Pembunuhan-Pembunuhan Massal Yang Terjadi Di Indonesia!

Anti Communist Massacres
Guest Writer Spew It All writes about the nature of the anti-communist massacres of 1965-66.

One regular writer for (Ross) submitted his article on communism and genocide in Indonesia, a riposte to a piece by Julia Suryakusumah in the Indonesian English-language newspaper the Jakarta Post. The article succeeded in provoking much debate, but sadly, some of the discussion still reflects how poorly misunderstood the killings of 1965/66 are.

The massacres of 1965 have been the biggest conundrum in Indonesian history. The communist members and their partisans were hunted and killed gruesomely by their fellow Indonesians with support from the military. The killings took place following the failed coup attempt carried out by several military officers and a few members of the Communist Party. Parallel to this, transition of power also occurred. Sukarno, who reigned in the country for more than twenty years, was replaced by Suharto, an army general who later headed Indonesia for more than thirty years.

Official Accounts
During the Suharto period, the stories of massacres seemed to be forgotten. Official history only highlights the heroic action of the Indonesian army that successfully crushed communism in Indonesia. This constructed truth is perpetuated further through enactments in various museums, films and school history textbooks. Much worse than that is the New Order’s representation of that bloody event seeing it as merely horizontal conflicts between the PKI masses and their bitter rivals. Any alternative interpretation was an anathema in Indonesia during Suharto regime. Gaol and others sanctions would be the consequence for contesting the New Order version of history. Books written by scholars were banned and the writers were refused to enter the country.

Despite these problems, some scholars succeeded in conducting researches on what happened in 1965 including Hermawan Sulistyo, Iwan Sudjatmiko, Clifford Geertz, Geoffrey Robinson, Harold Crouch, and John Roosa. Not all these scholars agree with the idea that the killings were state-sponsored violence.

Horizontal-Spontaneous Conflict
Sulistyo, Sudjatmiko and Geertz are the proponent of “horizontal theory”. There seems to be no dissimilarity between their conclusions and the official version released by the government of Indonesia. The Army Information Centre (PUSPENAD), which launched its report a year after the coup took place, suggested that the mass anger could not be controlled. [1] Likewise, twenty years later, the Indonesian State Secretary used the term, “spontaneous mass action against the PKI” to describe the ferocity of the event. [2]

Military-State Sponsored Violence
A differing view is put forward by another historian, Hilmar Farid, who suggested that the task of disputing this view is not too intellectually challenging, because blatant evidence can reveal the involvement of state apparatus. [3]

Early Military Role
There are important factors that should be taken into account, if we want to look at the military role in the killings. Firstly, the military’s immediate action to control media by closing down all media except Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha, which were owned by the Army. [4] By closing down media outlets, it enabled them to create fear through propaganda and the fabricated story of the PKI as the main culprit in the killings of seven generals spread out easily. Moreover, the military publications also reported that military operations to purge communism in Indonesia’s outer region had succeeded in seizing firearms, grenades and documents revealing the coup plans. This would clearly make people under the impression that the PKI was ready to launch a coup. Secondly, Suharto was appointed to head the Operational Commander for the Restoration of Security and Order (Pangkokamtib) and commenced an effective campaign against the PKI. In conjunction with the military campaign, KAP Gestapu (Action Front to Crush the Thirtieth of September Movement) was formed by an alliance of anti-Communist organisations and their overall campaign mantra and objective was to “crush the PKI down its roots.”

Secret Cable Message
There was also a report that the military was involved in the training of youth organisations. According to a cable sent by the US embassy in Jakarta to State Department in November 1965, the Indonesian Army would try to avoid direct confrontation with the PKI. In Central Java, Army (RPKAD) is training Moslem Youth [probably either Banser or HMI] and supplying them with weapons and will keep them out in front against the PKI. Army will try to avoid as much it can safely do so, direct confrontation with the PKI “¦ Army is letting groups other than Army discredit them [the PKI] and demand their punishment. [5]

Having said this, it can be argued that the training was inextricably linked to the campaign programme and the strategy of avoiding direct confrontation with the PKI.

The support from the military is significant as in some areas the number of the PKI members and its opponents seemed to be on a par. For example, the killings in Bali did not take place until the middle of December 1965. Although tension heightened between two dominant factions in Bali, the PNI and the PKI, it did not culminate in the bloodshed. With the arrival of troops from Jakarta, the anti-communist camp held more sway. [6]

Central Java
In Central Java, the arrests and killings took place not long after the arrival of RPKAD (the Indonesian Special Forces) headed by Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. The troops arrived in Semarang on 18th October 1965 and then fanned out to other towns. A witness, Suparno, recalled what happened before he was accused of planning to overthrow the head of the region and arrested and imprisoned for decades. He remembered that the troops paraded in his town Pati, before stopping at the town hall and delivering a speech on what had happened in Jakarta. The operations were then carried out in the next days. [7] With the support from civilian militias, the operations were done easily. The military provided trucks and the militias helped with information or even took part in the killings.

Rivers of Blood
As many may have heard the colour of the River Brantas in East Java, turned to red during the horrific months. Rivers were perhaps the “favourite” places for the killers to dump the bodies. The reason might be practical as the current would take the bodies away. However, the floating bodies in the river might be containing a powerful message for Indonesians. As if they liked to say through the river: communists should end up like this!

Associate Organisations
Noteworthy, not all of victims were actually communists. Even Gerwani and the labour unions were not officially part of the Communist Party. These organisations worked together with the PKI on several occasions, unlike Pemuda Rakyat, which was officially the youth wing of the party. One survivor admitted that he was a member of an Islamic party, Masyumi, but was arrested. [8] It is denunciation behind this false accusation. Chinese people were amongst the victims but they were by no means a majority.

The fates of victims in prisons were not better than those who were summarily executed. Tortures and killings could happen even in the prisons. Some commentators

beside tortures. Nona. this similar method of killings also took place. a woman who was arrested.suggested that the number of inmates shrank in several regions. but . in Opinion . But following the downfall of Suharto. Anti Komunis Massacres January 25th. Zakaria. [10] For female prisoners. a riposte to a piece by Julia Suryakusumah in the Indonesian English-language newspaper the Jakarta (Samarinda) diajukan artikelnya pada komunisme dan Genosida di Indonesia. [11] For three decades this horror remained untold. many stories of the massacres began to emerge. The Future Discussion on what happened on 1965 is still centred on the mastermind of the coup. the number of communist prisoners had decreased. albeit under the different name of Operasi Teratur or Organised Operation. however. they were also subject to sexual harassments. a leader of youth organisation. Biasa satu penulis untuk Indonesiamatters. [9] In Kediri. Misunderstandings / Kesalahpahaman One regular writer for Indonesiamatters. the unsolved biggest question is not “whodunit” but “can it happen again?” [12] It is important for Indonesians to contemplate the later question if they want to build a more democratic Indonesian in the future. Penulis Tamu memuntahkan Semua ini menulis tentang sifat yang antikomunis massacres dari 1965-66. di ( Ross ) submitted his article on communism and genocide in Indonesia . Survivors who were released from prison wrote their memoirs giving their accounts on that crucial moment in Indonesian history. 2008. The article succeeded in provoking much debate. untuk suatu tindakan balasan oleh Julia Suryakusumah di Indonesia bahasa Inggris-koran Jakarta Post. who carried out interrogations of prisoners in Lombok. was forced to have sex with the military officer and then became pregnant and delivered her baby in the camp. by Guest Writer 25 Januari 2008. oleh Penulis Tamu Guest Writer Spew It All writes about the nature of the anti-communist massacres of 1965-66. and resulted in a greater number of victims. As Robert Cribb lamented in his article. admitted that after August 1966. The pitfall of this over-attention on mastermind may lead to assuming the killings as separated from the establishment of the New Order.

Parallel to this. Buku-buku yang ditulis oleh cendekiawan telah diblokir dan penulis telah menolak untuk memasuki negara. Anggota yang komunis dan mereka dan partisans buruan yang dibunuh oleh mereka gruesomely sesama Indonesia dengan dukungan dari militer. film dan buku sejarah sekolah. tetapi kurang sehat. Massacres 1965 yang telah menjadi teka-teki terbesar dalam sejarah Indonesia. Walaupun masalah ini. Penjara dan sanksi lain akan memperhatikan Menyoal Orde Baru versi sejarah. Artikel berhasil membuat banyak perdebatan. Ini adalah kebenaran dibangun perpetuated lebih lanjut melalui enactments di berbagai museum. Sukarno. some of the discussion still reflects how poorly misunderstood the killings of 1965/66 are. Selama periode Suharto. beberapa dari diskusi masih mencerminkan bagaimana disalahfaham yang buruk dari pembunuhan 1965/66 adalah. beberapa . Gaol and others sanctions would be the consequence for contesting the New Order version of history. The communist members and their partisans were hunted and killed gruesomely by their fellow Indonesians with support from the military. Much worse than that is the New Order’s representation of that bloody event seeing it as merely horizontal conflicts between the PKI masses and their bitter rivals. transition of power also occurred. Setiap alternatif interpretasi adalah anathema di Indonesia selama rezim Soeharto. Iwan Sudjatmiko. Sejajar dengan ini. Harold Crouch. some scholars succeeded in conducting researches on what happened in 1965 including Hermawan Sulistyo. Geoffrey Robinson. the stories of massacres seemed to be forgotten. and John Roosa. was replaced by Suharto . diganti oleh Suharto. Research / Penelitian Despite these problems. who reigned in the country for more than twenty years. yang memerintah di negara untuk lebih dari dua puluh tahun. films and school history textbooks. Jauh lebih buruk daripada yang Orde Baru's keterwakilan yang melihat peristiwa berdarah itu hanya sebagai konflik horisontal antara massa PKI dan pahit saingan mereka. The killings took place following the failed coup attempt carried out by several military officers and a few members of the Communist Party. an army umum yang kemudian kepala Indonesia selama lebih dari tiga puluh tahun. This constructed truth is perpetuated further through enactments in various museums. Pembunuhan yang terjadi setelah gagal membalikkan upaya dilakukan oleh beberapa pejabat militer dan beberapa anggota Partai Komunis. Official history only highlights the heroic action of the Indonesian army that successfully crushed communism in Indonesia. Any alternative interpretation was an anathema in Indonesia during Suharto regime. History / Sejarah The massacres of 1965 have been the biggest conundrum in Indonesian history. Sejarah resmi hanya menyoroti tindakan heroik dari tentara Indonesia yang berhasil dilumatkan komunisme di Indonesia. transisi kekuasaan juga terjadi. kisah dari massacres nampaknya akan lupa. Clifford Geertz. an army general who later headed Indonesia for more than thirty years. Sukarno. Books written by scholars were banned and the writers were refused to enter the country.sadly. Official Accounts / Resmi Account During the Suharto period.

Geoffrey Robinson. Sudjatmiko dan Geertz adalah pendukung dari "horisontal teori". it enabled them to create fear through propaganda and the fabricated story of the PKI as the main culprit in the killings of seven generals spread out easily. [4] Dengan penutupan outlet media. "spontan massa tindakan terhadap PKI "untuk menjelaskan kekejaman dari acara. [3] Early Military Role / Peran militer awal There are important factors that should be taken into account. dan John Roosa. the military publications also reported that military operations to purge communism in Indonesia’s outer region had succeeded in seizing firearms. jika kita ingin melihat peran militer dalam pembunuhan. the military’s immediate action to control media by closing down all media except Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha. Not all these scholars agree with the idea that the killings were state-sponsored violence. if we want to look at the military role in the killings. suggested that the mass anger could not be controlled. dua puluh tahun kemudian. Clifford Geertz. which were owned by the Army. Horizontal-Spontaneous Conflict / Konflik horizontal-spontan Sulistyo. karena ribut bukti dapat mengungkapkan keterlibatan aparat negara. grenades and documents revealing the coup plans. Iwan Sudjatmiko. Sepertinya tidak ada perbedaan antara mereka dan kesimpulan versi resmi diluncurkan oleh pemerintah Indonesia.cendekiawan berhasil melakukan penelitian tentang apa yang terjadi di tahun 1965 termasuk Hermawan Sulistyo. [1] Demikian pula. ini memungkinkan mereka untuk membuat takut melalui propaganda dan yg siap untuk dimakan kisah PKI sebagai jahat utama dalam pembunuhan dari tujuh Umum tersebar dengan mudah. militer's tindakan segera untuk mengontrol media dengan penutupan semua media kecuali Angkatan Bersenjata dan Berita Yudha. who suggested that the task of disputing this view is not too intellectually challenging. Sekretaris Negara Indonesia istilah yang digunakan. Selain itu. Hilmar Farid. militer publikasi juga melaporkan . Sudjatmiko and Geertz are the proponent of “horizontal theory”. Sulistyo. Tidak semua beasiswa tersebut setuju dengan ide bahwa pembunuhan yang disponsori negara-kekerasan. “spontaneous mass action against the PKI” to describe the ferocity of the event. yang mengemukakan bahwa tugas disputing pandangan ini tidak terlalu layan menantang. twenty years later. There seems to be no dissimilarity between their conclusions and the official version released by the government of Indonesia. Moreover. Pertama. [2] Military-State Sponsored Violence / Militer-negara yang disponsori kekerasan A differing view is put forward by another historian. Harold Crouch. the Indonesian State Secretary used the term. which launched its report a year after the coup took place. The Army Information Centre (PUSPENAD). Ada faktor penting yang harus diperhatikan. Hilmar Farid. because blatant evidence can reveal the involvement of state apparatus. yang dimiliki oleh Angkatan Darat. Firstly. [3] Sebuah tampilan yang berbeda diletakkan maju lain oleh sejarawan. [2] Angkatan darat Information Center (PUSPENAD). [4] By closing down media outlets. yang meluncurkan laporan setelah satu tahun pemerintahan berlangsung. [1] Likewise. mengemukakan bahwa massa marah tidak dapat dikontrol.

The troops arrived in Semarang on 18th October 1965 and then fanned out to other towns. the arrests and killings took place not long after the arrival of RPKAD (the Indonesian Special Forces) headed by Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. it did not culminate in the bloodshed. Kedua. the killings in Bali did not take place until the middle of December 1965. Menurut sebuah kabel dikirim oleh kedutaan Amerika Serikat di Jakarta untuk Negara Departemen pada bulan November 1965. Di Jawa Tengah.bahwa operasi militer untuk menyingkirkan komunisme di luar wilayah Indonesia telah berhasil dalam perebutan api. Suharto diangkat ke kepala Komandan Operasi untuk Pembangunan Keamanan dan Ketertiban (Pangkokamtib) dan mulai kampanye yang efektif terhadap PKI. [6] Central Java Jawa Tengah In Central Java. Hal ini jelas akan membuat orang di bawah kesan bahwa PKI telah siap untuk memulai minggu. penahanan dan pembunuhan berlangsung tidak lama setelah kedatangan RPKAD (Indonesia Angkatan Khusus) dipimpin oleh Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. Suharto was appointed to head the Operational Commander for the Restoration of Security and Order (Pangkokamtib) and commenced an effective campaign against the PKI. KAP Gestapu (Action Front to Crush the Thirtieth of September Movement) was formed by an alliance of anti-Communist organisations and their overall campaign mantra and objective was to Dalam kaitannya dengan kampanye militer." Secret Cable Message / Rahasia Kabel Pesan There was also a report that the military was involved in the training of youth organisations. . According to a cable sent by the US embassy in Jakarta to State Department in November 1965. Meskipun heightened ketegangan antara dua golongan dominan di Bali. Indonesia Angkatan Darat akan mencoba untuk menghindari konfrontasi langsung dengan PKI. grenades dan dokumen yang mengungkapkan rencana tindakan. This would clearly make people under the impression that the PKI was ready to launch a coup. the Indonesian Army would try to avoid direct confrontation with the PKI. tidak berujung pada darah. Although tension heightened between two dominant factions in Bali. Dukungan dari militer yang signifikan seperti di beberapa daerah jumlah anggota PKI dan lawan nampaknya akan di par. KAP Gestapu (Front Aksi untuk Crush yang ketigapuluh September Gerakan) telah dibentuk oleh sebuah aliansi anti-Komunis dan organisasi wartawan dan keseluruhan kampanye ini bertujuan untuk “crush the PKI down its roots. the PNI and the PKI. pembunuhan di Bali tidak berlangsung sampai pertengahan Desember 1965. Bali The support from the military is significant as in some areas the number of the PKI members and its opponents seemed to be on a par. yang PNI dan PKI.” "Crush PKI bawah akarnya. In conjunction with the military campaign. For example. Pasukan yang tiba di Semarang pada tanggal 18 Oktober 1965 dan kemudian fanned ke kota-kota lain. anti-komunis kamp diselenggarakan lebih lenggok. [6] Dengan kedatangan ekspedisi dari Jakarta. With the arrival of troops from Jakarta. Misalnya. Ada juga melaporkan bahwa militer telah terlibat dalam pelatihan dari organisasi pemuda. Secondly. the anti-communist camp held more sway.

The reason might be practical as the current would take the bodies away. yang secara resmi sayap pemuda dari partai. Namun. Rivers of Blood / Sungai dari Darah As many may have heard the colour of the River Brantas in East Java. These organisations worked together with the PKI on several occasions. Bahkan Gerwani dan serikat pekerja tidak resmi bagian dari Partai Komunis. [8] It is denunciation behind this false accusation. [7] With the support from civilian militias. Masyumi. mengingat apa yang terjadi sebelum dia dituduh perencanaan untuk menggulingkan kepala daerah dan ditangkap dan dipenjarakan untuk dekade. He remembered that the troops paraded in his town Pati. tidak seperti Pemuda Rakyat. Dia diingat bahwa pasukan paraded di kota Pati. As if they liked to say through the river: Karena jika mereka suka mengatakan melalui sungai: communists should end up like this! komunis harus berakhir seperti ini! Associate Organisations / Associate Organisasi Noteworthy. Even Gerwani and the labour unions were not officially part of the Communist Party. [8] Ini adalah pengkhianatan di belakang tuduhan palsu ini. Seperti banyak yang memiliki warna mendengar dari Sungai Brantas di Jawa Timur. Seorang saksi. the floating bodies in the river might be containing a powerful message for Indonesians. sebelum berhenti di balai kota dan menyampaikan pidato pada apa yang telah terjadi di Jakarta. the operations were done easily. Suparno. unlike Pemuda Rakyat. . Orang Cina di antara para korban. Chinese people were amongst the victims but they were by no means a majority. The operations were then carried out in the next days. badan apung di sungai mungkin berisi pesan yang ampuh untuk Indonesia. Sungai yang mungkin "favorit" tempat bagi orang untuk dump badan. which was officially the youth wing of the party. but was arrested. Militer dan truk yang disediakan milisia membantu dengan informasi atau bahkan ikut serta dalam pembunuhan. not all of victims were actually communists. Organisasi ini bekerja sama dengan PKI pada beberapa kesempatan. Rivers were perhaps the “favourite” places for the killers to dump the bodies. tetapi telah ditangkap. Suparno. Sebabnya mungkin praktis seperti saat ini akan mengambil badan jauh. before stopping at the town hall and delivering a speech on what had happened in Jakarta. Penting. menjadi merah selama bulan menyeramkan. turned to red during the horrific months. tetapi mereka tidak mayoritas. Operasi ini kemudian dilakukan pada hari berikutnya. Satu club mengakui bahwa dia adalah seorang anggota dari sebuah partai Islam. [7] Dengan dukungan dari milisia sipil. One survivor admitted that he was a member of an Islamic party. Masyumi. operasi yang dilakukan dengan mudah. tidak semua korban yang sebetulnya komunis. However. The military provided trucks and the militias helped with information or even took part in the killings.A witness. recalled what happened before he was accused of planning to overthrow the head of the region and arrested and imprisoned for decades.

Penyiksaan dan pembunuhan bisa terjadi bahkan dalam penjara. a leader of youth organisation. was forced to have sex with the military officer and then became pregnant and delivered her baby in the camp. The pitfall of this over-attention on mastermind may lead to assuming the killings as separated from the establishment of the New Order. Korban yang dilepaskan dari penjara wrote mereka memberikan riwayat account mereka pada saat yang penting dalam sejarah Indonesia. mengakui bahwa setelah Agustus 1966. this similar method of killings also took place. Zakaria. As Robert Cribb lamented in his article. Tortures and killings could happen even in the prisons. [10] For female prisoners. Jebakan yang selama ini-perhatian pada otak dapat mengakibatkan anggap sebagai pembunuhan yang terpisah dari pembentukan Orde Baru. selain Penyiksaan. beside tortures. mereka juga tunduk pada pelecehan seksual. Ini nasib korban dalam penjara tidak lebih baik dari orang-orang yang ringkasnya dilaksanakan. admitted that after August 1966. banyak cerita dari massacres mulai muncul. Diskusi tentang apa yang terjadi pada 1965 masih terpusat pada otak dari pemerintahan. walaupun di bawah nama yang berbeda Operasi Teratur atau diatur Operasi. Nona. albeit under the different name of Operasi Teratur or Organised Operation. [10] Di Kediri. the number of communist prisoners had decreased. who carried out interrogations of prisoners in Lombok. Tetapi setelah kejatuhan Suharto. [11] Nona. yang dilakukan interrogations narapidana di Lombok. metode ini serupa juga terjadi pembunuhan. dipaksa melakukan hubungan seks dengan aparat militer dan kemudian menjadi hamil dan melahirkan bayinya di kamp. seorang pemimpin organisasi pemuda. and resulted in a greater number of victims. many stories of the massacres began to emerge. Survivors who were released from prison wrote their memoirs giving their accounts on that crucial moment in Indonesian history. namun. they were also subject to sexual harassments. however. Beberapa komentator mengemukakan bahwa jumlah kapel shrank di beberapa daerah. Untuk tahanan perempuan. [9] Zakaria. jumlah narapidana komunis telah menurun. a woman who was arrested. seorang wanita yang telah ditangkap. The Future / Masa Depan Discussion on what happened on 1965 is still centred on the mastermind of the coup. Untuk tiga dekade ini horor tetap tak terhingga. Some commentators suggested that the number of inmates shrank in several regions.Imprisonment / Penjara The fates of victims in prisons were not better than those who were summarily executed. the unsolved biggest question is not Seperti Robert Cribb almarhumi dalam artikelnya. pertanyaan yang belum terjawab terbesar adalah tidak “whodunit” "Cerita detektif" but tetapi . But following the downfall of Suharto. dan menghasilkan lebih banyak korban. [9] In Kediri. [11] For three decades this horror remained untold.

Although many topics can be written regarding reformasi in Indonesia only democracy and political reforms are arguably having much more attention than other issues. these reflections therefore highlight the progress of reform in Indonesia. In their headlines. anti-Chinese sentiment. It has been a decade since Reformasi (reform) movement took place in Indonesia that succeeded in forcing Suharto to step down. Medan. When one of the Bali Bombing perpetrators Amrozi had his picture taken in foreign media. Since reform is the grand theme. however. Indonesians were shocked to know that many people were burnt to death in malls and shopping centres. hospitable. people bewildered with his smile: how can he smile after killing innocent people? There seems no other alternative to explain this perplexing phenomenon but put it into a cultural category box called amok. Labelling them looters also denies the history of well-being of the poor in Indonesia. Labelling them looters instead of victims will impact on how big was the state’s responsibility for the dead people. the total death toll was about 1200 people [1]. the state should not be responsible for dealing with criminals. media outlets played an important role in perpetuating the representation of people who were burnt to death in malls. The riots shocked the international community and may have changed their views on the Indonesian people. Having said this. The friendly. 2008. in Opinion. The majority of the dead were those who were trapped in the burning shopping centres. and Surabaya. Looters can be equated with criminals and with their deaths. Volunteer Team for Humanity.“can it happen again?” [12] "Bisa terjadi lagi?" [12] It is important for Indonesians to contemplate the later question if they want to build a more democratic Indonesian in the future. by Guest Writer Spew looks back on the May 1998 riots and the issues of mass rapes. According to a report released by Jakarta based non-governmental organisation. Jakarta. and inclusive attitude can suddenly turn into vicious. labelled them looters. violent. and how the rioters came to be judged. Adalah penting untuk Indonesia untuk memikirkan pertanyaan yang nanti jika mereka ingin membangun Indonesia yang lebih demokratis di masa depan. . media and political and social analysts reflect on what has happened and has been happening since Suharto was ousted. I would like to shift the focus away from political reforms and democracy and reflect on the riots that took place in Indonesia. The government. and barbaric acts. May 1998 Jakarta Riots May 16th. These “looters” are victims of structural violence stemming from unfair economic development. Every year after the movement. To some extent. Quoting the government. Not long after the riots which took place in Solo. looters emerged as a product of discourse on representation of poor people in Indonesia. the riots may have confirmed the wide representation of Indonesian people as having an amok culture.

Once the stories of rapes unfolded. discourse on rapes submerged the other gloomy stories such as those who were burnt to death in the shopping centres. was the rape of the Indonesian Chinese. however. But one should bear in mind that political marginalisation towards Chinese people throughout Indonesian history may have contributed to Indonesian peoples’ understanding of their identities. in doing so we should not be differentiating them based on racial lines as this will only perpetuate the New Order logic. this appalling news did not immediately receive sympathetic gestures. for instance. In response to the rapes issue. in this respect were constructed in order to lay foundation of what constituted Indonesia or pribumi. As one crucial element to understand violence are the victims. What we should look at regarding the May violence is that race can be a powerful discourse in producing the knowledge of that violence. The report. Roesmanhadi the Chief of the Indonesian Police contended that the failure of providing “concrete data” meant that NGOs could be charged with disseminating lies. [3] Similarly.What made the riot gaining more attention. It was Jakarta based NGO. Indeed. Volunteer Team for Humanity (Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan-TRuK) that brought up the issue about the rapes. The stories of rapes appeared publicly not long after the news of more than a thousand deaths in malls emerged. the anti-Chinese sentiments were played up in order to represent the violence as something natural which stemmed from the tension between pribumi and non-pribumi. contested the data provided by TRuK and asked for concrete proof regarding the mass rape. Only radical understanding of victims of May Riots which weighs much on the interrogation of dominant discourse may lead to a better comprehension on what happened in those three days of atrocities. anti-Chinese sentiment was played up at that time. AntiChinese sentiments. [2] Yet. According to their report. And the rapes were merely manifestation of frustration derived from imbalance economic status between Chinese and non-Chinese. [5] The raging debate over the mass rapes seemed to impact on the representation of the riots. When the riots took place. doubts were voiced publicly as to whether the rapes indeed had taken place. the existence of victims who died in shopping malls and Chinese victims could help us to deconstruct the representations of May 1998 violence. . however. Yet. did not draw a conclusion that mass rapes were systematic violence but only confirmed that such acts happened simultaneously with the riot and that among those rapes were some that were carried out with particular purposes. [4] Responding to the furore over mass rapes as well as international pressure to deal with these rapes the Indonesian government formed a joint fact finding commission (Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta Kerusuhan Mei 13-15) in which government and NGO were expected to work together to solve this puzzle. Although working within a strict time constraint. During that time. hundreds of Chinese women were gangraped. this commission finally completed its report and suggested that the riot was a result of political tension at elite level and worsening economic condition. these urban poor were dead when they would like to loot things from Chinese stores. the Indonesian Minister of Women’s Affair Tutty Alawiyah. “anti-Chinese” became a lexicon that is often used to understand the riots. In other words. In fact.

maka ini tercatat menyorot kemajuan reformasi di Indonesia. The Legacy of Violence in Indonesia. * ↑4 Ibid. namun. available from: http://www. looters muncul . pp. Jemma Purdey provides an excellent account on the dynamic within the fact finding commission. See. No. Medan. ‘Laporan Akhir’. label mereka looters. Tidak lama setelah kerusuhan yang terjadi di Solo. Dalam utama mereka. pp. (Jul-Aug. Sejak reformasi adalah grand tema. [Accessed at 10 May 2008]. Pemerintah. Jemma Purdey. Vol. outlet media memainkan peranan penting dalam memperkekalkan dengan perwakilan dari orang-orang yang dibakar sampai mati di mal. 1 September 1999. media dan analis sosial politik dan mencerminkan pada apa yang telah terjadi dan telah terjadi sejak Suharto telah ousted. * ↑5 TGPF. Jakarta. Gender & History. Penawaran pemerintah. 23 Oktober 1998. kekerasan. Vol. 4. 2002). dan bagaimana rioters datang untuk available from: http://semanggipeduli. For more discussion on TGPF.* ↑1 Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998 (TGPF).16 No. 605-622. saya ingin menggeser fokus dari reformasi politik dan demokrasi dan mencerminkan pada kerusuhan yang terjadi di Indonesia. oleh Penulis Tamu Memuntahkan terlihat kembali pada Mei 1998 kerusuhan dan isu-isu massa perkosaan. Di bawah ini. dan tindakan biadab. “Gendered Visibilities and the Dream of Transparency: The Chinese-Indonesian Rape Debate in Post-Suharto Indonesia”.htm. Laporan Akhir Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998. [Accessed at 8 May 2008] * ↑2 Human Rights Watch. Kerusuhan kaget masyarakat internasional dan mungkin telah berubah pandangan mereka terhadap masyarakat Indonesia. Meskipun banyak topik dapat ditulis mengenai Reformasi di Indonesia hanya demokrasi dan reformasi politik adalah Rasulullah memiliki lebih banyak perhatian dari isu-isu lain. Jakarta. * ↑3 Karen Strassler. 689–725. kerusuhan Mei telah dikonfirmasi yang luas dari perwakilan masyarakat Indonesia yang memiliki budaya amuk. Ketika salah satu dari pelaku ledakan bomb di Bali Amrozi telah diambil itu gambar di media orang limbung dengan tersenyum: bagaimana dapat tersenyum setelah dia membunuh orang bersalah? Seolah-olah tidak ada alternatif lain untuk menjelaskan fenomena ini membingungkan tetapi memasukkannya ke dalam kotak yang disebut kategori budaya amuk. dan termasuk sikap dapat tiba-tiba menjadi ganas. ‘Problematizing the Place of Victims in Reformasi Indonesia: A Contested Truth about The May 1998 Violence’. sentimen anti-Cina. dan Surabaya. Indonesia: The Damaging Debate on Rapes of Ethnic Chinese Women. 42. Kerusuhan Jakarta Mei 1998 16 Mei 2008. Sudah satu dekade sejak reformasi (reformasi) gerakan terjadi di Indonesia yang berhasil memaksa Suharto turun. Asian Survey. Setiap tahun setelah pergerakan. Untuk beberapa hal. Indonesia yang terkejut mengetahui bahwa banyak orang mati dibakar di mal dan pusat perbelanjaan.3 November 2004.html. di Opini. ramah. Yang ramah.hrw.

Sebagian besar yang mati adalah orang-orang yang terperangkap dalam pembakaran pusat perbelanjaan. Indonesia Menteri Perempuan Affair Tutty Alawiyah. Menanggapi masalah kasus perkosaan. namun. [3] Demikian pula. Walaupun bekerja dalam waktu yang sangat ketat kendala. mengeluhkan data yang diberikan oleh Truk dan meminta bukti konkret mengenai perkosaan massa. jumlah korban jiwa adalah sekitar 1200 orang [1]. Label looters mereka juga denies sejarah kesejahteraan masyarakat miskin di Indonesia. dalam hal ini sudah dibangun untuk meletakkan dasar apa yang pertama atau Pribumi Indonesia. sentimen anti-Cina telah diputar di waktu itu. wacana pada kasus perkosaan yang terendam mendung cerita lain seperti orang-orang yang dibakar sampai mati di pusat perbelanjaan. Label looters mereka bukan korban akan berdampak pada seberapa besar negara adalah tanggung jawab untuk orang mati. Selama masa itu.sebagai produk dari wacana perwakilan dari masyarakat miskin di Indonesia. Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan. Tetapi kita harus ingat bahwa politik marginalisation terhadap orang Cina di seluruh Indonesia sejarah mungkin telah menyumbang kepada masyarakat Indonesia untuk memahami identitas mereka. Apa yang membuat kerusuhan mendapat lebih banyak perhatian. tidak menarik kesimpulan bahwa massa perkosaan pada kekerasan sistematis tetapi hanya menyatakan bahwa perbuatan tersebut terjadi bersamaan dengan kerusuhan dan yang di antara mereka ada beberapa kasus perkosaan yang dilakukan dengan tujuan tertentu. [2] Namun. Sentimen anti-Cina. Cerita-cerita perkosaan muncul publik tidak lama setelah berita lebih dari seribu kematian muncul di mal. [5] Perdebatan yang hebat atas kasus perkosaan massa nampaknya terhadap perwakilan dari kerusuhan. Bahkan. Roesmanhadi sebagai Kepala Polisi Indonesia contended bahwa kegagalan memberikan "beton data" dimaksudkan LSM yang dapat diisi dengan sosialisasi terletak. maka sentimen anti-Cina . Menurut laporan yang dikeluarkan oleh Jakarta berbasis organisasi nonpemerintah. "anti-Cina" menjadi kosa kata yang sering digunakan untuk memahami kerusuhan. Menurut laporan mereka. berita ini menggemparkan tidak segera menerima bersimpati gerak gerik. Ianya Jakarta berbasis LSM. [4] Menjawab kemarahan massa atas kasus perkosaan serta tekanan internasional untuk menangani kasus perkosaan ini dengan pemerintah Indonesia membentuk komisi bersama Pencari Fakta (Tim Gabungan Pencari tahta Kerusuhan Mei 13-15) di mana pemerintah dan LSM tersebut diharapkan akan bekerja sama untuk menyelesaikan puzzle. misalnya. Ini "looters" adalah korban kekerasan struktural berasal dari pembangunan ekonomi yang tidak adil. Sesungguhnya. Laporan Namun. ratusan perempuan Cina gangraped. komisi ini akhirnya selesai laporan dan mengemukakan bahwa kerusuhan merupakan hasil dari ketegangan politik di tingkat elit serta kondisi ekonomi. Looters dapat menyetarakan dengan kriminal dan dengan kematian mereka. Setelah cerita dari kasus perkosaan yang terbuka. negara tidak harus bertanggung jawab untuk menangani kriminal. Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan (Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan-Truk) yang dinyalakan isu tentang perkosaan. adalah perkosaan dari Indonesia Cina. yang meragukan untuk menyampaikan kepada publik sebagai apakah kasus perkosaan memang telah terjadi. Bila terjadi kerusuhan.

(Juli-Agustus. [Diakses pada 10 Mei 2008]. pp. 2006. 42.Pak Dionysius tersedia dari: http://www. . Dengan kata lain. I searched for him everywhere but there was no information. by Sarawut Pratoomraj Guest writer Sarawut Pratoomraj discusses cases of political disappearances in the last years of the Suharto regime.yang diputar dalam rangka untuk mewakili kekerasan sebagai sesuatu yang membatasi alam dari ketegangan antara Pribumi dan non-Pribumi. Legacy Kekerasan di Indonesia. kita tidak boleh membedakan mereka berdasarkan ras baris seperti ini hanya akan melanggengkan Orde Baru logika. 689-725. father of Bimo Petrus. Namun. Sebagai salah satu elemen penting untuk memahami kekerasan adalah korban. 'Problematizing di Tempat Korban Reformasi di Indonesia: mengeluhkan tentang kebenaran Mei 1998 Kekerasan'. No 4. Jemma Purdey. pp. I feel a little hope that he is still alive somewhere. Vol. in Opinion. 2002). dalam melakukan hal ini. * ↑ 5 TGPF. ini miskin perkotaan yang mati ketika mereka ingin menjarah sesuatu dari toko Cina. Jemma Purdey menyediakan akun yang dinamis dalam Pencari Fakta komisi. * ↑ 3 Karen Strassler. Political Disappearances May 19th. 23 Oktober 1998. Untuk diskusi lebih pada TGPF. 'Laporan Akhir'. eight years ago. 1 September 1999. Vol.html. Indonesia: The Merusak Debat pada perkosaan dari Etnik Cina Perempuan. Ini tentang penghilangan orang2 .” . 60.16 No. * ↑ 1 Tim Gabungan Pencari tahta Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998 (TGPF). tersedia dari: http://semanggipeduli. Political Disappearance: A Neverending Story in Reformasi Regime “I was shocked when I heard that my son was arrested in 1998. Laporan Akhir Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998. * ↑ 4 Ibid. Jakarta. Dan perkosaan pada hanya manifestasi dari kekecewaan yang berasal dari status ekonomi ketidakseimbangan antara Cina dan non-Cina. keberadaan korban yang meninggal di mal dan Cina korban dapat membantu kami untuk gagas pernyataan kekerasan Mei 1998. "Jender dan Visibilities Dream of Transparansi: The IndonesiaCina Rape Debat di Post-Suharto Indonesia". Jender & Sejarah. Apa kita harus melihat tentang kekerasan Mei adalah ras yang dapat menjadi wacana kuat dalam memproduksi pengetahuan yang kekerasan.hrw. Asian Survey.3 November 2004. 605-622. [Diakses pada 8 Mei 2008] * 2 ↑ Human Rights Watch.htm. Hanya radikal pemahaman korban Mei Riots Berat yang banyak di interogasi dari wacana dominan dapat mengakibatkan pemahaman yang lebih baik mengenai apa yang terjadi dalam tiga hari kerusuhan.

act on mass organizations. to bring his case to Europe and the Unites Nations. act on the composition of the parliament. 32. He immediately joined his friend Munir at KontraS.two were in military uniform while most were in plainclothes. and Dionysius Utomo’s son. chairperson of the Indonesian Association of Families of the Disappeared (IKOHI). Dionysius was an administrative officer at Malang Central Mental Hospital.I survived and not dead or disappeared like many friends.“”¦a friend of my son came and told me that my son was arrested by the military in Tanjung Priok. The officers said that he was released and no longer in their custody. mother of Yani Afri. One of Mugi’s friends who disappeared in 31 March 1998 is Bimo Petrus. a student from the Department of Philosophy at the Driyakara Jakarta University. not the police station.Ibu Tuti Koto. Other people still don’t know if their relatives are dead or alive. He was an activist in 1998. Mugi and many students worked underground. Only three political parties were allowed during the Soeharto regime. “About 10 people came into my room . Habibie was overthrown. Chairperson of IKOHI. I was psychologically shaken because those who arrested me weren’t police.Mugiyanto. 68. He was arrested by the military on 13 March 1998 and released three months later on 8 June 1998. I immediately went to the military station to ask for Yani Afri’s whereabouts. He immediately searched for him when he learned about his son’s case. the Commission for Involuntary Disappearance and Victims of Violation.J. he thinks for a while and said with mournful eyes . I am a lucky guy . Mugi worked as correspondent with a Dutch television network in 2000-2001. I went to look for his friends but they didn’t know. I was afraid that I would be killed. act on general elections. when asked for other reasons. Aside from knowing whether his son is dead or alive. when the then President B. and told me to find his friend. The government banned his organization by linking it to the Communist Party of Indonesia. Mugiyanto or Mugi. to campaign to abolish the five unjust acts issued by the Soeharto government namely: act on political parties. an illegal political party accused of subversive acts. Above were testimonies of victims and relatives of victims of human rights violations who suffered under the crackdown of the Soeharto regime in 1997-1998. I returned to the military station crying. The officer said the same and showed me my son’s release paper”¦” . and act on referendums. In his mind were his friends and other people who were arrested at the same period but still missing. He decided to resign from his job and joined IKOHI. I was tortured and electrocuted.”ン . He went to the government house and many military and police stations but found nothing. was a victim of human rights violation. The activists demanded the change of the regime as it was against the Dual Function of the Armed Forces that supported Soeharto’s authoritarian regime. I was taken somewhere. as many university students were at that time.

