. 151. Nizami. Algar. 19-23. vol. Hiravï. 174. 'Jämi va mashäyikh-i ShïT. 5. Streight (Albany: State University Of New York Press. pp. p. pp. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät. 1344/1925). cf. Tehran: Bungäh-i Tarjuma va Nashr-i Kitäb. For a new translation and discussion by Chittick. see Sachiko Murata. Ibn al-Karbalä% Rawzät al-jinän wa-jannät al-jinän. ed. 1349 Sh/1970). Shaykh Chänd (Hyderabad: Osmania Oriental Publications. p. p. vol. 67 cAlï 'Safi' Käshifi. pp. 90-116. An Ocean without a Shore. 'Reflections of Ibn cArabî in Early Naqshbandï Tradition'. 62 cAli 'SafT Käshifi. 2. pp. Islamic Spirituality II. 1. Muhammad al-Rakhäwi. Näma-yi Nigäristän 2:5 (spring 1375 Sh/1996). see H. J. pp. . 1986). Sufism and Sharlcah: A Study of Shaykh Ahmad SirhindVs Attempts to Reform Sufism (Leicester: The Islamic Foundation. pp. pp. 152-7. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Rashahät-i cAyn al-hayät. 365-6.M. D. pp. 20v-22r. Woods. pp. 74-85. pp.A. Misgarnizhäd (Tehran: Iran University Press. J. in Nasr (ed. pp. 65 Risäla-yi tavajjuh. pp. The Aqquyunlu (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press.M. pp. 221-8. K. pp. 'Reflections of Ibn cArabi in early Naqshbandï tradition'. pp. Michel Chodkiewicz. 45-66. Jackson and L. vol. pp.A. 1948). Messianic Hopes and Mystical Visions. 65-70. Algar. 113-210. 1971). MS British Museum Or. 787/1385) . Danish 11 (1366 Sh/1987). Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindl (Montreal: McGill University Press. 46-9. Riyäd al-inshä3. pp. John E. Journal of the Muhyiddin Ibn cArabi Society 10 (1991).see Bashir. 2000). A History of Sufism in India (2 vols. dated 909/1503^1. 227-32. 208-14. 176-98.

84 Al-Qaysari. p. Sunnï Muctazilï. 110. 80 Qünawi. vol. 1984). 199. ed. 202. 200. 311/923). The Qur'an and its Interpreters. p. see Ronald Nettler. 85 Mercy is commonly described as riqqat al-qalb in the exegetical traditions. Majmac al-bayän. p. On the reception of the idea in early Islamic . M. Mehmet Bayraktar (Kaysen: Büyükcehir Belediyesi Kultur Yayinlan. Vjäz al-bayän. p. Sharh ta°wll al-basmala in Rasaci. For an example contemporary to Jâmï. 116-40. Javähir al-tafsir. p. 1. vol. 1. Sufism and Taoism (Berkeley: University of California Press. Ibn cArabï did write Qur'anic works: his large mainly non-extant exegesis al-Jamc wa'l-tafsll fiasrär macänl al-tanzll. 205. Sayyid Muhammad Jawäd al-Husayni al-Jaläli (Qum: Daftar-i Tablighät-i Islämi. 75 Zayd ibn cAlï. cf. vol. vol. especially Chapter Four. Beirut: al-Där al-cÄlamiyya. see Georges Anawati. Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Tabätabä'i (Shicï. ed. 1402/1982). 1. cf. 27. Albany: State University of New York Press.d. vol. vol. p. p. Raw ¿at al-jinan wa-jannat al-jinan. J ami. vol. cf. d. 4r. Icjäz al-bayän fi ta°wll Umm al-Qur°än (Hyderabad: Osmania Oriental Publications. 54. 73 Tafslr Muqätil ibn Sulaymän. and Ishärät al-Qur°än. 1989). MS British Museum Or. pp. 1. 1997). 79 Qunawï. which has been published by Mahmud Ghuräb based on a unicum that ends in the second sura. l. vol. Tafslr Ihn cArabi [siel] (2 vols. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-cIlmiyya. Chodkiewicz. A. 2001). p. tr. al-Kashshäf can haqä3iq al-tanzll wa-cuyün al-aqäwll (5 vols. 3ΊΊ. see Lloyd Gerson. 548/1154). 76 Al-Tabrisï. Les commentaires ésotériques du Coran après cAbd ar-Razzâq al-Qâshânî. d. 1987). 