The disappearance of lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit in 2004 or those who are still missing in southern most Thailand are also quiet. The President has never set up any independent body to look into my case. He liked to play guitar and sing for me. activities. We should do more for our justice. South Sulawesi on 7-10 March 2006 and chose Mugiyanto as Chair. I have the right to know.“I had a lot of hope in the government during the Reformasi. The last words “short memory”ン seems like the situation in Thailand. There is still not much progress since political reform in Thailand was initiated more than 10 years ago. he would assist me financially by working as a driver while pursuing his studies. Aceh. When she heard about Kontras. her son Yani Afri disappeared on 26 July 1997. every Indonesian government can’t resolve the issues of the families of the disappeared. I hope that violations would stop now. We urge for government commitment and political will for the victims and families”ン. mandate. It held its 2nd Congress in Makassar. “The public is not interested with the victims of human rights violations now even when we are in the so-called “Reformasi”ン system. She met Munir who helped her to search for Yani in various military headquarters and government offices and had a personal dialogue with former President Abdurrahman Wahid and Armed Forces Chief Wiranto. If he is dead. but still with no results. no social welfare. There are so many social crises in our country that human rights is not a priority. and human rights protection system. died or wounded. and Papua. I always remember my son. . There were about 80 participants from the west of Indonesia. “I got assistance from KontraS but I cry every time I went there and saw the street singers. there were no compensation. they have short memory”ン. Indonesians try to forget what happened during the New Order period. I don’t want to see it happen again . but it was hopeless. to the east. and election of committee members to continue the work and to follow-up the disappeared cases.not to any single family”ン. I have to bury him according to the Catholic custom. She asked every government agency but failed. While my son was still around. The congress was attended by victims and families of human rights violations during the Soeharto regime from 1965 to1998. Mugi explained and added. Thai people also have short memory with what happened on 6 October 1976 or May 1992 were many disappeared. The purposes of the Congress were to review the constitution. “”¦ after Soeharto. Similarly to Ibu Tuti. Political reform in Thailand started in late 1990s with the enforcement of the 1997 constitution that stated three main reforms: strengthen the political system (Prime Minister and Senator system). I need to charge those who were involved in his disappearance. The crisis to oust Thaksin is the second stage of reform. I need to know. I don’t have any regular source of income”¦”ン 1 IKOHI was established in 1998 by Munir and other human rights activists. The pains and cries of the families have no meaning. she immediately went to ask for help. Now. people participation in every level of administration. Indonesia and Thailand are in the process of political reform and should learn from each other. He was poor but he was an artist. no response in any way. and no solution for the victims of human rights violations.

which means the economic development of the country is parallel with civil and political development. Politik Kehilangan: A Neverending cerita dalam reformasi rezim "Saya kaget ketika saya mendengar bahwa anak saya telah ditangkap pada tahun 1998. Terjemahannya . politicians respect and disseminate the universal standards of human rights. The IKOHI task is not yet finished. Saya merasa sedikit berharap bahwa dia masih hidup suatu tempat. Kata petugas yang sama dan menunjukkan saya putra lepaskan kertas "|" . Politik Kehilangan 19 Mei 2006. "" | Teman anak saya datang dan mengatakan kepada saya bahwa anak saya telah ditangkap oleh militer di Tanjung Priok. Orang lain masih tidak tahu jika saudara mereka yang hidup atau mati. Saya takut bahwa saya akan dibunuh. published by AFAD.Indonesia should also question its “Reformasi”ン. IKOHI and strengthening the families to pressure more politicians to work for justice are good examples for people participation in political reform. "? . Losing One’s Faith in the Law. Healing Wounds. ibu dari Yani Afri. delapan tahun yang lalu. Aku pergi untuk mencari teman-temannya tetapi mereka tidak tahu. the National Institute undertake its roles efficiently and independently. The strength of the people in political reform should be the strength of human rights.Pak Dionysius Utomo. and the government develop the country under the concept of “indivisibility”ン. dan mengatakan kepada saya untuk menemukan temannya. Saya segera pergi ke stasiun militer untuk meminta Afri Yani's yang sedang dikerjakan. " . Saya psikologis digoncang karena orang-orang yang ditangkap polisi tidak me.Ibu Tuti Koto. Mending Scars. Pejabat mengatakan bahwa ia telah dirilis dan mereka tidak lagi di penjara. Saya beruntung penjahat . It does not only benefit the families but also the progress of democracy and human rights in general. di Opini. Saya kembali ke stasiun militer menangis. “Reformasi”ン means people participation in every level of administration. state agencies practice the “Rule of Law”ン. Aku mencari dia di mana-mana tetapi tidak ada informasi. Footnote 1: Tuti Koto. 60. 2005. Saya telah diambil suatu tempat. Saya telah disiksa dan electrocuted. "Sekitar 10 orang datang ke kamar saya . bukan polisi.dua orang dari seragam militer di saat yang paling di plainclothes. page 61. ayah dari Bimo Petrus. A strengthened people will result to the end of political disappearances and violations of human rights.saya selamat dan tidak mati atau hilang seperti banyak teman. 68. oleh Sarawut Pratoomraj Tamu Sarawut Pratoomraj penulis membahas kasus politik Kehilangan di tahun terakhir dari rezim Soeharto.

ketua IKOHI. Presiden tidak pernah menyiapkan semua badan independen untuk melihat kasus saya. Mugiyanto atau Mugi. tetapi sia-sia. Ia ditangkap oleh militer pada 13 Maret 1998 dan merilis tiga bulan kemudian pada tanggal 8 Juni 1998. dan Dionysius Utomo anak. Hanya tiga partai politik yang diperbolehkan selama rezim Soeharto. saya memiliki hak untuk tahu. seorang siswa dari Departemen Filsafat di Universitas Driyakara Jakarta. Mugi bekerja sebagai wartawan dengan jaringan televisi Belanda pada tahun 20002001. 32. kepala dari Asosiasi Keluarga Indonesia yang hilang (IKOHI). Salah satu Mugi's yang menghilang pada 31 Maret 1998 adalah Bimo Petrus.. Saya tidak ingin melihatnya terjadi lagi . bertindak pada ormas. dan bertindak pada referendums. Saya perlu biaya untuk orang-orang yang terlibat dalam hilangnya. "Saya memiliki banyak berharap pada pemerintah selama reformasi.Mugiyanto. salah satu hilang. untuk membawa kasus itu ke Eropa dan Amerika Serikat Bangsa-Bangsa. . Komisi untuk secara Kehilangan dan Korban Pelanggaran. sebuah partai politik ilegal terdakwa dari tindakan murtad. adalah korban pelanggaran HAM. Saya perlu tahu. Saya berharap bahwa pelanggaran akan berhenti sekarang. Dionysius Utomo Dionysius Utomo. tidak ada respon dengan cara apapun. Dionysius adalah petugas administrasi di Malang Rumah Sakit Pusat Mental. saya harus mengubur dia sesuai dengan adat Katolik. Dia segera bergabung dengan temannya Munir di KontraS. bertindak pada pemilihan umum. Jika dia sudah mati. bertindak sesuai dengan komposisi dari parlemen. Dia memutuskan untuk mundur dari pekerjaannya dan bergabung dengan IKOHI. Pemerintah dilarang oleh organisasi itu dikaitkan dengan Partai Komunis Indonesia. Selain dari mengetahui apakah anaknya sudah mati atau hidup. Dalam pikiran adalah teman-temannya dan orang lain yang ditangkap pada periode yang sama tetapi masih hilang. Mugi dan banyak siswa bekerja di bawah tanah. Di atas adalah bukti dari korban dan keluarga korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang menderita di bawah tindakan keras dari rezim Soeharto pada 1997-1998. ketika diminta untuk alasan lain. Ia pergi ke rumah dan banyak pemerintah militer dan polisi tetapi tidak ditemukan. untuk promosi untuk meniadakan lima tindakan tidak adil yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah Soeharto yaitu: bertindak pada partai politik. Dia segera mencari dia ketika dia belajar tentang kasus anaknya. Para aktivis menuntut perubahan dari rezim yang seperti ini terhadap Dual Fungsi TNI yang didukung rezim Soeharto yang otoriter. ia berpikir untuk sementara waktu dan berkata dengan mata sedih: Bimo Petrus Bimo Petrus.tidak untuk satu keluarga "?. Beliau adalah aktivis pada tahun 1998. ayah dari Bimo Petrus. karena banyak mahasiswa yang pada waktu itu. ketika kemudian Presiden BJ Habibie telah terguling.

meninggal atau luka. "Saya mendapat bantuan dari KontraS tetapi saya menangis setiap kali saya pergi dan melihat ada jalan penyanyi. Mugi dijelaskan dan ditambahkan. Aceh. ia akan membantu me finansial dengan bekerja sebagai sopir sambil mencari dalam kajiannya. Krisis untuk mengusir . Kami mendorong pemerintah untuk komitmen dan politik bagi korban dan keluarga "?. mereka memiliki memori singkat "?. Ada begitu banyak krisis sosial di negara kita yang hak asasi manusia bukan merupakan prioritas. Terakhir kata "memori pendek"? tampaknya seperti situasi di Indonesia. Tuti koko Tuti koko. mandat. Sekarang. Reformasi politik di Thailand dimulai pada akhir tahun 1990-an dengan penegakan konstitusi 1997 yang menyatakan tiga utama reformasi: memperkuat sistem politik (Perdana Menteri Senator dan sistem). kegiatan. Kongres IKOHI IKOHI Kongres. Dia bertemu Munir yang membantu untuk mencari Yani di berbagai markas militer dan kantor-kantor pemerintahan dan pribadi telah dialog dengan mantan Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid dan TNI Chief Wiranto. Ada sekitar 80 peserta dari barat Indonesia. dan pemilihan anggota komite untuk melanjutkan kerja dan untuk menindaklanjuti kasus-kasus yang hilang. saya tidak memiliki sumber pendapatan reguler "|"?? 1 IKOHI didirikan pada tahun 1998 oleh Munir dan aktivis hak asasi manusia. ke timur. Ketika ia mendengar tentang Kontras. Dia meminta setiap instansi pemerintah tetapi gagal. Kami harus berbuat lebih banyak untuk kami keadilan. dan Papua. Yang payah dan cries dari keluarga tidak memiliki arti.Demikian juga kepada Ibu Tuti. dia segera pergi untuk meminta bantuan. dan sistem perlindungan hak asasi manusia. partisipasi masyarakat di setiap tingkat administrasi. Dia miskin tetapi dia seorang artis. tidak kesejahteraan sosial. Sulawesi Selatan pada 7-10 Maret 2006 dan memilih Mugiyanto sebagai ketua. Kongres ini diikuti oleh keluarga korban dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia selama rezim Soeharto dari 1965 to1998. Tujuan dari kongres adalah untuk meninjau konstitusi. "" | Setelah Soeharto. Kehilangan Somchai Neelaphaijit pengacara pada tahun 2004 atau orang-orang yang masih hilang di selatan Thailand adalah juga paling sepi. setiap pemerintah Indonesia tidak dapat menyelesaikan masalah dari keluarga yang hilang. Sementara anak saya masih sekitar. ibu Yani Afri. tetapi masih tanpa hasil. Orang Thai juga memiliki memori pendek dengan apa yang terjadi pada tanggal 6 Oktober 1976 atau Mei 1992 banyak yang hilang. Ini 2nd kongres yang diadakan di Makassar." Masyarakat tidak tertarik dengan korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia sekarang bahkan ketika kita berada dalam apa yang disebut "reformasi"? sistem. Indonesia mencoba untuk melupakan apa yang terjadi pada masa Orde Baru. tidak ada kompensasi. anaknya Yani Afri menghilang pada tanggal 26 Juli 1997. Saya selalu ingat anak saya. Indonesia dan Thailand sedang dalam proses reformasi politik dan harus belajar dari satu sama lain. Dia suka bermain gitar dan bernyanyi untuk saya. dan tidak ada solusi untuk korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia.

Penyembuhan terluka. West Java. Sebuah masyarakat akan diperkuat dengan hasil akhir Kehilangan politik dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. 63 years after Indonesian independence. are being haunted again by their crimes in the aftermath of Soekarno’s declaration of 17-8-45 and they rightfully should. diterbitkan oleh AFAD. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced they will study the matter. dan pemerintah negara berkembang di bawah konsep "tdk dpt dibagi"?. 2005. "Reformasi"? berarti partisipasi masyarakat di setiap tingkat administrasi. ignorance and patronizing behaviour. 2008. Ada yang masih belum banyak kemajuan sejak reformasi politik di Indonesia telah dimulai lebih dari 10 tahun lalu. halaman 61. IKOHI dan keluarga untuk memperkuat tekanan lebih politisi untuk bekerja untuk keadilan adalah contoh yang baik bagi partisipasi masyarakat dalam reformasi politik. politisi menghormati dan menyebarkan universal standar hak asasi manusia. Kekuatan masyarakat dalam politik reformasi harus kekuatan hak asasi manusia. lembaga negara mempraktekkan "Peraturan UU"?. Dutch State sued by Indonesians On Monday 8 September 2008 10 Indonesian survivors of Dutch post WWII violence have sued the Dutch State for the assassination of their family members during the First Police Action (Agresi Militer Belanda I) after WW II. . the Dutch. baik melalui perbaikan. According to Pulles it is for the first time Indonesian victims of the fighting of 19451949 hold the Dutch State responsible. Mr. Hilangnya Satu's Iman dalam Hukum. Pulles acts on behalf of ten villagers from Rawagede. Gerrit Jan Pulles. Indonesia juga harus sering mempertanyakan "reformasi"?. National Institute melakukan peran efisien dan mandiri. due to their stubbornness. Catatan kaki 1: Tuti Koto. According to the Dutch Indulgence Note from 1969 150 people were killed. yang berarti pembangunan ekonomi negara adalah sejajar dengan sipil dan politik pembangunan. West Java. According to the Dutch Honorary Debts Foundation. IKOHI tugas yang belum selesai. explanations and recognition for their suffering. as announced by their lawyer Mr. Dutch War Crimes September 9th. by Lairedion Lairedion on the Dutch state being sued over war crimes at Rawagede. Well into 2008.Thaksin adalah tahap kedua dari reformasi. They survived the bloody attack of the Dutch Army on 9 December 1947. Ia tidak hanya menguntungkan keluarga tetapi juga kemajuan demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia pada umumnya. in Opinion. They want financial compensation. 431 (almost all the male) villagers were slaughtered. Only just being liberated themselves from the Germans the Dutch wanted to continue the situation as it was before WWII and re-occupy their former territories now being declared independent and bearing the name Republik Indonesia.

2. It is because of this the KUKB has been founded by Netherlands-based Indonesian Jeffy Pondaag in 2005. to collect witness accounts and endorsements from survivors in order to hold the Dutch State responsible. While financial compensation is sought after it must be noted that most survivors only want the Dutch State to take moral responsibility and offer official apologies to the Indonesian people. They demand the Dutch government: 1.Rawagede is one of the most notorious events in the history of Indonesian struggle for independence against the Dutch. At the same time more and more Dutch veterans. Indonesian leaders reported the mass killing to local UN officials. The foundation is a non-subsidized independent foundation with branches in the Netherlands and Indonesia and would be happy to accept any donations. to recognize 17 August 1945 as the day Indonesia became independent. One survivor just wants the Dutch not to forget what has happened. slavery. They didn’t find any weapons neither did they find Lukas. a disease many Western nations still suffer from. are supportive of the Rawagede survivors’ claim. Their website have more information on the Rawagede story and on the infamous Raymond Westerling who murdered thousands of innocent people in South Sulawesi. Apparently dissatisfied by their lack of success the Dutch commander directed all males to be separated from the rest in order to execute all of them. Back in 2005 Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda. Furthermore they do not seek punishments for the people directly involved in the killings. It is very disappointing to see that of all the Dutch political parties only the left-wing Socialist Party support the claim while the conservative-liberal VVD on behalf of MP spokesman Hans van Baalen even denied Dutch crimes against humanity in Indonesia! 63 years of ignorance and subtle racism have been persistent obviously. despite the fact there were some young males of 11-12 years old among them. to offer apologies to the Indonesian people for its colonialism. haunted by the crimes and horror they experienced. The UN made an inquiry and concluded the killings were “deliberate” and “ruthless” but failed to prosecute and to have the Dutch punished and sentenced for these obvious crimes against humanity and this is still the situation today! Last month Pulles (of mixed Indo-Dutch blood like yours truly) visited Rawagede together with people from the “Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda (KUKB)”. including its chairman Jeffry Pondaag. This reaction came after then Dutch Foreign Minister . gross violations of human rights and crimes against humanity. obviously speaking on behalf of the Indonesian people. They look after the interests of civilian victims who suffered from violence and war crimes committed by Dutch military. made it clear Indonesia is not seeking apologies or compensation from the Dutch. On 9 December 1947 Dutch forces raided the West Javanese village to look for weapons and Indonesian freedom fighter Lukas Kustario who often spent time in Rawagede.

Of course it is irrelevant if Indonesia is demanding apologies or compensation or not. I’m fully supportive of the Rawagede villagers and any future similar cases. Jawa Barat. sebagai pengacara mereka diumumkan oleh Bapak Gerrit Jan Pulles. Mereka bertahan berdarah serangan dari Tentara . we’re dealing with war crimes. seeking for Dutch responsibility. Bot’s remarks were widely criticized in the Dutch media for being insufficient and way too short of a full apology and recognition of 17-8-45. Menurut Pulles ini untuk pertama kalinya Indonesia korban yang memerangi 1945-1949 pegang dari Negara Belanda bertanggung jawab. witnesses and next of kin are still alive. The Netherlands have constantly refused to express a full apology and recognition but were always quick to raise their finger and lecture its former colony on alleged human rights violations during the Soeharto reign. oleh Lairedion Lairedion di negara Belanda yang susu atas kejahatan perang di Rawagede. di Opini. Sources and links: News article from Dutch daily “Parool” (Dutch) : Indonesiërs klagen Nederlandse staat aan Website of KUKB (Dutch and Indonesian): Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda 1948 (English) Word document approx. gross violation of human rights and crimes against humanity and here lies an opportunity for the Dutch to finally deal with its own past by recognizing and helping those poor villagers. Negara Belanda susu oleh Indonesia Pada Senin 8 September 2008 10 Indonesia korban Belanda pasca PD II kekerasan telah susu Negara Belanda untuk pembunuhan anggota keluarga mereka selama Pertama Polisi Aksi (Agresi Militer Belanda I) setelah WW II.Ben Bot (who is Jakarta-born) expressed regrets and morally accepted the de-facto independence of Indonesia on 17-8-45 while he was representing the Dutch government during the festivities of Independence Day on 17-8-2005. penjelasan dan pengakuan untuk mereka menderita. Evidence is clear. recognition and financial compensation. Mereka ingin kompensasi keuangan.8 MB: Report of the Rawahgedeh observation team Broadcast of Dutch news show Netwerk with topic on this story: Netwerk 8 September 2008 (witness accounts from survivors (Dutch-Indonesian-Sundanese). Bapak Pulles bertindak atas nama dari sepuluh desa Rawagede. Terjemahannya : Belanda kejahatan perang 9 September 2008. Streaming media. requires broadband internet access. 7. Jawa Barat. It should come from the Dutch themselves but their stubbornness and ignorance are still hindering them anno 2008.

Selain itu mereka tidak mencari hukuman bagi orang-orang yang terlibat langsung dalam pembunuhan. Indonesia dilaporkan pemimpin massa lokal untuk membunuh pejabat PBB. Hanya saja yang liberated diri dari Jerman Belanda ingin melanjutkan situasi seperti ini sebelum PD II dan kembali bekas-membeset mereka wilayah yang sekarang dinyatakan independen dan peluru nama Republik Indonesia.Belanda pada tanggal 9 Desember 1947. meskipun ada beberapa fakta laki-laki muda dari 11-12 tahun di antara mereka. untuk mengumpulkan saksi dan account endorsements dari korban untuk terus Negara Belanda bertanggung jawab. Mereka tidak menemukan senjata mereka tidak menemukan Lukas. karena sikap keras kepala. Hal ini karena ini KUKB telah didirikan oleh Belanda berbasis Jeffy Pondaag Indonesia pada tahun 2005. Menurut Belanda Indulgence Catatan dari 1969 150 orang tewas. setelah 63 tahun kemerdekaan Indonesia. Departemen Luar Negeri telah mengumumkan mereka akan mempelajari masalah. Satu club hanya ingin Belanda untuk tidak lupa apa yang telah terjadi. Rawagede adalah salah satu yang paling terkenal jahat dalam peristiwa sejarah perjuangan Indonesia untuk kemerdekaan melawan Belanda. PBB telah dijalankan dan menyimpulkan pembunuhan yang telah "sengaja" dan "buas" tetapi gagal untuk menuntut dan agar Belanda dihukum dan hukuman ini jelas kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dan ini masih dalam situasi hari ini! Bulan lalu Pulles (dari campuran Indo-Belanda darah seperti Anda benar-benar) dikunjungi Rawagede bersama-sama dengan orang-orang dari "Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda (KUKB)". Mereka menuntut pemerintah Belanda: . kebodohan patronizing dan perilaku. Sementara kompensasi keuangan yang dicari itu harus dicatat bahwa kebanyakan korban hanya ingin Negara Belanda untuk mengambil tanggung jawab moral dan menawarkan apologies resmi kepada masyarakat Indonesia. Pada tanggal 9 Desember 1947 Belanda memaksa raided Jawa Barat desa untuk mencari senjata dan pejuang kemerdekaan Indonesia Lukas Kustario yang sering menghabiskan waktu di Rawagede. termasuk ketua JEFFRY Pondaag. Sangat mengecewakan untuk melihat bahwa semua partai politik Belanda hanya sayap kiriPartai Sosialis mendukung klaim sementara konservatif-liberal VVD atas nama MP juru bicara Hans van Baalen bahkan ditolak Belanda kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan di Indonesia! 63 tahun kebodohan dan halus rasisme telah tetap jelas. angker oleh kejahatan dan kengerian yang dialaminya. Pada saat yang sama lebih dan lebih Belanda yang terluka. Menurut Yayasan Utang Kehormatan Belanda. Baik ke 2008. yang mendukung dari Rawagede korban klaim. penyakit banyak negara-negara Barat masih menderita. Tampaknya mereka tidak puas dengan keberhasilan Belanda komandan diarahkan untuk semua laki-laki dipisahkan dari sisanya untuk melakukan semua itu. sedang angker lagi oleh mereka dalam kejahatan setelah Soekarno's Deklarasi 17-8-45 dan mereka harus tepat. Belanda. 431 (hampir semua laki-laki) desa yang dipotong.

Belanda untuk mencari tanggung jawab. mengenali 17 Agustus 1945 sebagai hari Indonesia menjadi independen. Belanda telah terus menolak mengungkapkan penuh maaf dan pengakuan tetapi selalu cepat untuk meningkatkan jari mereka dan para bekas koloni kuliah pada dugaan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia selama pemerintahan Soeharto. Kembali pada tahun 2005 Indonesia Menteri Luar Negeri Hassan Wirayuda. kotor pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan. apologies untuk menawarkan kepada masyarakat Indonesia untuk kolonialisme. Ia harus datang dari Belanda mereka tapi mereka sikap keras kepala dan kebodohan masih Hambat mereka anno 2008. Yayasan adalah non-subsidi yayasan independen dengan cabang di Belanda dan Indonesia dan akan senang hati menerima sumbangan. kami berurusan dengan kejahatan perang. Mereka menjaga kepentingan korban sipil yang menderita dari kekerasan dan kejahatan perang oleh militer Belanda. saksi dan keluarga terdekat berikutnya masih hidup. Tentu saja. perbudakan. Saya mendukung sepenuhnya dari desa Rawagede dan kasus-kasus serupa di masa depan. sudah tidak relevan lagi jika Indonesia menuntut apologies atau kompensasi atau tidak.8 MB: Laporan dari pengamatan tim Rawahgedeh Menyiarkan berita Belanda Netwerk dengan topik memperlihatkan pada cerita ini: Netwerk 8 September 2008 (account dari saksi korban (Belanda-Indonesia-Sunda).1. Ini reaksi datang kemudian setelah Menteri Luar Negeri Belanda Ben Bot (yang lahir di Jakarta) dinyatakan menyesalkan dan moral mengakui secara de-facto kemerdekaan Indonesia pada 17-8-45 sementara dia mewakili pemerintah Belanda selama acara-acara dari Hari Kemerdekaan pada tanggal 17 -82005. pengakuan dan kompensasi keuangan. menjadikan Indonesia tidak mencari apologies atau kompensasi dari Belanda. . Streaming media. membutuhkan akses internet broadband. Bukti yang jelas. kotor pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dan terletak di sini kesempatan untuk Belanda akhirnya untuk berurusan dengan masa lalu sendiri oleh orang-orang yang mengenali dan membantu miskin desa. Bot's tersebut telah dikritik secara luas di media Belanda untuk menjadi kurang terlalu pendek dan cara yang penuh maaf dan pengakuan dari 17-8-45. 2. jelas berbicara atas nama masyarakat Indonesia. 7. Sumber dan link: Berita artikel dari Belanda harian "Parool" (Belanda): Indonesiërs klagen Nederlandse staat aan Situs KUKB (Belanda dan Indonesia): Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda 1948 (Inggris) sekitar dokumen Word. Situs web mereka memiliki lebih banyak informasi mengenai Rawagede cerita dan pada jahat Raymond Westerling yang bersalah membunuh ribuan orang di Sulawesi Selatan.

Aldeia Tasmasak. Detailed Recommendations Recommendations to the Government of East Timor Recommendations to Donors and Others Providing Assistance to the Police VII. terjemahannya atur sendiri! Tortured Beginnings Police Violence and the Beginnings of Impunity in East Timor Map of East Timor I. and Investigating Police Abuse IV. Police Abuse Arbitrary Detention Unauthorized Use of Firearms Impunity for Rape Legal Standards on Torture and Other Physical Mistreatment V. Carlito Gusmao. then arrest him. Background Establishing the East Timor Police Force Composition of the East Timor Police Force Responsibility for Training. and then take him to the court in Dili. Discipline. I think they should be fired. Monitoring VI. The Development of Oversight Institutions Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit The Office of the Provedor C. Legal Gaps D. He told Human Rights Watch how uniformed police officers arrived at his house at about 9:30 in the morning and took him in a police car to Maliana district .Ini tentang Timtim. You have to ask first if he is guilty. or arrested themselves. Methodology III. Introduction I think that if the police arrest people. victim of police beating. But because they [the police] have a bad attitude. Introduction Key Recommendations II. Current Initiatives G. Problematic Past Training Approaches F. Institutions and Practices Needed to Create Police Accountability in East Timor A. Reforms. He was accused of threatening the census takers with a knife when they visited his village. Addressing Impunity B. they just arrest and straight away beat people. The Need for More and Better Training E. Bobonaro[1] Carlito Gusmao was arrested by the police after he refused to take part in the national census. they can't beat them. Acknowledgements I.

I will kill you. rather than procedural. didn't try and stop it. as described to Human Rights Watch. kicked me on my chin. There is a lack of understanding among those investigating . That evening other police officers came into his cell and sprayed pepper spray into his eyes. They do not accept the questioning of their role or authority. a twenty-seven-year-old man recounted what happened after he was arrested in Mulia village.[4] Many of these abuses. Why? Because of the attitude of the police that they are an institution that has to be respected. I stood up and then straight away he kicked me here [in the mouth]. They all just watched. "Later. Baucau. "You be quiet.[3] Over the past two years police abuse has become one of East Timor's most worrying human rights problems. If I am a PNTL officer and say to you that you are guilty. measure. full police uniform. This behavior seems to have become so common that officers rarely try to hide their actions from the general public. Police officers appear to habitually utilize the full seventy-two hours of detention as a punitive. The police officer from Laga took me to the hospital. Finally he took out his gun and threatened me. Why do you hit me?" He said. I think it was June 18. Human Rights Watch experienced no shortage of cases to document wherever we went in East Timor.[2] He was beaten as soon as he got out of the car and then put in a cell."[5] Many individuals whom Human Rights Watch interviewed also described their arrest by the police as illegal. One East Timorese activist working for a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in Dili that has been monitoring police violence in East Timor told Human Rights Watch: Beatings during arrest are already prevalent. He cut my lip. He kicked my right side and I fell. They took me to the hospital in Baucau." I answered. Many said that they were not told what the allegations against them were. for throwing rocks at some people he suspected of tampering with his fishing boat: By the time I got to the prison it was about 7:00 p. for fear of retribution. using a bulletproof vest. later I will shoot you. He was wearing police boots. "I am ready to be guilty. both the top and the bottom. and also because he believes nothing will come of it. the perpetrator. My face turned and he hit me again on my left chin and jaw. rise to the level of torture. and me. For about a week I couldn't eat. It was about thirty minutes this violence. I was ready to answer [a question]. While in the cell he said he witnessed police officers severely beating another detainee. and many were held without charges for more than the seventy-two-hour period allowed by East Timorese law. and beat detainees once they are in custody. Mario Belo. kicked my groin [kemaluan]. "I haven't done anything wrong.Police officers regularly use excessive force during arrests." Beatings are already routine. you have to say.. He kicked me with his feet. The police and other state institutions have often failed to respond to incidents of police abuse appropriately. It was inside the examination room in the prison. He was about one meter away from me. He said. In the room at the time [the beating took place] there was the officer from the prison.police station in the western region of East Timor. He has not made a complaint about the abuse he alleges.m. two policemen from Laga. but before I could answer [the police officer] straight away hit me.

It is worth noting that the country's leaders often talk about the deficit of human resources in the country and the need for increased training. . Insufficient police training on internal investigations and follow up. In fact it is now more likely that the lack of institutionalized responses to police brutality has been a key factor in the emergence of police abuse as one of East Timor's most pressing and current human rights problems.[6] This includes a general commander and deputies. has often failed to take cases of police abuse seriously. One serious consequence of this emerging pattern of abuse and impunity in East Timor is the potential for long-term erosion of public respect and support for the police. and the absence of a functioning external. both as individual officers and as an institution. the East Timorese people expected that its police would behave differently than the Indonesiancontrolled forces during the occupation. Human Rights Watch spoke to many victims and their families about their attempts to seek accountability for human rights violations committed by the East Timor police force. Otherwise. With the creation of a new country. But ineffective control. independent oversight and accountability mechanism for the police service have meant that such complaints are often dealt with inconsistently. inadequate training. However. the failure to penalize human rights violators will create a climate of impunity that in turn will undermine training as an effective tool to decrease the level of police violence. or appropriately discipline the officers involved. The internal police oversight body. follow up on complaints. separate heads for each specialized unit. such behavior also reflects poor training. This is certainly necessary. the East Timor police service also has its own distinct legal personality and operational structure.complaints that police officers committing a crime such as assault should be prosecuted through the criminal justice system as well as through the internal disciplinary system. it is perhaps not surprising that new recruits into East Timor's police are mirroring past experience in ignorance of professional standards. which ordinarily convenes every six months to discuss disciplinary matters such as those arising from rights violations. With the legacy of brutal Indonesian policing during the nearly twenty-five-year occupation that ended in 1999.[7] Swift and appropriate disciplinary action and prosecutions against police officers responsible for human rights abuses and abuse of authority are critical indicators of the commitment of East Timor's government to creating a professional police force. this group comprises the Superior Police Council. accountability and oversight. until recently called the Professonal Ethics Office. Where cases are taken up. and thirteen district commanders. victims are usually left uninformed about developments and outcomes of their cases. PEO). Ultimate responsibility for accountability for policing therefore lies with the minister of interior. the portfolio for internal security lies with the Ministry of Interior. Many were frustrated and perplexed by opaque bureaucratic procedures and long delays. while institutionally subordinate to the Ministry. currently Rogerio Lobato. and can no longer be excused nearly six years after the first new police graduated in July 2000. but it will only make a difference if at a political and policy level the kind of violence described in this report is punished. However. the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit (PEDU. Together with two Ministry-appointed officers. or in some cases not at all. They are also an indicator of how seriously the government takes its human rights obligations under the country's constitution and the many human rights treaties it has acceded to. Within the East Timor government.

* Ensure all oversight mechanisms coordinate and work together. Key Recommendations Human Rights Watch found evidence of human rights violations by police officers to be widespread. or cooperate with them in criminal investigations. * Task the minister of interior and the police commissioner to strengthen the police force's Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit by providing strong support for the unit's authority to enforce its decisions and by penalizing officers who do not comply with its directives. This should include administrative measures up to and including dismissal. although not yet endemic.poor accountability mechanisms and lack of proper vetting of police officers have meant that abuse of powers by police remains a serious challenge to the rule of law in East Timor. they run the risk of becoming part of an endemic culture of abuse and impunity in the world's newest national police force. Tolerated police abuse will make individuals reluctant to report crime to the police. and excessive force will not be tolerated. We also urge the East Timor police service (PNTL) to: * Take swift and meaningful action against police officers who torture. The police commissioner should issue a directive to each district commander advising that he or she will be held personally responsible for ensuring the officers under his or her . If present violations are not addressed as an institutional problem. and. This in turn may lead to a vicious cycle in which a police force increasingly criticized for an inability to do its job effectively turns to ever harsher tactics and increasingly resorts to violence to achieve results. * Ensure that legislation. in East Timor. This should include provisions to hold police publicly accountable in a transparent and credible manner. arbitrarily detain. The United Nation's failure to address this issue effectively while it was in charge during the transition to independence was also a contributory factor. * Support the Provedor's Office in creating a unit dedicated to oversight of the police. A lack of accountability for abuses will undermine trust in the police and therefore its effectiveness and capacity to uphold the rule of law. Human Rights Watch urges the East Timor government to: * Ensure through public measures and statements that there is a clear. unambiguous and consistent signal from the top that police use of torture. arbitrary detention. While it is recognized that resources in East Timor are at a premium. and who fail to take action to prevent and punish them. a culture that will be hard to eliminate once it takes hold. or use excessive force against members of the population. criminal prosecution. the importance of establishing a professional and accountable police force is crucial to the country's future stability. where appropriate. either as witnesses or victims. East Timor is now at a crossroads. * Take appropriate disciplinary action against commanding officers who know or should know of such acts. policy and procedures are all in place so that the police operate under a coherent and clear legal framework that specifies police powers and their limits. Now is the time to address this problem before it becomes endemic.

such as civil society. Bobonaro and Dili districts. Research interviews were conducted primarily in Baucau. and at the highest level. including with a representative from the Prime Minister's Office or the Ministry of Justice. concerns over police violence. including Special Representative to the Secretary-General (SRSG) Sukehiro Hasegawa. As an integral part of this strategy. and to agencies that can provide services for victims. fund and plan for long-term strategies on capacity building. and the national training academy.command comply with the existing disciplinary regulation and Rules of Organization Procedures (ROPs).N. Despite several written and telephone requests by Human Rights Watch. . Donors should: * Raise with the government of East Timor in all official meetings. Human Rights Watch interviewed more than thirty victims and witnesses to police violence. and staff from the UNMISET Human Rights Unit and Political Affairs Unit. including torture. II. police in East Timor extended much cooperation at both national and district levels. detention facilities. Call on the East Timor government to ensure that police treatment of all individuals conforms to international human rights standards. Police Senior Advisor Saif Ullah Malik for his time. NGOs and the PNTL to coordinate. and allowed Human Rights Watch access to several police stations. * Substantially increase support for effective human rights monitoring in East Timor through existing mechanisms. U. We are grateful for the cooperation of East Timor's Police Commissioner Paulo Martins and Vice Minister of Interior Alcino Barris for assistance extended during the course of our research. provide assistance for the development of local human rights groups with the capacity for independent monitoring of police violence. All interviews were conducted by a Human Rights Watch researcher directly in Indonesian or English.) agency and United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET) representatives. East Timor's police force extended a high level of cooperation throughout the research trip. UNMISET has since been stood down. United Nations (U. training. but many of these staff now work for the United Nations Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL) and have continued to provide information and assistance to Human Rights Watch.N. We also interviewed a range of domestic and international NGOs. Human Rights Watch is especially grateful to the U. Human Rights Watch met with a range of East Timor government and police officials. * Initiate and support joint meetings between the East Timorese government. Methodology Human Rights Watch visited East Timor in May-June 2005 and interviewed over eighty individuals on the issue of police violence and growing impunity. we regret having been unable to meet with more members of East Timor's government. and other support to the PNTL.N.

which. torture.400 East Timorese civilians lost their lives in the months before and the days immediately after the voting. These crimes were part of a pattern of gross violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. the colonial legacy left to East Timor was one of very few functioning institutions. After four hundred years of Portuguese and then Indonesian occupation.-administered referendum. and rape and other sexual violence against women and children.$370.S.The crimes committed against East Timorese included mass murder. in many cases. . mass forcible deportations. the country still faces a myriad of post-conflict problems. and thousands left the country after the referendum. The violence was part of a systematically planned policy by elements of the Indonesian government and TNI to prevent the people of East Timor from freely participating in the referendum. and economic support outside the capital. Human Rights Watch offers no conclusions as to the guilt or innocence of criminal charges of any victim of police abuse described in this report.[9] while recent figures estimate the annual per capita gross domestic product (GDP) to be equivalent to only U. and to punish them for voting for independence. forced disappearance. and not the specialized units. Approximately half a million people were forced from their homes or fled to seek refuge.S. and an overwhelming and urgent need to build a government from scratch. Much of the population remains traumatized by the Indonesian occupation. falling to as low as U. Except where noted.$150 in rural areas. in September 1999 the Indonesian National Army (TNI) and Timorese militias went on a campaign of extreme violence when the people of East Timor voted for independence in a U. but it also left an institutional vacuum at all levels of civil administration and government. An estimated 1. Although East Timor benefited from a relatively stable and smooth transition from occupied territory to independent state under the stewardship of the United Nations. assault.For the purposes of this report Human Rights Watch has only looked into the conduct of the regular police force in East Timor. Background After almost twenty-five years of brutal occupation of East Timor by Indonesia. health care. Dili.[8] Unemployment and underemployment are estimated to be approximately 50 percent. It remains one of the world's poorest countries and ranks as one of the lowest on the Human Development Index (HDI). is extremely limited.[10] The population is largely rural. and infrastructure for basic social services.N. constituted crimes against humanity. a huge human resource deficit. the destruction of property. The most effective environment in which to build functioning public institutions is a secure and stable one. and the six years since it ended have left people dissatisfied and frustrated by the slow pace of reconstruction and development. Indonesia's subsequent withdrawal in late 1999 left not only a country devastated and traumatized by occupation and conflict. Many of East Timor's former civil servants were Indonesian or pro-Indonesia. III.

There is also a human rights advisor permanently appointed to the Prime Minister's office who. professional and impartial police service. and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel. partly reflecting the fact that the critical threshold of selfsufficiency in key government institutions was taking longer than originally anticipated. successive U.[11] Ratification and reporting on these treaties is a key priority for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 2005 East Timor established a Provedor's Office (see below). Under a clear mandate to provide security and maintain law and order throughout the country. Foreseen for a shorter timeframe. that an agreement was signed outlining the terms and timetable of the handing over of full policing duties from CivPol to the PNTL. 2002). under the auspices of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET).N. Social and Cultural Rights. similar to an ombudsman institution in other countries.N.[14] It later changed its name to the Timor-Leste Police Service. This process started with the PNTL successively taking over control of policing district by district. internal and external security from the U. It was at this juncture that the East Timorese national government finally assumed full responsibility for nationwide policing with the transfer of all executive responsibilities for policing.[12] U. working alongside CivPol. on May 20. 2002. the PNTL finally assuming responsibility for general day-to-day policing for the whole country on December 10. Dili. in 2004. the U. Originally envisaged to last one year. missions in East Timor were instructed and authorized to help enable the rapid development of a credible. before finally adopting its current title of the PoliciaNacional de TimorLeste (PNTL). East Timor's parliament approved accession to seven major international human rights treaties.N. Civilian Police (CivPol) began recruitment drives for the new East Timorese police service in early 2000 and basic training commenced on March 27. Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. the East Timor Police Service was officially established. 2001. Establishing the East Timor Police Force Establishing a new police force for East Timor was one of the priorities for the United Nations before sovereignty was passed to the new state in May 2002.[13] Just over a year later. to the Government of East Timor as of May 20. 2003. the first fifty of whom took up their functions as police officers on July 12. 2004. and was authorized to assist in the continued development of the PNTL. the International Covenant on Economic. 2000.East Timor has made formal commitments to human rights: The constitution includes important human rights protections and. UNTAET's successor mission from May 2002. and it was not until independence. including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.[15] . on the first International Human Rights Day after independence (December 10. when the handover of policing duties was effected for the thirteenth and final district.N. Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET). The joint policing arrangement between the new East Timor police and CivPol lasted into the initial independence period. 2000. UNMISET's mandate was twice extended (in May and November 2003). on August 10. the process eventually took eighteen months. convened an inclusive government and NGO working group to discuss the drafting of a Human Rights Action Plan for East Timor (to include public consultations on what should be included).700. was also mandated to provide interim law enforcement and public security. The initial graduating class of the newly inaugurated PoliceCollege numbered 1.

Neither the disciplinary regulation nor the police decree-law was subject to parliamentary scrutiny or public debate.[16] Composition of the East Timor Police Force The Organic Decree-Law of the National Police of Timor-Leste was promulgated by the President in May 2004.[22] the disciplinary regulation of June 2004 sets out the duties of PNTL officers. In its own words. and Investigating Police Abuse Replacing a Code of Conduct for the East Timor police adopted by the United Nations administration during UNTAET. The force is hampered by a lack of professional expertise in many administrative and management functions. and are implemented in accordance with them.D of this report). The police continue to have a number of institutional weaknesses including limited professional skills and experience. Oversight mechanisms (such as those outlined below) are not mentioned in the police decree-law or the disciplinary regulation.[20] As of July 2005. (This is explored in detail in section V. UIR-and the Border Patrol Unit-Unidade de Patrulhamento de Fronteira.In May 2005 the U. while. and continues to face problems due to a lack of logistical capacity and a general lack of resources for equipment and infrastructure development. in internal and external security.N. Falantil-FDTL.[17] It is the legal instrument governing the structure and role of the Policia Nacional de Timor-Leste (PNTL). A July 2005 government press release stated that the PNTL had a total force strength of approximately three thousand officers. The focus of this report is the regular police force. particularly in the areas of policy and law. UPF. there were 292 officers in the Border Patrol Unit and 217 in the Rapid Intervention Unit. particularly in urban areas. Instead both pieces of legislation were submitted to the President by the Council of Ministers and duly promulgated. Responsibility for Training. ThePNTL is divided into the regular police and five specialist units. (Two of the special units are nevertheless of particular interest and are mentioned elsewhere in this report: the Rapid Intervention Unit-Unidade Intervensaun Rapida. the regulation claims to provide "a systematized corpus of rules and principles to guide the action of [PNTL members] thereby guaranteeing the . Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL). as its name implies. and specifies the role of the police in relation to the army. There is a serious need for institutional strengthening across the board. Security Council replaced the Support Mission of UNMISET with a much smaller special political mission.N. patrol. and management of the border regions.[21]) The passing of the police decree-law was followed by the adoption of a disciplinary regulation in June 2004. but particularly in the area of mainstreaming human rights and ensuring that all police powers and procedures meet with international standards. imposes limits on police powers and outlines the disciplinary processes that would follow any breaches of the standards set out in the regulation.[19] Therefore. both internal disturbances and border security remain under the auspices of the police and the Ministry of Interior rather than with the military. Discipline.[18]The function of the UIR is to respond to civil disorder. It is also a very new and fragile police service which remains dependent on foreign aid for equipment and training support. the U. the Border Patrol Unit is primarily concerned with the security.

and training. court duties.[24] There are three main bodies in East Timor that have responsibility for police oversight.[27] Third. including the police. Secretary-General Kofi Annan noted that major problems within the East Timor police force remained a cause for concern. the ease with which we found illustrative cases was alarming. are sent to the Minister of Interior. who decides what action should be taken. formerly the Professional Ethics Office. including excessive use of force." He continued that "lack . search and seizure. PEO) is charged with investigating allegations of police misconduct or abuse (which are usually made by members of the public). handling of child abuse cases and handling at-risk children. Several people whom Human Rights Watch interviewed had had to be hospitalized because of the severity of their injuries. U.) The Ministry of Interior retains operational control over the police force. negligent use of firearms and various human rights abuses. preliminary investigation of crime. including the police commissioner. including the police (although the legislation is not explicit on the mandate of the Inspectorate to deal with police disciplinary matters). Created in August 2003 in accordance with the Decree Law on the Organic Structure of the Ministry of Interior. The police and other state institutions have often failed to respond to incidents of police abuse with appropriate disciplinary measures or criminal proceedings. the internal police Professional Ethics and Deontology Office (PEDU. In the course of our research the number of accounts of severe ill-treatment.[25] Second is the office of the Inspectorate. comprising representatives from the Ministry of Interior. the only external oversight mechanism. police vehicle operation.[30]While this level of severity of abuse may not yet be systematic or systemic in East Timor.[26] this body has disciplinary competence over all structures and institutions subordinate to the Ministry of Interior. In his February 2005 report to the Security Council on the United Nations mission in East Timor. The results of any investigations. community policing. which has far-reaching powers to investigate and report on complaints against government officials and institutions. assaults. there is the Office of the Provedor.professionalism and prestige of the institution. the office of the human rights advisor to the prime minister.[28] (Analysis of the PEO/PEDU and the Office of the Provedor is provided in Section V. the police.N. IV."[23] Fifteen Rules of Organisation Procedures (ROPs) have also been prepared in areas including use of force.[29] The police commissioner has the authority to recommend dismissals of members of the police force found guilty of human rights and other violations. Police officers regularly use excessive force during arrests and beat detainees once they are in custody. Police Abuse Since independence in 2002. investigation and reporting of traffic accidents. but the power to enact the dismissal lies solely with the minister of interior. police abuse has become one of East Timor's most worrying human rights problems. are answerable to the minister of interior. and ultimately all members of the police force. including torture that former detainees and prisoners described to us at the hands of police officers was striking. First. and that "reports of police misconduct. and the prosecutor general's office. together with any recommendations for discipline. have increased since May 2004.B of this report.