1. Gharlb al-Qur°än. p. p. 24. 201. cf. 120. Meditation upon the Qur'an is central to most of his works and hence Mahmud Ghuräb has collated exegetical passages from his various works and published them in four volumes entitled al-Rahma min al-rahmän fi tafslr wa-ishärät al-Qur°än (Damascus: Matbacat Zayd ibn Thäbit. Vjäz al-bayän. Sufi Metaphysics and QurDanic Prophets: Ibn cArabl's Thought and Method in the Fusüs al-hikam (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society. p. p. 1. 2003). vol. Cooper (Oxford: Oxford University Press. cf. 63-77. 'Rahman et Rahim dans les LawamV al-bayyinat de Fakhr al-Din al-Razi' in Michael Marmura (ed. p. n. 538/1144). pp. l. Fand (3 vols. 9490. pp. 1997). 44. Lory. Plotinus (London: Routledge. 1973). 82 Qünawi. Hiravï. The Commentary on the Qur°än. Islamic Theology and Philosophy: Studies in Honor of George F. 78 Charkhï. 2712. p. For a discussion of the duality of the terms in an Ashcari work of the 6 /12th century. d.p. d. 1. Hourani (Albany: State University of New York Press. 74 Jär Allah al-Zamakhshari (d. Abu c Alï al-Fadl al-Tabrisï (Shïcï Muctazilï. 56. pp. 83 Al-Käshäni. Majmac al-bayän (Beirut: Mu'assasat al-Aclamï. J. Vjäz al-bayän. al-Tabarï (Sunnï. 18-23. see Käshifi.p. 77 Al-Tabrisï.). 169-70. 1984). 1983). icjäz al-bayan fi'l-tarjama can al-Qur°än. Majmac al-bayän. An Ocean without a Shore. 2 2 ^ 1 . Tafsïr-i Kaläm-i Rabbani. pp. 43. 81 Qünawi. Ayoub. 2. Ayoub. 72 For a most recent example. pp. 1995).). 71 See the best treatment in Toshihiko Izutsu. al-Mlzän fi tafslr al-QurDan (20 vols. 1994). ed. 1949).The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahim 85 70 Ibn al-Karbalä3i. p. 2002). 54. 41. The Qur'an and its Interpreters (2 vols. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-cIlmiyya. fol. Beirut: MuDassasat al-Aclami. vol. 54. 86 On the super-abundant goodness of the Neoplatonic One and its activity.

1379 Sh/2000). 222. 4. 102 Jämi. p. MS Istanbul University Library 2682. Sharh Fusüs al-hikam. 98 Sacïd al-Dïn Farghanï (d. 146-8. 91113. Muhammad Khwäjavi (Tehran: Intishärät-i Mawlä. p. Büläq edition. William Chittick. 1947). The study of Sufi exegesis and textual hermeneutics requires the availability of reliable edited texts and I hope that my work can contribute to that wider project. 92 Ibn cArabi. Izutsu. p. p. ed. al-Futühät al-Makkiyya.see Afsahzod. Jämi. 87 Ibn cArabi. I am currently preparing a critical edition of Jämi's exegesis on the Fätiha along with a fully annotated translation and study of the text. 1979). pp. pp. ed. Sufism and Taoism. dated 960/1553. vol. The Sufi Path of Knowledge. Sadr al-Dïn al-Qunawï. It is quite possible that there are many others in India. 3. 2. cf. 177. 90 Ibn cArabi. 329-31. 255-6. but this does not contain his exegesis . al-Futühät al-Makkiyya. p. pp. 88 Jämi. 94 Jâmï. p. Äshtiyäni (Tehran: Intishärät-i cIlmï va Farhangï. MS India Office Islamic 842. Äshtiyäni (Tehran: Iranian Islamic Academy of Philosophy.J. CA. dated 963/1556. Istilähät al-Süfiyya. I will supplement readings from two further manuscripts that include the remainder of his exegesis: MS Princeton (Garrett-Yahuda Collection) 1397 and 2397. 93. 146-7 (my translation). al-Futühät al-Makkiyya. Majïd Hädizäda (Tehran: Miräth-i Maktüb. S. pp. 1774-9.J. 97 cAbd al-Razzäq al-Käshäni (attr. Naqd va barrasl-yi äsär va ahväl-i Jamï. 107-8. p. al-Käshäni.). 1375 Sh/1996). 