"[32] Human Rights Watch interviewed Mario Sarmento.] They got out of the car straight away. came at great speed to where I was standing. My wife grabbed my wrist to pull me so that they would not hit me. They were wearing full police uniforms. I ask you to give me your names. Four men. he again noted that "although the skills and competencies of the East Timorese police have been considerably enhanced."[31] Six months later. They kicked him one time in his chest. I said "I don't accept actions like this. Human Rights Watch interviewed many individuals who described their arrest by the police as illegal. finally they took out handcuffs. After the light came on they stopped their action. called his name. Then because it was so chaotic my wife arrived from the house. At first two of them came in my direction. The police were using a microphone to instruct residents to remain inside their houses while they searched for the suspects. "This uniform is not scared of anyone!" I went over to my son. They didn't listen and hit him.[33] Arbitrary Detention Arbitrary detention is a recurring problem in East Timor. Then the police. heading in my direction to try and stop what was happening. I thought they wanted to ask me some questions but they punched me straight away in the chest-one person. including against members of political opposition groups. The four of them just continued their actions. instances of excessive use of force and human rights violations by police officers. Mr Sarmento. After my wife arrived she asked for their forgiveness and said that her husband had not done anything wrong and not to hit him. Their faces were not clear because it was dark. He described what happened: I called out for my son two times. Justo. and asked what was the matter. went out looking for him. . Many were not told by arresting officers what the allegations against them were. Human Rights Watch found that people were regularly held for more than the seventy-two-hour period without charge or appearance before a judge. So he fell. whereupon he or she must either be charged or brought before a judge to have the detention extended. One of the policemen grabbed the other wrist and was pulling me one way. without any words. This all lasted about thirty minutes Then the streetlights came on. continue to be reported. Then they all took out their sticks.of transparency and a slow-paced investigation mechanism have contributed to a poor level of police accountability. all of them carried out a beating. and asked them not to hit me. [One car then continued and the other stopped. who was badly beaten by police officers in Dili in January 2005 after a fight between some youths on a bridge. East Timor criminal procedure allows for a suspect to be held without charge for up to seventy-two hours. He talked to the police politely and asked them not to hit his father. two cars. and wanted to handcuff my son. Both cars stopped right in front of me. I asked them to help not make him a victim. Then the policeman pulled me strongly so that my wife fell down with my four-year-old child onto the ground. I was propped up against the wall. Then Vincent [another son] arrived to intervene in this incident. worried about his son. They released him and they faced me again. Two more people got out of the car and one of them punched me again in my chest. After that I was ready to apologize." After I said that they got more vicious and then they put one of the sticks under my neck. two of them hit him. and started threatening. with my wife pulling me in the other.

we received sixty-two complaints about violations of the seventy-two hour rule. This represents a real operational problem for the police's compliance with legal provisions for holding and detaining suspects. to explain that the seventy-two hours was not for investigations So. On the second night. or take place without the suspect having legal representation. [Officer D] called for me to come to the front of the cell and put my hands up. in the last six months only three cases have been reported.[34] Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights provides that everyone "has the right to liberty and security of person. and basic lack of resources. directly or through a relative or a trusted person. except under the terms clearly provided for by applicable law. and those are mostly because of holidays [causing non-availability of judges] etc. There was no hearing or investigation. In the first six months of UNMISET. It appears that his detention was as punishment for his words. 3.[35] One reason for illegal detention in East Timor is the failure to implement key training on this issue. Anaia told Human Rights Watch: This is a good example of how provision of resources and training can have an effect. after seventy-two hours. Outside of the capital the courts are seriously understaffed and their workers under-resourced. Article 9 further requires that detention must be examined for its lawfulness by an impartial adjudicator. He told Human Rights Watch: After that they took me to the cell in Baucau. [officer D. At a more basic level a lack of resources such as cars. in a clear and precise manner. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention.N. through the bars of the cell. and allowed to contact a lawyer.One young man was picked up by police officers after he had shouted coarsely at them. No one shall be arrested or detained. [Officer E] then hit my chest.East Timor's constitution also states in Section 30: 2. My chest was hurting. That night I didn't eat. and limited availability of judges and public defenders means that hearings to rule on detention being continued beyond seventy-two hours do not take place. After I was called. and car maintenance is contributing to unlawful detention and inadequate investigations . Nuno Anaia.[36] However. told Human Rights Watch that some targeted training had been devised to address this issue. I was released. of the reasons for his or her arrest or detention as well as of his or her rights. police advisor. That's it. A senior U. even though he had committed no recognizable criminal offense. another police officer. [officer E." To ensure freedom from arbitrary detention. fuel. name withheld] hit me in the chest. name withheld] called for me. another key problem with meeting the maximum seventytwo-hour detention rule remains the weakness of East Timor's criminal justice system. and the order of the arrest or detention should always be presented for consideration by the competent judge within the legal time frame. We then designed the training for investigators and called in the prosecutors etc. and that the result was a demonstrable decrease in the number of illegal detention complaints that they were receiving. it was Sunday. After that on Monday. Every individual who loses his or her freedom shall be immediately informed. I was just let go and went straight home. For seventy-two hours I was detained in the cell in Baucau.

you in front. he was really sick. They beat a lot that night. told Human Rights Watch about an incident that happened in November 2004 after some policemen accused him of hitting a government minister's car with his truck and then not stopping. We drove down until we got to the river. They said you take your truck. the process is taking a long time. I have given a report to the police.[40] Another man. where they wanted to arrest him. thirty-four. but also persons who are properly remanded in pre-trial detention. without transportation to meet with victims and witnesses. I believe this is manipulation to stop the process in my case. That night the back of my husband was all black. He was bruised all over. Then the keterangan was in Indonesian so it is still being translated [into Tetum] to go to the court. who worked for Perkumpulan HAK. There has been no action from the commander. not detained. He told Human Rights Watch: I have already checked four times at the district court but there is not yet any explanation I like it if you use my name because we want to improve the PNTL so that they can't do things like this again. took out their sticks. Dili. or without an indictment being filed against them. I got some letters asking me to be a witness in a different case. I don't understand those people. They flashed their lights and told me to stop there. They told me to turn off the engine. us behind. Some accused can spend six months in pretrial detention with no judicial oversight. My house is on top of the hill. it was about 10 or 11 at night. then the lights came on and they left very quickly. They . police may resort to prolonging a suspect's detention without charge until such time as they can conduct a basic investigation.[37] The under-resourcing of the judiciary may affect not only suspects who are held unlawfully beyond the seventy-two hours without charge.Cristiano told us: They wanted us to all go in the police car and I said it was better if I took my truck to the station so that we would know better if there was any damage.The police took out their guns. from that police stick. I thought maybe they wanted to take my truck and I would go in the police car.[39] Mario Sarmento has repeatedly tried to find out what is happening with a case he has lodged against the police. adding: I don't know why they began to hit straight away. The police had been summoned.for the bruises on my back. Everything was dark. and I was still in my truck. Last time I went to check he said that my case was still being processed. Cristiano da Costa. but the first time they did not come. I have not yet heard if there is a process with the perpetrator. The process is still with the prosecutor in Dili district. he is still free. Because the investigation is long I also submitted a complaint to the Professional Standards Unit. The community was standing in the road. on a road just outside Dili. and turn off the lights. a human rights organization in the capital.[38] Mario's wife also described the incident to Human Rights Watch.simply because. There were many witnesses. He agreed to go to the police station with them to try and resolve the matter in the presence of his boss. There were so many witnesses. I went to the hospital to get my surat keterangan [doctor's note]. He told Human Rights Watch that there were two policemen who had followed him to his home in Taibesse. That is what I thought. They got out of their car.

Since that hearing there have not been any further developments in the court. the prosecutor's case went to the court.[42] In August 2004. Approximately 3cm. On March 17.[44] Maliana hospital records seen by Human Rights Watch show that the victim was admitted to the hospital in August 2004 with a "cut on the head (above the right ear). it was said it was to take some medicine but after he exited he was ordered to raise his hands and put his back against the wall. There is an incident.[43] One man who witnessed this told Human Rights Watch: They took him out of the cell and took him right in front of the cell. Maybe for about fifteen minutes. They told Human Rights Watch: The case has already had a hearing in the court. Scratches on the left side of the head. There are many cases like this."[45] Several of the men submitted a complaint to the police regarding excessive use of force at the time of their arrest and ill-treatment during their detention in Maliana police station in August 2004. We were just quiet. He was not informed. several men who had been involved in a fight with residents of a rival village were arrested and taken into police custody in Maliana police station.[41] Perkumpulan HAK has been assisting Cristiano da Costa with his complaint against the police for assault and arbitrary detention. as soon as I started to stand up. In the morning I was taken to Maliana hospital for treatment. However. 2005. When they ordered him to leave the cell. I opened the door and before I had even got my foot on the ground I was hit. charges dropped]. and were told . They used their fists and punched him in the stomach. then they hit me-kicked me on the stomach and punched me on the chest.ordered me to open the door. We don't yet know the result. I witnessed the beating. One of the victims told Human Rights Watch: The three of us went to Maliana to initiate an investigation against the PNTL in Maliana. It was one of the policemen. The result of the investigating judge's decision is that the two perpetrators would have an unconditional release [i. One described what happened to him that night in the cell: At midnight. [The interviewee gives the first names of the first officer to hit him and of two others who hit him when he came out of the cell.e.] Then they ordered me to go back into the cell. police from Maliana arrived and called for me in the cell. At the time of the hearing Cristiano was not present. now called the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit]. We didn't call out. We went again on March 17. Then he was beaten by those two policemen. with his hand. Then he said. My cheek was injured. but then there is no process. 2005." Then they put me in the police car. one of the policemen drove my truck to the police station in CaicoliI told the commander that I had to go to the hospital. and the perpetrators still continue their duties as police. Until now there has been no action from the PSU [Professional Standards Unit. not allowed to attend. saying they wanted me to get out. They said for me to come out to get some medicine. Once on my [left] cheek and two times in my chest. "If you do anything you will be killed.

We arrived there at 3:00 p. everything. . Then we were ordered to stand on one foot with our arms stretched out to the sides. I was beaten on the chest. So. When we got to Ainaro police station we were ordered to line up and take off our clothes-trousers.m. I was hit four times. They beat him on his head. Then the police from Maliana said that they were there to calm the situation not to beat up victims. my older brother arrived and told them that there was no need to beat his father.[49] The man's brother told Human Rights Watch what happened to him: After they let go of my father they started beating us. about forty kilometers from Dili. A meeting to settle a land dispute turned violent after a police officer allegedly hit someone present at the meeting. until it started bleeding. and beat me with his fist and the vest. The policeman kicked me with his feet. They straight way started arresting and beating people here. a man from Dili was detained with about fifty other members of his martial arts group while on a group visit to the district of Ainaro. Human Rights Watch talked to one of the men about what happened. He kicked me in the chest. just left in our underwear.e. At 10:00 p.m. Then the police let go of my father. We had knives-they took all of them. I was beaten on my back and kicked. then in the morning of the fourth day we were released to return [i. We were handcuffed first and then ordered to run to Ainaro townabout forty-five of us were handcuffed. If we put our foot down we were beaten. He was ordered to do push-ups by the police and the UIR [Rapid Intervention Unit] for about thirty minutes. we were finally put in the cell We were detained for three days. One man told Human Rights Watch what happened next:. There were also other people hitting me from behind. There was a friend of mine who was wearing a PNTL uniform but he is not PNTL. The men believe they were targeted merely for membership in the martial arts wait for the result of the investigation. We went in the cells again in Dili. The [extra] police to arrive were from Bobonaro. We do not accept it because their violence is as if Indonesians are still here in East Timor. At least two police officers were attacked and fled the scene. The police were kicking my father and beating him with the police stick. Police backup was then called into the village. 2004. and started beating my brother with a stick and a bulletproof vest.[47] They were told they had been arrested on suspicion of burning down a house in a nearby village the night before. We are not satisfied with the actions of the police. Hit me on my head until it was bleeding. We were also tortured with pepper spray sprayed directly into our eyes. First they beat me with a bulletproof vest that they were carrying. Forty-five of us were in a cell in Dili for another seventytwo hours. After that we walked for about a hundred meters. There were about seven or eight men. They hit him on the left side of his body.[46] In August 2004. If they wanted to beat someone they should just beat us. didn't beat him anymore. to be transferred] to Dili.[48] Human Rights Watch interviewed several men who were victims and witnesses of excessive police force at an incident in Bobonaro sub-district on August 13. After they beat my father. We passed by the house that had been burnt and they hit us. He recounted: The police met us in the road and immediately searched us.

At that time hundreds of rioters smashed and looted their way through Dili and burnt several buildings to the ground. Likewise. Just the three of us ran. 2004. That afternoon the police arrived at his village: We were playing football in the field here at about four o'clock in the afternoon.[52] The U. On July 12.[51] The government report into the incident was not published until nearly a year later.[54] . In several instances the response of panicked and poorly trained East Timorese police officers was to use tear gas and open fire on members of the crowd with live ammunition. The police straight away shot at us. they were not held responsible for the fatalities and injuries caused. unnecessary. This resulted in the death of two young men and the hospitalization of another thirteen people with gunshot wounds.] We have not yet reported to the police about the shooting.N. He told Human Rights Watch that the fight had only lasted about twenty minutes and no one had been injured. [None of the three were injured. I just saw one policeman get out of the bus. My friends who had not been involved in the incident did not run. I don't know how many policemen there were. I'm scared they will want to arrest us again. and to date no one has been held accountable for the killing.[50] Unauthorized Use of Firearms The most high profile example of excessive use of force and resort to lethal force remains the police response to riots in Dili in December 2002. which had hindered resolution of the matter. there has been no clarity on the status of any disciplinary action against police officers involved in the riots of December 2002. We were scared and so we ran. the fatal police shooting of one man during disturbances in Baucau one month earlier has yet to be satisfactorily resolved. Several victims of the shootings claimed that they were shot and wounded when police drove through the streets and fired directly at suspects. They shot four times-I didn't see it because I was running but I heard it. I think if the Maliana police had not arrived. They said. with a normal car-arrived in a passenger minibus. Although not yet a widespread problem. and illegal use of firearms by police in East Timor. we would have been half dead. Although an earlier internal police investigation had identified and suspended six UIR members who had discharged their firearms during the riots. Then the police-not with a patrol car. 'Hey! Stop!' then they took out their guns. As soon as I saw the gun I started running. They got out of the bus and we saw the police. Human Rights Watch found other more recent incidents of disproportionate. One twenty-two-year-old man described his experience to Human Rights Watch.the police from Maliana were able to save us.[53] To date. It confirmed the number of casualties. but was inconclusive as to the identities of the perpetrators of the shootings. in November 2003. he had been involved in an early morning fight with other men in the town of Tilolai. account of the episode criticized the "high incidence of contradictory statements" by police.

Took all of it. Had the system been working properly the officer would have been disciplined by his superior officer.They [the PNTL officer and family] were looking for cattle. We were looking for the cows for maybe three hours. He changed his clothes and then heard about the cattle.[56] As with other types of violations the failure to discipline and hold officers involved accountable is undermining efforts to enforce strict adherence to use of firearms policies in the police force. he responded: Normally pistols are distributed in the morning and in the afternoon they are returned to the stock room. behind us. They said someone had stolen them. 2005 When we got to the top we met this PNTL man." When he fired his gun the two cows ran off. He and his nephew were out picking fruit and vegetables when they came across a PNTL officer who accused them of having stolen cattle. one man. That's why he had his gun. "If you don't want to die. the chief of the PEO office in Bobonaro told Human Rights Watch that once the perpetrator had made peace with the community then maybe there would also be a disciplinary measure imposed by the PNTL on this officer (he suggested that this might be a two-month suspension. The PNTL ordered us to give them to him. He was wearing normal clothes.It was January 23.N. He fired his gun one time and said. I don't know where he shot it. as if to explain. Two sets and we had to follow them. He took all of it. He was holding his gun at the ready. Regarding the case above. The PNTL was maybe half a meter behind me and then he shot his gun. After we had walked maybe two hundred meters we saw cattle footprints. In this case the officer came in the morning. The U. We were in the middle.When they came across us he readied his gun. He put all the things in his waistband. He forced us to walk. I had a small amount of tobacco wrapped in some plastic. then went home for breakfast. and two small machetes. four of them altogether. The PNTL was behind. His family was in front. He told Human Rights Watch: We went up to the hill at about ten o'clock in the morning. always behind. After that he told us to walk. When asked about the unauthorized use of the firearm.[55] The man went to file a complaint with the police but later agreed to meet with the police officer to resolve the matter informally. or whatever the commander decided). Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials state that firearms may only be used in very specific circumstances: "Law enforcement officials shall not use firearms against persons except in self-defense or . It was already afternoon by the time I went home He is very wrong using a weapon that belongs to the government. with his family. He was ready to shoot and told us not to do anything We were carrying one bag and two umbrellas. He also took cigarettes and some tobacco. The PNTL. who knew about the case but took no action.Another man described an incident that occurred in January 2005. received his gun. then leave. I was still looking forward and the PNTL was behind me. We were walking for about twenty minutes and it was raining really hard. We saw the prints again and then maybe less than one hundred meters later we found the cattle. and then they met us.

they constitute authoritative guidance for interpreting international human rights law regarding policing. It is still being considered where the truth is. I didn't report [the assault] to anyone at the station. My eyes are still sore because of the gas. He was mistakenly identified as the suspect. They document differently and always conclude that the police are the perpetrators. I fell again onto the wall in front of me. one by name. he was still annoyed [jengkel] with me. "Governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offence under their law. He said he was arrested for an incident involving two policemen and another man who had borrowed his motorbike.] As soon as they released the handcuffs. I was standing and he was nearby. He sprayed me once in the eyes. maybe for about ten minutes.[60] Elisio Dominggos da Piedade.[59] Human Rights Watch then interviewed the head of the Professional Ethics Office in Bobonaro who was overseeing the case. I don't know how long he was kicking me for. He told Human Rights Watch: All the way there I was asking. and one from the Maliana police station. and taken to Baucau police station.He didn't ask anything at all. After that they took me to the interrogation room and I was kicked in the chest. told Human Rights Watch about an experience in late July 2004. It was completely empty. [officer's name withheld] sprayed pepper spray in my eyes. He told us that the case had already been processed and they were waiting to send the details to Dili.defense of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury [or] to prevent the perpetration of a particularly serious crime involving grave threat to life. He kicked me here [shows chest] and I fell backwards against the wall. he stated: The PSU [Professional Standards Unit] is already investigating this. I have already given them all of my reports. this case has gone all the way up to the minister [of interior]. The community think because it is already a democracy they have the right to do anything at all. of Baucau district.e. Then he kicked me again."[57] According to the Basic Principles. The result is still being processed in the PSU.N. when two police officers in a patrol car arrived. handcuffed.[61] . very close to me. Then I was put in a cell for seventy-two hours."[58] Although the Code of Conduct and the Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms are not binding international law. "Why are you arresting me?" The two men just told me to be quiet. It is not yet resolved Am I a perpetrator or a victim? This is not a small case. They also have to recognize that the police have the rights to defend themselves. When Human Rights Watch asked the Bobonaro sub-district police commander about this incident. Human Rights Unit or HAK come here I don't receive them. My members [officers] didn't eat for a week afterwards [i. If the U. He confirmed that allegations had been made against four PNTL officers from Bobonaro sub-district police station. after the incident] because their faces were so swollen. [He identified the two officers. with his motorbike outside. It was [name withheld] again. On the day in question he was at work.

Until now we are still waiting for the case to be resolved. The three of them arrived and called for me.[62] The charges against Elisio were dropped but during the criminal proceedings against Elisio at a court in Dili he did submit a complaint about his ill-treatment during his time in police custody. On the second night we slept until 3:00 a. then hit me. The light was off. "[name withheld]. Just me and it was a mistake. Because I was wrongly arrested I was unconditionally released. after the letter of request to the police and the prosecutor. and put in a cell for two days and two nights. They beat me until I was . we have not yet received any information.[64] Another young man. no one was ever arrested for it. locked the door. He has subsequently repeatedly sought accountability for the abuse. At the time of my hearing in Dili I also complained to the court [about the abuse]. "If you oppose the police then you will know the consequence.[63] Elisio's father. who did not wish to be identified. I am dependent on the process. and took me again to the cell-that torture room. If it is investigated then [name withheld] has to be brought to justice. For about an hour they were beating me. name withheld]. Until now it has not been brought to court. and drenched with water. About the original incident. and kicked me on my back and on my feet. It has not yet been resolved. sprayed with pepper spray. I was shouting for help but no one came.m. I was continuously tortured. I couldn't walk so they lifted me into the cell. So. but they didn't take him. beaten. When they finished they took me back to the cell.m." They took me alone to another cell. They were all Maliana PNTL. they said we have to wait for the process to proceed. told Human Rights Watch about what happened to him when he was arrested in his village in Holsa: On June 25. and the process is still ongoing. I asked them to take him to the hospital. I feel sad because it has not been submitted. called for me again. but both times they were beating me. He told Human Rights Watch what he did after he was released from detention: I submitted a complaint about [the policeman whom he alleges beat him and sprayed him with pepper spray..m.." Three police came into the cell. I was injured. It shows that Elisio was given medication for a medical complaint over a period of three days in July 2004 for a trauma to his back caused by a beating. I was arrested by the PNTL. then they came again. Then they went back to their office. to be given medicine. When we got there they started beating me. They arrived. After the decision in my case my defense lawyer Pedro asked the prosecutor and the Baucau police to investigate the wrongful arrest and abuse. Both nights were different people. They constantly threatened me saying. They were wearing police boots.Baucau hospital records show that a doctor's note was written for Elisio's case detailing his injuries. My opinion is that I am ready to go to court. complained to Human Rights Watch about the lack of movement on his son's case: My son was beaten in the prison (cell) but he was not taken to the hospital. who works at the district hospital. 2004. you come with us. It is already being investigated by the police but has not yet finished. The first time I was in a cell with my friends. on the second night they beat me around 3:00 a. On the first night they beat me at around 1:00 a. They hit me with a shoe. They were the night guards. took off their jackets. and were wearing PNTL uniforms.

. the commander from Mota'ain visited my house. but the victim has not been given any information on his complaint. he was wearing a black top and it had "police" written on the back of it.. "This man is almost dead. Bobonaro. I want the problem to be resolved from above. He told Human Rights Watch: I saw a man standing in front of my door.unconscious. So. and then took out a sangkur [type of bayonet/knife] and wanted to stab me. When we got to the front of my brother's house I called for him to come out and my brother asked the policeman not to beat me anymore. if no one knew me he was going to stab me because I was a militia [militiaman]. I am an ordinary citizen.m. I was unconscious. and then I was dragged again. The police commander together with the perpetrator came to my house to resolve things. He told Human Rights Watch: The next morning [after the incident].. Because the PNTL [officer] did not arrive. I was dragged about a hundred meters and I fell." Then they took me back to the police station and put me back in the cell. and therefore a member of his family has to accompany him everywhere he goes. I asked for his forgiveness three times and then he hit me again and took me from my house to my brother's. The police said. I was already unconscious. As an ordinary citizen I know the legal process. he didn't arrive. He is my brother. He told Human Rights Watch that he is too scared to go out by himself now. It appears that the perpetrator may have been punished for the offense. "Let him die. When we got to the hospital the doctor said. I collapsed and they took me to the hospital. The PNTL member left and my brother waited with me until four o'clock in the morning and then went to rent a car from Balibo to take me to the hospital in Balibo. Perkumpulan] HAK. He promised that the next day he would meet me and we would go to Maliana. you are still doing things like this?" The doctor examined my ribs. I went to the Dili court to give a complaint and also to Yayasan [i. He ordered the community to say if anyone knew me or not. die in the police station. Here [points to right side of forehead] my head was cut and bleeding.e. So I was dragged and hit again in my stomach. At the hospital the healthcare official gave me some medicine. I also saw that he was carrying a gun under his left armpit. At that time I said that I didn't want to. My head was spinning but I heard. about 8:00 a.[65] One thirty-five-year-old man detailed a traumatic encounter he had with a police officer in May 2004 in his village in Batugade. After two days I waited.[66] This man is still suffering from trauma brought on by the event. in the court. There was lots of blood on my head and I only came to when the PNTL dragged me to stand up again. My brother ran forward and said. I went home. And then the PNTL kicked my brother My brother was scared and ran away. It was a severe beating and I fell backwards and my head collided with the asphalt. "Do you know me or not?" I saw he had a gun so I told him I knew him and apologized to him but he straight away hit me once in the chest with his hand. and on the third day he arrived." The policeman released me and my family took me to my brother's house. I heard them do it when I was in the station. I then went to Balibo police station [to make a complaint] The police called the PNTL officer and ordered him to go to the Balibo police station. He said. After I shone my torch he ran in my direction and took hold of my right hand. The doctor continued examining me and said that I had to spend the night in the hospital. "I know him. He said if there was a problem with us then we could resolve it in a manner which was better. . The policeman held my hands and stamped on my stomach.

was picked up by several drunk police officers. working at the church. they got out of the car. There were two other PNTL. No one has come here to tell me. I don't know where the perpetrator is. They were sitting above. they interpreted me wrongly. I haven't been told. At the time I was about twenty meters away." [69] One man in the village who witnessed the event told Human Rights Watch what he saw: We were working here for Easter. Only [Perkumpulan] HAK sent a letter to the PSU but it has not yet been investigated." There was no response. After he burnt me. a twenty-two-year-old from Mulia village in Baucau district. But the police thought I was provoking them. Baltazar Fatima Correia. After they finished drinking tuak the five police wanted to return to Baucau.[67] In April 2004. What has he done wrong?" After that they didn't hit him anymore. Baltazar Fatima Correia is still trying to get some redress for the treatment he experienced in police custody." When he replied he then burned me with his cigarette.The result? I don't know. There were lots of people around. not from HAK either. The car stopped.[70] Over a year after the original incident. I came home and until now I only heard that the perpetrator is in prison but I haven't seen it myself. [officer C] shouted at me. They arrived at the place where I was sitting on the road. They put Baltazar in the car. One PNTL [officer A. I called out to my younger brother in a coarse way whether or not he also wanted to go to Baucau. "If you do anything I will shoot you. name and rank withheld] got out from the car. He told Human Rights Watch: I went to the prosecutor's office and he promised he was ready to take the case to the police. I've known them a long time. under my left wrist [shows scar]. I saw it and ran over. officers B and C. I said. maybe about a hundred meters-[officer B] said to his friends. I saw them going to Baucau but I couldn't say anything because the PNTL were very emotional They were wearing uniforms and driving a TATA Sumo car with "police" written on it. I was here. Four of his friends were still in the car. I saw [officer A] get out of the car and straight away hit Baltazar Then he was hit by [officer B] who hit him and grabbed his head and smashed it on the car. but there has been no result. I told [officer B]. About 500 meters later at the cemetery [officer A] said. "Is there an empty house here or not? If there is we can let him out and torture him here." then [officer C] responded. As soon as he got out of the car he straight away kicked me in my chest. They were constantly kicking me. This case is already at the prosecutor level. and saw the car. names withheld. I was at the back on the floor. about nine or ten o'clock in the morning. When we got as far as the river-it's not far. It is with the PSU in Dili I often go to the Baucau . "Turn the car back. He told Human Rights Watch: The five police were drinking tuak putih [palm wine] with my father and their friend [name withheld] at the police checkpoint. "No. and a third officer who punched him once on the back of his neck. beaten and threatened. tens of people. but has not yet had a hearing [disidang]. [The interviewee names these two. it's better if we take him to Baucau first. "Why is that kid being hit. After that I fell to the ground.[68]] After that [officers B and C] handcuffed my hands behind my back and put me in the car and took me to Baucau police station.

The presiding judge then decided that the defendants should be released due to lack of evidence against them.[75] One report quoted a judge as saying that "justice was powerless since the government kept intervening in the process.[73] Following preliminary hearings. have been respected. if you come here I will shoot you or hit you.[71] When Human Rights Watch questioned Baucau's police commander about this case he stated. The police only chase me out [mengusir] and threaten me saying. where they sexually assaulted her. both the defense lawyers and the prosecutor claimed to have had no prior involvement in the case and to be ignorant of the evidence. there was also a tenth man." I have already been three times to check my case there. I'm not afraid to go back. In this case. . The preliminary hearings in June 2004 and the trial in April 2005 were monitored by the East Timorese NGO Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP). cordoned off the public court building. that"neither the rights of the accused to proper legal representation. 2005.police about my case. under questionable authority. At the trial session of April 13."[74] JSMP noted that during the hearings on the continued detention of the men. nor the expectations of the victim and the community to have an independent tribunal hold a proper trial in regard to her allegations. six of the suspects were conditionally released pending trial while four (three PNTL and the civilian) were kept in custody. who was charged in relation to having "procured" the girl for the police officers. All the files are in Dili. It went all the way to court and there was no evidence. and the police officers were set free. allegedly by nine PNTL officers on May 10. which reported deep concerns about the unorthodox manner in which the proceedings were conducted and factors which demonstrated. and no one has been held accountable for the rape. No further charges against any accused have been pursued. go back home. "About the Mulia case it has already been resolved. reportedly harassing and verbally abusing the victim when she left the courtroom."[72] Impunity for Rape The failure to hold anyone accountable for the rape of a teenaged girl. The last time was September 2004. is another example of the effective impunity that police officers have come to expect in East Timor. don't come here."[77] When the case came to trial only the three police officers and the civilian in custody were tried. 2004. They also reported that police officers. They were all released. the problem is the money to get to Baucau. a civilian. the nine policemen were originally arrested and charged with rape. "Just go back."[76] JSMP has also noted that "[t]he investigating judge assigned to the case told JSMP monitors that he could not control their [PNTL and UIR officers present at the court] conduct. accused of taking the girl in an official police vehicle to a police training compound in the Tasi Tolu area of Dili. in their view. It was a long time ago. a substantial number of PNTL members were present in the courtroom and court compound. with the outstanding charges against the six police officers conditionally released seemingly ignored. There is no evidence that they [police officers] were involved.

the use of torture and other forms of mistreatment against that individual is wholly prohibited under East Timorese and international law.The failure to prosecute this case is just one example of an unwillingness to tackle police abuse. intimidation. shall. in carrying out their duty. the U. Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). the United Nations has developed detailed principles. Particularly harsh conditions of detention.N. or discrimination. including deprivation of food. stating that "no one shall be subjected to torture and cruel. A large body of international legal authority exists that prohibits any derogation from the prohibition on the use of torture and other cruel. inhuman. may also constitute inhuman treatment.[80] and is also entrenched in Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel. the U. they may nevertheless constitute cruel. as well as demonstrating that violence against women is often not treated with appropriate seriousness by the formal justice system. is to be found in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[85] In addition to binding treaties on torture. East Timor's constitution also explicitly prohibits the use of torture. minimum rules. or degrading treatment or punishment. as far as possible. or for punishment. Cruel and inhuman treatment includes suffering that lacks one of the elements of torture or that does not reach the intensity of torture. The U. apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force and .N. inhuman. water. inhuman. Few prohibitions in international human rights law are as clear as the ban on torture and other cruel. Department of State noted that there had also been "no significant developments in the September 2004 case of an off-duty police officer who forcibly entered the home of a twelve-year-old girl who had allegedly been statutorily raped by the officer's nineteen-year-old brother. or degrading treatment or punishment. or degrading treatment or punishment. inhuman or degrading treatment. Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials limits the use of force by police to situations in which it is "strictly necessary and to the extent required for the performance of their duty.[84] In cases where beatings and humiliation of detainees and prisoners by police do not rise to the level of torture."[86] Similarly.[78] In its human rights report for 2005. The prohibition. which forms part of customary international law." It appears that the Professional Ethics Office had initially opened an investigation. but by the end of 2005 no further action had been taken. Degrading treatment includes treatment that involves the humiliation of the victim or that is disproportionate to the circumstances of the case.[81]East Timor acceded to the CAT in April 2003 and to the ICCPR in September 2003.'s Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials states that law enforcement officials.S. and declarations on the actions and use of force by police.[79] Legal Standards on Torture and Other Physical Mistreatment Even if an individual is guilty of a criminal offence. and medical treatment.[83] The Convention against Torture defines torture as intentional acts by public officials that cause severe physical or mental pain or suffering for the purpose of obtaining information or a confession. or degrading treatment or punishment. inhuman."[82] The constitution also specifically refers to East Timor's obligations under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international treaties. cruel.

[and] (b) minimize damage and injury. The survey also found that "many feel the laws are not actually enforced. The result is an emerging pattern of impunity for PNTL abuses. A number of allegations of criminal acts are addressed through the administrative process only and are not subject to any criminal processes. "(a) exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offence and the legitimate objective to be achieved. In March 2005 the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) identified many of the problems when it stated in its report to the U. are investigated by the Ministry of Interior. One survey commissioned by the Asia Foundation in East Timor encouragingly found that "of the only 11 percent of respondents who had brought disputes to the police. Institutions and Practices Needed to Create Police Accountability in East Timor The police are not brave enough to investigate cases where there are police involved. Existing oversight mechanisms are weak and need further support and strengthening."[91] . and only four in ten think the law genuinely protects the accused from police brutality or allows them access to a public defender.[90] Two studies published in 2004 show mixed public views of the police. Disciplinary actions are not always in proportion to misconduct. For unclear reasons. Delays are reported in investigations and decisions on disciplinary action. head of the nongovernmental Judicial System Monitoring Programme in East Timor[89] It is clear that police abuse is a serious and pressing problem.N.firearms. Sometimes police who have beaten or threatened people are not investigated. Commission on Human Rights that: Accountability mechanisms remain unclear and inadequate. these perceptions are not likely to remain static. yet initiatives to address it have been inadequate."[88] V. particularly those laws enacted to protect anyone arrested and accused of a crime. Reforms. and new institutions and practices are needed to effectively eradicate this problem. while others. among other things. some cases are dealt with by PEO. Cases where there are beatings of civilians are not investigated. most did so because they considered their dispute to be a serious matter and they believed that they would be treated fairly by the police. so they do not want to open an internal investigation. The Professional Ethics Office (PEO) of PNTL is increasingly unable to investigate cases of misconduct due to lack of resources for field work and at times political interference. Less than half the public (49 percent) believe the law requiring court approval to detain a suspect for more than three days is respected. sometimes cases with particular sensitivity.[87] When the use of force is unavoidable." Most telling is one of the survey's conclusions that "confidence levels in East Timor's new and inexperienced police force are likely to drop dramatically unless they are effectively trained and professionalized. law enforcement officials must. Tiago Amaral Sarmento." However.

"[95] The failure to properly investigate police misconduct undermines the police force's credibility in holding its members accountable.[94] The U. that for 2005 "[s]ome officers were punished for relatively minor misconduct. In spite of the kinds of abuses documented in this report. the surveys are useful in highlighting what communities believe are positive elements within the police force. but much less in the districts of Baucau. thus far meaningful sanctions for police officers involved in serious human rights violations have been rare.6 percent overall. whilst also addressing the problem areas. The challenge for the East Timor government will be to build and support those positive elements. it was unclear whether the dismissals were linked to human rights violations or mere criminal activity. in March 2005 the East Timor police commissioner reported that ten police officers had been dismissed from the service. Addressing Impunity Police abuse can become a serious problem when police officers and their superiors enjoy impunity for their actions. or ignore it. There were allegations that personal connections within the police force or the Ministry of Interior were a factor in some cases. and in several cases police officers were convicted and sentenced for assaults committed while on duty. According to the OHCHR. A. undertaken jointly by the Dili Institute of Technology and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). Department of State. More robust and effective enforcement of existing legislation and stronger media vigilance and independent monitoring of the problem will also be key. by year's end. order. for example. For example. found that the public's respect for the work of the police was still quite high at 69. more specific questions on detention and abuse resulted in quite negative responses indicating that when people have come into direct contact with the police their experiences have been less positive. perhaps reflecting negative attitudes towards the police in a district with a high number of reported cases of police brutality.The second study.[93] However.S. fifty-five cases had been reported through the PEO. in July 2004 a group of approximately one . no action had been taken in a number of cases involving serious misconduct. However. However. This is as true for high profile incidents as for day-to-day violations. Although neither study can be used as conclusive indications of public perceptions of the police. An international advisor to the minister of interior told Human Rights Watch that for the period from January to March 2005. One conclusion that could be drawn is a general public reluctance to criticize the PNTL as a force. the results do show already mixed feelings toward East Timor's new police force. Bobonaro and Viqueque. In East Timor effective institutional mechanisms for accountability are essential if impunity is to be tackled.[92] In Bobonaro the figure was only 32 percent. however. One of the most common reasons that police abuse can become commonplace within a police force is the effective impunity enjoyed by police officers and their superiors who participate in. the results may just reflect an attitude that the PNTL is far less abusive than the Indonesian police force-a pretty low threshold for professionalism. The early indications are that East Timor risks allowing impunity to become a grave and systematic problem if it does not respond appropriately. Another caveat is that although community confidence is generally a good indicator of the level of police abuse. in its annual human rights report on East Timor noted.

Television footage showed at least one police officer beating a protester. commenting: "the report of the special investigation into the incident of 20 July 2004. has not yet been completed.[97] The tardiness of an appropriate response to the police violence at the July 2004 demonstration shows that there is some way to go before the commissioner's words about internal disciplinary processes translate into concrete measures. the United Nations in East Timor. However. Few strategies were implemented at an early stage in the U. On July 20."[96] Yet at least part of this problem is a legacy of the U. used tear gas to disperse the crowd. For example. transitional administration to stop inappropriate police behaviors before they became too entrenched. who conceded that there was a problem and that this had implications for creating a culture of impunity. Ironically. the U. had proclaimed messages calling for greater democratization and reform of the police force. Although many of those held were detained for more than thirty hours. the exact grounds under which they were held were never clarified. many of the demonstrators' banners. or in respect of the arbitrary detention of over thirty protestors.'s failure to prioritize police disciplinary measures. There have. In his February 2005 progress report on UNMISET. trampled under foot by the security services. including many Falintil veteran resistance fighters. Police were deployed to patrol these demonstrations. together with members of the elite Rapid Intervention Force. He was clear in his understanding that proper punishment for violators would be an effective deterrent: We are trying to improve this which is not very good within the police.D of this report. They were protesting a proposal by East Timor's Council of Ministers to designate religious education as an optional subject in some primary schools. however.hundred persons. police officers. and the media. been encouraging signs that some things can be done right. and subsequently arrested over thirty people.N.N. We already have a police disciplinary regulation and have taken strong measures against those who commit abuse or violence against the people I don't think it is because of training but an increase in understanding from the commanders and the communities that the police have to respect human rights. staged a protest outside the main government building in Dili. And also because the police officers realize that sanctions are heavy if they commit an abuse. secretary-general noted the negative consequences delays in accountability could produce. (Deficiencies in the UNPOL training regime are explored in detail in section V. in which the police used excessive force to disperse a largely peaceful demonstration.) Human Rights Watch spoke with Police Commissioner Paulo Martins. These delays are perceived by the community as voluntary inaction and hence undermine the general trust in the professionalism of the police. which they did in a manner widely . in April 2005 several thousand people joined anti-government demonstrations in Dili. the second day of their protest. once again there has not yet been a satisfactory outcome either in respect of disciplinary measures against the police officers responsible for excessive use of force. This incident received much attention at the time from the government. and there were several other reports that several detainees were beaten in police custody.N.