425. vol. 151. dating from the 10Λ/16Λ century. pp. Murata. 122. dated 958/1551. vol. Sharh Fusüs al-hikam. 1371 Sh/1993). A. 270-1. ed. p. p. Sharh Fusüs al-hikam. William Chittick. Chittick. Mashäriq al-darärl. 9v. cf. Fusüs al-hikam. pp. 96 cAbd al-Razzäq al-Käshäni. pp. The earliest exemplar is MS Uzbek Oriental Academy 1331. ed. 91 Ibn cArabi. pp. 101 Kulliyyät of his works (both poetical and non-poetical) seem to have been in circulation from living memory of him after his death. vol. 177. 93 Ibn cArabi. 695/1296). 89 Ibn cArabï. . Fusüs al-hikam. both dating from the 12 /18 century. S.86 Journal of Qur'anic Studies Neoplatonism. 1995). pp. Sharh Fusüs al-hikam. 422-3. 99 Ibn cArabï. Fusüs al-hikam. 431. Sufism and Taoism. Jämi. 292-3. 1991). Sharh Fusüs al-hikam. Kitäb al-Fukük. reprinted in A Glossary of Sufi Technical Terms (London: The Octagon Press. Büläq edition. cf. Sharh Fusüs al-hikam (Cairo. 1998). see Cristina D'Ancona Costa. 421-2. Sprenger. 399. pp. p. p. The Self-Disclosure of God. cf. cf. p. This will be based on five of the oldest manuscripts: (in chronological order) MS Istanbul University Library 1285. pp. mentions 32 and another ten or so are in Turkish libraries. Lata3if al-icläm fi ishärät ahi al-ilhäm. cf. p. 177. Fusüs al-hikam. MS Kitäbkhäna-yi cUmüml-yi Äyat Allah al-Marcashl 6744. dated 1001/1592-3. 177. 1321/1903). ed. The Tao of Islam. culüm al-Qur3än: makhtütät al-tafslr (Amman: MuDassasat Äl al-Bayt. 69-70. 6. Izutsu. Tafslr al-Fätiha. 118. ed. and MS Bratislava University Library (Basagic collection) TF 73. cf. 95 Ibn cArabi. pp. 551. p. dated 908/1502-3. Büläq edition. cAfìfi (Cairo: Dar al-Macärif. 1987). 130. 100 Al-Fihras al-shämil li'1-turäth al-1Arabi al-Isläml al-makhtüt. The Self-Disclosure of God: Principles of Ibn cArabVs Cosmology (Albany: State University Of New York Press. Fusüs al-hikam. Däwüd al-Qaysari. Recherches sur le Liber de Causis (Paris: Vrin. fol.

M. Alokhon Afsahzod (Tehran: Miräs-i Maktüb. 11. al-Fawätih al-ilähiyya wa'l-mafätlh al-ghaybiyya. 11. 118 Nakhjuwanï. 104 Jämi. 19. Tafslr al-Fätiha. p. 144. . fol. 108 Jâmï. fol. fol. Tafslr al-Fätiha. Tafslr al-Fätiha. 105 For a useful discussion. 'The Author's Introduction as a Key to Understanding Trends in Islamic Philosophy' in R. 20-1. 1983). 107 Jämi. 116 Jämi. 18. vol. tr. 11. 11. Ridä Qabbäni (Beirut: Dar Ihyä3 al-cUlüm. 115 Al-Ghazäli. reprint (2 vols. 117 Jämi. Tafslr al-Fätiha. 21-2. 11. 1999). 15-17.p. Cairo: Dar al-Rikäbi. 7r. 111 Jâmï. 8. p. ed. 6r. 6r. fol. fol. p. 6r. 1378 Sh/1999). Macnavl-yi Haft Awrang. 3v. 'Naqshbandis and Safavids'. 114 Jämi. see Steven Harvey. 15-18. R. 67. Thielmann (eds). Jawähir al-Qur'än. 11. Words. vol. fol. 15-32. ed. 1. Abul Quasem (London: Kegan Paul International. 109 Jâmï. 1. 11. 2-3. 110 Jâmï. 65. 113 Nicmat Allah ibn Mahmud Nakhjuwanï. 23-5. 7r. 7r. p. 3v-5r. Tafslr al-Fätiha. 112 Jâmï. 1. 21-2. Arnzen and J. 106 Jâmï. He may have been a disciple of Ahrär . al-Fawätih al-ilähiyya. Tafslr al-Fätiha. fol. p. Tafslr al-Fätiha. 18. fol.see Algar. 1985). fol. The Jewels of the Qur°än. 1. vol. 18. fol. 6r. Tafslr al-Fätiha. 2004). 6r. fol. Tafslr al-Fätiha. 11. 6r. Tafslr al-Fätiha. Texts and Concepts Cruising the Mediterranean Sea (Leuven: Peeters. pp. Tafslr al-Fätiha. 10-13. l.The Existential Breath of al-rahmän and the Munificent Grace of al-rahlm 87 103 Jâmï.

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