[101] At a more basic level the PEO/PEDU continues to be restricted by a lack of human and financial resources. One then-PEO officer in Dili told Human Rights Watch that although in theory PEO officers could investigate police officers of superior rank to themselves. in practice it was the district commanders who ultimately decided which cases would be investigated in the district. attitudinal change within the police force is going to have to be a priority and will need a long-term strategy to have impact. told Human Rights Watch about an incident earlier in 2005 when a uniformed police officer in his district had fired his gun in the air at the market in Maliana. the unit is charged with investigating allegations of police misconduct or abuse. the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit (PEDU. In some cases PEO/PEDU staff do not have access to transport to conduct investigations. Lopes recommended that the officer be discharged from the police force. but instead he was only transferred to Dili. especially in sensitive cases. which saw the positive outcome from implementing the standards provided by appropriate training. The results of any investigations. PSU). if at all. and which ones would be set aside. in some cases. although. and significantly also appears to have given a confidence boost to the police force itself. together with positive reinforcement for appropriate police behavior. the Ministry of Interior can also order the PEDU to conduct inquiries. Looking to the future.[98] Staffed by serving police officers and working under the general commander of the PNTL. who then decides what action should be taken.regarded as professional and restrained. and before that the Professional Standards Unit. Such allegations are usually made by members of the public. or. which ones would be sent to Dili. In cases where complaints have been taken up by the PEO/PEDU. The Development of Oversight Institutions Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit The first port of call for investigating police violations is usually the PNTL's internal oversight body. according to the police Organic Decree-Law. Simao Lopes. together with any recommendations for discipline. the PEDU lacks institutional authority over the various branches of the police. are sent to the minister. B. Combined with training there needs to be a strong system of discipline. the chief of the then-PEO office for Bobonaro district. effective leadership and support by the management of PNTL over time.[100] Another problem is the lack of understanding by police of the rights and interests of those filing complaints. It seems little thought or consideration has been given to the rights of the victims in this process. This display of professionalism has improved the public image of the police force. or to return to complainants to update them on the status of their . with the PNTL disciplinary regulation not even envisaging that complaints could come from outside the force. As one example. transfers followed by promotions. There is no automatic suspension for police officers under investigation for alleged offenses. The PEO/PEDU has also been weak and very slow to take action. transfers. PEO.[99] Unfortunately. punishments for police officers have often just been temporary suspensions. for that attitudinal change to take place. formerly known as the Professional Ethics Office.

When the man protested the commander issued a stark warning. advisor told Human Rights Watch that in his opinion it was clearly a threat. pointing out to Human Rights Watch that the previous experience of its chief. The communities don't yet know or understand that they can report to someone. the lack of resources and experience resulting in delays and incompetence of the PEO/PEDU in dealing with complaints has led to frustration amongst affected communities about lack of transparency and efficiency in dealing with their cases. We would be happy to participate in more training. the deputy head of the then-PEO national office commented: We have several problems. officer heard the commander tell the man that they wanted to solve the matter through traditional dispute mechanisms. human rights unit then and see what they will do." The U. First of all are the limitations in personnel and transport.[102] As Carlos Moniz Maia.N.[107] Tiago Amaral Sarmento from JSMP told Human Rights Watch.[103] One U. "If there are violations the communities don't know who they can report it to. did not provide him with the skills necessary to lead investigations or manage staff. will leave soon and then it will just be us.[104] When he was interviewed by Human Rights Watch the chief of the PEO office in Maliana conceded that he lacked essential experience. a change of personnel in the office would improve the office's strength. The police are a strong institution. police officer in Bobonaro district had a poor opinion of the then-PEO in Maliana. They are scared and just stay quiet. but he was keen to stress his willingness to receive more training in the area of internal investigations. This has only further . The U. as a patrol officer within the occupation-era Indonesian police force. Cases from 2001 to 2003 have already finished being investigated. The U. Likewise for 2005 we've finished about twenty cases and still have about seventy left. "I have not yet submitted a complaint because they threatened me. We want to work but we do not get strong enough support.N. He said.N. police advisor told Human Rights Watch that he heard a district police commander threatening a man who had come to complain about the police treatment of some people involved in martial groups in the district. I do not want to go back to Maliana police station. I received just two days' training from the PNTL. I don't want to be summoned again by the PNTL. One young man who was severely ill-treated in police detention told Human Rights Watch that he was too scared to seek accountability for the abuse he suffered at the hands of three police officers in Maliana police station.N.N. The statistics of cases involving the PNTL every year is increasing. "Go to the U. He told Human Rights Watch: Before I was with the PEO I was a community police officer."[106] A U."[108] Where such knowledge exists. I ask you to recommend for us to have more training about the role of the PEO so that we can understand it in more stating.N. but there are still about 50 percent of cases from 2004 which have not yet been resolved because of restrictions of transport and staff. In his opinion.[105] It appears that lack of faith in and/or fear of the new police force is already preventing people going directly to the police to register complaints.

The budget for the Provedor is small.[109] In his August 2005 report to the United Nations Security Council on the U. maladministration. was promulgated in May 2004. nepotism. We are an independent institution but receive our budget from the government. the position of provedor was not filled until Sebastiao Dias Ximenes was inaugurated in the post June 16. The Office of the Provedor The East Timor constitution provides for a special office to scrutinize human rights practices throughout the territory. We also have limited human resources. considering the many other functions it has also been tasked with. A law to establish such a position. We need training and maybe comparative studies so that we can increase our experience and knowledge. But what is most important is the people and all the communities. the U. the continued reports of human rights violations by the East Timorese police.The office can also only make . If they don't work with the Provedor. secretary-general noted that the Provedor's Office "provides an important legal instrument to address inter alia. without waiting for a complaint. which are not being adequately addressed by internal disciplinary processes and are rarely taken up by the Public Prosecutor for institution of criminal proceedings. Issues within the purview of the office include abuse of power. including assaults and threats. It is to be hoped that the office will contribute to an increased culture of respect for human rights and accountability. and has the power to order a person to appear for questioning. including excessive use of force.[112] By the end of 2005.N. collusion and corruption. "especially in light of the recent increase in reported cases of abuse of police power. Office in Timor-Leste. although as parliament initially found it hard to agree on a candidate. However. this office cannot be a success without their support. including the police. 2005."[110]In a previous report he had expressed concern at the delay in electing the provedor.N. just recommendations."[111] In June 2005 Human Rights Watch met with Sebastiao Dias Ximenes shortly before his inauguration as provedor.increased the distrust people have in the impartiality of the office. The Office of the Provedor has far-reaching powers to investigate and report on complaints against government officials and institutions. the Office of the Provedor had still not been fully established or staffed. Its strengths are that it can undertake investigations on its own initiative. As a relatively new body. Another major weakness of the office is that it does not have the power to make enforceable decisions-any of the provedor's recommendations can be ignored. It's a problem. there are concerns about the capacity of this new institution to comprehensively or effectively carry out the role of a police oversight body. I don't have the power to make decisions. Already aware of the limitations of his new office. the office of the Provedor de Direitos Humanos e Justicia. it is hard to accurately gauge the effectiveness of the Provedor's Office. Our program cannot go forward if we don't have facilities or a budget. he discussed his main concerns and what he saw as the priority challenges of his new role: The Provedor has limits. lack of due process. I can give recommendations but not follow up. ill-treatment and arbitrary arrest and detention.

While many ROPs have been finalized (see above).[116] However. the June 2004 disciplinary regulation is only available in Portuguese. The Need for More and Better Training . or refer a grievance to a competent jurisdiction or other recourse mechanism. it has been criticized by police experts for being incoherent. a language not understood by most PNTL personnel.recommendations to the relevant bodies such as the police.[115] While there have been some developments at addressing the legal vacuum. and that this group would also include participation from the PNTL. Even if the disciplinary regulation were available in Indonesian or Tetum." [114] Equally important is for the PNTL to finalize its Rules of Organization Procedures (ROPs). Ray Murray. The U. the Inspectorate and the U. At quite a basic level. the authorities continue to use the previous U.) C. D. including persons with mental illness and victims of gender-based violence. as a result. at the time of writing it was understood that this group had not met since March 2005. but there remains little knowledge and understanding by the police about definition of crimes under the Criminal Code. see below. There is substantial overlap between the different agencies. offer to act as a mediator between the complainant(s) and representatives of the public body involved. including ROPs on the treatment of vulnerable persons.N. advisor to the minister of interior. languages understood by most police officers. more need to be finished.'s senior police advisor. Saif Ullah Malik. including a new policy introduced in 2003 restricting the use of force.N. there now seems to be an urgent need to formalize coordination and cooperation between the various institutions entrusted with acting as oversight mechanisms for the fledgling police force. Legal Gaps The process leading to the establishment of the PNTL led to the existence of a range of different and sometimes competing rules. The promulgation of the Organic Decree-Law in May 2004 went some way towards clarifying the legal framework for the police. the Inspectorate and the Office of the Provedor. Provedor and Ministry of Interior. which is not necessarily a problem but leads to a certain amount of confusion among the public about how to report incidents or hold the PNTL accountable. or police powers under the Criminal Procedures Code and the Rules of Organization Procedures. told Human Rights Watch in May 2005 about a working group established to harmonize all the different institutions including the then-PEO. Legislation or regulations need to be adopted to clarify the various responsibilities of the PEDU. and the 2004 regulation providing a new disciplinary code for police. procedures and practices which govern the PNTL. Human Rights Unit. (For comment on the need to formalize coordination and cooperation between the various institutions entrusted with acting as oversight mechanisms.N.[113] There is also little training on these areas made available to the police force. told Human Rights Watch that the disciplinary regulation "has a formula to determine discipline that is virtually unusable and cannot be understood by the vast majority of the PNTL including trainers and advisers. Code of Conduct.

those rights are not always recognized It is not entirely clear within the police who is doing what. intelligence gathering. but you run the risk that you are not exposing children to greater risks by going to the police. and community policing. The curriculum at the academy has also been recently re-written by an Australian/U. civilian police advisors were providing training to the East Timor police through a skills development plan which was based on the results of a national survey of police officers to identify gaps in capacity. including in the area of internal investigations of police misconduct. with human rights material incorporated throughout the course. police training team (see also below). In these courses. police training is an important tool for addressing human rights violations by the police. children. followed by nine months of field training. during both UNTAET and UNMISET the fledgling police force received largely inadequate and sometimes contradictory training from UNPOL and CivPol personnel.. We are trying to encourage children to be aware that if they have a problem they can go to the police. but that "of the approximately 1. mean that continued strengthening of the human rights dimension of training for experienced officers. Secretary-General noted in February 2005 that U. who do not become full PNTL officers until after successful completion of this additional training.. only half were able to achieve the desired level of competence. or other vulnerable groups. just normal investigators."[117] Standard training for new recruits is now a four-month training course at the PoliceTrainingAcademy in Comoro. Not all children will be dealt with by the VPU. if they are offenders.700 East Timorese police academy graduates) simply underwent a four-week "Intensive Transitional Training Course. and police academy graduates is essential.[118] The U.N. Dili.Although not a solution on its own.N. and a need for a great deal more specialized skills training.[120] . One child protection officer with UNICEF in East Timor told Human Rights Watch: There is a notion that if children are victims there is an awareness of special treatment from the VPU [Vulnerable Persons Unit] and rights. or mainstreaming ideas such as the method of investigation into gender-based crimes. trainees. there is some training in specialized areas of investigations. Unfortunately. who comprised 350 of the first 1."[119] There is still a huge lack of management and mentoring capacity in the police force. But. There is also little awareness of the appropriate treatment of women. After graduation a further six months of formal field training is undertaken for probationary officers. The first batch of new cadets received three months of basic training at the rehabilitated PoliceAcademy in Dili followed by six months of on-the-job training in the field.700 police officers who completed the first phase of the plan in December [2004]. Former POLRI officers (members of the Indonesian police force responsible for security in the territory before the vote for independence in 1999.K. Reports of human rights violations and inappropriate behavior by officers. etc. combined with the lingering legacy of Indonesian policing techniques.

. police missions around the world: The U. We need a course for the PEO [now PEDU] so that they can carry out their duties well. Further problems with the UNPOL training of East Timorese police recruits and officers included communication difficulties caused by language problems that restricted the ability for training sessions to be participatory and inclusive.Police in East Timor rely heavily on confessions as their sole means of "solving" crimes. It would have been better to have one police force from one country. but this recommendation was not followed. training during UNMISET was conducted by UNMISET police advisors at the district and sub-district level. However. He told Human Rights Watch: There is a Code of Conduct for the PNTL. What we have now is the result of a lack of training.[121] Because of that we are less sure that the Code will hold [be put into practice]. so PNTL officers were exposed to different approaches to policing and not all were consistent with what was being taught at the Academy. There is not yet a course about it. There had been a recommendation from the Ministry of Interior that before this program started the UNPOL officers should be given a "training of trainers" course. civilian police staffing the mission were from a wide range of countries. each with varying adherence to international standards on policing. Problematic Past Training Approaches The majority of U. The education that they receive here is still a little. As most of the UNPOL were police officers and not trainers.N. he was also quite frank in admitting how much further they had to go. and East Timor police. and implementation of training scenarios. not only offers the police an alternate and better way to do their job. . Human Rights Unit. but would help reduce abuse of power. More intensive training in basic investigation and forensic techniques. A problem affecting this approach is one that is common to most U. all of whom had provided materials for the training courses.N. UNDP and UNICEF. or with international standards.N. However we are still new. this would have improved some of the training delivery. the focus being on the training of trainers in the field.. and the good cooperation the Academy had with the U. To reinforce this message it is essential that the judiciary rigorously and consistently refuse to allow evidence where there are credible allegations that it was obtained through illegal use of force by the police. A UNOTIL staff member was extremely critical of the support which UNPOL had previously provided: I don't think UNPOL knew what they had to do when they were in charge.[122] E. It has already been socialized [disseminated] to all the Commanders but not yet fully to all members of the PNTL.N. When Human Rights Watch met with the head of Dili's PoliceTrainingAcademy he was emphatic about the volume of human rights materials included in the basic training package taught at the academy. and undoubtedly contributes to the current climate where beating of suspects is routine. rather than taught lecturestyle. including the use of other sources of information and evidence. rather than a mix without any common members to work. so that the training delivery could be uniform across the country. This inherently creates an incentive to resort to excessive use of force to extract a purported "confession" from a suspect. Their experience and consequently their teaching was therefore not standardized. It also limited interaction between U.N.

told Human Rights Watch. Their key goal was to set up and handover to an East Timor police force. Assistance has also been given to the Professional Ethics Office. Human rights training and courses have already been provided by these advisers. police personnel also hindered the effective development or long-term implementation of policies. with no coherent plan for establishing oversight mechanisms and enforcement of disciplinary measures against police officers. so you would expect four or five years of training." F. not least the development of the police service. including training programs as well as equipment and infrastructure support. The second is that there are few penalties if the officers do not implement what they learn in training and few incentives to follow it. the training is inconsistent in standards. At various stages Malaysia and Portugal have also extended training to various units of the PNTL."[126] While it is important to teach human rights. But they just ticked a box. but for institutional development it had negative consequences. The UNOTIL Human Rights Unit has also been working in cooperation with the Ministry of Interior to provide human rights and use of force training to the national police. Indonesia has been hosting a series of exchange programs for PNTL officers to visit and acquire in-house training with the Indonesian police force. In other words. most recently through a "training of trainers" course and the launching of a training manual on human rights for the police in mid-2005. the U. "You should not only teach on what should be done. under UMISET (see above). A senior diplomat in East Timor commented: "The biggest criticism of UNPOL is that they've been here for four or five years. There is a sense that the U. the Security Council authorized the deployment of up to forty police training advisors.Quite crucially the six-month rotations for U.N. Current Initiatives Recognizing the urgent and ongoing need of the PNTL for further training and assistance. and Australia have .N. Recognizing this problem. One of the problems with this approach is that. was in crisis management with no coherent strategic development plan for the PNTL. Amongst the international support.K. it is equally important to train officers about their responsibilities to act professionally. Vice Minister of Interior Alcino Barris told Human Rights Watch that amongst the police force "there is still very little real understanding of what human rights are. something that the minister also acknowledged. but also on why it should be done. primarily targeted at the specialist police units such as the Border Patrol Unit and the Rapid Intervention Unit. International funding also plays a critical role in East Timor in all areas. The first is that current training has failed to address the overall institutional culture of policing methods." This diplomat identified the further problem that "the government never refuses aid. a large part of UNOTIL's mandate is in the area of continued support and development of the East Timorese police." and that combined with the tick-the-box approach of UNPOL meant that "their counterparts don't have a clue. for training to be meaningful. For peacekeeping this approach may be appropriate. as with the U. There is a wide range of bilateral international assistance to the PNTL. the international advisor to the Ministry of Interior. with different countries' domestic procedures being taught." There are two other main reasons why current training has taken such a long time to halt police abuses. so there is a problem in trying to coordinate all the training. In establishing UNOTIL in May 2005. The United States is funding specialized training courses for supervisors and investigators. there must be consequences for failing to abide by it.N. Ray Murray. Canada and Japan have both provided small grants and provided equipment.

A lack of monitoring will create a vacuum in which violations will be committed with impunity.N. When UNPOL leaves (currently scheduled for May 2006). As the head of the JSMP told Human Rights Watch: I think that if the U. there are formal internal and external oversight mechanisms of the police. does constitute a deterrent to perpetrators." G.K. monitoring and in terms of advance training. Special Representative of the Secretary-General Sukehiro Hasegawa A critical issue for the future will be to ensure independent monitoring of police behavior in East Timor. They will think that their behavior is correct because there will be no one to give the recommendation that they have to be processed and brought to justice. consistency of guidance. Human Rights Unit due to close with the end of UNOTIL's mandate (foreseen for May 2006). cannot stay forever. Human Rights Unit will be trying to visit districts at least once a week. saying: "We need support in terms of training. the U. Kevin Raue. as noted.embarked on a joint development program for the PNTL focusing on mainstreaming international policing standards across the board over the long-term.N.N.-Australian plan is to integrate standard operating procedures into all aspects of the training.N. With the U./Australian initiative will fill the vacuum on advice and training created by UNPOL's departure. for most victims of police brutality the first place they turn is normally either the U. The U.-Australian initiative. There is a need also to avoid duplication of training and inappropriate training. The first phase will concentrate on training of trainers. He commented "There is a problem of inconsistency in the standard of training.N. leaves and there are no more advisors the police will increase committing violations in the future.N. Though. Noting the wide variety of bilateral and U. the two biggest rights organizations in East Timor and the main Timorese bodies in the country monitoring police abuse. Police Advisor in East Timor. The senior U. The U." .K. and our readiness to report on human rights violations to the international community. Saif Ullah Malik. training of PNTL." He continued: "As an exit strategy we are incorporating local NGOs to monitor the human rights situation in each district. he added: "We have adopted an approach. primarily Perkumpulan HAK or FOKUPERS. concedes that "bad" training was a problem.N. Local civil society needs to be activated." Indicating that lessons had been learned from the experience of shortcomings in U. and the valuable place it has as a counterbalance to government. Human Rights Unit or an East Timorese human rights NGO. After the withdrawal there will be a big gap in monitoring. That problem is not yet resolved.N. training currently underway with the PNTL. for example my technical advisors in the districts are advising the same thing across the board. concurred. will also be crucial to ensure mutual respect and cooperation. team leader for the U. the urgency of strengthening civil society mechanisms to provide human rights monitoring and reporting has never been greater.K. Part of the joint U. Training for the police on the role of civil society. Monitoring The presence of human rights officers here.

The weakness of the judiciary. communities of interest. Major General Suharto.for their own deaths. The mass murder of hundreds of thousands of the party's supporters over subsequent months was thus a natural. As with the February 1933 fire in the German parliament that Hitler used to create a hysterical. and others would be the most successful way to devise an action plan for ending human rights abuse in East Timor. for some unknown reason. justified his acquisition of emergency powers in late 1965 and early 1966 by insisting that the September 30th Movement was a devious conspiracy by the PKI to seize state power and murder all of its enemies. The commander of the army. crisis-filled atmosphere. It was one of the few statements in the text that was correct. acknowledged the massive scale of the killings only to dismiss the necessity for any detailed consideration of them. among them six army generals * into the greatest evil ever to befall Indonesia [2]. or would-be perpetrators of atrocities. [1] Hunter's CIA report accurately expressed the narrative told by the Indonesian army commanders as they organized the slaughter." That was how a CIA publication described the killings that began forty years ago last month in Indonesia. and to highlight structural problems that allow human rights violations to emerge in the first place. Seen in this light.the supporters of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) -. the anti-PKI atrocities. offhanded comment. and until this is analyzed and addressed then the possibility is that police abuse can only be minimized at best. stabbed." The hundreds of thousands of people shot. Suharto's martial law regime detained some 1. and accused them of being "directly or indirectly involved in the September 30th Movement. The 300-page text was devoted to blaming the victims of the killings -. The killings were part of the "backfire" referred to in the title: Indonesia * 1965: The Coup that Backfired. just as culpable for the murder of the army generals as the handful of people who were truly guilty. to identify patterns and perpetrators. A participatory.5 million people as political prisoners (for varying lengths of time). The September 30th Movement was Suharto's Reichstag fire: a pretext for destroying the communist party and seizing state power. bludgeoned. partnership approach including the wide range of actors in civil society such as the media. donors and the East Timor government need to work more closely together to monitor the broad range of human rights violations. the . 40 Years Later The Mass Killings in Indonesia By JOHN ROOSA and JOSEPH NEVINS "One of the worst mass murders of the twentieth century. are just two areas that directly impact on police abuse and remedies for it. That narrative rendered the September 30th Movement * a disorganized. and justifiable reaction on the part of those non-communists who felt threatened by the party's violent bid for state power. The PKI had supposedly attempted a coup d'état and a nationwide uprising called the September 30th Movement (which. for multiple purposes: to remedy individual abuses. The author of this 1968 report. inevitable. and emerging corruption issues. human rights violations by the PNTL are just one symptom of a much broader nationwide problem. small-scale affair that lasted about 48 hours and resulted in a grand total of 12 deaths. began on October 1). or starved to death were labeled perpetrators. She concentrated on proving that the PKI was responsible for the September 30th Movement while consigning the major issue.NGOs. to a brief. later revealed to be Helen Louise Hunter.

the army generals would have blamed the party for it. compared the army's murderous violence against those labeled PKI to a case of someone "burning down the house to kill a rat. While some Indonesian Chinese were among the victims. as were two of the three other core Politburo leaders (Lukman and Njoto). It was precisely this work of the army's psychological warfare specialists that created the conditions in which the mass murder of "the PKI" seemed justified.N. they remain poorly understood. the target of the PKI's alleged coup attempt. As it was. danced naked and slit the bodies of the army officers with a hundred razor blades. and so on." His inability or unwillingness to muster anything more than rhetorical protests. . President Sukarno. drawn up hit lists. Hunter's CIA report. primarily based on those transcripts. the statements of the suspects cannot be trusted. With so little public discussion and so little scholarly research about the 1965-66 mass killings. he said. The question as to whether or not the PKI actually organized the September 30th Movement is important only because the Suharto regime made it important. The one among them who survived the initial terror. vicious. The party chairman. the general secretary of the party. Aidit. If they had. The party's three million members did not participate in it. etc. Given that the army used torture as standard operating procedure for interrogations. The violence targeted members of the PKI and the various organizations either allied to the party or sympathetic to it. He was summarily and secretly executed in late 1965. they were by no means the majority. [3] Much more research is needed before one can arrive at definitive conclusions. Sundanese. Many people imagine that the killings were committed by frenzied mobs rampaging through villages and urban neighborhoods. It was not a case of ethnic cleansing. D. put on trial. they would have been arrested. Balinese. But recent oral history research suggests that most of the killings were executions of detainees. Many people outside of Indonesia believe that the victims were primarily Indonesian Chinese. whatever ethnicity they happened to be: Javanese. before they could provide their accounts. The PKI as a whole was clearly not responsible for the September 30th Movement. dug thousands of ditches around the country to hold countless corpses. they made their case against the PKI largely on the basis of the transcripts of the interrogations of those movement participants who hadn't already been summarily executed. Otherwise. is as reliable as an Inquisition text on witchcraft. It was. The army whipped up an anti-communist propaganda campaign from the early days of October 1965: "the PKI" had castrated and tortured the seven army officers it had abducted in Jakarta. admitted in the military's kangaroo court in 1967 that the PKI as an institution knew nothing of the September 30th Movement but that certain leaders were involved in a personal capacity. All the members of their organizations would not have been imprisoned or massacred. however. Sudisman. does seem to have played a key role.September 30th Movement was exaggerated by Suharto's clique of officers until it assumed the proportions of a wild. stockpiled guns imported from China. it is irrelevant. however. and sentenced. supernatural monster. Even if the PKI had nothing whatsoever to do with the movement. The army banned many newspapers and put the rest under army censorship." He routinely protested the army's exaggerations of the September 30th Movement. nothing more than "a ripple in the wide ocean. If the movement's leaders had been treated as the leaders of previous revolts against the postcolonial government. it would not have been such a small-scale affair.

[7] Such moral and material support was much appreciated in the Indonesian army.ultimately doomed his rule. corrupt army general from a Javanese village. strategists called a final "showdown" with the PKI." [10] But obstacles to the realization of Washington's geopolitical-economic vision arose when the Sukarno government emerged upon independence in Indonesia. The new strategy was to cultivate anti-communist officers who could gradually build up the army as a shadow government capable of replacing President Sukarno and eliminating the PKI at some future date. a relative nobody in Indonesian politics. uneducated. monitor.S. his government had a working relationship with the powerful PKI. nonaligned. and small arms to Suharto so that his troops could conduct the nationwide assault on civilians. and the top army brass in 1965 was rooted in Washington's longstanding wish to have privileged and enhanced access to Southeast Asia's resource wealth. embassy supplied radio equipment. officials went so far as to express concern in the days following the September 30th Movement that the army might not do enough to annihilate the PKI. In March 1966. Suharto grabbed the authority to dismiss. which Washington feared would eventually win national elections. "This was just what was needed by way of assurances that we weren't going to be hit from all angles as we moved to straighten things out here.[11] When that criminal escapade of the Dulles brothers failed. [12] That moment came on October 1. Sukarno's domestic and foreign policy was nationalist. American ambassador to Indonesia at the time. [4] U. [5] The U. moved against the PKI and Sukarno with the full support of the U. Navy League's publication gushed over Indonesia's new role in Southeast Asia as "that strategic area's unaggressive. Marshall Green. even while maintaining Sukarno as figurehead president until March 1967.S. wrote that the embassy had "made clear" to the army that Washington was "generally sympathetic with and admiring" of its actions. embassy officials in October 1965." [13] Several years later. in a 1965 speech in Asia. and arrest cabinet ministers. [6] A diligent embassy official with a penchant for data collection did his part by handing the army a list of thousands of names of PKI members. The destruction of the PKI and Sukarno's ouster resulted in a dramatic shift in the regional power equation. Richard Nixon characterized the country as "containing the region's richest hoard of natural resources" and "by far the greatest prize in the South-East Asian area." [9] Two years earlier.S. and explicitly anti-imperialist. Nixon had argued in favor of bombing North Vietnam to protect Indonesia's "immense mineral potential. the U. was outmaneuvered by a taciturn. 1965. the strategists in Washington reversed course and began backing the army officers of the central government. appoint.S. leading Time magazine to hail Suharto's bloody takeover as "The West's best news for years in Asia. Eisenhower's administration attempted to break up Indonesia and sabotage Sukarno's presidency by supporting secessionist revolts in 1958.S.S. The great orator who had led the nationalist struggle against the Dutch. As an aide to the army's chief of staff informed U."[8] This collaboration between the U. thuggish. Suharto.S." while characterizing the country as "one of Asia's most highly developed nations and endowed by chance with what is . but stern. government. Moreover. walkie-talkies. the cosmopolitan visionary of the Non-Aligned Movement. The top army generals in Jakarta bided their time and waited for the opportune moment for what U. Many in Washington saw Indonesia as the region's centerpiece.

entered the chamber. shipped large quantities of rice and cloth for the explicit political purpose of shoring up his regime.S. Payments on the foreign and domestic debt. The regime's ability over the following years to sustain economic growth via integration with Western capital provided whatever legitimacy it had. .S. and declared. He personally intervened in a meeting of cabinet ministers in December 1965 that was discussing the nationalization of the oil companies Caltex and Stanvac.probably the most strategically authoritative geographic location on earth. Henry Kissinger. the regime's legitimacy quickly vanished." [14] Among other things. or "the heroes of foreign exchange. swallow up much of the government's budget. the fruits of economic growth. that the military "would not stand for precipitous moves against oil companies. There is little domestic industrial production." to quote from a lighted sign at the Jakarta airport. he suddenly arrived by helicopter. Apart from the pillaging of Indonesia's resource base. The main products of the villages now are migrant laborers. resulting in tens of thousands of additional fatalities. the cabinet indefinitely postponed the discussion.S. exporting natural resources to Western markets. the Indonesian military invaded neighboring East Timor in 1975 after receiving a green light from President Gerald Ford and his secretary of state. Falling prices were meant to convince Indonesians that Suharto's rule was an improvement over Sukarno's. [16] Once Suharto decisively sidelined Sukarno in March 1966. rice. The Suharto regime lived by foreign capital and died by foreign capital. as the gleeful U. The forests from which military officers and Suharto cronies continue to make fortunes are being cut down and burned up at an alarming rate. The country imports huge quantities of staple commodities that could be easily produced on a larger scale in Indonesia. Middle class university students. part of it being the odious debt from the Suharto years. Suharto's clique of army officers took power with a long-term economic strategy in mind. and begging for Western aid. The country has little to show for all the natural resources sold on the world market. such as sugar. oil companies and rubber plantations. the floodgates of foreign aid opened up. embassy account has it. With health care spending at a minimum. epidemic and preventable diseases are rampant. [15] At the same time. Suharto's army was jailing and killing union leaders at the facilities of U. They expected the legitimacy of their new regime would derive from economic growth and that growth would derive from bringing in Western investment. At his command. The result was an occupation that lasted for almost 24 years and left a death toll of tens of thousands of East Timorese. By now it is clear that the much ballyhooed economic growth of the Suharto years was severely detrimental to the national interest. the TNI committed widespread atrocities during counterinsurgency campaigns in the resource-rich provinces of West Papua and Aceh. and soybeans. played a particularly important role in forcing Suharto from office." Faced with such a threat. Within Indonesia proper. the Suharto regime caused an astounding level of unnecessary suffering. Once that pattern of growth ended with the capital flight of the 1997 Asian economic crisis. the euphoria reflected just how lucrative the changing of the guard in Indonesia would prove to be for Western business interests. The U. Soon after the meeting began. Suharto's vision for the army was not in terms of defending the nation against foreign aggression but defending foreign capital against Indonesians.

With Suharto's forced resignation in 1998. Similarly. military training and economic assistance to Jakarta over the preceding four decades. Meanwhile in the United States. John Roosa is an assistant professor of history at the University of British Columbia.vassar. It is thus not surprising that the government of the world's newest country feels compelled to play down demands for justice by its citizenry and emphasize an empty reconciliation process with Indonesia.S. now-independent East Timor. that description remains true. and international recognition for which the nationalist struggle was fought now seem as remote as ever.S. significant democratic space has opened in Indonesia. forthcoming in 2006). but it might just rise again during the ongoing economic crisis that is endangering the lives of so many Indonesians.) after experiencing the misery that Suharto's strategy of collaboration has wrought. In his "year of living dangerously" speech in August 1964 * a phrase remembered in the West as just the title of a 1982 movie with Mel Gibson and Sigourney Weaver * Sukarno spoke about the Indonesian ideal of national independence struggling to stay afloat in "an ocean of subversion and intervention from the imperialists and colonialists.-assisted takeover of state power forty years ago last month drowned that ideal in blood. There are competitive national and local elections. History textbooks still focus on the September 30th Movement and make no mention of the massacres. as part of the global "war on terror. the military still looms large over the country's political system.S. prosperity. thus enabling the Bush administration's current efforts to further ties with Indonesia's military. This impunity is a source of continuing worry for Indonesia's civil society and restless regions." Thanks to the Suharto years. there has not been a thorough investigation of any of the countless massacres that took place in 1965-66. as well as poverty-stricken. It is encouraging that many Indonesians are now recalling Sukarno's fight against Western imperialism (first the Netherlands and then the U. As such. and is the author of Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30th Movement and Suharto's Coup d'État in Indonesia (University of Wisconsin Notes . Washington's role in Indonesia's killing fields of 1965-66 and subsequent brutality has been effectively buried. thus increasing the likelihood of future atrocities. There is even an official effort to create a national truth commission to investigate past atrocities. Sukarno used to indict Dutch colonialism by saying that Indonesia was "a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations. 2005). Joseph Nevins is an assistant professor of geography at Vassar College. despite political support and billions of dollars in U. The principles of economic self-sufficiency." Suharto's U. Victims of the "New Order" and their families are able to organize. Nevertheless. and is the author of A Not-so-distant Horror: Mass Violence in East Timor (Cornell University Press. They may be reached at: jonevins@pop." [17] Suharto's removal from office has not led to radical changes in Indonesia's state and economy. weaponry. no military or political leaders have been held responsible for the Suharto-era crimes (or those that have taken place since).

The Dark Side of Paradise: Political Violence in Bali (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. p. Cited in Robinson. Kahin and George McT.html 8.1. 4. 1. pp. the movement's troops abducted and killed six army generals and a lieutenant taken by mistake from the house of the seventh who avoided capture. p. "Exporting Military-Economic Development: America and the Overthrow of Sukarno. 57-58." Foreign Affairs (October 1967). Esai-Esai Sejarah Lisan [The Year that Never Ended: Understanding the Experiences of the Victims of 1965. This FRUS volume is available online at the National Security Archive website: http://www. "Ex-agents say CIA Compiled Death Lists for Indonesians. 241. Foreign Relations of the United States. Quoted in Peter Dale Scott. Ayu Ratih. in United States Department of State. p." Indonesia. A former CIA agent who worked in Southeast Asia. McGehee's description of it was heavily censored by the agency when it vetted an account he first published in the April 11. 1995). and a security guard were killed. 59.htm 2. 283. Kahin. CIA Report no. Oral History Essays] (Jakarta: Elsam. 3. 283. 50 (October 1990).): Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation for Spokesman Books.gwu. Frederick Bunnell. Two articles in the agency's internal journal Studies in Intelligence have been declassified: John T. In Jakarta. 19641968. noted in his memoir that the agency compiled a separate report about the events of 1965. "American 'Low Posture' Policy Toward Indonesia in the Months Leading up to the 1965 'Coup'. Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia (New York: The New Press. The latter is available online: http://www. 10. 111. 1983). "The Lessons of the September 30 Affair.). 1995). 1965. and Hilmar Farid. 5. 1975). November 4. Telegram from the Embassy in Indonesia to Department of State. p. 14 to the White House (from Jakarta). a five year-old daughter of a general. In Central Java. two army colonels were abducted and killed. one that reflected its agents' honest opinions. vol. "Asia After Viet Nam. Deadly Deceits: My 25 Years in the CIA (New York: Sheridan Square. 11. Audrey R. October 14. available online at http://www. a teenaged nephew of another general. 1981 edition of The Nation. p. "The 30 September Movement in" in Malcolm Caldwell (ed. 6.odci. p. Richard Cabot Howland. Telegram from the Embassy in Jakarta to Department of State. Quoted in Geoffrey Robinson. eds." San Francisco Examiner. Tahun yang Tak Pernah Berakhir: Memahami Pengalaman Korban 65. Ten Years' Military Terror in Indonesia (Nottingham (U. 1965. John Roosa. .gov/csi/kent_csi/docs/v14i2a02p_0001. Kathy Kadane. In the course of these abductions." (Fall 1970). 26. May 20." (Fall 1969). 7. The Dark Side of Paradise. Ralph McGehee. Richard Nixon. p.pir. 1990. 2004). Also consider the massacre investigated in Chris Hilton's very good documentary film Shadowplay (2002). October 14. 1965. 9. Pizzicaro. for its own in-house readership.

12. Bunnell, "American 'Low Posture' Policy," pp. 34, 43, 53-54. 13. Time, July 15, 1966. Also see Noam Chomsky, Year 501: The Conquest Continues (Boston: South End Press, 1993), pp. 123-131. 14. Lawrence Griswold, "Garuda and the Emerald Archipelago: Strategic Indonesia Forges New Ties with the West," Sea Power (Navy League of the United States), vol. 16, no. 2 (1973), pp. 20, 25. 15. Telegram 1787 from Jakarta to State Department, December 16, 1965, cited in Brad Simpson, "Modernizing Indonesia: U.S.*Indonesian Relations, 1961-1967," (Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, Northwestern University, 2003), p. 343. 16. Hilmar Farid, "Indonesia's Original Sin: Mass Killings and Capitalist Expansion 1965-66," Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, vol. 6, no. 1 (March 2005). 17. For information on U.S.-Indonesia military ties, see the website of the East Timor Indonesia Action Network at

Oleh: Andre Vitchek:[1] Lain hari, terjadi lagi kehilangan nyawa yang sesungguhnya tidak perlu: 16 orang terbunuh dan 16 orang masih hilang pada saat banjir dan longsor di Tahuna, sebuah pulau kecil dekat Sulawesi . Dengan kecepatan yang mengerikan, Indonesia telah menggantikan Bangladesh dan India sebagai bangsa yang paling rentan bencana di dunia. Jika nama Indonesia muncul pada daftar judul utama di berita Yahoo, besar kemungkinan telah terjadi lagi suatu tragedi besar yang sesungguhnya tidak perlu terjadi di salah satu pulau dari kepulauan yang tersebar luas ini. Pesawat terbang hilang atau tergelincir di landasan pacu, kapal-kapal ferry tenggelam atau rontok di lautan bebas, kereta api bertabrakan atau tergelincir satu kali seminggu, penumpang yang tak berkarcis berjatuhan dari atap yang berkarat. Tumpukan sampah yang berbau busuk dan tidak memperoleh izin telah mengubur kelompok pemulung yang tak berdaya, tanah longsor telah menghanyutkan rumah-rumah kardus ke anakanak sungai, gempa bumi serta gelombang pasang telah menghancurkan kota-kota serta desa-desa pantai.Kebakaran hutan di Sumatra telah menyesakkan nafas penduduk di daerah yang luas di Asia Tenggara. Ruang lingkup bencana sebesar ini tidak pernah terjadi sebelumnya dan sungguh aneh jika kita menyepelekannya sekedar sebagai nasib jelek bangsa atau amarah Tuhan ataupun karena keganasan alam belaka. Sebagian besar faktor penyebab bencana ini harus dipersalahkan pada korupsi, inkompetensi atau sekedar ketidakacuhan dari kelompok elite yang sedang berkuasa dan para pejabat peemrintah. Adalah kemiskinan, minimnya proyek untuk kepentingan umum, dan kegemaran [para pejabat untuk ] mencuri yang membunuh ratusan ribu pria, wanita serta anak-anak Indonesia yang tidak berdaya.

Sejak kudeta militer dalam tahun 1965 yang disponsori Amerika Serikat yang menjatuhkan Sukarno, dan menaikkan rezim militer yang sangat anti komunis, korup, dan pro pasar dari diktator Suharto , Indonesia terhindar dari pengawasan yang sungguh-sungguh dari media dan pemerintahan negara-negara Barat. Setelah jatuhnya Suharto dalam tahun 1998, Indonesia dipuji oleh media massa sebagai suatu demokrasi yang sedang tumbuh dan semakin toleran. Sebagian dari bencana ini adalah buatan manusia; [dan] hampir semuanya malah bisa dicegah. Dalam penelusuran yang lebih cermat semakin jelas terlihat bahwa orangorang mati karena hampir tidak ada upaya pencegahan, kurangnya pendidikan (Indonesia merupakan negara yang ketiga paling rendah prosentase GDP anggaran pendidikannya sesudah Equatorial Guinea dan Ecuador) dan suatu sistem ekonomi pro pasar yang buas yang membiarkan sekelompok kecil orang kaya untuk memperkaya dirinya sendiri di atas penderitaan orang banyak yang hidup d engan biaya kurang dari dua dollar sehari. Kesimpulan yang dapat ditarik terhadap bagaimana berfungsinya masyarakat Indonesia bisa sangat mengerikan. Namun, menghindari pengungkapan hal ini tidak diragukan lagi akan menyebabkan jatuhnya korban nyawa yang berharga dari ratusan ribu manusia. [Kehidupan bernegara di] Indonesia dewasa ini didorong oleh semangat mencari untung dalam bentuknya yang paling ekstrim. Ia juga merupakan salah satu dari bangsa yang paling korup di muka bumi. Dan kelihatannya tidak ada keuntungan cepat yang dapat diperoleh dari mengambil langkah-langkah preventif [terhadap bencana alam ini]. Dimanapun dunia, bendungan dan dinding anti-tsunami dipandang sebagai pekerjaan umum dan justru perkataan –umum—yang telah hampir lenyap dari kamus mereka yang membuat keputusan di Indonesia . Keuntungan berjangka pendek bagi sekelompok khusus orang diberikan prioritas yang lebih tinggi dari kemanfaatan berjangka panjang bagi seluruh bangsa. Keruntuhan moral dari bangsa ini terbayang dalam skala nilai, yaitu: orang korup tapi kaya memperoleh penghormatan yang jauh lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan mereka yang jujur tapi miskin. Tenggelamnya kapal-kapal ferry bukanlah "karena angin kencang dan ombak"; kapalkapal itu tenggelam karena penuh sesak oleh penumpang dan karena perawatan yang buruk. Semuanya bisa dijadikan uang, bahkan keselamatan ribuan penumpang. Perusahaan-perusaha an hanya ingat terhadap keuntungannya sendiri, sedangkan para pengawas dari pemerintah hanya memperhatikan uang suap belaka. Tenggelamnya kapal Senopati Nusantara dengan ratusan kurban dan disiarkan secara luas itu hanyalah salah satu dari ratusan kecelakaan laut yang terjadi setiap tahun di Indonesia . Walaupun tidak bisa diperoleh angka statistik yang pasti (dengan alasan yang dapat diduga, yaitu karena pemerintah Indonesia berusaha sekeras-kerasnya untuk mencegah dipublikasikannya statistik komparatif secara lengkap), beberapa rute pelayaran kehilangan lebih dari tiga kapal setiap tahun. Catatan keamanan dari industri penerbangan Indonesia merupakan salah satu yang paling buruk di dunia. Sejak tahun 1997, sekurang-kurangnya 666 orang telah meninggal dalam delapan kecelakaan pesawat di Indonesia . Latihan terhadap beberapa orang pilot sedemikian buruknya sehingga pesawat sering tergelincir di landasan pacu atau sama sekali tidak bisa menemukan landasan, atau [malah] mendarat di bagian

tengah landasan. Pemeliharaan pesawat adalah masalah lainnya: flaps sering tidak berfungsi sama sekali; roda tidak dapat dimasukkan setelah take-off, ban yang jarang diganti cenderung meletus pada saat mendarat. Sungguh merupakan suatu keajaiban bagaimana beberapa pesawat – khususnya pesawat tua Boeing 737 yang diterbangkan oleh hampir semua perusahaan penerbangan Indonesia – bisa lolos dari inspeksi. Setelah mewawancarai pejabat penerbangan sipil lokal (nama yang bersangkutan jelas tidak mau disebutkan) wartawan Anda mengetahui bahwa sistem navigasi dari beberapa bandar udara Indonesia berada dalam keadaan yang amburadul, terutama bandar udara Makasar di Sulawesi dan Medan di Sumatra. Rata-rata, telah terjadi satu kecelakaan kereta api setiap enam hari di Indonesia , umumnya disebabkan karena kurangnya penjagaan pada 8000 lintasan kereta api. Sebagai perbandingan, kereta api Malaysia tidak pernah mengalami kecelakaan fatal selama 13 tahun sampai tahun 2005 (satu kecelakaan terjadi tahun 2006, yang statistiknya bisa diperoleh). Walaupun kenyataan menunjukkan bahwa Indonesia secara relatif mempunyai jumlah mobil per kapita yang kecil, namun jalan-jalannya merupakan jaringan jalan yang "paling banyak digunakan" di dunia (hanya nomor dua setelah Hongkong yang justru bukan merupakan negara): 5.7 juta kend eraan-km per tahun dari jaringan jalan. (2003, The Economist World in Figures, 2007 Edition). Menurut The Financial Times, walaupun kepadatan yang luar biasa serta lalu lintas yang bagaikan merangkak ini, lebih dari 80 orang tewas setiap hari di jalan-jalan Indonesia, umumnya disebabkan oleh karena amat buruknya infrastruktur dan amat lemahnya penegakan hukum. Gempa bumi belaka tidaklah membunuh manusia. Faktor penyebab banyaknya jatuh korban adalah buruknya konstruksi rumah serta bangunan, bersamaan dengan kurangnya upaya preventif dan pendidikan preventif. Sudah menjadi pengetahuan umum bahwa Indonesia rentan terhadap bencana; bahwa ia berada di kawasan yang disebut sebagai 'lingkaran api' (ring of fire). Namun kaum miskin tidak bisa mengharapkan adanya proyek perumahan umum yang mampu menahan gempa (seperti yang diban gun di negara tetangga, Malaysia ). Hampir setiap keluarga harus mengurus nasibnya sendiri: mereka harus merancang dan mendirikan tempat tinggalnya sendiri. Gempa besar membunuh ratusan orang, kadang-kadang ribuan orang, dan menyebabkan ratusan ribu orang kehilangan rumah mereka. Sekurang-kurangnya 5.800 orang meninggal dan 36.000 luka-luka pada tanggal 27 Mei 2006 sewaktu gempa berkekuatan 6.2 skala Richter menghantam daerah Jawa Tengah dekat kota bersejarah Yogyakarta. Infrastruktur yang primitif, fasilitas media yang tidak memadai, dan korupsi yang terjadi pada saat pendistribusian bantuan merupakan faktor yang menyebabkan tingginya jumlah korban pada saat terjadinya goncangan. Pembabatan hutan secara tidak sah (illegal logging) dan penggundulan hutan merupakan alasan utama terjadinya tanah longsor. Semua orang tahu siapa yang bertanggung jawab terhadap terjadinya kebakaran hutan di Sumatera dan di tempattempat lain, tetapi para pejabat pemerintah enggan sekali melakukan penangkapan, oleh karena mereka yang bertanggung jawab terhadap penggundulan hutan tersebut biasanya

tapi daftar lengkap akan memenerlukan banyak sekali halaman surat kabar. Bukan saja reaksi dari pemerintah Indonesia dan militernya amat lamban. Pada bulan Juni 2006.000 oang terpaksa mengungsi dari rumah mereka.000 are tanah dengan lumpur panas. menghancurkan satu-satunya jalan raya dari Surabaya serta jalan kereta api utama. Pejabat-pejabat Indonesia < /SPAN> telah menerima peringatan dini dari Jepang namun tidak mau bertindak. Demikian banyak bentuk penyelesaian terhadap masalah-masalah ini. bahkan mungkin suatu buku yang khusus ditulis tentang hal itu. dan merendam lebih dari 1. "Kecelakaan" ini telah menyebabkan lebih dari 10. telah menewaskan lebih dari 126. kemudian mengatakan bahwa tidak banyak yang dapat diperbuat karena daerah tersebut tidak dilengkapi dengan sirene atau pengeras suara. Sampah telah menguburkan suatu desa pemulung miskin pada sebuah penimbunan sampah tanpa izin di luar kota Bandung . Masih banyak korban tsunami lainnya. yang menghantam pantai Jawa selatan pada tanggal 17 Juli 2006 yang masih menunggu bantuan yang berarti. Bencana itu terjadi karena tidak dipatuhinya prosedur secara wajar oleh suatu perusahaan eksplorasi gas (yang sebagian sahamnya dimiliki oleh salah seorang menteri kabinet). inspeksi dan upaya untuk mencari nafkah alternatif bagi masyarakat yang sedemikian putus asanya. Lebih dari dua tahun setelah terjadinya tragedi yang menghancur-luluhkan Aceh ini. Jangankan membantu korban. yang memaksa 400.000 orang menjadi pengungsi. oleh karena pembabatan hutan secara tidak sah merupakan bisnis raksasa dan sangat menguntungkan. termasuk penegakan hukum. yang selanjutnya menghancurkan seluruh masyarakat itu sendiri. banjir dan tanah longsor yang disebabkan oleh hutan lebat telah menewaskan lebih dari 200 orang di provinsi Sulawesi Selatan. yang terkenal sebagai tsunami. "Banjir lumpur" baru-baru ini telah menenggelamkan demikian banyak desa di luar Surabaya .000 orang di provinsi Aceh pada bulan Desember 2004. sebagian besar dari bantuan luar negeri yang amat banyak itu lenyap karena korupsi. Indonesia sering menderita berbagai jenis bencana buatan manusia yang sungguh sukar untuk dimengerti dan diperbandingkan dengan apapun juga. Bulan lalu.kaya raya dan mempunyai koneksi dengan [pejabat] negara dimana bahkan keadilan bisa dijual. sedangkan anak-anak dipisahkan secara paksa dari orang tuanya (karena kehilangan sertifikat kelahiran) dan 'diadopsi' oleh organisasi-organisa si keagamaan. Dalam suatu kasus menyolok tentang perampasan tanah oleh pemerintah. sehingga mereka secara harfiah terpaksa ikut serta menggali lubang kuburnya sendiri dengan menghancurkan lingkungan. Namun hampir tidak ada yang dilakukan sama sekali. yang dapat mengisi demikian banyak telapak tangan yang menunggunya dengan sukacita. beberapa puluh orang terbunuh kaena tanah longsor dan banjir bandang di bagian utara pulau Sumatra . . beberapa di antaranya menjadi korban perdagangan manusia (human traficking). banyak korban dihambat pulang ke tanahnya sendiri. Banyak lagi kejadian seperti itu. sebanyak 600 orang tewas. namun angka yang sebenarnya hampir pasti jauh lebih tinggi. Menurut angkaangka resmi. banyak anggota tentara Indonesia memeras sogokan dari lembaga-lembaga bantuan dan merusak perbekalan atau air minum yang berharga jika sogokan tidak dibayar. ratusan ribu orang masih tinggal di rumah-rumah darurat. Gelombang raksasa.

Jumlah itu lebih besar dari jumlah korban di Irak pada saat yang sama. -----------. salah seorang pendiri dari Mainstay Press (www. jurnalis. bahkan dari bencana dan dari penderitaan berjuta-juta rakyatnya sendiri. Upaya mengaitkan demikian banyak bencana dengan korupsi dan sistem sosial ekonomi telah ditolak sama sekali.--------. dua bencana yang terjadi baru-baru ini – peristiwa tenggelam yang mengerikan dari kapan 'Satria Nusantara" dan 'hilang'-nya pesawat Boeing 737 Adam Air dengan 102 penumpang – sudah lebih dari cukup untuk memaksa menteri kabinet untuk mengundurkan diri. Masalah utama adalah tidak adanya kehendak politik (political will).--------. Saat ini ia . ia menjadi pembunuhan massal. Cukup banyak semen dan batu bata untuk membuat bendungan dan dinding untuk menghambat tsunami. Di Indonesia. Badanbadan usaha serta pejabat-pejabat lokal telah mengemban gkan kemampuan khusus untuk mengeruk keuntungan dari apa pun juga. Suatu penglihatan sekilas di sekitar Jakarta berlusin-lusin shopping malls baru dibangun di beberapa tempat. dan 'cetak biru' yang konkrit untuk menyelesaikannya? Hampir di semua negara. kedua tragedi ini dipandang (atau ditampilkan) ha nya sebagai suatu nasib buruk lainnya belaka tanpa meminta pertanggungjawaban atau akuntabiltas siapa pun juga. Dalam kalimat sederhana. Pers dan media massa Indonesia telah melaporkan secara detail masing-masing dan setiap bencana itu. Surat kabar Indonesia terkemuka J akarta Post.Masalahnya adalah: kapankah rakyat Indonesia akan berkata bahwa sudah cukup apa yang terjadi itu dan kapankah mereka akan menuntut pertanggungjawaban dan keadilan. Tetapi mereka gagal untuk menegaskan bahwa apa yang terjadi itu adalah suatu keadaan luar biasa dan tidak dapat ditoleransi. Indonesia adalah miskin. angka-angka statistik yang benar.--------. Keengganan untuk menyelesaikan masalah mempunyai akarnya pada korupsi.mainstaypress. produser film. korupsi adalah pencurian dari publik. yang terancam akan dikuburkan oleh tanah juga lebih besar dari korban yang jatuh di Sri Langka atau di Peru selama perang saudara yang demikian lama. Indonesia telah kehilangan sekitar 200 ribu orang rakyatnya dalam berbagai bencana. baru-baru ini memberangus komentar ini.--------[1] Novelis. org).--------. banyak orang Indonesia yang hidup dalam keadaan berbahaya dan penuh risiko seperti mereka yang hidup di daerah yang tercabik-cabik oleh perang. untuk memperkuat bukit-bukit di sekitar kota-kota. oleh karena statistik komparatif atau tidak tersedia atau telah ditekan. bahwa mungkin tidak ada negara besar lainnya di dunia yang mengalami demikian banyak korban manusia yang tidak semestinya terjadi karena bencana buatan manusia atau bencana yang sesungguhnya bisa dicegah. dimana istanaistana mewah dari pejabat-pejabat yang korup telah memakan berhektar-hektar tanah. Senior Fellow pada Oakland Institute (www. Sebagian besar mereka tidak menyadarinya. dan menolak menerbitkannya di halaman-halamannya. tidak termasuk kecelakaan kenderaan bermotor di jalan raya dan konflik bersenjata yang terjadi di seluruh kepulauan Indonesia.oaklandinstitu te. Sungguh. Sejak Desember 2004. tetapi masih berada dalam posisi untuk melindungi sebagian dari warganya yang rentan. Tetapi jika korban yang harus dibayar harus dihitung dengan hilangnya ratusan ribu nyawa.--------.

800 Muslims massacred JAKARTA. "For sure. Yesterday. They were thought to have come from groups of people who had celebrated Christmas in Tobelo on 25 December. 12 Februari 2007. Another Bosnia Tragedy in Indonesia# Republika*. Halmahera. Komnas HAM. Therefore. Women Raped in Halmahera. According to the Vice President of Assembly of Muslim Scholars of Indonesia (Majelis Ulama Indonesia . Tomagola. The crowd came from some districts in North Halmahera and Ternate and the number reached about 10 to 20 thousands people. they did the attack on the Muslim enclaves in the city of Tobelo after [Ramadan] break fast. nearly 2000 Muslims from Tobelo were killed and four mosques burnt down. Saafroedin Bahar. Naskah aslinya berjudul " Indonesia : Natural Disasters or Mass Murder?". Thamrin Amal Tomagola of the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences. Indonesian University. Muslims were indeed minority. since the tension sparked up on 26 December 1999." I was informed that some 80% of men living in three Muslim villages of Tobelo were massacred. In this region. while the women were raped in the streets. Thamrin said that he did not know who provoked them to carry out the attack. dimuat dalam International Herald Tribune dan The Financial Times. According to Thamrin. he continued. In a single night." he told. Out of 50000 Tobelo population.MAIA. dan diterjemahkan oleh Dr. On 28 December 1999. "Muslim women were also raped in the streets. Mr.tinggal dan bekerja di Asia Tenggara dan bisa dihubungi pada alamat email andre-wcn@usa. Galela and Jailolo) but also from Kao and . the indication that there would be attack on the Muslims in Tobelo was noticed on 25 December when there was a huge people gathering in Tobelo. Halmahera. Prof Dr Salim Said . including Islamic Affair Offices (Kantor Urusan Agama-KUA) and all buildings associated with Islam. only 5000 are Muslims. who is a sociologist and was born in Galela. a convoy of trucks laden with people were roaming the streets. Tuesday 4 January 2000 ========================== Three Villages Raided." he said. added that each of the villages was inhabited by around 200 to 300 family units. net. They came not only from three districts in North Halmahera (namely Tobelo.MUI) H Adjit bin Taher. the number of the Muslim men killed would be around 800. dikirimkan via e-mail oleh Duta Besar RI di Ceko.The worst and the most heartbreaking human tragedy has occurred in North Maluku on 28 December 1999. North Maluku Province were massacred in a single night. said. The massacre happened all of a sudden following social tension which has been escalating in North Halmahera. on 26 December 1999. Not less than 800 Muslim men in three villages in the district of Tobelo. MA .

Thamrin said. when coming to the Muslim areas. Furthermore. he said. Indonesian Army (Tentara National Indonesia-TNI). is the follow-up of the conflicts in Makian Malifut district on 18 August. with thousands of people dead. Only around 3000 people remains in Galela district. he added. the inhabitants left the houses and went outside. And they [the Christians] then slain the men. To illustrate the enormous scale of the human right violation. the Muslims in North Halmahera were besieged." said Thamrin. The Muslims then took revenge by driving out Christian inhabitants in Ternate who then took refuge in North Sulawesi and in majority-majority areas of North Halmahera. Apart from victimising Muslims. About 400 [Muslim] youths have determined to defend Soa Siu City. the Christian mass put the people who were inside the mosques under their siege. They were driven out from Tobelo and Kao districts. At present." he said. the mass immediately got off the trucks and then poured petrol on Muslims' houses before set on fire. Muslim enclaves in Jaelolo district are currently under siege by Christians. Thamrin mentioned that the conflict has been going on for about five months. whereas some 5000 of the inhabitants have fled to Ternate. "I have not seen any proper coordination and arrangement from the Government. Nonetheless. reacted quickly by sending additional troops from Malang. the real aids came from local NGOs. But. the death toll has reached 2500 people. The tension that built up in North Halmahera started when Christian community in Kao expelled Muslim inhabitants of Makian Malifut from their villages to Ternate Island. the Christians also attacked the residents of Chinese origin. The social tension which has currently turned into inter-religious clashes in the upper part of the northern region of Halmahera island. Thamrin sees the Government being too slow in giving response. no real help from Government has been given to deal with the social atastrophe in the region. Thamrin disclosed that since a sectarian conflict erupted in Makian Malifut district on 18 August 1999. Thamrin admitted. The mobs on the trucks did no action when passing through Christian villages. Thamrin said. whereas Ambon conflict [which is relatively longer] . yet the dead victims have reached 2500. Indeed. The Indonesian Government and the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM): Too luggishÉ!!!!! Although the conflict in North Halmahera was extremely tragic. "They then poured the mosques with petrol and burnt the people inside alive. he continued. Both the Muslim and Chinese people who were under attack run toward Jami Mosque in Gamsuni Village and any mosque in Dufa-Dufa village seeking for refuge. But. "Apart from that. When the convoy was underway. where Muslims are majority. "In this situation. the convoy leader kept agitating speech using a loud speaker mounted on the truck. Thamrin was also dismayed by Komnas HAM which was less responsive with this extraordinary human right violation in North Halmahera. he said." he added." he said.Pidiwang districts as well as Christians from Ternate who had sought refuge in Tobelo. Solo and Madiun.

Muslim mujahideen have now gathered around the corridor regions of North Halmahera to launch a counter attack.caused merely 1200 people died. Bacan." he stressed. The instruction letter of Kodal numbered TR/1291/1999. Sanana. looking at the nature of the present conflicts. according to the January 28 Washington Post.[END] INDONESIA. "I am ready to run the risk [of being sacked from my position] as a Pangdam [in my effort] to stop this human tragedy. but they did not even set up a special team [to investigate the following] conflicts on 26 November and end of December 1999. regardless who are they since the facts have told that non-violence and negotiation approaches are not welcomed by the two sides. it seemed necessary to crush the attackers. It has become a tragedy for humanity. "So. based on evaluation in the field. dated 28 December 1999 was implemented on the following Wednesday morning. has vowed to leave his position if he cannot stop this prolonged bloodshed. the Chief Commander for restoring peace and public order. Through a spokesperson. Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd described Suharto as an “influential leader” who “oversaw a period of significant economic growth and modernization”." he said in Ambon this Monday. the hypocrisy of his rich-country supporters — especially Australia — lives on. the personnel already deployed were felt insufficient to stop the clashes and restore the peace and order. Pangdam XVI/Pattimura (=the Army Chief for Maluku Province). Ternate. 29 December 1999. In the same article. The letter mentioned that the Indonesian Army Chief had granted permission to allow additional troops when." he said. "Komnas HAM just came over during the first conflict on 18 August 1999. While Suharto may be gone. aged 86. Suharto — the Australian elite’s favourite mass murderer Justin Randell 1 February 2008 Genocidal mass murderer and former Indonesian dictator Suharto died in hospital in Jakarta on January 27. They came from Tidore. US President George Bush expressed “his condolences to the people of Indonesia on the loss of their former president”. Galela and South Halmahera. Thamrin said that hostility is still there despite of the deployment of additional troops. TNI Brigade General Max Tamaela. . never having faced justice for the millions of people he killed or the billions of dollars he stole during his three decades in power. Meanwhile. "The Government must set up immediately a special team for and investigate this grotesque human rights violation. From the reports he continuously receives. Sultan Baabulah Airport in Ternate was closed temporarily since Monday to anticipate any situation caused by the series of sectarian conflicts that have occurred in North Maluku since last week.

Former prime minister Paul Keating. but at least half a million people were butchered in the space of four months. Australian and US government support for Suharto goes all the way back to his rise to power via a bloody military coup in 1965. Some estimates put the figure as high as 2 million.000 to 1 million communist sympathisers knocked off É I think it is safe to assume a reorientation has taken place. Via corruption and nepotism. At a New York meeting of the Australian-American Association in July 1966. while opponents were routinely killed. Mass murder Keen to secure the great wealth of the Indonesian archipelago for Western corporations. With the active assistance of the CIA and the US embassy. Suharto and his cronies became obscenely rich while any attempt by ordinary Indonesians to organise to defend their rights was brutally suppressed. By the time Suharto took power.” Indonesia was opened for business. overthrew the nationalist government of president Sukarno. making it the largest communist party outside of the Soviet Union and China. because Suharto “devoted himself entirely to the development of social conditions in Indonesia”. Suharto. No-one knows the exact number killed. utilising the military and right-wing Islamic fundamentalist militias to carry out a campaign of mass slaughter against all leftists or suspected leftist sympathisers. McClelland told AAP that while the Australian government recognised “issues of controversy”. The PKI was physically exterminated — completely wiped out. then a top-ranking general. the PKI had an estimated 3 million members and 20 million organised supporters. jailed and tortured. it also recognised “his achievements É he brought Indonesia from a country that was subsistence to one with a developing economy É” Keating told the Australian on January 28 that focusing on Suharto’s crimes was “missing the point”. Suharto launched his coup. thenprime minister Harold Holt expressed his joy at this turn of events. .Rudd characterised Suharto’s record of genocide as merely “controversial”. infamously declaring with satisfaction: “With 500. Under Suharto. Attorney General Ian McClelland and Australian ambassador to Indonesia Bill Farmer attended Suharto’s funeral on January 28. democratic elections and freedom of speech were completely nonexistent. which had undertaken a number of measures that attempted to protect Indonesia from the ravages of exploitation by Western corporations. Even more concerning for Western governments was the rise of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) on the back of mass struggles by workers and peasants.

led by pro-democracy students. Up to 200. When a mass movement. “The deal was that Indonesia under Suharto would offer up what Richard Nixon had called ‘the richest hoard of natural resources.” One of Suharto’s greatest crimes was the invasion and annexation of East Timor. who had signed the treaty. a Marxist tendency in the Socialist Alliance. the capital of East Timor. and could not have occurred without the support of countries like Australia. The giant Alcoa company got the biggest slice of Indonesia’s bauxite. called this “an aberration. sector by sector. In 1985. signed by Australia and Indonesia in 1989.000 people — around one third of the population — died in East Timor as a result Indonesian occupation. because Australia could “more readily” negotiate a deal with the Suharto to give Australia access to the oil and gas in the Timor Sea than with an independent East Timor. He was active in the solidarity campaign with Indonesia’s democracy movement struggling against Suharto as a member of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor. [Justin Randell is a member of the Democratic Socialist Perspective.] . Nine months later. Australia became the first country to formally recognise Indonesia’s illegal annexation of East Timor. Soon after the “aberration”. American. The Timor Gap Treaty. secured the division East Timor’s gas and oil deposits between the two countries. the Indonesian military killed or wounded more than 450 young mourners at the Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili. The outpouring of support for Suharto following his death is consistent with Australian foreign policy: democracy and human rights are only allowable when they don’t interfere with the profits of big business. Japanese and French companies got the tropical forests of Sumatra. then-prime minister John Howard praised Suharto’s time in power as bringing “stability” to the archipelago. Suharto’s crimes against humanity were carried out on behalf of Western interests. recommended that Canberra back the invasion. also backed by Western governments — especially Australia. Then-foreign minister Gareth Evans.” According to Pilger. not an act of state policy”. Australian ambassador to Indonesia at the time of the invasion. the joint Australian-Indonesian board overseeing implementation of the treaty awarded 11 contracts to Australian oil and gas companies. A US/European consortium got the nickel.Dividing the spoils London-based Australian journalist John Pilger summed up the benefits of the Suharto regime for corporate interests in a January 28 article in the British Guardian. The Freeport company got a mountain of copper in West Papua. forced Suharto from power in May 1998. Richard Woolcott. the greatest prize in south-east Asia’. Suharto’s “US-trained economists É agreed to the corporate takeover of their country.

sekitar pukul 19.tentang peristiwa Tanjung Priok.M. Tanjung Priok. Di depan Polres Jakarta Utara itulah terjadi "kontak" dengan massa. saya mencoba maju ke depan. Green Left Weekly issue #738 6 February 2008. sering menemui saya. yang bernada menghasut. Pada tanggal 12 September itu. dan M. sedangkan anak buah saya segera siaga di lapangan.MA Sampurna. Tony Ardie. Amir Biki. Sebelum peristiwa itu pecah. permintaannya yang terakhir tidak bisa diluluskan karena saya anggap sudah keterlaluan. yang bersuara keras ialah Amir Biki. Tanjung Priok 1984 Oleh Rumah Kiri. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi HMA Sampurna Berikut ini adalah kesaksian H. Pasukan dari Kodim hanya satu regu. misalnya soal selebaran. Ternyata situasinya makin panas karena para penceramah mulai menghasut Akhirnya. di Jalan Sindang. Instruksi beliau waktu itu ialah "cepat atasi". 15-02-2006 07:00 Dibuka : 990 Rubrik : Arsip. kini berpangkat Brigadir Jenderal dan menjabat Wakil Gubernur Jawa Barat. tetapi karena situasinya kurang menguntungkan. yang mengkoordinasi para dai. yang . Saya hampir bisa masuk. Saya segera mengontak Panglima (ketika itu Try Soetrisno).A Sampurna --waktu itu berpangkat Letkol dan menjabat Asintel KodamJaya-. Akan tetapi. yang diungkapkannya kepada majalah mingguan Tempo. Kebetulan. Jauh sebelum pecahnya peristiwa itu. lalu menghubungi saya. saya masih memonitor situasi. Sebelum saya menjadi Asintel. dari sumber lain beliau juga mendapatkan informasi. Syarifin Maloko. yang waktu itu berada di rumah.30. sudah berlangsung kegiatan dakwah di Masjid alA'raf. Kalau masalahnya kecil.From: International News. H. minta pembebasan anggota jamaah yang ditahan di Kodim atau di Polres. Saya tidak mengetahui persis berapa jumlah mereka karena massa amat padat. massa sudah ke jalan menuju Polres.00. Nasir. terjadi pembakaran sepeda motor milik ****nsa. tetapi ternyata massa sudah mulai bergerak maju. Salim Qadar. Lagi pula sudah terjadi "kontak" sehingga saya tidak sempat menghitung. saya turun bersama Asisten Operasi Alif Pandoyo. Di antara para penceramah. Mungkin seribu lebih. Sulit pula menghitungnya karena keadaan gelap. Karena keadaan makin panas. biasanya saya minta dia menyelesaikannya secara baikbaik. Pukul 20. dakwah yang "panas" itu juga sudah ada. Saya memang kenal baik dengan dia karena sering bertemu. saya berada di depan Masjid alA'raf. bertutur sebagai berikut. saya kembali ke Kodim. Kemudian. kini ketua DPD Golkar Jawa Tengah. Akan tetapi tiga puluh menit kemudian.

Sekitar lima belas menit kemudian. Keterangan resmi peristiwa Tanjung priok diterima publik diuraikan oleh Pangab sebagai berikut. saya mengantar Pangab dan Pangdam meninjau para korban yang dirawat di RSPAD Gatot Subroto. Diseleksi siapa gembongnya untuk diajukan ke pengadilan. Dalam kegelapan. Urusan saya ialah memproses mereka yang terlibat dan ditahan. 10 meter di belakang pasukan. pasukan campur dengan massa. di tempat kejadian sudah tidak ada masalah yang berat karena sudah "dibersihkan" dan sudah selesai. ada pula yang ke arah Kodim dan Polres. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. menurut saya tidak usahlah. Kalau sekarang ini ada korban yang minta agar kasus ini dijelaskan. memeriksa. ditahan di beberapa tempat. dan Kapolda Metro Jaya Drs. Tidak jelas siapa dari massa itu yang mengejar atau dikejar. Para korban diangkut dengan truk. Salim Qadar memimpin mereka ke arah Priok. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press.berjumlah 10 orang. Sambil bertakbir. sedangkan yang lain dibebaskan. Saya lantas melaporkan kejadiannya. dan memproses mereka yang ditangkap. Kampung Rambutan. masih bisa dilihatgerakan mereka ke berbagai arah. Keterangan resmi pemerintah Orde Baru dikemukakan oleh Pangab/Pangkopkamtib L. Massa itu ada yang di jalan dan ada yang di lapangan. Pasukan berusaha memberitahu massa agar mereka berhenti.00 dini hari. Namanya juga massa. menahan. Karena imbauan petugas agar pamflet-pamflet dan poster-poster itu dihapus atau dicabut tidak dihiraukan. tidak mengurusi jenazah. dikuburkan di satu lokasi di desa Ceger. karena sebagian tidak dikenali identitasnya. Tentara gantian mengejar massa. . Yang sudah. ada yang bergerak ke Ancol. pada hari jumat tanggal 7 September 1984. tetapi saya tidak mengetahui persis berapa jumlah korban yang meninggal. Pangdam V/Jaya Try Soetrisno. Mereka malah mengejar tentara. jumlahnya sekitar seratus. kecuali sejumlah rumah dan toko yang dilempari batu dan dibakar massa. mereka membawa berbagai macam senjata tajam. ya sudah. seorang petugas. beliau bersama panglima datang. Ada yang menuju Priok. Di sekitar Masjid Rawabadak terpasang pamflet dan poster yang menghasut bersifat SARA. Sampai pagi saya tidak tidur. Akan tetapi. Soedjoko. Saya mengendarai jip. Beberapa saat kemudian Panglima memberi tahu bahwa Pangab (waktu itu Jenderal LB Moerdani) sebentar lagi akan meninjau ke tempat kejadian. tetapi mereka tidak mau. Amir Biki memimpin mereka ke arah Kodim dan Polres. Malam itu posisisaya di jalan yang menuju ke arah Kodim dan Polres. Jaraknya amat dekat. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Resmi Pemerintah Orde Baru Versi resmi peristiwa Tanjung Priok dikeluarkan sekitar sepuluh jam setelah peristiwa ini terjadi. Lalu saya menunggu di Polres. Sekitar pukul 02. saling mengejar. Bahkan. Moerdani didampingi oleh Menteri Penerangan Harmoko. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. menutup tulisan-tulisan yang bersifat menghasut itu dengan warna hitam.B. ada yang ke arah Sampur. Jakarta Timur.

9 orang meninggal dan 53 luka-luka. namun dijawab dengan teriakan-teriakan yang membangkitkan emosi dan keberingasan massa. Jumat.30 WIB. 10 September 1984. di Masjid Rawabadak berlangsung ceramah agama tanpa izin dan bersifat menghasut. dan membubarkan massa. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Intern Aparat Pemerintahan Orde Baru Versi kedua ini diungkapkan oleh Pangab/Pangkopkamtib dalam penjelasan kepada lurah wilayah Jakarta Utara.00 WIB ancaman telepon diulang lagi. 13 September 1984.500 orang menuju Polres dan Kodim. Syarifin Maloko (tertangkap setelah semua sidang perkara Tanjung Priok selesai). korban pun tidak dapat dihindari. Pada hari Rabu. dihadang dan kemudian dikeroyok oleh sekelompok orang. Petugas keamanan berhasil menyelamatkan diri. Regu keamanan berusaha membubarkan massa dengan secara persuasif. dan apotek. barulah massa mundur. Penjelasan Pangab/Pangkopkamtib sebagai berikut. sehingga petugas keamanan dalam kondisi kritis dan terpaksa melakukan penembakanpenembakan untuk mencegah usaha perusuh merebut senjata dan serangan-serangan dengan celurit dan senjata tajam lainnya. sekitar 1. Massa terus maju mendesak satuan keamanan sambil mengayun-ayunkan dan mengacung-acungkan celurit. Aparat keamanan pun menangkap empat orang pelakunya untuk keperluan pengusutan dan penuntutan sesuai ketentuan hukum yang berlaku.00 WIB. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. di sekitar Masjid Rawabadak banyak tertempel pengumuman tentang ceramah oleh mubalig-mubalig yang terkenal ekstrem.00 WIB aparat keamanan menerima telepon dari Amir Biki yang berisi ancaman pembunuhan dan perusakan apabila keempat tahanan tidak dibebaskan. Penceramahnya antara lain Amir Biki (tewas tertembak). regu keamanan mulai memberikan tembakan peringatan dan tidak dihiraukan. pukul 00.Pada hari senin. merusak beberapa rumah. Hari Kamis. Setelah datang pasukan keamanan lainnya. pukul 19. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. menguasai keadaan. seorang petugas yang sedang menjalankan tugasnya di daerah Koja. Setelah itu. Sekitar tiga puluh menit kemudian gerombolan menyerang kembali petugas keamanan. Nasir (bukan M. 12 September 1984. Dalam jarak yang sudah membahayakan. Menurut Pangab dalam versi ini. pasukan keamanan Laksusda (Pelaksana Khusus Daerah) Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi. Tembakan diarahkan ke tanah dan kaki penyerang. Lima belas orang petugas keamanan menghambat kerumunan atau gerakan massa tersebut. tetapi sepeda motornya dibakar oleh para penghadang. bukan mubalig . Pukul 22. keras. Natsir mantan Perdana Menteri dan ketua DDII). 7 September. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. M. Sekitar pukul 23. tetapi mereka membakar mobil. tidak pernah diketahui keberadaannya setelah peristiwa malam itu.

ayam sayur. Salah seorang petugas Koramil setempat, yang merasa terhina karena peringatan-peringatannya pada panitia untuk tidak mengundang penceramah seperti itu –mubalig keras-- selalu diabaikan, menyiram salah satu pengumuman dengan air selokan. Senin, 10 September 1984, petugas yang menyiram pengumuman dengan air selokan itu lewat di depan sekelompok pemuda yang sedang berada di Pasar Koja. Mereka segera menghadangnya dan mencoba mengeroyok petugas tersebut. Pada saat itu ada dua warga yang mencoba menyelamatkan petugas itu. Setelah itu para pengeroyok mencoba melampiaskan kemarahan mereka dengan membakar sepeda motor dinas yang digunakan petugas itu. Selanjutnya, sesuai prosedur hukum yang berlaku, Polres Jakarta Utara terpaksa menahan dua orang penyelamat itu dan dua orang lagi yang diduga sebagai pelaku pengeroyokan untuk dimintai keterangan. Penahanan sementara diperlukan oleh aparat keamanan guna penelitian dan pengusutan lebih lanjut serta guna penuntutan sesuai dengan hukum yang berlaku. Rabu, 12 September 1984, sekitar pukul 19.30 WIB, di Masjid Rawabadak berlangsung ceramah agama oleh Amir Biki, Syarifin Maloko, S.H., dan M. Nasir. Para penceramah melontarkan ucapan-ucapan anti-Pancasila, anti asas tunggal, memecah persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa, serta mengganggu stabilitas nasional. Di akhir ceramahnya. Amir Biki yang dikenal masyarakat setempat sebagai tokoh agama dan tokoh masyarakat yang berpengaruh, mengajak pendengar agar ramai-ramai mendatangi polres Jakarta Utara untuk menuntut agar empat orang, yang sebenarnya hanya ditahan sementara guna dimintai keterangan, dibebaskan saat itu juga. Sekitar pukul 23.00 WIB peserta ceramah beramai-ramai mendatangi Polres Jakarta Utara, dipimpin Amir Biki yang membawa bendera hijau. Karena gerakan ini sudah tercium sebelumnya, pengamanan Polres Jakarta Utara diperkuat pasukan Laksusda Jaya. Sesampainya massa di depan Polres, terjadi perundingan antara Amir Biki dan Komandan Laksusda Jaya dan Danres (Kapolres) Jakarta Utara. Sementara itu, para pengikutAmir Biki mulai berteriak-teriak mencaci petugas keamanan. Mereka memaksa agar empat orang temannya dibebaskan saat itu juga. Akhirnya, karena massa terus mendesak maju dan karena sakit hati dicaci maki terus menerus, petugas keamanan sebagai biasanya manusia, hilang kesabarannya. Maka tanpa dapat dicegah, sebagian petugas keamanan membidikkan senjata mereka ke arah massa. Terjadilah hal-hal yang tidak diinginkan. Sekitar 40 orang tewas tertembak saat itu juga, termasuk Amir Biki, serta puluhan lainnya mengalami luka-luka. Selanjutnya, para peserta ceramah sambil meneriakkan "Allahu Akbar" mengamuk dan membakar toko-toko milik orang Tionghoa hingga jatuh korban orang-orang Tionghoa yang mencapai 100 orang lebih. Kamis,13 September 1984, pukul 00.00 WIB, aparat keamanan Laksusda Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi, menguasai keadaan, dan membubarkan massa. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah, Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data, Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press.

Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Abdul Qadir Djaelani
Abdul Qadir Djaelani adalah salah seorang ulama yang dituduh oleh aparat keamanan sebagai salah seorang dalang peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Karenanya, ia ditangkap dan dimasukkan ke dalam penjara. Sebagai seorang ulama dan tokoh masyarakat Tanjung Priok, sedikit banyak ia mengetahui kronologi peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Berikut adalah petikan kesaksian Abdul Qadir Djaelani terhadap peristiwa Tanjung Priok 12 September 1984, yang tertulis dalam eksepsi pembelaannya berjudul “Musuh-musuh Islam Melakukan Ofensif terhadap Umat Islam Indonesia”. Sabtu, 8 September 1984 Dua orang petugas Koramil (****nsa) tanpa membuka sepatu, memasuki Mushala asSa'adah di gang IV Koja, Tanjung Priok, Jakarta Utara. Mereka menyiram pengumuman yang tertempel di tembok mushala dengan air got (comberan). Pengumuman tadi hanya berupa undangan pengajian remaja Islam (masjid) di Jalan Sindang. Ahad, 9 September 1984 Peristiwa hari Sabtu (8 September 1984) di Mushala as-Sa'adah menjadi pembicaran masyarakat tanpa ada usaha dari pihak yang berwajib untuk menawarkan penyelesaan kepada jamaah kaum muslimin. Senin, 10 September 1984 Beberapa anggota jamaah Mushala as-Sa'adah berpapasan dengan salah seorang petugas Koramil yang mengotori mushala mereka. Terjadilah pertengkaran mulut yang akhirnya dilerai oleh dua orang dari jamaah Masjid Baitul Makmur yang kebetulan lewat. Usul mereka supaya semua pihak minta penengahan ketua RW, diterima. Sementara usaha penegahan sedang.berlangsung, orang-orang yang tidak bertanggung jawab dan tidak ada urusannya dengan permasalahan itu, membakar sepeda motor petugas Koramil itu. Kodim, yang diminta bantuan oleh Koramil, mengirim sejumlah tentara dan segera melakukan penangkapan. Ikut tertangkap 4 orang jamaah, di antaranya termasuk Ketua Mushala as-Sa'adah. Selasa, 11 September 1984 Amir Biki menghubungi pihak-pihak yang berwajib untuk meminta pembebasan empat orang jamaah yang ditahan oleh Kodim, yang diyakininya tidak bersalah. Peran Amir Biki ini tidak perlu mengherankan, karena sebagai salah seorang pimpinan Posko 66, dialah orang yang dipercaya semua pihak yang bersangkutan untuk menjadi penengah jika ada masalah antara penguasa (militer) dan masyarakat. Usaha Amir Biki untuk meminta keadilan ternyata sia-sia. Rabu, 12 September 1984 Dalam suasana tantangan yang demikian, acara pengajian remaja Islam di Jalan Sindang Raya, yang sudah direncanakan jauh sebelum ada peristiwa Mushala as-Sa'adah, terus berlangsung juga. Penceramahnya tidak termasuk Amir Biki, yang memang bukan

mubalig dan memang tidak pernah mau naik mimbar. Akan tetapi, dengan latar belakang rangkaian kejadian di hari-hari sebelumnya, jemaah pengajian mendesaknya untuk naik mimbar dan memberi petunjuk. Pada kesempatan pidato itu, Amir Biki berkata antara lain, "Mari kita buktikan solidaritas islamiyah. Kita meminta teman kita yang ditahan di Kodim. Mereka tidak bersalah. Kita protes pekerjaan oknum-oknum ABRI yang tidak bertanggung jawab itu. Kita berhak membela kebenaran meskipun kita menanggung risiko. Kalau mereka tidak dibebaskan maka kita harus memprotesnya." Selanjutnya, Amir Biki berkata, "Kita tidak boleh merusak apa pun! Kalau adayang merusak di tengah-tengah perjalanan, berarti itu bukan golongan kita (yang dimaksud bukan dan jamaah kita)." Pada waktu berangkat jamaah pengajian dibagi dua: sebagian menuju Polres dan sebagian menuju Kodim. Setelah sampai di depan Polres, kira-kia 200 meter jaraknya, di situ sudah dihadang oleh pasukan ABRI berpakaian perang dalam posisi pagar betis dengan senjata otomatis di tangan. Sesampainya jamaah pengajian ke tempat itu, terdengar militer itu berteriak, "Mundur-mundur!" Teriakan "mundur-mundur" itu disambut oleh jamaah dengan pekik, "Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar!" Saat itu militer mundur dua langkah, lalu memuntahkan senjata-senjata otomatis dengan sasaran para jamaah pengajian yang berada di hadapan mereka, selama kurang lebih tiga puluh menit. Jamaah pengajian lalu bergelimpangan sambil menjerit histeris; beratus-ratus umat Islam jatuh menjadi syuhada. Malahan ada anggota militer yang berteriak, "*******! Pelurunya habis. Anjing-anjing ini masih banyak!" Lebih sadis lagi, mereka yang belum mati ditendang-tendang dan kalau masih bergerak maka ditembak lagi sampai mati. Tidak lama kemudian datanglah dua buah mobil truk besar beroda sepuluh buah dalam kecepatan tinggi yang penuh dengan pasukan. Dari atas mobil truk besar itu dimuntahkan peluru-peluru dan senjata-senjata otomatis ke sasaran para jamaah yang sedang bertiarap dan bersembunyi di pinggir-pinggir jalan. Lebih mengerikan lagi, truk besar tadi berjalan di atas jamaah pengajian yang sedang tiarap di jalan raya, melindas mereka yang sudah tertembak atau yang belum tertembak, tetapi belum sempat menyingkir dari jalan raya yang dilalui oleh mobil truk tersebut. Jeritan dan bunyi tulang yang patah dan remuk digilas mobil truk besar terdengarjelas oleh para jamaah umat Islam yang tiarap di got-got/selokan-selokan di sisi jalan. Setelah itu, truk-truk besar itu berhenti dan turunlah militer-militer itu untuk mengambil mayat-mayat yang bergelimpangan itu dan melemparkannya ke dalam truk, bagaikan melempar karung goni saja. Dua buah mobil truk besar itu penuh oleh mayat-mayat atau orang-orang yang terkena tembakan yang tersusun bagaikan karung goni. Sesudah mobil truk besar yang penuh dengan mayat jamaah pengajian itu pergi, tidak lama kemudian datanglah mobil-mobil ambulans dan mobil pemadam kebakaran yang bertugas menyiram dan membersihkan darah-darah di jalan raya and di sisinya, sampai bersih. Sementara itu, rombongan jamaah pengajian yang menuju Kodim dipimpin langsung oleh Amir Biki. Kira-kirajarak 15 meter dari kantor Kodim, jamaah pengajian dihadang oleh militer untuk tidak meneruskan perjalanan, dan yang boleh meneruskan perjalanan hanya 3 orang pimpinan jamaah pengajian itu, di antaranya Amir Biki. Begitu jaraknya kira-kira 7 meter dari kantor Kodim, 3 orang pimpinan jamaah pengajian itu diberondong dengan peluru yang keluar dari senjata otomatis militer yang

kira-kira pukul 10. Banyak yang memuji langkah ini. Di beberapa daerah yang Rabu malam pekan lalu diamuk kerusuhan. Huru-Hara di Tanjung Priok Sejak hari Minggu pagi lalu (pertengahan September 1984 . Puluhan orang jamaah pengajian jatuh tersungkur menjadi syahid. Ia juga tidak menghubungkannya dengan kegiatan subversif apa pun. Kapur tebal putih telah menutupi tulisan-tulisan yang bernada rasial dan anti pemerintah itu. yang lalu dibawa menuju Rumah Sakit Gatot Subroto (dahulu RSPAD).00 pagi. Bahkan. apalagi pihak Kopkamtib yang selama ini sering sesumbar kepada media massa bahwa pihaknya mampu mendeteksi suatu kejadian sedini dan seawal mungkin. . Kepala Intel Kepolisian tersebut di mana ia menyatakan bahwa jamaah pengajian di Tanjung Priok menuntut pembebasan 4 orang rekannya yang ditahan.menghadangnya. mayat-mayat itu langsung dibawa ke kamar mayat. menyatakan bahwa pada tanggal 12 September 1984.B. Menurut ingatan saudara Yusron. Petugas rumah sakit datang dan mengangkat saudara Yusron untuk dipindahkan ke tempat lain. Dalam keadaan bertumpuk-tumpuk dengan mayat-mayat itu di kamar mayat. di saat ia dan mayat-mayat itu dilemparkan ke dalam truk militer yang beroda 10 itu. menjadi panik dan mereka berdiri mau melarikan diri.Ed. Ketiga orang pimpinan jamaah itu jatuh tersungkur menggelepargelepar. Melihat kejadian itu. Ini karena pada tanggal 11 September 1984. corat-coret di beberapa jalan di daerah Tanjung Priok. kira-kira 30-40 mayat berada di dalamnya. memang masih tampak tentara berjaga-jaga. saya sempat berbincangbincang dengan Kolonel Polisi Ritonga. Suasana Tanjung Priok sendiri sudah pulih. sekitar 14 jam setelah kejadian. kehidupan sehari-hari bisa dikatakan telah kembali normal. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. Amir Biki sempat datang ke kantor Satgas Intel Jaya. Peristiwa kerusuhan itu sendiri diungkapkan dan dijelaskan langsung oleh Pangkopkamtib Jenderal L. Yang lebih menarik. Jenderal Benny sama sekali tidak menuduh suatu pihak atau kelompok mendalangi peristiwa ini. Senin malam pekan ini tampak terparkir dua panser di depan kampus PTDI (Perguruan Tinggi Dakwah Islam) di Jalan Tawes. menurut petugas-petugas satgas Intel Jaya. Moerdani kepada pers Kamis siang.). sewaktu saya diperiksa oleh Kepolisian Daerah Metropolitan Jakarta Raya. jamaah pengajian yang menunggu di belakang sambil duduk. tetapi disambut oleh tembakan peluru otomatis. Namun. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. disebabkan membakar motor petugas. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. karena gerak cepat tersebut telah berhasil mengempiskan bermacam kabar angin dan menghindarkan timbulnya berbagai isu. telah dihapus. Jakarta Utara. Sesampainya di rumah sakit. di saat saya ditangkap tanggal 13 September 1984. termasuk di dalamnya saudara Yusron. yang ditutup sejak Jumat malam. saudara Yusron berteriak-teriak minta tolong. Sebenarnya peristiwa pembantaian jamaah pengajian di Tanjung Priok tidak boleh terjadi apabila PanglimaABRI/Panglima Kopkamtib Jenderal LB Moerdani benar-benar mau berusaha untuk mencegahnya.

"Tembakan terpaksa diarahkan ke tanah dan kekaki para penyerang." kata siaran tersebut. gerombolan massa kembali menyerang. dan M.00 WIB." ujarnya menambahkan. 3 mobil sedan. Menurut pelacakan Tempo. hingga jatuhnya korban tidak dapat dihindari lagi. mencelupkannya ke selokan di depan mushala. Permintaan itu ditolak. 3 truk. "Tapi mereka sempat membakar mobil. 7 September.Menurut Pangab Moerdani. serta membunuh beberapa pemiliknya. Syarifin Maloko. maupun akibat kerusuhan itu sendiri. "Dalam ucapan-ucapan mereka secara sepihak melontarkan kritik yang tidak sehat kepada sebagian pejabat pemerintah maupun pemerintah sendiri. "Mereka itu campuran antara yang terkena tindakan tegas aparat keamanan. mereka terus menyerang dengan mengayunkan senjata celurit dan berusaha merebut senjata petugas keamanan. dan 3 rumah (termasuk sebuah apotek) terbakar. Selain itu." ujar Jenderal Benny. 3 skuter. yang menjadi ****nsa (Bintara Pembina Desa) di Kelurahan Koja Selatan. " Kata Hermanu." begitu bunyi siaran pers yang dibacakan Jenderal Benny Moerdani. gerombolan massa mundur. Pamflet itu berisi anjuran agar para wanita memakai pakaian "Islam" termasuk jilbab (kerudung). Massa bahkan terus mendesak maju dengan teriakan-teriakan yang menyatakan tidak mengenal kompromi. Sertu (Sersan Satu) Hermanu. 3 sepeda motor. Esok siangnya. "Dia minta agar poster-poster itu dicopot. sang sersan membuka sepatu." kata Benny. Pada Jumat sore. dan melaburkan airnya . pada Rabu malam pekan lalu. adalah "Penduduk Tanjung Priok yang secara berkala mengadakan ceramah di Rawabadak". Nasir. Usaha regu pengamanan secara persuasif untuk menenangkan dan membubarkan massa tidak berhasil. Sementara itu. melakukan penembakan untuk mencegah usaha mereka merebut senjata. oknum-oknum yang mendalangi peristiwa itu: Amir Biki. satu regu pengamanan ABRI di Tanjung Priok yang terdiri atas 15 orang telah menghadapi serangan gerombolan massa yang berjumlah sekitar 1. dan membubarkan massa. Tatkala ditanya tentang jumlah korban yang jatuh. serta siapa saja yang tidak berkenan bagi mereka. Dengan santun. "Sudah 16 bulan saya menjabat ****nsa di sana. yang dalam konferensi pers di Mabes ABRI itu didampingi oleh Pangdam V/Jaya Mayjen Try Soetrisno. masuk mushala. ia mengambil sehelai koran." kata seorang jamaah.00. menguasai keadaan. asal mula peristiwa itu adalah suatu insiden kecil. "Sekitar pukul 00. Menteri Penerangan Harmoko. Tembakan-tembakan peringatan ke udara tidak mereka acuhkan. Menurut Benny Moerdani. "Tapi tidak ada tempat hiburan yang ikut dibakar. sekitar pukul 23. merusakkan beberapa rumah dan apotek." Baru setelah bantuan pasukan pengamanan lain datang. Benny menoleh dan berbisik kepada Try Soetrisno. menemukan beberapa poster di Mushala asSa'adah. Tatkala mengetahui poster itu masih ada. Sertu Hermanu kembali datang ke mushala yang terletak di Gang IV Jalan Raya Pelabuhan itu. Setelah itu ia menyebut: 9 meninggal dan 53 luka-luka. pasukan pengamanan Laksusda Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi. dan berdialog dengan beberapa remaja serta jamaah yang ada. Sekitar setengah jam kemudian. dan Kapolda Mayjen Soedjoko.500 orang. "Bahkan. sehingga regu pengamanan. dalam keadaan kritis dan terpaksa.

Esoknya.00. Tampaknya. ketua pengurus Mushala as-Sa'adah. seorang tokoh Tanjung Priok yang disegani. Puncak pidatonya adalah tatkala ia menuntut "kepada penguasa" agar melepaskan keempat pemuda yang ditahan. serta beberapa temannya bertemu dengan Hermanu. Tiba-tiba suasana memanas setelah muncul isu "Sersan Hermanu orang kristen". Jalan pun macet. kepada Tempo Hermanu mengatakan bahwa agamanya Islam).00. Melihat kemacetan itu beberapa anggota Polisi Militer datang. Ternyata. Desas-desus pun menjalar cepat. Jadi. dari gusuran tanah sampai keluarga berencana dan RUU keormasan. menyampaikan tuntutan yang sama melalui telepon kepada markas aparatur keamanan. berkembang menjadi tentara mengguyur masjid dengan air comberan. Hermanu mengaku beragama Islam. Di atapnya ditutup dengan tenda terpal warna garis-garis hijau putih. Achmad Sahi. dan "ceramah saya ini mungkin yang pertama dan terakhir". menurut beberapa sumber. tiba-tiba ada yang berteriak "motornya". . Entah siapa yang memulai. M. dan Sofwan pun diangkut petugas. Achmad Sahi. yang rupanya dimintai bantuannya untuk melepaskan keempat pemuda yang ditahan. ada sersan masuk masjid tanpa melepas sepatu. Nasir. Mula-mula beredar cerita. "Waktu ditanya agamanya. biasa diadakan di kawasan tersebut Acara malam itu dimulai sekitar pukul 20. Untunglah bantuan dari Kodim 0502 Jakarta Utara segera tiba dan berhasil membubarkan massa. Senin pagi 10 September. yang sedang menyeret sepeda motor itu.00 malam itu. karena beberapa kali ia menegaskan agar massa "menunggu instruksinya". yang muncul sebagai pembicara pertama malam itu adalah Amir Biki. ditangkap. Maka. Rupanya. Ia juga membawa sebilah badik. tetapi bisa dicegah oleh Sahi dan beberapa kawannya. acara yang akan diselenggarakan adalah pengajian remaja. yang tak keruan ujung pangkalnya (belakangan. persis di perempatan lorong 102. Dalam undangan yang disebarkan oleh Remaja Islam Sindang. sebuah panggung didirikan di Jalan Sindang. ia pasti bukan Islam. Massa pun bergerak akan menghajar Hermanu. Melihat itu penghuni gang tadi mulai berdatangan. antara lain Syarifin Maloko. Nur (22 tahun). yang mula-mula ditolaknya. Amir Biki pada sekitar pukul 22. Pengajian yang diadakan di persimpangan jalan (yang ditutup untuk lalu lintas).yang hitam itu ke tiga poster yang menempel di dinding luar mushala itu. pergi ke Skogar untuk mengurus. yang ditunjukannya kepada massa. Tapi ia mengucapkan kala Allah (Alloh) dengan bunyi "Alah". Yayan Hendrayana. Pidato mengecam berbagai hal. yang diisi ceramah beberapa ustadz. Puluhan loud speaker diikat di tiang listrik di sepanjang Jalan Sindang yang lebarnya sekitar 7 meter." cerita beberapa saksi mata. dan M. Ia juga menjelek-jelekkan pemerintah. massa pun menyeret sepeda motor Honda GL 100 warna merah milik Sertu Hermanu ke tengah Jalan Raya Pelabuhan. Kemudian. Massa pun makin mengumpul. ia merencanakan sesuatu. Syarifudin Rambe. Massa yang marah lalu membakar motor tersebut. seperti diungkapkan Jenderal Moerdani. Selasa siangnya. Mereka menuntut agar Hermanu meminta maaf. Amir Biki. Ia mengancam akan menggerakkan massa jika mereka tidak dibebaskan sebelum pukul 23. Ia mengenakan celana cokelat dan kemeja batik hitam. Rabu 12 September.

" kata sebuah sumber. dan pelumas.5 km.00. Sementara itu. masing-masing membawa bendera hijau. . Sekitar tengah malam itu Riswanto (20 tahun). korban yang meninggal tercatat 28 orang. pembantu yang baru bekerja empat hari di Toko Tanjung Jaya di Jalan Jampea. Tuntutan melalui telepon itu diulangi lagi pada pukul 23. Moerdani sendiri kabarnya ikut memeriksa situasi setempat setelah lewat tengah malam. Amir sendiri berjalan di depan. Pasukan ini mencegah dan berusaha membubarkan massa. yang menjual onderdil. massa urung membakar Apotek Tanjung di sebelahnya. Jarak antara petugas dan penyerbu. Jumlah korban. yang memang tidak dijaga. Massa tercerai-berai oleh tembakan. mereka dihadang sepasukan tentara. Esoknya. bisa jadi mereka sendiri akan tewas lebih dulu. Tatkala mereka terus bergerak. memimpin satu kelompok yang menuju markas Kodim di Jalan Yos Sudarso. "Saya lihat asap masuk kamar dan terdengar suara ribut-ribut. terbangun. Tatkala pukul 23. mereka memang terkena tembak dalam jarak dekat. dan keempat tahanan tidak dibebaskan. Pangab Jenderal LB. di reruntuhan Tanjung Jaya di temukan delapan mayat keluarga Tan Kio Liem serta seorang pembantunya. Amir Biki pun menggerakkan massa.00 tiba. Menurut suatu sumber dari luka-luka mereka yang tewas diketahui. Ia membagi mereka dalam dua kelompok. Dalam waktu singkat. sejumlah perusuh dan tokoh yang diduga terlibat ditahan. Sebelumnya. Antara lain: Abdul Qadir Djaelani. kabarnya tak kurang "keras" suaranya. Beberapa pembicara lain setelah Amir Biki. Sebuah sumber kepolisian menyebutkan. "Jadi bila petugas tak menembak. Ia malah memegang bendera dan meneriakkan 'maju dan serbu'." kata seorang yang malam itu berbaris di dekat Amir Biki. terutama dilakukan oleh sekelompok lain yang melewati Jalan Jampea. ia menghambur ke luar kamar --dan bertemu pembantu wanita. sekitar dua meter. "Pembicaraannya ngawur dan jelas bertentangan dengan ajaran Islam. Malah ada pembicara yang menghasut massa dan isi hasutannya sangat rasialistis. Datangnya bantuan pasukan membuat mereka mundur. setelah diberitahu pemiliknya Cina Islam." kata pemuda asal Purwokerto. Tetapi api yang membakar Tanjung Jaya ikut meludaskan Apotek Tanjung. Pemerintah telah menyatakan berduka cita kepada keluarga korban yang jatuh. Toko Tanjung Jaya. yang pada hari Kamis tercatat sembilan orang meninggal. bahan bakar. Bersama tiga rekan pria sesama pembantu. sampai Sabtu pekan lalu. petugas keamanan melepaskan tembakan peringatan. menempuh jarak sekitar 1. setengah perjalanan. kabarnya bertambah. dan Mawardi Noor. "Tapi Pak Amir rupanya sudah emosi. di depan kantor Polres di Jalan Yos Sudarso. Tony Ardie. pasukan keamanan bisa menguasai keadaan. Saat itulah perusakan dan pembakaran mulai terjadi.Amir mengancam "akan melakukan pembunuhan dan perusakan-perusakan apabila keempat tahanan tersebut tidak dibebaskan". Namun. memang menjadi sasaran amukan massa. menurut saksi ini." kata seorang pejabat. melewati Jalan Anggrek. dan luput dari tembakan.

Pemerintah tampaknya tidak akan menuding suatu golongan mendalangi peristiwa ini.Terjadinya Peristiwa Tanjung Priok ini disesalkan semua pihak. This battalion. In an interview with Tempo [17 November. an airborne battalion of 600 men was parachuted into the districts of North Aceh." katanya." ['GPK' or 'security disruptors' is the term used officially for the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka or GAM. The number of troops in the area has been doubled. have embarked on a campaign of systematic murder. the Indonesian armed forces. Earlier in August. "Kita harus tetap menyucikan agama. Sekjen DPP Golkar. just kill them. . East Aceh and Pidie. I have told people to arm themselves with sharp weapons. 16 August 1990]. No need to investigate. The military commander has called on the local population to take part in a mass murder campaign. the capital of Pidie. acting on the orders of regional military commander Major-General Djoko Pramono. PPP. Pramono said many people had already been killed and that killings are occurring almost every day. masyarakat tidak perlu khawatir akan ada golongan yang harus menerima citra akibat Peristiwa Tanjung Priok.000. seperti terlihat konsep tertentu yang hendak dipaksakan. on the north-western tip of Sumatra. didramatisasikan. According to AFP [The Straits Times. If you encounter the GPK. dan PDI mengeluarkan pernyataan yang menyesalkannya seraya memuji tindakan aparatur keamanan yang tegas. DPP Golkar. A Call for Action from TAPOL. Di belakang peristiwa ini. who saw service last year in East Timor and gained a reputation for extreme brutality. to 12. 1990]. you should kill them. Itu terlihat dari pernyataan Pangdam V/Jaya Mayjen Try Soetrisno dalam Sarasehan DPP KNPI pekan lalu. Pramono said: "I have told the people here: if you meet GPK members. Sarwono Kusumaatmadja.. based in Bogor.] In the same interview. Dec 17. 1990 After trying for more than a year to put down widespread rebellion and protest in Aceh. meski bertentangan dengan Pancasila. It is commanded by Colonel Prabowo. 300 marines and about 100 men from the mobile brigade based in East Java were sent to Sigli. machetes or whatever. kata Sarwono. is part of the notorious red-beret unit known as Kopassus. Just shoot them or knife them.. West Java. memuji sikap Pangab Jenderal Moerdani yang sangat menolong mendudukkan perkara ini sesuai apa adanya berkat keterangannya yang tidak dibuat-buat dan tidak. known in English as the Aceh-Sumatra National Liberation Front. 22 September 1984 Pembunuhan yang terjadi di Aceh Mass Murder in Aceh. Regular territorial troops have been withdrawn from the villages and replaced by four commando units.. Sumber: Majalah Tempo. son-in-law of President Suharto. Menurut Try.

or engage in a shoot-to-kill campaign to exterminate the 'GPK' and strike fear into the entire population. In a press release issued on 10 December.. villagers working on a river bank found eight bodies tied together. Mutilated corpses litter the roadsides and ditches. some villagers have been set upon. a senior army doctor puts the toll at more than a thousand. A mass grave was discovered in Akue Mira. taken to nearby military centres and forced to pledge loyalty to the government.. 'They are taken out of their houses at night. In some cases.On 8 November 1990. Pramono has clearly chosen the second option. either to arrest many thousands of people and deal with them in the courts of law which could take years... Acehnese are being rounded up in their hundreds and taken to detention centres. killed. bodies have been buried with a foot or arm exposed. recently returned from Aceh. it listed many large detention centres each of which are being used by the army to hold up to a thousand people at any one time.' said a non. Reuter quoted an Indonesian human rights lawyer. Our source reports that many villagers suspected of sympathising with GAM have been rounded up. You often have a fifty-fifty chance of ever coming back." A TAPOL contact in Jakarta was told by a senior intelligence officer that the security forces in Aceh face two options. their bodies grotesquely mutilated and left on the roadside.government party politician. residents said. as many . The bodies of people not known locally have been found in plantations and by rivers. on their way home. a Reuter correspondent who visited the area wrote: "A trickle of deaths over the past year became a torrent in late September. often on the smallest suspicion. There is strong evidence that bodies are deliberately left without burial for greater psychological impact. according to the Front. Many have been found with hands and feet tied together and a bullet wound in the head. No-one has reported any attempts to identify the bodies or carry out autopsies to determine the cause of death." According to The Economist [15 December 1990]. weighted down and drowned. as saying that residents reported finding mass graves and a steady flow of decomposed corpses. three months before a deadline set by Pramono to end the conflict." The Aceh National Liberation Front believes that more than five thousand people have been put to death since the beginning of the year. Death toll It is not possible to quantify the number already slain this year. On 23 November. The Reuter report [23 November] said that "hundreds of unidentified corpses have been found and hundreds of people have disappeared. "Some soldiers admit to killing unarmed people and leaving their corpses in public places as a 'counter-terrorist' measure. Most of the victims are local civilians. Villagers troubled by a foul smell found an open pit with 200 bodies in it. though several members of the security forces and some of the rebels have also been killed. according to a western human rights observer..

. TAPOL most vigorously condemns this latest murder campaign against the people of Aceh. In 1965-66. This information should be submitted to the February 1991 session of the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva. . out of a population of about 700. perhaps more than a hundred. July or August this year.immersing the victim in boiling water. . in February 1989. . The reports.nailing down the hands as if for crucifixion. These centres are located in Lammeulo.hanging the victim upside down. launched in 1975. Medan and Takengon. before the campaign of mass slaughter began. . . army death squads killed at least 4. Tualang Tjut. has left an estimated 200. Sigli. It calls on governments and people everywhere to exert pressure on the Suharto government to put a stop to the slaughter.000 people. Need for action The campaign of extermination now under way in Aceh is the latest in a string of crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Suharto regime. most of which were written in June. . Langsa. Lhok Seumawe. and urges the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (LBH) and Asia Watch to make public without delay the findings of on-the-spot investigations already carried out by them. it was responsible for the massacre of an estimated one million communist suspects or sypathisers. Bindjai. South Sumatra.placing the feet under the legs of a chair on which a soldier sits until the bones are broken.000.using cigarettes or hot irons to inflict burns. The Front earlier compiled a dossier of reports naming hundreds of people who had been arrested or who had disappeared. Army troops shot at least a hundred Muslims in Tanjung Priok in September 1984 who were protesting against the arrest of mosque officials. .squeezing a man's testicles with pliers. Western governments should send officials to Aceh to assess the scale of the massacre. a hundred people may be taken out from each of the camps and killed in a night. It calls on human rights organisations in Indonesia (LPHAM and Infight) and abroad (Amnesty International and the International Commission of Jurists) to send observers to Aceh. Dozens. Rantjong. .000 people dead. . Keudah (Bandar Aceh).electric shock. also give details of torture methods which include: . In 1983-84. a campaign which Suharto described in his autobiography as 'shock therapy' against alleged criminals. Reudeuep Lhok Sukon. villagers were killed in Way Jepara. Peureulak. Its war in East Timor.mutilating various parts of the body.placing the victim in filthy water for hours or days. Tjot Girek.raping women and mutilating their breasts.

1990 Ini tentang Kejahatan Jepang terhadap Indonesia! Indonesia WORLD WAR II AND THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE. to secure its rich natural resources. but Indonesia supplied a critical 25 percent. scrap iron. and other raw materials had to be imported from foreign sources. which had begun in July 1937. TAPOL calls on solidarity organisations throughout the world to exert pressure on their own governments along these lines and make their own approaches to the NGOs mentioned above. Negotiations continued through mid-1941. From Tokyo's perspective. it followed the United States in freezing Japanese assets and imposing an embargo on oil and other exports.The European Parliament should adopt an emergency resolution calling for an end to the slaughter. played for time. large amounts of petroleum. Most oil--about 55 percent--came from the United States. The Indies government. 1942-50 The Japanese Occupation. by the end of the decade had become bogged down in the face of stubborn Chinese resistance. To feed Japan's war machine. London 17 December. German occupation of the Netherlands in May 1940 led to Japan's demand that the Netherlands Indies government supply it with fixed quantities of vital natural resources. and the Dutch) toward Japan's invasion of China reflected their desire to throttle its legitimate aspirations in Asia. French Indochina was already effectively under Japanese control. Britain. But in summer 1941. especially oil. the increasingly critical attitude of the "ABCD powers" (America. Japan's invasion of North China. China. Further demands were made for some form of economic and financial integration of the Indies with Japan. Because Japan could not continue its China war without these resources. A nonaggression pact with the Soviet Union in April 1941 freed Japan to wage war against the United States and the European colonial powers. Library of Congress The Japanese occupied the archipelago in order. the militarydominated government in Tokyo gave assent to an "advance south" policy. like their Portuguese and Dutch predecessors. an International Tribunal on Crimes against Humanity should be convened to hold the Suharto regime responsible for its campaign of death and mass intimidation in Aceh. Those responsible for the killings must be brought to justice. Since this cannot be done in Indonesia. realizing its extremely weak position. March 1942 Courtesy Prints and Photographs Division. 1942-45 [JPEG] A Japanese soldier watching oil tanks near Jakarta set afire by the retreating Dutch. .

The Battle of the Java Sea resulted in the Japanese defeat of a combined British. The Japanese divided the Indies into three jurisdictions: Java and Madura were placed under the control of the Sixteenth Army. In the closing months of the war. This tolerance grew as the momentum of Japanese expansion was halted in mid-1942 and the Allies began counteroffensives. the Netherlands Indies government surrendered without offering resistance on land. within limits. In administration. and cultural life. with Japan as the focal point. On March 9. Given Indonesian resentment of Dutch rule. The Sixteenth Army was tolerant. "The leader of Asia. fell on February 15.000 romusha were sent to the Outer Islands and Japaneseheld territories in Southeast Asia. The Japanese military police were especially feared. which got its start with language unification efforts in 1928 and underwent considerable development before the war. and the eastern archipelago was placed under naval command. The occupation was not gentle. this approach was appealing and harmonized remarkably well with local legends that a two-century-long non-Javanese rule would be followed by era of peace and prosperity. the Dutch language was discarded in favor of Malay and Japanese. in the words of a 1942 slogan. In Sumatra and the east. however. Sumatra. was to be a nonexploitative economic and cultural community of Asians. there were profound cultural implications from the Japanese invasion of Java. The relatively tolerant policies of the Sixteenth Army on Java also confirmed the island's leading role in Indonesian national life after 1945: Java was far more developed politically and militarily than the other islands." Tokyo's Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. At the end of the war. received further impetus under Japanese auspices. Singapore. where they joined other Asians in performing wartime construction projects. The Japanese occupation was a watershed in Indonesian history. Dutch. despite British numerical superiority and the strength of its seaward defenses. Food and other vital necessities were confiscated by the occupiers. There was little resistance as Japanese forces fanned out through the islands to occupy former centers of Dutch power. joined with Malaya under the Twenty-fifth Army. was the forced mobilization of some 4 million--although some estimates are as high as 10 million--romusha (manual laborers). the overriding concern of the occupiers was maintenance of law and order and extraction of needed resources. the light of Asia. Modern Indonesian literature. 1941. Australian. The worst abuse. Japanese commanders promoted the independence movement as a means of frustrating an Allied reoccupation.The Japanese experienced spectacular early victories in the Southeast Asian war. Japanese troops often acted harshly against local populations. most of whom were put to work on economic development and defense construction projects in Java. Although their motives were largely acquisitive. the Japanese justified their occupation in terms of Japan's role as. and United States fleet. the protector of Asia. Britain's fortress in the east. Java's economic value with respect to the war effort lay in its huge labor force and relatively developed infrastructure. as Batavia gave up its empire without a fight. causing widespread misery and starvation by the end of the war. for a time. only 52. Committees were organized to standardize Bahasa Indonesia and make it a truly national language. About 270. business. encompassing both Northeast and Southeast Asia. It shattered the myth of Dutch superiority. In addition. Revolutionary (or traditional) .000 were repatriated to Java. 1942. of political activities carried out by nationalists and Muslims.

paramilitary units recruited by the Japanese in mid-1943. Although the occupiers propagated the message of Japanese leadership of Asia. administration. as they did in their Korean colony. and others.000.000 men in Java and 20. a Muslim armed force. however. films. as fellow Asians. and the military. Muslim leaders opposed the practice of bowing toward the emperor (a divine ruler in Japanese official mythology) in Tokyo as a form of idolatry and refused to declare Japan's war against the Allies a "holy war" because both sides were nonbelievers. Many members of the elite responded positively to an inculcation of samurai values. the Japanese organized the Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims (Masyumi). businessmen. and art.Indonesian themes were employed in drama. was tarnished by his role in recruiting romusha.000 in Sumatra (where it was commonly known by the Japanese name Giyugun). military personnel. The occupiers were particularly impressed by Sukarno's mass following. whom the Dutch had largely ignored. the Army of God. the Japanese relied on local indigenous elites. at least in camps for male military prisoners. By the end of the war. Soon after the Dutch surrender. In December 1944. were essentially like themselves but had been corrupted by three centuries of Western colonialism. the occupiers believed that Indonesians. to administer the countryside. and the Defenders of the Fatherland (Peta) in 1943. In October 1943. the personnel vacuum on the lower levels was filled with Indonesians. or Barisan Hizbullah. it had 37. which embittered Dutch-Japanese relations even in the early 1990s). to coercively promote Japanese culture on a large scale. Nahdatul Ulama was given a prominent role in Masyumi. . Peta was a military force designed to assist the Japanese forces by forestalling the initial Allied invasion. These included the heiho (auxiliaries). For example. the Japanese allowed a huge rally in Batavia (renamed Jakarta) to celebrate by tearing down a statue of Jan Pieterszoon Coen. Japanese attempts to coopt Muslims met with limited success. Because of the harshly exploitative Japanese policies in the closing years of the war. Sukarno and Hatta agreed in 1942 to cooperate with the Japanese. were interned (the harsh conditions of their confinement caused a high death rate. was the opportunities it gave for Javanese and other Indonesians to participate in politics. What was needed was a dose of Japanese-style seishin (spirit. totaling around 170. who were brought to Jakarta for training and indoctrination. and hated symbols of Dutch imperial control were swept away. His reputation. however. as were a large number of kyai (religious leaders). The most significant legacy of the occupation. was attached to Masyumi. the seventeenthcentury governor general. and he became increasingly valuable to them as the need to mobilize the population for the war effort grew between 1943 and 1945. after the Japanese surrender collaborators in some areas were killed in a wave of local resentment. such as the priyayi on Java and the Acehnese uleebalang. semangat in Indonesian). European officials. as this seemed to be the best opportunity to secure independence. they did not attempt. Like the Dutch. According to historian Anthony Reid. While Japanese military officers occupied the highest posts. however. the occupiers began organizing Indonesians into military and paramilitary units whose numbers were added by the Japanese to romusha statistics. As the fortunes of war turned. designed to create a united front of orthodox and modernist believers. however.

A patrol of about fifteen Japanese soldiers arrived from the coastal township of Muntok. the Japanese soldiers returned alone. the ship was crammed with over two hundred civilian evacuees and English military personnel. She looked around for the other twenty-one nurses and saw none. she risked a glance at the beach and saw that the Japanese soldiers had gone. Some were suffering from exposure to the sun after many hours immersed in the sea. and some had been wounded in the attacks on the ship and the lifeboats. it was decided that they should surrender to the Japanese. Wearing their Red Cross armbands. The lucky survivors were rounded up at gunpoint by the Japanese and herded into a building that was filthy and overcrowded. about fifty in number. including Sister Vivian Bullwinkel. with the fall of Singapore to the Japanese imminent. landed in lifeboats on the northern coast of Bangka Island and lit a bonfire to guide other survivors to them. After some time had passed. but none panicked or pleaded for mercy. including twenty-two Australian nurses. When the number of survivors at the bonfire reached about one hundred. Sister Vivian Bullwinkel was in this group of nurses. While some guarded the Australian nurses. The survivors in lifeboats were strafed by Japanese aircraft but some reached Bangka Island off the coast of Sumatra.Data as of November 1992 THE BANKA ISLAND MASSACRE (1942) Sister Vivian Bullwinkel's Story On 12 February 1942. In addition to the Australian nurses. were evacuated from the besieged city on the small coastal steamer Vyner Brooke. the rest herded the male survivors. She was the only nurse who had survived the massacre. The twenty-two Australian nurses were then ordered by the Japanese to form a line and walk into the sea. the Japanese opened fire on them. The women knew what was going to happen to them. Upon discovering that she was only wounded. They were accompanied by civilian women and their children. she pretended to be dead. Their expectations were short lived. As the Vyner Brooke was passing between Sumatra and Borneo. Some were wiping blood from their bayonets. the nurses expected to be treated in a civilised manner by the Japanese when they reached shore. The Japanese were unsympathetic to their plight and only offered the survivors a bucket of water and a bucket of rice. Japanese aircraft bombed and strafed the overloaded ship and it sank quickly. on rafts. The unlucky survivors. The remaining fifty-three nurses reached Bangka Island in lifeboats. and hungry. and shortly afterwards. The nurses heard gunfire from this direction. and having protected status as non-combatants by convention of civilised nations. or by drifting with the tide. thirsty. Sister Bullwinkel was hit in the back by a bullet and knocked off her feet. and they made and erected a red cross to indicate to the Japanese that they were non-combatants. Twelve Australian nurses were either killed in the attack on the ship or drowned in the sea. A party of male survivors went off to find Japanese. All of the survivors were tired. down the beach and around a headland. . sixty-five Australian Army nurses. The twenty-two Australian nurses stayed to look after the injured. When the water had reached the nurses' waists.

dan telah beberapa luka dalam serangan di kapal dan lifeboats.When she reached the beach. Beberapa yang menderita terekspos sampai matahari terbenam setelah banyak jam di laut. Dua belas Australia perawat yang baik tewas dalam serangan di kapal atau tenggelam di laut. Private Kingsley had been bayoneted by the Japanese and left for dead. she was joined by an English soldier who had survived the massacre behind the headland. Ketika jumlah korban di bonafiditas mencapai sekitar seratus. sisanya herded laki-laki . haus. Realising that the lives of all survivors of the Vyner Brooke would be at risk if the Japanese discovered what she had seen. dan lapar. Naas yang selamat. Selain itu perawat ke Australia. dilindungi dan memiliki status sebagai kombatan dengan non-konvensi dari civilised bangsa. kapal telah crammed dengan lebih dari dua ratus sipil di daerah bencana dan personil militer Inggris. They were given food by the local village women. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia untuk tinggal setelah terluka melihat. telah diputuskan bahwa mereka harus menyerah kepada Jepang. Harapan mereka telah berlangsung lama. Sebuah pihak laki-laki korban pergi off untuk menemukan Jepang. Shortly afterwards. Private Kingsley died from the bayonet wound. di lifeboats mendarat di pantai utara Pulau Bangka dan kesusasteraan bonafiditas yang lain untuk membimbing korban untuk mereka. enam puluh lima perawat Angkatan Darat Australia. but after two weeks. pada rakit. Sementara beberapa perawat yang dijaga ketat dari Australia. and they decided to walk to Muntok and give themselves up. She survived harsh imprisonment to give evidence of the massacre at a war crimes trial in Tokyo in 1947. Sisa lima puluh tiga perawat mencapai lifeboats di Pulau Bangka. Sebuah patroli dari sekitar lima belas tentara Jepang tiba dari pantai negeri dari Muntok. termasuk dua puluh dua perawat Australia. THE PULAU MASSACRE Banka (1942) Adik Vivian Bullwinkel Cerita Pada tanggal 12 Februari 1942. Jepang telah unsympathetic untuk mereka berjanji dan hanya ditawarkan para korban ember air dan ember beras. perawat yang diharapkan untuk diperlakukan dalam cara civilised oleh Jepang ketika mereka mencapai pantai. Yang beruntung korban yang tercakup di ujung laras senapan oleh Jepang dan herded ke dalam bangunan yang kotor dan terlalu sesak. Seperti yang telah lulus Vyner Brooke antara Sumatera dan Kalimantan. Semua dari para korban yang lelah. atau oleh Gerakan dengan air pasang. dan mereka yang dibuat dan palang merah yang didirikan untuk menunjukkan kepada Jepang bahwa mereka nonkombatan. Para korban di lifeboats yang strafed oleh pesawat terbang Jepang tetapi beberapa mencapai Pulau Bangka di lepas pantai Sumatera. Pakaian mereka Palang Merah armbands. Jepang bombed pesawat terbang dan kapal strafed yang berlebih dan sank dengan cepat. Sister Bullwinkel concealed her wound from the Japanese and treated it herself. they realised that their position was hopeless. termasuk Sister Bullwinkel Vivian. dengan jatuhnya Singapura ke Jepang dekat. yang diungsikan dari terkepung di kota kecil pantai kapal api Vyner Brooke. Mereka diiringi oleh sipil perempuan dan anak-anak mereka. Adik Vivian Bullwinkel di grup ini dari perawat.

THE PULAU MASSACRE Banka (1942) Adik Vivian Bullwinkel Cerita Pada tanggal 12 Februari 1942. Para korban di lifeboats yang strafed oleh pesawat terbang Jepang tetapi beberapa mencapai Pulau Bangka di lepas pantai Sumatera. perawat yang diharapkan untuk diperlakukan dalam cara civilised oleh Jepang ketika mereka mencapai pantai. dia pura-pura menjadi mati. Ketika ia mencapai pantai. dan telah beberapa luka dalam . Mewujudkan kehidupan yang selamat dari semua Vyner Brooke akan beresiko jika Jepang menemukan apa yang dia lihat. Aku belajar untuk yang lain sekitar dua puluh satu perawat dan melihat tidak ada. Beberapa orang dari mereka wiping darah bayonets. Gunfire perawat yang mendengar dari arah ini. tetapi tidak panik atau untuk mengaku rahmat. namun setelah dua minggu. Sesaat setelah itu. Harapan mereka telah berlangsung lama. dengan jatuhnya Singapura ke Jepang dekat. Seperti yang telah lulus Vyner Brooke antara Sumatera dan Kalimantan. yang diungsikan dari terkepung di kota kecil pantai kapal api Vyner Brooke. atau oleh Gerakan dengan air pasang. Mereka diberi makan oleh perempuan desa setempat. haus. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia yang kemudian disusun oleh Jepang untuk membentuk baris dan jalan ke laut. dan mereka memutuskan untuk berjalan kaki ke Muntok dan memberikan diri. Jepang bombed pesawat terbang dan kapal strafed yang berlebih dan sank dengan cepat. Pakaian mereka Palang Merah armbands. Selain itu perawat ke Australia. Dia adalah satu-satunya perawat yang telah bertahan besar-besaran. dan lapar. dia risked dalam sekejap di pantai dan melihat bahwa tentara Jepang telah pergi. Dia bertahan keras penjara untuk memberikan bukti yang besar-besaran di persidangan kejahatan perang di Tokyo tahun 1947. bawah pantai dan di sekitar tanjung. Sisa lima puluh tiga perawat mencapai lifeboats di Pulau Bangka. dan segera setelah itu. Beberapa yang menderita terekspos sampai matahari terbenam setelah banyak jam di laut. dilindungi dan memiliki status sebagai kombatan dengan non-konvensi dari civilised bangsa. Saudara Bullwinkel menerima pukulan di bagian belakang dengan peluru dan terlanda lama dia kaki. termasuk Sister Bullwinkel Vivian. Swasta Kingsley meninggal dari luka sangkur. enam puluh lima perawat Angkatan Darat Australia. Dua belas Australia perawat yang baik tewas dalam serangan di kapal atau tenggelam di laut. kapal telah crammed dengan lebih dari dua ratus sipil di daerah bencana dan personil militer Inggris. Jepang api dibuka pada mereka. ia bergabung dengan tentara Inggris yang bertahan di belakang tanjung besar-besaran. Perempuan yang tahu apa yang akan terjadi kepada mereka. pada rakit. Semua dari para korban yang lelah. tentara Jepang kembali sendiri. sekitar lima puluh jumlahnya. Yang beruntung korban yang tercakup di ujung laras senapan oleh Jepang dan herded ke dalam bangunan yang kotor dan terlalu sesak. Ketika air telah mencapai perawat 'pinggang. Sister Bullwinkel dia bersembunyi luka dari Jepang dan dirawat itu sendiri.korban. Setelah beberapa waktu telah berlalu. Kingsley swasta telah bayoneted oleh Jepang dan kiri untuk mati. Setelah menemukan bahwa dia hanya luka. mereka menyadari bahwa posisi mereka adalah harapan.

Jepang api dibuka pada mereka. dan mereka yang dibuat dan palang merah yang didirikan untuk menunjukkan kepada Jepang bahwa mereka nonkombatan. telah diputuskan bahwa mereka harus menyerah kepada Jepang.. 2008 Tonight I received an email from Batara Hutagalung. dia risked dalam sekejap di pantai dan melihat bahwa tentara Jepang telah pergi. di lifeboats mendarat di pantai utara Pulau Bangka dan kesusasteraan bonafiditas yang lain untuk membimbing korban untuk mereka. Setelah menemukan bahwa dia hanya luka. Naas yang selamat. dan mereka memutuskan untuk berjalan kaki ke Muntok dan memberikan diri.serangan di kapal dan lifeboats. Setelah beberapa waktu telah berlalu. tetapi tidak panik atau untuk mengaku rahmat. Perempuan yang tahu apa yang akan terjadi kepada mereka. Jepang telah unsympathetic untuk mereka berjanji dan hanya ditawarkan para korban ember air dan ember beras.tapi apa sesungguhnya kita memang sudah merdeka ya. ia bergabung dengan tentara Inggris yang bertahan di belakang tanjung besar-besaran. Mereka diiringi oleh sipil perempuan dan anak-anak mereka.. Adik Vivian Bullwinkel di grup ini dari perawat. Swasta Kingsley meninggal dari luka sangkur. a leader of Committee of Dutch Honorary Debts – a group of people that strive for The Netherlands' apology for what . Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia untuk tinggal setelah terluka melihat. Dia adalah satu-satunya perawat yang telah bertahan besar-besaran. Gunfire perawat yang mendengar dari arah ini. sekitar lima puluh jumlahnya.. Sister Bullwinkel dia bersembunyi luka dari Jepang dan dirawat itu sendiri. Mereka diberi makan oleh perempuan desa setempat.mirip jaman penjajahan sekarang tapi dengan muka yang modern hehehe Rawagede Massacre: An Unpublished Story Thursday. dan segera setelah itu. bawah pantai dan di sekitar tanjung. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia yang kemudian disusun oleh Jepang untuk membentuk baris dan jalan ke laut. Beberapa orang dari mereka wiping darah bayonets. Ketika jumlah korban di bonafiditas mencapai sekitar seratus. tentara Jepang kembali sendiri. sekarang kita sudah merdeka. Ketika ia mencapai pantai.. mereka menyadari bahwa posisi mereka adalah harapan. Dia bertahan keras penjara untuk memberikan bukti yang besar-besaran di persidangan kejahatan perang di Tokyo tahun 1947. Sesaat setelah itu. Sementara beberapa perawat yang dijaga ketat dari Australia. Sebuah patroli dari sekitar lima belas tentara Jepang tiba dari pantai negeri dari Muntok. August 14. termasuk dua puluh dua perawat Australia. Ketika air telah mencapai perawat 'pinggang...rakyat kaga sejahtera sejahtera. dia pura-pura menjadi mati. namun setelah dua minggu. Kingsley swasta telah bayoneted oleh Jepang dan kiri untuk mati. Sebuah pihak laki-laki korban pergi off untuk menemukan Jepang. Saudara Bullwinkel menerima pukulan di bagian belakang dengan peluru dan terlanda lama dia kaki. Mewujudkan kehidupan yang selamat dari semua Vyner Brooke akan beresiko jika Jepang menemukan apa yang dia lihat. Aku belajar untuk yang lain sekitar dua puluh satu perawat dan melihat tidak ada. sisanya herded laki-laki korban.

“The troops started to bombard us. “As they shot.” He remembered how the troops continued shooting at all dead bodies to make sure none is alive before they left the scene. The troops ordered all residents to get out their houses. had entered Rawagede to join the soldiers force in the city. at four o’clock in the morning. recollecting a horrible day she had 60 years ago. Kali Rawagede. back when I was still an intern reporter at The Jakarta Post. . Kustario.they did to Indonesia years ago. The email said that the committee was planning to stage a demonstration in front of Dutch Embassy this Friday. Saih managed to survive by playing dead. Pissed off by the response. but my husband – he was so frightened he ran away and got shot.” an 84-year-old soldier Saih said. gather up in a yard. They also chased other male residents who were hiding in a nearby river. Lukas Kustario – an Indonesian soldier who had previously attacked some Netherlands facilities. after more than 300 hundreds troops of Netherlands army surrounded Rawagede. a village between Karawang-Bekasi. They were in attempt to capture Mr. They asked the people: “Where is Lukas Kustario?! Where are the soldiers?!” None of the men said anything. He recently had damaged a train containing weaponry with another train. They separated male citizens from the crowds and made them stood in line. Please tell me what you think okay :) ########## Up until now.” said the 74-year-old woman. the wanted soldier actually had left the village for Jakarta the day before. However. with some tracker dogs they brought. Imih still could not forget the day when. I would like to just share the story here. A bullet hit my back but I lay still. according to a report the troops received.” The tragedy took place on December 9. “There were hundreds of them. located about 60 kilometers to the east of Jakarta. I quickly dropped myself to the ground. Since it's been almost a year. “I quickly told my husband and my father to stay in the house because I knew it was safer there. she saw troops all over her village. They opened fire and soon everyone was in panic. Batara's email reminded me of my story about Rawagede Massacre that didn't get published. 1947.

and throw flowers at their graves. “They should say sorry and pay compensation to the victim’s family to help them prosper. cannot shout “Independence!” and carry weapon any more. “It was a crime against humanity.” Batara Hutagalung. “The Netherlands surrendered to Japan in 1942 while Indonesia declared its independence in 1945 so it was not also war crime as there was no war at all.When he thought it was safe to make a move. While Netherlands considered what happened in Rawagede “a correctional action” – as they claimed the area as their territory at the time – a group of people is currently putting effort on getting Netherlands apology for what they did. Every year the people of Rawagede hold a ceremony at the monument to commemorate the tragedy. who have lain down between Karawang-Bekasi. Saih stood up and walked home. The “Rawagede People Struggle Monument” complex also has a cemetery for the victims. But not all victims were relocated and buried here. “It’s hard to identify all the victims. They make moment of silence. It is ironic that the massacre happened just one day after Indonesia and Netherlands started the “USS Renville” peace talk. We. All men who were lucky to be alive escaped the village for their lives because the troops were believed to come back anytime. They pray for the heroes.” said head of Rawagede Foundation Sukarman. “It took us two days to bury all 431 dead bodies. They sing national anthem. a famous poem from a namely poet Chairil Anwar. A monument was built in 1996 in the village to “honor the heroes”.” he said. leader of Committee of Dutch Honorary Debts said.” said Batara. “Hundreds of man died that day. They read the story on how Netherlands troops had tore down the entire life of the village. We only managed to identify 181 out of 431 victims.” said Imih. who manages the monument complex. Some elderly people are crying as they hear the poem. “I saw so many victims. Moreover.” .” she said. We should reach reconciliation with dignity. dedicated to the victims: “Karawang-Bekasi”. making there were only women and children in this village.

2008 by The Boston Globe by Anthony Deutsch BLITAR. 68. January 28. farmers. 70. humid jungle. Indonesia . “People called it the beach of stinking corpses because of the smell. seized control of the military in 1965 and ruled the country for 32 years.“They gunned them down and dumped their bodies in a mass grave dug by other prisoners.from 1965 to 1968 range from a government figure of 78. . over and over again. Markus Talam watched Indonesian soldiers herd manacled prisoners from trucks. suppressing dissent with force and supported by an American government at the height of the Cold War. intellectuals. including trade union members. “That’s all. who have published books on Indonesia’s history. he only wished his family a better life. we would not tell them anyway.” said Talam. “They used to dump the bodies here. and mow them down with round after round of automatic weapons fire. now the world’s most populous Muslim nation. . . and the killings were part of a final offensive by forces under General Suharto to wipe out the communist party and secure his position as leader of Indonesia. who was later jailed for 10 years after being named a leftist sympathizer.” As for Saih. many of whom were executed or sent to remote prisons.000 to 1 million cited by US historians Barbara Harff and Ted Robert Gurr. Imih said she just wished to have her house repaired. we really had no idea where he was. 2008 pada 7:11 am (soeharto) Published on Monday. and others.” “Of course even if we did. “I have no hatred in my heart against them.” The CIA provided lists of thousands of leftists. tat-tat . It was the worst mass slaughter in Southeast Asia’s modern history after the Khmer Rouge killing fields in Cambodia.0128 04It was 1968. The big-hearted old man said he had forgiven Netherlands. line them up.Hiding out in the dense.” Mass Killings Under Suharto Recalled Februari 1. I remember the sound of the guns clearly: tat-tat.Talking about compensation.” recalled Surien. Estimates for the number killed during his bloody rise to power .” “They were just looking for Mr. tat-tat. and schoolteachers. Suharto. who died yesterday at a Jakarta hospital. a woman who lived near a bay used as an execution ground. A frenzy of anticommunist violence stained rivers with blood and littered the countryside with the bodies of teachers. Lukas but unfortunately.

There is no official record of the shootings Talam said he witnessed by the Indonesian Army near Blitar. until being picked up. a prominent monument and museum honors the crushing of the communist threat. the head of Human Rights Watch Asia.000 others died during a 29year separatist rebellion in Aceh Province. said he was tortured and beaten repeatedly during interrogations while detained on remote Buru island. said Putmuinah. according to an East Timorese commission sanctioned by the UN. Jakarta. and seeing beheadings of other captives. Near Blitar. and the military has blocked efforts by relatives to unearth mass graves.000 died due to killings.000 political prisoners were held. I saw great cruelties and am lucky I am not dead. “Suharto ordered the elimination of communists and leftwing sympathizers. a former communist city council member in Blitar. according to a local human rights group. public interest in reviving a turbulent past is muted in the largely poor country. “One of the enduring legacies of Suharto’s regime has been the culture of impunity. Similar abuses left more than 100. and illness during Indonesia’s 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor. a former member of a left-wing union for park rangers. 80. the dark era remains largely unknown to many Indonesians. 1. disappearances.Another 183. being beaten. no one has ever been tried for the bloodletting. hunger. Those believed responsible still wield influence in politics and the courts. whose simple two-room home overlooks a valley dotted with overgrown mass graves. Details of the communist purge are banned from school books. “They robbed me of the opportunity to raise my seven children. In fact. eating what the jungle had to offer for 50 days. Talam. “I am disappointed. and the Communist Party is still banned in Indonesia today. in part because some of Suharto’s former generals remain in power.” said Talam.” she said.” she added.” said Brad Adams. “Why has no one been put on trial?” he asked. “The ones who should be held accountable for those crimes are Suharto. Though Suharto was swept from power in a 1998 prodemocracy uprising in this nation of 235 million people. which lies 310 miles east of Jakarta. a former communist stronghold. In recent interviews around the city of Blitar.100 miles east of the capital. Moreover. living in caves. where about 12.” Putmuinah hid in a cave south of Blitar before being picked up and detained for 10 years. About 15. he described how he was detained by police but escaped. “I was spared torture because I knew the commander who arrested me.” she said. where people are more concerned with day-to-day survival. Dragging on a clove-cigarette with trembling hands.000 dead in West Papua.” . He stumbled across dead bodies in shallow graves and slept in dank caves with hundreds of others. “They beheaded many of us because we were members of the union for women. his government and his regime. survivors of the atrocities recounted a life on the run.

Yang paling tragis adalah terjadinya perkosaan massal terhadap puluhan kalau tidak ratusan perempuan Tionghoa yang dilakukan secara brutal. Marsinah. Namun sampai saat ini seperti kasus. menyerbu berbagai mall.kasus lainnya seperti Peristiwa G30S. Setiono Tanpa terasa tahun ini kita memperingati Tragedi Mei 1998 yang ke delapan kalinya. 45 bengkel. Jumlah seluruh kerugian diperkirakan paling sedikit Rp. Trisakti.hembuskan oleh sebagian orang sebagai "eksodus" dan tindakan anasional. Sementara itu ratusan rakyat kecil yang terdiri dari anak-anak. Udin. Hongkong.119 mobil.Ribuan toko dan rumah tinggal milik orang-orang Tionghoa habis dijarah dan dibakar. Padahal tindakan menyelamatkan diri adalah hak paling hakiki dari setiap machluk yang diciptakan Tuhan. 1. Diperkirakan lebih dari seribu orang yang tewas akibat dibakar hidup-hidup tersebut. dsb. Semanggi.Akibat aksi kekerasan ini ribuan warga Tionghoa yang merasa trauma dan ketakutan dengan berbagai jalan berusaha menyelamatkan diri dengan meninggalkan seluruh harta bendanya untuk mengungsi ke berbagai tempat yang dianggapnya aman antara lain ke Bali. Eropa bahkan ke Amerika Serikat.Namun apa yang terjadi? Pintu pertokoan tersebut kemudian dikunci dari luar dan dibakar oleh para provokator.026 rumah tinggal habis dirusak. 14 Mei 2006) Oleh : Benny G. remaja dan ibu-ibu rumah tangga yang berhasil diprovokasi. Singapore. Mereka kemudian disuruh menjarah apa saja yang ditemukan. Penyelamatan diri inilah yang dihembus.5 triliun atau $US 238 juta. Supermall Karawaci dan City hotel berikut pusat pertokoan Glodok. dijarah dan dibakar selama berlangsung aksi anarkis tersebut. Yogya Department store. 40 mall dengan 1.PERISTIWA 13-15 MEI 1998. .2. Memang ada beberapa kasus yang telah dibawa ke Pengadilan namun ternyata yang disidangkan hanya oknum-oknum yang dikorbankan tanpa mengungkap siapa yang menjadi otak atau dalang yang sesungguhnya. Kalimantan Barat. Australia. 821 sepeda motor dan 1. Tanjung Priok. [1][1] Yang sangat disesalkan adalah sikap pihak keamanan yaitu Kapolda Metro Jaya Mayjen Hamami Nata dan Pangdam Jaya Mayjen Sjafrie Sjamsuddin yang tidak berbuat suatu apapun untuk mencegah dan mengatasi aksi-aksi anarkis tersebut. Demikian juga ribuan kendaraan bermotor baik roda dua maupun roda empat hangus dan menjadi bangkai karena dibakar gerombolan anarkis. Kalimantan Barat. Tigabelas pasar. 8 bus dan kendaraan umum lainnya. antara lain Yogya Department Store di Klender dan Super Mall Karawaci. 9 SPBU. PUNCAK KEKERASAN ANTI TIONGHOA DI INDONESIA (Disampaikan dalam Seminar Memperingati Tragedi Mei 1998 yang diselenggarakan ICAA di Los Angeles. 2. Malari.604 toko. Talangsari. 13 Mei 2006 dan ICA Net di San Francisco. 387 kantor. Malaysia. Tindakan anarkis dan kekerasan kali ini merupakan puncak dari berbagai kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang terjadi di Indonesia sejak zaman penjajahan Belanda sampai di masa Republik. Ambon. Munir. Demikian juga sejumlah shopping mall dan pertokoan antara lain Glodok Plaza. Menado. Supermarket Hero dan supermarket Tops.479 ruko. Demikian juga Jenderal Wiranto sebagai Panglima ABRI hanya bersikap wait and see.nya tragedi ini masih diselimuti awan misterius. Poso.

Pada 6 Maret 2003. Habibie membentuk Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta (TGPF) di bawah pimpinan Marzuki Darusman. tukang dan pedagang eceran demi memajukan koloni dan perdagangannya. Rekomendasi Komnas HAM mengajukan nama Jenderal Wiranto dan Mayjen Sjafrie Sjamsyudin yang layak dicurigai untuk dimintai pertanggung-jawabannya. Hubungan Tionghoa dengan pribumi di masa sebelum kemerdekaan Sebelum kedatangan orang-orang kulit putih ke Nusantara.Peristiwa ini sangat memprihatinkan dan memalukan serta merusak citra seluruh bangsa Indonesia di dunia Internasional. Kanada. dan Beijing. Coen segera menjalankan politik monopoli di segala bidang perdagangan dan melakukan blokade atas pelabuhan Banten. Namum hingga saat ini tidak ada kabar beritanya apakah hasil penyelidikan tersebut akan ditindak lanjuti sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 26 Tahun 2000 Tentang Pengadilan HAM atau mungkin akan dipetieskan saja. antara lain di Amerika Serikat. Pelaut Belanda tidak segan-segan merompaki jung-jung Tionghoa secara terang-terangan dan menahan awak kapalnya untuk kemudian dipaksa bekerja di Batavia. seluruh kejadian dengan kasat mata dapat disaksikan secara langsung oleh jutaan pemirsa TV di seluruh dunia. Sebaliknya Coen berusaha mendatangkan sebanyak mungkin tenaga dari daratan Tiongkok untuk dijadikan kuli.1629) menguasai Jayakarta atau Sunda Kelapa yang lalu dirubah namanya menjadi Batavia. Terjadi protes-protes dan demonstrasi di muka Kedutaan atau Perwakilan Republik Indonesia di berbagai negara. Sejak itu jung-jung dari Tiongkok dilarang merapat ke pelabuhan Banten. pendatang. Taipei.J. Orang Tionghoa hidup dengan berdagang.[2][2] Mereka menikah dengan perempuan pribumi setempat atau membeli budak untuk dijadikan gundik. Hongkong. Australia. bertani dan menjadi tukang. Mereka hidup membaur dengan saling membawa budaya masing-masing. Setelah Belanda (VOC ) dibawah pimpinan Jan Pieterszoon Coen (1587. Komnas HAM telah membentuk tim Ad Hoc Penyelidikan Perisitiwa Kerusuhan Mei 1998 di bawah pimpinan Salahuddin Wahid. Untuk meredamnya Presiden B. SH dari Komnas HAM. Eropa. juga dari Komnas HAM yang telah menyelesaikan tugasnya dengan menyerahkan seluruh hasil penyelidikannya yaitu berupa rekomendasi dan Berita Acara (BAP) yang bersifat pro justicia kepada pihak penyidik yaitu Kejaksaan Agung. Apa sebenarnya yang menyebabkan timbulnya berbagai aksi kekerasan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa di Indonesia? Untuk menjawabnya baiklah kita buka lembaran sejarah kita. Pada masa itulah terjadi gelombang kedatangan orang Tionghoa secara besar-besaran ke tanah Jawa yang pada umumnya berasal dari provinsi Hokkian di bagian tenggara . sehingga lahirlah keturunan campuran yang biasa disebut peranakan atau babah. Dengan adanya kemajuan teknologi di bidang komunikasi. Mereka tidak membawa istri dari Tiongkok karena memang ada larangan dari Kaisar membawa perempuan keluar dari daratan Tiongkok. disamping berbahayanya pelayaran di masa itu. ia segera membangun koloninya tersebut dengan bantuan orang-orang Tionghoa dibawah pimpinan Souw Beng Kong yang dibujuk dan diberi janji-janji untuk pindah dari Banten.pendatang dari Tiongkok hidup damai dengan penduduk setempat. hasil kerja TGPF ini yang berupa rekomendasi dan telah diserahkan kepada Jaksa Agung dan Menteri Dalam Negeri tidak pernah ditindak lanjuti dan hilang begitu saja bagaikan debu ditiup angin. Namun seperti kasuskasus sebelumnya.

di Teluk Jakarta atau di berbagai tempat di pesisir utara Pulau Jawa.941 64.[4] [4] Pada permulaan abad ke-19 jumlah penduduk Tionghoa di Batavia saja hampir 100.728 Hakka 124.Tiongkok.484 orang Tionghoa dan 235. baik laki-laki maupun perempuan meningkat dengan pesat. Demikian juga dengan imigran-imigran dari negara lain seperti dari Arab. dari 3.[6][6] Menurut laporan Kolonial Verslag 1895. Dari tiga atau empat buah menjadi lebih dari dua puluh buah dalam setahun. Chineezen an andere Vreemde Oosterlingen in Nederlandsch Indie terbitan Departement van Economische zaken. Di pulau Jawa saja terdapat 248. hal.[5][5] Akibat dibukanya kembali perdagangan Tiongkok dengan Asia Tenggara oleh Kaisar dari Dinasti Ch'ing dan berhasilnya pasukan Ch'ing mengamankan Selat Taiwan serta dimulainya liberalisasi di bidang ekonomi oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda dengan diizinkannya pihak swasta membuka perkebunan dan pertambangan.253 245. baik ke daerah pedalaman maupun di sepanjang pesisir utara.389 Kongfu 97. jumlah penduduk di Jawa meningkat dengan pesat. Batavia 1935.000 orang. padahal seluruh penduduk pulau Jawa diperkirakan hanya 5 juta orang. Jumlah kedatangan jung-jung dari Tiongkok meningkat pesat.448 orang di antaranya laki-laki. telah mendorong mengalirnya para imigran dengan deras dari daratan Tiongkok. 290. Jepang dan terutama orang-orang Tionghoa dari bagian selatan Tiongkok membanjiri Hindia Belanda yang menjadi tanah harapan mereka. India (Keling). Belum lagi para imigran gelap yang diturunkan di kepulauan Seribu. terutama dari provinsi Fujian/Hokkian dan Guangdong/Kwangtung.101 orang pada 1682 menjadi 10.[7][7] Selanjutnya berdasarkan hasil sensus pada 1930 seperti dinyatakan dalam Volkstelling 1930.390 Lain-lain 123.88. Tujuan utama mereka hanya mencari kehidupan baru dengan memasuki semua bidang perdagangan dan hidup damai dengan .423 24. Jumlah orang Tionghoa naik dengan pesat. data orang Tionghoa di Hindia Belanda adalah sebagai berikut: Laki-laki Perempuan Hokkian 309.945 orang Tionghoa. Dengan terjunnya pihak swasta di sektor perkebunan dan pertambangan dan semakin stabilnya keamanan.740 38.831 Teo Chew 63.468 [8][8] Orang-orang Tionghoa ini hidup menyebar ke seluruh pulau Jawa.222 orang di antaranya laki-laki.574 orang pada 1739. deel VII. Sejak itu migrasi orang-orang Tionghoa.905 75.[3][3] Namun migrasi perempuan Tiongkok ke Asia Tenggara baru dimulai pertengahan abad ke-19 dan permulaan abad ke-20. pada akhir 1893 di seluruh Hindia Belanda ada 443. Migrasi perempuan Tiongkok dimungkinkan bertalian dengan adanya fasilitas penggunaan kapal api dan murahnya tarif angkutan.

bahwa sejak 1683 jumlah orang Tionghoa yang terdapat di daerah tersebut tumbuh dengan pesat. Karena perbuatan segelintir orang Tionghoa yang telah melakukan kolusi dengan para Sultan dan Pangeran Jawa dan penguasa Belanda inilah. pelacuran dan kelak tempat menghisap candu oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda. maka VOC memisahkan mereka dari masyarakat Tionghoa yang bukan muslim dan menyerahkan pengurusan dan pengawasan mereka kepada seorang kapiten Tionghoa yang diangkat dari kalangan mereka sendiri. Mereka membaurkan diri baik dalam soal bahasa. pelabuhan. Mereka datang ke Indonesia dengan tetap mempergunakan gaya rambut seperti pada zaman dinasti Ming. sebagai akibat kontak-kontak yang sering mereka lakukan dengan para pendatang baru itu.uang real yang bulat-bulat-dari pajak-pajak seperti itu. Disamping itu mereka pun diberi hak untuk membuka rumah judi. kecuali sisa di bagian belakang kepala yang dibiarkan tumbuh panjang dan dikepang (tauchang). Sejak itu istilah "peranakan" hanya digunakan bagi orang Tionghoa yang lahir di Jawa. Hal ini berlawanan dengan golongan . tidak terdapat sebuah sungai. Di sepanjang pesisir utara. Namun pada masa-masa kemudian. para imigran Tionghoa yang datang dari Tiongkok telah menggunakan gaya rambut pada zaman dinasti Ch'ing. Mereka masuk menjadi Islam dan menolak memakan daging **** dan memungut seluruh ada-istiadat penduduk asli.penduduk setempat. menghindari serbuan bangsa Manchu.. yang memerintah dari 1677-1703 menikmati penghasilan kira-kira 50.1704-1709.000 ronde realen. mereka langsung membuktikan diri mereka sebagai orang-orang yang dapat bekerja keras.[10][10] Banyak dari para imigran Tionghoa yang datang ke Indonesia pada abad ke –17 terutama orang-orang Hokkian sebagai pelarian. Sunan Amangkurat II. yaitu dengan mencukur bersih rambut di kepala. Gubernur Jenderal Johan Van Hoorn (1653-1711) dalam masa jabatannya. Tetapi jabatan mayor atau kapiten dalam masyarakat muslim Tionghoa di Batavia dihapuskan pada 1827. mulai timbul rasa kurang senang orang-orang Jawa kepada orang Tionghoa dan menjadi benih sentimen-sentimen dan aksi.[9][9] setelah mereka menjadi sulit dibedakan lagi dari penduduk asli yang beragama Islam. Karena jumlah orang Tionghoa yang memeluk Islam semakin banyak. Banyak dari mereka yang memeluk agama Islam sebagai akibat peristiwa Pembantaian 1740 dan juga untuk menghindari pajak kepala yang khusus dikenakan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa. orang-orang Jawa yang baik hati telah menjadi lebih pandai dan rajin.aksi kekerasan di kemudian hari. Bahkan di dalam pandangannnya. mengungkapkan dalam uraian dan gambaran tentang wilayah Timur Laut pantai utara pulau Jawa (1700-1703). di mana tidak terdapat sebuah pos bea cukai (gerbang tol) yang penjaganya pasti seorang Tionghoa. khusus merujuk kepada orang-orang Tionghoa pendatang baru. Orang-orang Tionghoa tetap bermukim di perantauan sampai beberapa keturunan tanpa pernah kembali ke negeri asalnya. ketika dinasti Ch'ing telah berhasil menegakkan pengendalian sepenuhnya terhadap orang-orang Han. pakaian maupun agama. teluk ataupun anak sungai yang masih dapat dipergunakan untuk pelayaran. Timbulnya istilah "Cina kunciran" yang berkonotasi penghinaan. makanan. Begitu mereka diizinkan untuk bermukim di wilayah kekuasaan kerajaan Mataram. Hal ini dikarenakan gaya rambut tersebut memang wajib digunakan di seluruh daratan Tiongkok.

peranakan yang telah berasimilasi sampai tingkat tertentu ke dalam masyarakat Jawa asli. Kemudian pejoratif sebutan Cina (berasal dari bahasa Belanda Ch'ina untuk Tiongkok) tersebut berlanjut dan berkembang terhadap seluruh etnis Tionghoa sehingga timbulnya gerakan kebangkitan dan berdirinya Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan pada 1900 dan Chung Hua Ming Kuo atau Republik Tiongkok pada 1911. Kata Chung Hua dalam dialek Hokkian adalah Tiong Hoa.[11][11] Pada saat berlangsungnya Perang Jawa (Perang Diponegoro) 1825-1830, gaya rambut orang Tionghoa ini kembali menjadi suatu masalah ketika Pangeran Diponegoro memerintahkan semua orang Tionghoa yang ingin bergabung menjadi muslim, harus disunat dan memotong kuncir mereka. [12][12] Pengaruh kebudayaan Tionghoa. Kebudayaan Tionghoa kemudian membaur dan beradaptasi dengan kebudayaan setempat baik bahasa,kesenian, tarian, pengobatan, cara berpakaian, kuliner dan sebagainya. Terdapat cukup banyak bukti yang dapat kita jumpai dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, seperti kesenian gambang kromong, cokek, topeng Betawi, Lenong atau di bidang kuliner seperti tahu, kecap, taoge, bakmi, bakso, bihun dan di bidang pakaian seperti kebaya encim, baju koko, oto, angkin dan sebagainya. Malahan naga, binatang legenda Tiongkok juga beradaptasimenjadi naga Jawa, bedanya naga Jawa memakai mahkota. Demikian juga mesjid-mesjid dan surau-surau di Indonesia pasti digantungi bedug seperti yang terdapat di klenteng-klenteng di Tiongkok. Bedanya bedug di Indonesia dipukul dengan tongkat seperti memukul tambur, sedangkan bedug dan genta di Tiongkok dipukul dengan mendorong sebatang kayu balok yang digantung di muka bedug tersebut. Bedug hanya dijumpai di mesjid-mesjid di Indonesia. Di negara-negara Arab dan Timur Tengah lainnya tak akan kita jumpai bedug-bedug yang digantung di samping mesjid.[13][13] Arsitektur mesjid-mesjid di Jawa sangat dipengaruhi kebudayaan Tiongkok yang bergaya pagoda dan beratap susun, berbeda dengan arsitektur mesjid-mesjid di Timur Tengah yang beratap dome (bulat) Contohnya mesjid semacam ini sampai saat ini dapat kita jumpai di sepanjang pesisir utara Pulau Jawa (pantura). Pendatang-pendatang Tionghoa juga mengajarkan cara menanam padi di sawah yang dibajak dan diairi yang hasilnya lebih maksimal dibandingkan menanam padi di huma yang dipelajari penduduk pribumi dari orang-orang India. Demikian juga mereka mengajarkan penduduk setempat cara berkebun tebu dan cara membuat gula. Mereka juga mengembangkan budi daya tanaman kacang tanah, kacang hijau, kacang kedelai, semangka dan nila atau tarum untuk dijadikan bahan pewarna. Sejak 1611 mereka mengembangkan penyulingan arak yang dibuat dari beras yang difermentasi, tetes tebu dan nira. Dari kacang hijau dan kedelai mereka menghasilkan taoge, tauco dan kecap. Mereka juga mengajarkan pembuatan bata dan genting sebagai pengganti batu dan rumbia untuk membangun rumah. Demikian juga mereka mengajarkan menjahit baju dan menyamak kulit untuk keperluan busana. Di bidang pengobatan, pengaruh kebudayaan Tionghoa sangat kental. Seperti kita ketahui, jamu yang sangat terkenal, yang menjadi pusaka peninggalan dari kraton-kraton Jawa sangat mirip dengan obatobatan Tionghoa. Jamu merupakan ramuan yang menggunakan bahan-bahan dari dedaunan, rempah-rempah dan akar-akaran. Cara penyajiannya dengan merebus daun-

daunan obat atau menumbuk dan menggilingnya, identik dengan obat-obatan Tionghoa yang telah berusia ribuan tahun. Pengobatan dengan jamu-jamuan ini hanya berasal dari Jawa dan Madura, tidak berasal dari kepulauan lain di Nusantara. Belum lagi permainan pencak silat, permainan judi dan kebiasaan membakar petasan atau mercon pada masa bulan Ramadhan dan menyambut Idul Fitri atau pada upacaraupacara perkawinan atau khitanan dan sebagainya, yang dilakukan umat Islam di pedesaan di pulau Jawa, jelas merupakan tradisi yang dipengaruhi tradisi Tionghoa yang membawa kebiasaan ini dari daratan Tiongkok, tempat asal petasan tersebut. Masih banyak lagi contoh-contoh pengaruh budaya Tionghoa dalam kehidupan kita sehari-hari yang tentunya tidak dapat kita tuliskan satu-persatu di makalah ini. Demikianlah sekilas keadaan masyarakat Tionghoa di masa sebelum kedatangan orangorang kulit putih dan di masa penjajahan Belanda baik di bawah VOC maupun di bawah pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda. Pembantaian 1740, aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa VOC Ketika orang-orang Belanda di bawah pimpinan Cornelis de Houtman pada 23 Juni 1596 berhasil mendarat di pelabuhan Banten, ternyata orang Portugis telah lama mempunyai kantor dagang di sana. Ketika tiba di Nusantara orang-orang Belanda dan kemudian Inggris menjumpai pemukiman-pemukiman Tionghoa di kebanyakan Bandar di Asia Tenggara seperti di Hoi An, Patani, Banten, Phnom Penh, dan Manila. Pada 1642 di Hoi An terdapat 45.000 orang Tionghoa dan pada 1600 di Banten ada 3.000 orang Tionghoa.[14][14] Terbukti dalam sejarah bahwa kedatangan Belanda ini mengubah peta poltik di seluruh Nusantara. Salah satu "jasa" Belanda adalah berusaha menyatukan seluruh wilayah Nusantara ke dalam genggamannya, yang pada ujungnya melahirkan gerakan kebangkitan nasional di kemudian hari. Dengan kedatangan Belanda, hubungan orang-orang Tionghoa yang begitu harmonis dengan penduduk setempat, berangsur-angsur mulai menjadi renggang. Belanda memandang hubungan harmonis antara etnis Tionghoa dan penduduk setempat sebagai "duri" dan suatu bahaya bagi niat mereka menguasai Nusantara. Belanda kemudian mulai menjalankan politik devide et impera atau pecah belah dan mengeluarkan berbagai kebijakan dan peraturan yang bertujuan memisahkan orangorang Tionghoa dari penduduk setempat. Antara lain dengan "mengekslusifkan" tempat tinggal mereka melalui "wijkenstelsel dan "passenstelsel". Demikian juga cara berpakaian orang-orang Tionghoa diatur oleh pihak penguasa kolonial. Ketika itu orang Tionghoa dilarang memakai pakaian model Eropa (Barat) atau memakai pakaian Jawa atau pribumi lainnya. Bagi yang melanggar diancam hukuman denda atau kurungan penjara. Kebijaksanaan memisahkan kelompok-kelompok ini menguatkan sikap acuh tak acuh di antara kelompok-kelompok, dan bagi Belanda lebih mudah untuk mengendalikan orang Tionghoa dari pakaiannya, tempat pemukimannya dan tandatanda yang mudah dikenali yang ada pada mereka. Sampai akhir abad ke-19 orang Tionghoa di Hindia Belanda dilarang memakai pakaian model Eropa, yaitu jas dan celana pantalon. Pasal 128 Regeeringreglement 1854 memerintahkan para gubernur jenderal mengatur sekolah untuk anak-anak negeri, namun tidak termasuk anak-anak Tionghoa, sehingga

mereka tidak dapat diterima baik di Europeesche School maupun Inlandsche School. Jadi bagi anak- anak Tionghoa tidak disediakan sekolah sama sekali. Sebaliknya segelintir orang-orang Tionghoa dijadikan alat pemerintah Hindia-Belanda untuk memeras rakyat dengan menjadikan mereka pachter pajak, pachter judi, pachter madat dan pachter gadai. Semua ini semakin menguatkan kesan buruk, kebencian dan sentimen anti Tionghoa sebagian orang Jawa terhadap orang Tionghoa. Pada 1854, pemerintah Hindia-Belanda melakukan politik segregasi dengan membagibagi penduduk menjadi tiga kelompok. Yang pertama kelompok orang Eropa termasuk ke dalamnya orang-orang Indo Eropa. Yang kedua kedua kelompok Vreemde Ooosterlingen atau Orang Timur Asing yang terdiri dari orang Tionghoa, Arab dan orang Asia lainnya. Yang ketiga kelompok inlander atau pribumi. Peraturan ini dimuat dalam Staatsblad No. 2, Jo.1 Pasal 131. Jo.61 Wet op de staats inrichting van NederlandschIndie atau Indische Staats regeling (IS) tahun 1855. Ketiga kelompok ini tunduk kepada sejumlah buku undang-undang yang berbeda dan diadili di pengadilan yang berbeda-beda pula. Tetapi khusus untuk masalah perdagangan, sejak awal VOC, bagi orang Tionghoa diberlakukan Hukum Dagang Belanda, sepanjang hukum itu masih dapat diterapkan. Selain dari masalah perdagangan terutama dalam masalah kriminal, status orang Tionghoa disamakan dengan golongan inlander dan perkaranya diadili di landraad atau politieroll. Dengan diberlakukannya undang-undang ini lengkap sudah politik pecah belah dan adu domba pemerintah Hindia-Belanda terhadap penduduk Nusantara terutama di Pulau Jawa. Aksi kekerasan pertama terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa di Nusantara adalah Peristiwa Pembunuhan Orang-orang Tionghoa (Chinezenmoord) 1740. Dalam aksi kekerasan yang berlangsung selama dua minggu tersebut, hampir 10.000 orang Tionghoa tewas, dibunuh secara kejam oleh tentara Belanda dengan dibantu orang-orang Eropa lainnya, para kelasi kapal, para gelandangan, orang-orang Sepoy (India), para tukang dan budak. Pembunuhan yang terjadi di masa pemerintahan Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier ini bertujuan mengeliminasi orang-orang Tionghoa yang jumlahnya dianggap telah membahayakan posisi orang-orang Belanda. Demikian juga orang-orang Tionghoa ini dianggap telah mendominasi perdagangan dan perkebunan serta pabrik gula yang banyak berdiri di seputar Batavia. Pada 1740 terdapat 2.500 rumah orang Tionghoa di dalam tembok kota Batavia, sedangkan seluruh jumlah orang Tionghoa termasuk yang berada di luar tembok kota diperkirakan berjumlah tidak kurang dari 15.000 orang. Jumlah tersebut merupakan 17% dari seluruh jumlah penduduk di daerah tersebut. Ada kemungkinan jumlah orang Tionghoa sebenarnya jauh lebih besar, karena berdasarkan sensus yang diadakan pada 1778, sebesar 26% dari jumlah penduduk yang berada di luar tembok kota adalah orang-orang Tionghoa. Sedangkan pada masa pemerintahan Inggris (1811-1816) jumlah orang Tionghoa merupakan 24% dari seluruh jumlah penduduk yang berdiam di dalam dan di luar tembok kota. Namun suatu hal yang jelas sangat berbeda dengan apa yang terjadi dengan Peristiwa Mei 1998 adalah tindakan pihak VOC yang dengan segera mengambil tindakan dengan memecat dan kemudian menangkap Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier di Capetown, Afrika Selatan dalam perjalanannya pulang ke Belanda. Ia kemudian dibawa

padahal Taiwanlah yang mendapat pengakuan diplomatic dari kepulauan Salomon. Pemeriksaan Valckenier berlangsung berbelit-belit dan berkepanjangan sampai hampir sepuluh tahun lamanya. untuk gampangnya orang. Mungkin karena kebanyakan perantau Tionghoa pada masa itu adalah pedagang. ibukota Kepulauan Salomon. merupakan lembaran hitam yang mencoreng muka pemerintah Belanda dan merupakan kejadian pertama dalam sejarah orang Tionghoa di perantauan. Di seluruh Jawa Tengah dan di sepanjang Bengawan Solo. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa semasa Perang Jawa Pada 23 September 1825 yang merupakan masa awal Perang Jawa.kembali ke Batavia dan dimasukkan ke penjara Robijn di benteng Batavia. orang-orang Spanyol menyebut orang Tionghoa dengan sebutan sangley bukan "Cina". Tanpa memperdulikan jerit dan tangisan perempuan dan anak-anak yang sangat memilukan. pembantaian orang-orang Tionghoa terjadi berulang-ulang. penguasa Spanyol di Manila membantai ribuan orang "sangley". di jalanan dan di rumah-rumah yang penuh lumuran darah. sehari setelah anggota parlemen memilih Snyder Rini sebagai perdana menteri.pedagang yang berasal dari provinsi Hokkian. Akhirnya ia meninggal dunia pada 1751 dan pemeriksaan terhadap dirinya dihentikan. namun warga Tiongkok maupun Taiwan menolak tuduhan tersebut.Jawa Timur yang terletak di tepi Bengawan Solo. aksi kekerasan meletup di Honiara. pembunuhan terhadap orang Tionghoa perantauan terjadi kembali. yang diduga berasal dari dari kata "sengli" yang dalam bahasa Hokkian berarti dagang. Pemerintah RRT segera mengirim pesawat charter China Southern Airline dari Guangzhou untuk mengangkut 300 warganya kembali ke Tiongkok. Perlu diketahui sampai pertengahan abad ke-19.[16][16] Setelah peristiwa pembunuhan di Batavia sekelompok orang Tionghoa yang sakit hati dan dendam di bawah pimpinan Que Panjang atau Sie Panjang (Oei Panko) menuju Jawa Tengah dan bersekutu dengan sejumlah Pangeran Jawa untuk melakukan perlawanan terhadap VOC. Apa yang menyebabkan pembantaian orang-orang Jawa Tengah terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa? Padahal mereka sebelumnya hidup damai dan rukun serta saling membantu dengan penduduk Jawa tempat mereka tinggal? Pemimpin pasukan yang melakukan . Akibat kerusuhan tersebut sekitar 150 keluarga Tionghoa kehilangan rumah dan tempat usahanya karena dijarah dan dirusak/dibakar massa. Tubuh-tubuh yang telah terpotong-potong dibiarkan bergelimpangan di muka pintu. puteri Sultan Hamengku Buwono I menyerbu Ngawi sebuah kota kecil di perbatasan Jawa Tengah . Pembantaian di Ngawi tersebut ternyata bukan satu-satunya kejadian pada masa permulaan Perang Jawa. habis dibantai. Namun ternyata pada 1762. Massacre yang dipimpin VOC di Batavia terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa ini. seluruh anggota masyarakat Tionghoa yang terdapat di Ngawi. Sebaliknya pemerintah Taiwan tidak berbuat apa-apa untuk membantu warga Tionghoa setempat yang menjadi korban aksi kekerasan tersebut. Sekali ini.orang Spanyol menyebut orang –orang Tionghoa sangley. Aksi kekerasan tersebut terjadi karena warga setempat menuduh warga asal Tiongkok dan Taiwan menyuap anggota parlemen untuk mempengaruhi hasil pemilihan perdana menteri.[15][15] Baru-baru ini kita dikejutkan dengan berita bahwa pada 17 April 2006. sebuah pasukan berkuda di bawah pimpinan Raden Ayu Yudakusuma.

pangeran dan pejabat kesultanan banyak yang mengambil perempuan peranakan Tionghoa yang cantik-cantik dan berkulit putih bersih untuk dijadikan selirnya. Hubungan orang-orang Tionghoa dengan penduduk setempat di Jawa yang telah berjalan selama ratusan tahun. pangkalan di sungai-sungai. ternyata mengalami banyak perkembangan. Tionghoa muslim bernama Endrasena. memasuki segala bidang kehidupan di Jawa. banyak laporan yang dibuat orang-orang Jawa bahwa raja pendeta dari Giri mendapat bantuan dari 200 orang Tionghoa penembak cepat yang dipimpin oleh seorang anak angkatnya. Terutama dalam pekerjaan memungut pajak untuk menjalankan roda pemerintahan dan memenuhi kebutuhan pribadinya. Pada 1636 ketika Pangeran Pekik dari Surabaya menaklukkan Giri. Oleh karena semakin banyak yang ingin terjun di bidang yang dianggap basah ini. ikut berjuang bersama-sama pasukan Pangeran Diponegoro. Orang-orang Tionghoa juga telah memberikan sumbangan yang besar dalam pengembangan ketrampilan dan teknologi militer.Migrasi orang-orang Tionghoa yang mengalir dengan deras setelah Belanda membuka pintu demi kepentingan ekonomi kolonial yang sedang dibangunnya. kaliber 18 pon. senjata. Orang-orang Tionghoa juga dijadikan bandar-bandar pemungut pajak di jalan-jalan utama. Karena para sultan selalu kekurangan uang. Malahan banyak orang Tionghoa yang ikut bertempur bahu-membahu melawan Belanda. terutama dalam menyediakan kebutuhan mereka akan uang perak. Demikian juga senjata. kadangkadang mereka harus membayar sampai dua atau tiga kali lebih besar dari yang seharusnya mereka bayar.senjata api dan mesiu. Orangorang Tionghoa ini berlomba-lomba melakukan penawaran untuk mendapatkan konsesi pemungutan pajak. menimbulkan dampak semakin tergantungnya para raja dan pejabat lainnya kepada mereka. Raden Ayu Yudakusuma. sudah tentu semakin mahal pula yang harus dibayarkan kepada para sultan tersebut. Peranan orang-orang Tionghoa muslim yang semakin besar di sejumlah kesultanan Islam yang ikut dibentuknya. Ketika terjadi pemberontakan Pangeran Trunajaya dari Madura.pembantaian di Ngawi. terutama para pedagang Tionghoa . pasar dan lain-lainnya. Malahan karena semakin ketatnya persaingan di antara mereka. yang kemudian berkembang menjadi kerajaan Mataram. pelabuhan. jembatan. Pada masa itu para sultan. Akibatnya para Bandar ini mencari jalan untuk memungut pajak yang sebesar-besarnya dengan cara yang lebih kejam kepada penduduk. maka mereka lalu meminjamnya dari para rentenir Tionghoa yang dengan senang hati akan selalu membantunya. Demikian juga tanah-tanah milik kesultanan banyak yang mereka sewakan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa yang dengan rajin akan mengolah sebaik-baiknya. Orang-orang Tionghoa di Gresik yang telah berabad-abad bermukim di sana membangun pusat persenjataan dan memproduksi meriam kuningan berukuran besar dan panjang. istri Bupati Wieasari yang sering sakitsakitan. Demikian juga banyak orang-orang peranakan Tionghoa. candu dan lain-lainnya. sebelumnya mempunyai hubungan yang baik dengan orang-orang Tionghoa Jawa Timur yang sering meminjaminya uang. ia dibantu oleh seorang komandan bangsa Tionghoa yang ahli senjata api.

Dari sinilah mulai tumbuh "rasa benci" orang-orang Jawa. orang Tionghoa banyak yang ingin bergabung dengan pasukan Pangeran Diponegoro. karena ia berpendapat bahwa hubungan dengan gadis-gadis Tionghoa hanya akan membawa sial dan malapetaka. para bandar pemungut pajak tersebut. yaitu untuk menghindari "pajak konde" dan pajak kepala yang dikenakan pemerintah Belanda kepada orang-orang Tionghoa. Banyaknya orang Tionghoa yang masuk Islam selain karena alasan praktis. melakukan hal yang sama di daerah-daerah yang telah dikuasainya. tetapi juga bagi kantung para pejabat setempat. Padahal mereka hanya menjadi alat dari kekuasaan yang ada. Malahan mereka juga menunjuk segelintir orang Tionghoa menjadi pachter candu dengan mengijinkan mereka membuka berbagai tempat pengisapan candu yang impornya dimonopoli mereka. Ia juga melarang mereka mengambil gadis-gadis peranakan Tionghoa menjadi gundiknya. untuk menjaga keselamatan mereka yang mengakibatkan makin meningkatnya sentimen politik terhadap orang Tionghoa. Demikian juga dengan rumah pelacuran (bordil) yang menyediakan perempuan-perempuan segar dan cantik untuk para pangeran dan pejabat kompeni Belanda. bukan saja bagi pemerintah. Sementara itu para Bandar pajak ini mendapatkan perlindungan hukum dari para Sultan atau pemerintah Hindia-Belanda. Baik dari para sultan Jawa maupun dari pemerintah Belanda maupun Inggris. Pembantaian terhadap orang Tionghoa pada awal Perang Jawa telah menimbulkan kekecewaan dan prasangka yang mendalam pada diri orang. Dengan masuk Islam mereka terbebas dari pajak-pajak yang dirasa sangat memberatkannya. Sesuai dengan apa yang ditulisnya sendiri di . Sebagai akibatnya para penjaga gerbang tol itu mengorganisasi diri dengan membentuk pasukan pengawal yang terdiri dari orang-orang Jawa. yang dilakukan para bandit setempat. Sikap takut dan curiga orang. sebenarnya lebih banyak disebabkan pertimbangan ekonomi. sehingga kedudukan mereka baru dapat diganti setelah ada persetujuan dari pihak kompeni. Rumah-rumah judi yang pengelolaannya dilakukan oleh orang-orang Tionghoa.menyesuaikan diri dengan masyarakat setempat dan mendekatkan diri dengan kultur Jawa. Hal ini tentu saja banyak menimbulkan ekses negatif yang berpotensi besar timbulnya konflik di antara penduduk Jawa dengan orang-orang Tionghoa. maka sang Pangeran mengeluarkan instruksi agar mereka masuk Islam terlebih dahulu dengan disunat dan memotong kuncirnya. Menjelang Perang Jawa terjadilah penjarahan dan pembakaran gerbanggerbang tol tempat pemungutan pajak di berbagai tempat.orang Tionghoa ini dibalas dengan sikap yang sama oleh orang-orang Jawa.orang Tionghoa terhadap orang Jawa. di luar Surakarta pada 15 Oktober 1826. Pangeran Diponegoro juga bersikap sama dengan melarang para komandannya melakukan hubungan yang akrab dengan orang-orang Tionghoa. bahkan banyak petugas gerbang tersebut yang dibunuh. Pada awal Perang Jawa. juga menjadi sumber penghasilan yang besar.sendiri yang kadang-kadang harus membayar sampai tiga kali lebih banyak dari yang harus dibayar orang Jawa. Demikian juga pemerintah Hindia-Belanda maupun Inggris yang melihat begitu efektifnya orang-orang Tionghoa dalam membantu para sultan Jawa dalam memungut pajak.terutama orang-orang Jawa Tengah di pedalaman kepada orang-orang Tionghoa yang dianggapnya sebagai pemeras dan pembawa sial dan kesengsaraan. Sikap Diponegoro ini disebabkan oleh pengalamannya sendiri ketika menghadapi kekalahan pertempuran di Gowok.

Persaingan antara pedagang batik dan rokok kretek Arab dengan pedagang-pedagang Tionghoa sengaja dihembus-hembuskan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dengan para penasehatnya dari Biro Umum Bumiputera. Selain itu sejumlah pabrik rokok dan batik habis dijarah dan dirusak. Prosesi ini di selenggarakan sebagai upaya menangkal wabah penyakit influenza yang menyerang kota Kudus dan telah meminta korban jiwa Karena wabah penyakit ini dikuatirkan akan meminta lebih banyak korban.[18][18] Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda Berdirinya Sarekat Dagang Islam (SDI) yang diprakarsai Tirto Adhi Soerjo pada awalnya sebenarnya bukan bertujuan untuk melawan pedagang Tionghoa yang dianggap pesaing utama para pedagang Islam. Pati. Ada 3 mayat orang Tionghoa yang bertumpuk di kamar mandi. Namun ada . masyarakat Tionghoa di Kudus yang masih percaya akan kebiasaan yang berbau tahayul lalu mengadakan upacara gotong Toapekong untuk menghentikan wabah tersebut.dalam Babad Dipanegara. Demikian juga ia menyalahkan kekalahan iparnya Sasradilaga. dengan maksud memojokkan etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia. di daerah Lasem karena melanggar perintahnya dengan menggauli seorang perempuan Tionghoa di Lasem. dalam pertempuran di pesisir utara. Pandangannya yang keliru dan bersifat rasis inilah yang seolaholah menjadi "mitos" bahwa orang-orang Tionghoa hanya membawa sial. telah menimbulkan anggapan Pangeran Diponegoro bahwa kalahnya dia dalam pertempuran dengan Belanda disebabkan orang-orang Tionghoa yang membawa sial dan malapetaka.[17][17] Kenyataan bahwa komandan-komandan pasukannya banyak yang menggauli gadisgadis Tionghoa sebagai hiburan dan penggunaan candu secara bebas di antara prajuritnya. yang sampai sekarang masih dihembus-hembuskan oleh kalangan tertentu. Demak dan daerah sekitarnya. Perisitiwa kerusuhan ini diawali dengan perkelahian antara sejumlah pemuda Tionghoa yang sedang melakukan prosesi arak-arakan gotong Toapekong dengan sejumlah pemuda SI. pemerintah kolonial Belanda melakukan politik adu domba dan berusaha membenturkan kepentingan pedagang. Dalam perkembangannya SI menjadi organisasi yang paling militan pada masa itu dalam berjuang melawan penjajah Belanda. Ada mayat gadis yang masuk kedalam bak mandi namun karena rumahnya terbakar matang terebus. ada mayat yang sudah menjadi arang dan tertimbun puingpuing rumah yang habis terbakar.[19][19] SDI kemudian berubah menjadi Sarekat Islam (SI) dan berkembang dengan pesat sehingga anggotanya mencapai setengah juta orang. Korban yang luka-luka mencapai ratusan orang yaitu kaum perusuh yang diserang polisi. Korban meninggal dunia ada 16 orang yang terdiri dari orang-orang Tionghoa dan para perusuh. Untuk mengalihkan konflik. Ada 40 rumah/toko yang habis dijarah dan dibakar dan sebuah klenteng dirusak. ia telah terjebak dan "dihancurkan" oleh kecantikan seorang gadis Tionghoa yang tertangkap di daerah Panjang dan kemudian dijadikan tukang pijitnya. Pada malam itu semua rumah dan toko milik orang Tionghoa di kota Kudus habis dijarah dan dibakar oleh ribuan massa Sarekat Islam yang datang dari Mayong.pedagang Islam yang dipelopori para pedagang Arab dengan pedagang Tionghoa yang menjadi saingan utamanya. Terjadilah sejumlah bentrokan kecil antara kedua kelompok pedagang tersebut yang mencapai puncaknya pada Kamis malam 31 Oktober 1918 di kota Kudus yang terkenal dengan Peristiwa Peroesoehan di Koedoes. Jepara.

karena ketika pasukan Jepang mendarat di Jawa dan Sumatera. suasana menjadi chaos dan terjadi penggedoran dan penjarahan terhadap semua pabrik dan gudang milik Belanda dan Tionghoa oleh orang-orang Indonesia. Di Jawa Barat kota. Kerugian paling banyak dialami orang. dan Bogor telah menjadi pilihan para pengusaha Tionghoa.kota besar mendobrak dan menjarah toko-toko P&D yang ditinggalkan pemiliknya untuk mengungsi. Namun pada keesokan malamnya terjadilah kerusuhan tersebut. beberapa orang dinyatakan bebas karena terbukti tidak bersalah. Namun situasi ini berubah sepenuhnya pada saat tentara Jepang mendarat di Jawa. Perbuatan ini telah mendorong rakyat yang hidup serba kekurangan untuk meniru tindakan para anggota militer Belanda tersebut. dan kebudayaan. ekonomi. Namun terlepas dari semuanya. Peristiwa kerusuhan di Kudus yang merupakan puncak dari berbagai kerusuhan kecil yang dimulai di Surabaya dan Solo pada 1912. Untuk mengantisipasi serangan pasukan Jepang. Pada 25 Pebruari 1919 dibacakan vonis hakim yang menjatuhkan hukuman terberat 15 tahun dan teringan 9 bulan. Tentara Belanda yang mengundurkan diri dari kota. Ketika berlangsung prosesi. kelompok tersebut lalu mengganggu dan mengejek para peserta upacara itu. Yang paling disesalkan masyarakat Tionghoa Kudus.sekelompok haji yang menjadi pengusaha pabrik rokok kretek yang selama ini merasa dirugikan. Mereka menggunakan kesempatan ini menghasut para pengurus dan anggota SI setempat dengan melakukan sejumlah provokasi. pemerintah kolonial Belanda dalam usahanya menegakkan "law and order" masih mau menyeret para pelaku dan dalangnya ke pengadilan. Sindanglaya. Hal ini juga dilakukan pengusaha-pengusaha Tionghoa di Batavia. Ratusan perusuh yang ditangkap. Maka terjadilah berbagai aksi perampokan dan penjarahan toko-toko dan rumah-rumah orang Tionghoa yang ditinggalkan pemiliknya untuk mengungsi. karena kalah bersaing dengan para pengusaha Tionghoa. Pembauran dan integrasi orang-orang Tionghoa dengan orang-orang Jawa yang selama ratusan tahun berjalan dengan harmonis berhasil dirusak Belanda dengan menjalankan politik segregasi di segala bidang. baik politik. Ratusan pabrik milik orang Tionghoa dihancurkan pasukan Belanda yang sedang mengundurkan diri. Peristiwa kerusuhan Kudus membuktikan keberhasilan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dalam mengadu domba etnis Tionghoa dengan golongan pribumi. hukum. .orang Tionghoa di Jawa Barat dan Jawa Tengah. Ternyata kebijaksanaan ini keliru. pihak keamanan Belanda tidak segera menghentikan kerusuhan itu dan setelah jatuh banyak korban baru meminta bantuan polisi dari Semarang.kota kecil seperti Cibadak. Ternyata para pemuda Tionghoa tersebut terpancing dan terjadi perkelahian yang kemudian berhasil dilerai. adalah awal dari rangkaian kerusuhan rasial anti Tionghoa yang berlangsung selama abad ke-20. namun hanya 69 orang saja yang diajukan ke pengadilan. perusahaan-perusahaan Belanda telah memindahkan persediaan barangnya ke kota-kota kecil di pedalaman. Evakuasi mencapai puncaknya ketika pemerintah Hindia-Belanda memerintahkan agar para pengusaha Tionghoa menyingkir dari kotakota besar. Dari 130 pabrik gula yang berada di pulau Jawa pada 1940. beberapa bulan sebelumnya. hanya 32 yang selamat dari perusakan. Masa sebelum Perang Dunia II biasa disebut zaman "normal" karena pemerintah HindiaBelanda dianggap berhasil menegakkan hukum dan menjaga kemanan sehingga penduduk merasa aman dari berbagai tindakan kejahatan (kriminal).

Di daerah pedalaman.J. perkebunan-perkebunan di sekitar Medan. sembilan dari sepuluh toko dijarah habis.Aksi penjarahan tersebut hanya berlangsung beberapa hari karena berhasil diredam pasukan Jepang yang bertindak tegas terhadap para penjarah tersebut dan hukuman mati dijatuhkan kepada mereka yang terlibat dalam kerusuhan bersenjata. mengalami nasib yang sama dengan kedua orang tersebut. Moh. Oei Tjong Hauw. Hatta sebagai wakil Presiden. pengusaha tekstil terkemuka lainnya menderita kerugian 280. . UUD 1945 disahkan dan Ir. department store terbesar yang memindahkan stok barangnya ke Sukabumi. Setelah melalui berbagai perundingan yang menghasilkan berbagai perjanjian yang merugikan Republik antara lain Perjanjian Linggajati dan Perjanjian Renville.Soekarno sebagai ketua dan Drs. pusat perdagangan pengusaha Tionghoa dan grosir tekstil menderita kerugian terbesar. dan Tan Eng Hoa. Di dalam sidang PPKI pada 18 Agustus 1945.Kemudian pada 7 Agustus 1945 di Jakarta diumumkan terbentuknya Dokuritu Zunbi Inkai atau Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI) yang dipimpin Ir. Daerah Tanjung Priok juga mengalami nasib yang sama. H. Oei Tiang Tjoei. Demikian juga di daerah Jembatan Lima.pasukan Belanda bergerak dari Jakarta dan Bandung untuk menduduki Jawa Barat dan dari Surabaya untuk menduduki Madura dan ujung timur Jawa. tambang-tambang dan kilang minyak serta tambang batu bara di sekitar Palembang dan Padang diduduki. Soekarno diangkat menjadi Presiden pertama RI dan Drs. Di daerah Krawang. Yap Tjwan Bing dipilih menjadi anggota mewakili etnis Tionghoa. Tentara Kerajaan Belanda kemudian berusaha kembali ke Indonesia dengan mendompleng tentara sekutu dan mendirikan pemerintahan NICA (Netherlandsch Indies Civil Administration) dibawah pimpinan Letnan Gubernur Jenderal Dr. Kerugian yang diderita para pengusaha Tionghoa diperkirakan berjumlah 100 juta gulden. Daerah Pintu Kecil. Di Sumatera. beras dijarah habis dari gudang-gudang penggilingan beras. 7080% pengusaha Tionghoa menjadi korban penjarahan. diperkirakan jumlah kerugian mencapai dua juta gulden. Saiko Syikikan (Panglima Tertinggi Tentara Jepang ke-16 untuk Jawa dan Sematera) Letjen Kumakichi Harada mengumumkan pembentukan Dokoritu Zunbi Tyoosa Kai atau Badan Penyelidik Usaha.000 gulden.usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI) yang susunan anggotanya diumumkan pada 29 April 1945 dibawah pimpinan Dr. Pasukan. Dimulailah periode revolusi bersenjata melawan Belanda dalam mempertahankan Republik dan mengusir penjajah Belanda untuk selamalamanya dari bumi Indonesia.000 gulden. van Mook. Demikian juga dengan Hioe Nyan Yoeng. pada 20 Juli 1947 tengah malam. Tan Hoan Kie. Mereka ini termasuk para founding fathers yang merancang konsitusi atau UUD 1945 sebagai persiapan dalam menghadapi proklamasi kemerdekaan. Drs. Tjung See Gan seorang importir dan grosir tekstil terbesar yang memindahkan stok barangnya ke Cibadak menderita kerugian 370. Hatta sebagai Wakil Ketua. Demikian juga daerah sekitar Semarang diamankan. Moh. pemilik toko De Zon.[20][20] Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Perang Kemerdekaan Pada 1 Maret 1945. Ternyata terdapat empat orang Tionghoa yang diangkat menjadi menjadi anggota yaitu: Liem Koen Hian. KRT Radjiman Wedioningrat. Belanda melancarkan agresi militer atau "aksi polisionil" yang pertama. DI Jakarta pasukan Belanda menduduki kantor-kantor Republik Indonesia dan menangkap anggota-anggota delegasi yang sedang berunding dengan Belanda.

orang-orang Tionghoa mengamati dan mencatat dengan cermat seluruh kejadian yang menakutkan. Masyarakat Tionghoa lalu mengumumkan 11 Juni 1946 sebagai hari Duka Cita. Lim Tjoen Nio seorang gadis berusia 20 tahun dan Lim Tiang Tjeng seorang anak berusia 3 tahun dibakar hidup-hidup. dan Jawa Timur terjadi perampokan. malahan dengan oknum TKR. Gajah Mada No. Pembunuhan massal tersebut belum berhenti sampai pada 8 Juni. Di Medan terjadi gelombang pembunuhan. pabrik. Menurut laporan.besaran terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di daerah sebelah barat sungai Tangerang (Cisedane).Pada hari itu seluruh orang Tionghoa menyatakan ikut berkabung dengan menutup semua toko dan perusahaan miliknya dan sepanjang hari hanya berdiam di rumah.000 orang pengungsi di Jakarta yang datang dari daerah tersebut. pada September 1946 diserang . Lim Tjiaw Hie yang telah berusia 71 tahun. The New York Times edisi 6 Juni 1946 melaporkan 600 orang Tionghoa yang dituduh bekerja sama dengan Belanda dibunuh dan desanya dibakar. Di kota yang terletak di pantai timur Sumatera yang penduduknya hampir seluruhnya nelayan Tionghoa. Malahan di beberapa tempat terjadi pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang tak berdosa dengan tuduhan menjadi agen atau mata-mata NICA. termasuk 136 perempuan dan 36 anak-anak. Antara lain kawasan Mauk. perampokan dan penjarahan yang dilakukan para gangster dan kriminal yang bekerja sama dengan oknum. dan berbagai harta benda milik orang Tionghoa. Menurut laporan yang diterima Palang Merah Jang Seng Ie Jakarta. perusahaan. Demikian juga perempuan Tionghoa banyak yang diperkosa secara brutal. Di daerah Mauk malah laki-laki Tionghoa diminta membuka celananya untuk kemudian disunat secara paksa. Jawa Tengah.Ratusan orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa dibantai dengan kejam. 653 orang Tionghoa telah dibunuh di daerah Tangerang dan sekitarnya.oknum organsasi pemuda.188).Pasukan Republik dalam keadaan bingung dan panik akibat aksi polisionil Belanda yang tiba-tiba segera bergerak mundur ke pedalaman dan melakukan taktik bumi hangus serta menghancurkan segala apa yang dapat dihancurkan.[23][23] Di Bagan Siapi-api lain lagi. Dengan cepat aksi pembunuhan di Tangerang menyebar ke berbagai tempat. Peristiwa keji tersebut menimbulkan kegeraman di kalangan banyak orang. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Jawa Barat terjadi pada 3 Juni 1946 jauh sebelum aksi polisionil yang pertama.[22][22] Dalam keadaan stress.268 rumah dibakar habis dan 236 lainnya dirusak. di desa Panggang (Cilongok). Sebagian ada yang ditampung di gedung perkumpulan Sin Ming Hui. toko. 1. bengkel. termasuk perempuan dan anak-anak yang dibakar hidup-hidup. sejak tanggal 1 sampai 5 Juni terjadi 28 kasus pembakaran di sekitar Tangerang dimana orang-orang Tionghoa dibakar hidup-hidup. Diperkirakan ada 25. Terjadi pembunuhan besar. di Molenvliet West (Jl. Di berbagai tempat di Jawa Barat.[21][21] Pada 3 Juni 1946. Serpong dan Krawang. mayatnya ditumpuk dan hartanya dijarah lalu rumahnya dibakar. penjarahan dan pembakaran rumah-rumah. Namun dalam keadaan kacau dan tidak terkendali terjadi ekses terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa.

25. On Innocent Chinese Before And After The Dutch Police Action Was Enforced On July. 28. dan Rambogudono. 17. dan Mumbusari. Lawang. 35. 40. Di Bangko 20 orang Tionghoa dibunuh. Jatitujuh. pihak penyerbu terpaksa mengundurkan diri ke pedalaman sambil melakukan pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang ditemuinya. 16. di Djembra 75 orang. Outlining Acts And Inhumanity Perpetrated By Indonesian Bands. 1947. yaitu Memorandum. 26. Karena serangan tersebut gagal. Simpalan. para nelayan sering diganggu para perompak yang mendapat bantuan anggota Angkatan Laut Republik. Tegal. 7. Keselir Kulon. terutama sejak para tahanan penjara Kalisosok.000 orang anggota pasukan Angkatan Laut Republik. Karanganyar. dan Puger. 32. Pada 18 September 1946. Surabaya dilepaskan dan dipersenjatai serta direkrut ke dalam sejumlah satuan pasukan. 10. Sukateja. Cilacap. 18. Purbalingga. Jamblang dan Arjawinangun. Kejadian yang hebat terjadi di kawasan Jawa Timur. Wirolegi dan Aryoso. 23. dibantu 450 orang tentara menyerbu pemukiman Tionghoa di Bagan Siapi-api. Indramayu. 29. sekitar 4. Tempuran. Rajagaluh. 30. Picoro. 21. 27. Rawatamtu.Bangsa. Ciawigebang dan daerah sekitarnya. Sebelum penyerangan tersebut. 9. 31. Jatiwangi. 6.000 penduduk Tionghoa menghadapi bahaya kelaparan.penjarahan. 38. Rambipuji. perampokan. Salatiga. 39. Polisi juga dengan cepat mengambil bagian dalam serangan tersebut. Cikijing. Malang. namun mereka yang selamat melakukan perlawanan dengan menggunakan senjata seadanya. Prapatan. Kadipaten. 19. 8. Mjang. 14. Kutobeda dan Buring. Kencong. Sukowono. 12. di Mentaga 40 orang. Gumukmas. Nogosari. 200 orang Tionghoa meninggal dunia. pembakaran. Di Telok Poelau 34 orang. Gombong. 36. 20. Kalisat. 11. Manglis dan Panti. 37. Wangon. Dalam Memorandum tersebut dengan jelas dan rinci dilaporkan jumlah korban sebagai akibat penjarahan. Krawang dan Cikampek. Ceracas dan Cilimus. 22. Dembulsari. 3. 34. Jangawah. Curamalang. Jalaksana. 24. 21. Lumajang. Gugut. 13. pembunuhan dan perkosaan terhadap penduduk Tionghoa di daerah-daerah dan kota sebagai berikut: 1. Selanjutnya pada Januari 1947. Beberapa daerah di mana .[24][24] Selanjutnya untuk memberi gambaran yang lebih jelas mengenai para korban selama terjadi penjarahan. Purwokerto. 2. tidak kurang dari 2. Kuningan. Tanggul. Kemuning. Talaga dan sekitarnya. Menghadapi serangan yang tiba-tiba. Ambulu. Pembakaran.orang-orang Indonesia. 4. Petung. Tetapi banyak juga yang berhasil melarikan diri dan menurut Departemen Sosial Inggris. Majalengka. di Palembang 250 orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa dibunuh dan kerugian yang diderita diperkirakan 20 juta gulden. Sukabumi dan Cibadak. dan Sekar. Gajasan. 15.pemerkosaan dan pembunuhan terus berlangsung di berbagai daerah di Jawa dan Sumatera hingga akhir 1949. 33. Mengaran dan Jatiroto. Mereka ini dipersilahkan melakukan apa saja asal membantu pengosongan kota guna mendukung politik bumi hangus yang dipilih pihak Republik. perkosaan dan pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa sebagai ekses aksi polisionil pada Juli 1947 bisa dilihat laporan yang dikeluarkan Chung Hua Tsung Hui Batavia pada 15 September 1947 untuk Liga Bangsa. 5. Pekalongan. Menghadapi perlawanan tersebut. Maja. Bangsalsarie. Tanjong Rejo dan Wuluhan.000 orang menjadi pengungsi di Malaka. Sumberjambe. mereka berusaha mengisolasi kota Bagan Siapi-api sehingga sekitar 14. Jember. Kaliwining. Singosari. Bobotsari. Ledokombo.

Laki-laki dewasa dibagi dalam kelompok-kelompok lalu digiring ke hutanhutan dan pegunungan. Wlingi dan Malang. Memang revolusi memerlukan pengorbanan. tampak dengan jelas bahwa Belanda melakukan politik adu domba dengan mengorbankan orang-orang Tionghoa. Karena dalam setiap gerakan pasukan Belanda. Tulungagung. Semua yang diperoleh lalu dikumpulkan dan dibagi di antara para pembunuh.mayoritas Tionghoa jadi korban aksi penjarahan dan pembunuhan ini antara lain adalah daerah Kertosono.pembakaran. bahkan menyiksa dan membunuhnya. Mayat-mayat yang berserakan kemudian ditimbun dengan tanah. Begitu sampai di luar kota.bangunan vital saja yang harus dihancurkan.[25][25] Demikianlah rangkaian penjarahan. tetapi apa yang diderita etnis Tionghoa bukanlah pengorbanan tetapi kekonyolan yang sia-sia. Tindakan penjarahan dan pembakaran ini bukan saja usaha Belanda untuk mengadu domba pribumi Indonesia dengan orang Tionghoa. apabila akan memasuki suatu daerah atau kota. Caruban. toko dan rumah milik orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa yang menjadi sasaran penjarahan dan pembakaran. Kalau kita perhatikan dengan seksama. Madiun.penganiayaan. Sebenarnya sebelum kedatangan pasukan Belanda.perkosaan dan pembunuhan yang dialami orang-orang Tionghoa sebagai ekses revolusi kemerdekaan tahun 1946-1949. Malahan di Sukabumi pasukan Belanda melakukan pemberitahuan terlebih dahulu dengan menyebarkan pamflet. Keesokan harinya orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut diminta berkumpul di dalam lubang tersebut untuk kemudian ditembaki. namun dalam pelaksanaannya terjadi banyak ekses dan penyelewengan yang dilakukan oknum-oknum TRI yang diikuti laskar-laskar liar yang sukar dikendalikan. tetapi lebih dari itu merupakan suatu grand strategi Belanda untuk menghancurkan reputasi Republik Indonesia di mata Internasional. Kediri. Hal ini sebagai ekses taktik bumi hangus yang dijalankan oleh TRI yang dipelopori Divisi Siliwangi. Justeru bangunan-bangunan pabrik. sebelum tiba di sasaran mereka akan menghentikan gerakannya dan beristirahat terlebih dahulu. Kebanyakan pembunuhan dilakukan dengan cara menggiring semua orang Tionghoa keluar kota dengan mengatakan bahwa kota harus dikosongkan. Mereka lalu diminta membuat lubang yang kemudian ditumpuki kayu. penjarahan dan pembakaran dilakukan oleh pasukan Indonesia. Blitar. . Dengan segera Belanda menyiarkan seluruh kejadian yang menimpa orang Tionghoa dengan tujuan memojokkan Republik yang dianggap barbar dan belum layak untuk merdeka. Seharusnya hanya bangunan. Orang Tionghoa yang mengungsi biasa membawa semua anggota keluarga berikut harta bendanya. Sungguh sangat disayangkan para pemimpin Republik kurang waspada dan secara naïf memakan umpan yang disodorkan Belanda sehingga terjadi tindakan yang sangat merugikan reputasi Indonesia di mata dunia dan menyebabkan etnis Tionghoa harus menanggung semua penderitaannya. memberikan kesempatan kepada laskar-laskar dan gerombolan-gerombolan liar untuk menjarah dan membakar toko-toko dan rumah-rumah orang-orang Tionghoa. rombongan dipisahkan antara laki-laki dengan perempuan dan anak-anak. Baru ketika menghadapi kedatangan pasukan Belanda. walaupun penangkapan terhadap orangorang yang dicurigai sebagai mata-mata berlangsung dari waktu ke waktu. orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di daerah Republik tidak mengalami gangguan. Harta mereka yang kebanyakan emas dan permata yang dijahit diujung baju diambili. Nganjuk.

Demikian juga dengan Dr. Pada pertengahan 1958 praktis pemberontakan tersebut berhasil dipatahkan walaupun seluruh kekuatan para pemberontak baru berhasil dihancurkan pada 1961. pasal ini juga telah dirubah menjadi presiden dan wakil presiden adalah orang Indonesia sejak kelahirannya dan tidak pernah menerima kewarganegaraan lain atas kehendaknya sendiri. Ternyata UUDS ini berhasil mengakomodasi seluruh jiwa Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945 yang sangat esensial. Sehingga sebenarnya kekuasaan tidak berada di tangan Presiden Soekarno. Antara lain Pancasila dimasukkan kembali ke dalam Mukadimah UUDS tersebut. Ketentuan ini tidak disinggung sedikit pun dalam UUDS. Sebelumnya pada 2 Maret 1957 Saleh Sahade membacakan piagam Perjuangan Semesta Alam (PERMESTA). Pada 17 Pebruari 1958 PERMESTA menggabungkan diri dengan PRRI. UUDS 1950 disusun oleh Panitia Bersama yang terdiri dari 14 orang dan dibentuk oleh Badan Pekerja KNIP (Komite Nasional Indonesia Pusat) dan Pimpinan DPR-RIS. Selama berlakunya UUDS-1950 sampai dikeluarkannya Dekrit 5 Juli 1959 untuk kembali ke UUD-1945 oleh Presiden Soekarno. Disamping itu juga terjadi pemberontakan Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS) di bawah pimpinan Dr. Kartosuwiryo akhirnya berhasil tertangkap dalam sebuah operasi militer di hutan di Jawa Barat dan pada sidang Mahkamah Angkatan Darat Keadaan Perang untuk Jawa dan Madura (Mahadper) pada 16 Agustus 1962 dijatuhi hukuman mati. Kahar Muzakkar di Sulawesi Selatan dan Daud Beureu'eh di Aceh. dihidupkan kembali dalam Pasal 38 UUDS. saat memperingati hari ulang tahun Proklamasi Kemerdekaan. Pemberontakan tersebut hanya bertahan beberapa bulan. Hak-hak asasi manusia yang dalam UUD-1945 tidak dinyatakan secara jelas. Sementara Kahar Muzakkar tertembak mati dalam sebuah operasi militer di hutan Sulawesi Selatan. Yang terjadi adalah aksi-aksi kekacauan yang dilakukan gerombolan DI/TII Kartosuwiryo di Jawa Barat–Jawa Tengah. . Syukur dalam amandemen UUD-1945 ke-3 yang dilakukan MPR pada 21 Nopember 2001. Soumoukil.1959) dan Demokrasi Terpimpin (1959-1965).Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Demokrasi Parlementer (1950. Pada 17 Agustus 1950. Suatu hal yang sangat penting adalah dihapusnya Pasal 6 ayat 1 UUD-45 (pasal yang sangat rasialis) yang menyatakan presiden Indonesia adalah orang Indonesia asli. nyaris tidak terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang berarti. Bentuk negara adalah negara kesatuan menggantikan negara federal UUD-RIS. Kekacauan lain adalah pemberontakan PRRI/PERMESTA yang dimulai pada 15 Pebruari 1958 dengan diprokamirkannya Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI) oleh Kolonel Ahmad Husein. Republik Indonesia Serikat (RIS) sebagai hasil Konferensi Meja Bundar (KMB) yang berlangsung 23 Agustus-2 Nopember di Den Haag dibubarkan dan dideklarasikan berdirinya Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI) dengan Undang-Undang Dasar Sementara (UUDS) yang selesai disusun pada 24 Juli. Soumoukil yang berhasi ditangkap dan kemudian dijatuhi hukuman mati oleh Sidang Mahkamah Militer Luar Biasa (Mahmilub). Juga dinyatakan dalam UUDS bahwa sistim pemerintahan (kabinet) adalah parlementer yang tidak bertanggung jawab kepada presiden melainkan kepada parlemen. UUDS ini berlaku sampai dilaksanakannnya pemilihan umum yang akan menyusun UUD baru. dalam UUDS dicantumkan dengan mengambil oper seluruh Universal Declaration of Human Rights PBB yang telah disahkan oleh Sidang Umum PBB pada 10 Desember 1948. Pasal 33 UUD-1945 yang dihapus oleh UUD-RIS. Salah seorang anggotanya adalah Siauw Giok Tjhan.

Ia menyatakan bahwa peraturan semacam ini tidak bisa dikeluarkan oleh seorang menteri. Presiden Soekarno secara de fakto baru benar-benar memegang kekuasaan sejak 5 Juli 1959 dengan membentuk kabinet gotong royong dan menerapkan doktrin Demokrasi Terpimpin. Demikian juga seluruh perusahaan milik orang-orang Kuomintang diambil alih militer. sehingga dalam kabinet yang dibentuk setelah 5 Juli 1959 ia tidak diikut-sertakan. Ia juga memperingatkan kalau sampai orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut diusir dari tempat kediaman dan usahanya di daerah pedalaman. Ketika peraturan ini diterbitkan. Seluruh pimpinannya ditangkap atau melarikan diri ke luar negeri. Sudah tentu hal ini sangat merugikan para pedagang Islam yang baru bermunculan. Presiden Soekarno pada November 1959 dengan tiba-tiba menandatangani Peraturan Pemerintah N0. Tanpa terduga sebelumnya. Ada yang berpendapat bahwa Presiden Soekarno mendapat tekanan dari militer dan partai-partai Islam. Presiden Soekarno sangat marah kepada Rachmat Moeljomiseno. berisi larangan bagi orang asing untuk tinggal dan berdagang di daerah pedalaman. akan menimbulkan kemunduran ekonomi Indonesia. yaitu di luar ibukota daerah swatantra tingkat I dan tingkat II yang berlaku sejak 1 Januari 1960. Apa yang sesungguhnya menjadi alasan sehingga Presiden Soekarno akhirnya menandatangani peraturan tersebut tetap menjadi tanda tanya dan kontroversi. Pada umumnya perdagangan eceran di daerah pedalaman didominasi para pedagang Tionghoa yang telah mempunyai pengalaman dan jaringan beberapa generasi. pada Agustus 1958. sehingga terjadi kesimpang siuran dalam menentukan yang mana asing dan mana WNI. Siauw Giok Tjhan segera menentangnya di DPR. karena pada masa itu Undang-Undang Kewarganegaraan Tahun 1958 belum dilaksanakan. seorang tokoh NU yang pernah aktif di KENSI. kegiatan Kuomintang dilarang di seluruh Indonesia.daerah pedalaman yang otomatis mendapatkan perlindungan hukum internasional yang harus dipatuhi pemerintah Indonesia. Rupanya peraturan ini sengaja dikeluarkan pada saat Presiden Soekarno sedang berada di luar negeri. Semua sekolah Kuomintang di seluruh Indonesia ditutup dan gedungnya dijadikan sekolah negeri. Sebenarnya PP-10 ini merupakan kelanjutan dari Peraturan Menteri Perdagangan Kabinet Djuanda yang dijabat Rachmat Moeljomiseno. Para . melainkan harus merupakan sebuah undang-undang yang disahkan DPR.Karena keterlibatan Taiwan dalam pemberontakan PRRI/PERMESTA. Ketika kembali dari lawatannya ke luar negeri dan mengetahui adanya peraturan tersebut. Sudah tentu peraturan yang rasialis ini sangat mengejutkan dan menggoncangkan sendisendi kehidupan orang Tionghoa di Indonesia. Para penguasa militer di daerahdaerah dengan seenaknya mengusir bukan saja orang-orang Tionghoa asing tetapi juga orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdasarkan UU Kewarganegaraan tahun 1946 telah menjadi warga negara Indonesia. Siauw Giok Tjhan menyatakan bahwa orang-orang Tionghoa mempunyai usaha yang legal di daerah.Peraturan ini berisi larangan bagi orang-orang asing (terutama ditujukan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa) untuk berdagang eceran di daerah-daerah pedalaman. Keahlian dan pengalaman yang dimiliki orang-orang Tionghoa yang telah beberapa generasi lamanya akan merusak dan melumpuhkan jaringan distribusi di daerah pedalaman. Peraturan tersebut dikeluarkan pada Mei 1959.10 atau yang lebih terkenal dengan sebutan PP-10.

Tindakan paling buruk dilakukan pihak militer di Jawa Barat dibawah pimpinan Kolonel Kosasih. Orang Tionghoa dianggap semuanya berstatus dwikewarganegaraan atau asing. Hal ini terjadi karena Pengadilan menjatuhkan vonis bebas kepada putera Dr. Pada saat itu timbul keguncangan dan demam repatriasi di kalangan masyarakat Tionghoa. pemerintah RRT menyampaikan protes-protesnya dan menyatakan kesediaannya menampung korban PP-10 dengan mengirimkan beberapa kapalnya dan mengangkut mereka untuk ditempatkan di berbagai tempat di Tiongkok. Brasil dan negara-negara lainnya untuk mencari kehidupan baru di sana. Sebuah mobil di muka toko Medan. ditambah lagi dengan kendala bahasa ternyata menimbulkan banyak kesengsaraan. Berbagai cerita yang penuh penderitaan di daratan Tiongkok menyebabkan menurunnya minat orang-orang Tionghoa untuk kembali ke Tiongkok. Pelaksanaan PP-10 ini menimbulkan ketegangan hubungan diplomatik RI. berbondong. Pada saat pulang dari pengadilan para pemuda pribumi mulai melakukan perusakan terhadap toko-toko milik Tionghoa dengan cara melemparinya dengan batu.bondong berangkat ke tanah harapan. Peristiwa ini diawali di Cirebon pada akhir Maret 1963. Serawak. Peristiwa ini meminta korban harta benda orang Tionghoa yang cukup besar. Murad (seorang aktivis PSI) yang menjadi tertuduh dalam kecelakaan lalu lintas di jalan raya Gronggong. sehingga oleh pihak militer mereka dipaksa meninggalkan tempat kediamannya. Murad menabrak seorang pemuda Tionghoa yang kemudian meninggal dunia. Bukan hanya para pedagang tetapi yang tidak berdagang pun diusir.RRT. di pinggiran Cirebon. Dengan dikeluarkannya peraturan tersebut mereka merasa diuntungkan. lalu terjadi terjadi perkelahian di halaman pengadilan antara pemuda-pemuda tersebut dengan sekelompok pemuda pribumi. gelombang tersebut surut sama sekali. Pada awalnya bukan hanya mereka yang menjadi korban PP-10. Melalui Duta Besar Huang Chen dan Radio Peking. akhirnya mereka berusaha ke luar dari daratan Tiongkok untuk dapat bermukim di Hongkong. Macau dan negara lainnya. Pada masa itu lebih dari 136. Amerika. Eropa. Terjadi perkelahian di Pengadilan Negeri Cirebon antara pemuda-pemuda Tionghoa dengan pemuda-pemuda pribumi.000 orang Tionghoa yang meninggalkan Indonesia untuk bermukim kembali di Tiongkok. Tetapi kondisi dan sistim masyarakat di tempat baru serta kebiasaan di tempat lama di Indonesia. Berbagai insiden menyedihkan terjadi. Rupanya vonis hakim yang membebaskan tertuduh tidak memuaskan keluarga korban dan teman-temannya. tetapi banyak juga pemuda dan pelajar Tionghoa yang menyambut dengan gembira dan dengan penuh semangat berbekal keranjang-keranjang rotan dan peti-peti besar berisi berbagai macam keperluan. sehingga pada akhir 1960-an.pedagang Islam yang pada umumnya berkiblat ke NU dan Masjumi merasa sulit bersaing dengan pedagang Tionghoa. Dalam kecelakaan tersebut putera Dr. seperti di Cimahi pada Juli 1960. Ada juga orang-orang Tionghoa yang memilih pindah ke Singapore. seorang perempuan Tionghoa mati tertembak karena ia bersama keluarganya mencoba bertahan dan tidak mau meninggalkan tempat kediamannya. . Satu-satunya aksi kekerasan anarkis yang terjadi dimasa Demokrasi Terpimpin adalah peristiwa rasialis 10 Mei 1963 di Jawa Barat. Merasa tidak betah.

Jumlah toko yang dirusak 316 sedangkan barang-barang isi toko tersebut habis dibakar. Namun kejadian tersebut dapat segera diatasi dan tidak berlanjut. hanya saja pada 5-6 Mei sempat menjalar ke Tegal. rumah tinggal dan kendaraan milik Tionghoa menjadi korban perusakan para pemuda anarkis. Peristiwa di Tegal telah menimbulkan kerugian materiil sebesar 650 juta. Kerusuhan dimulai dari daerah Tegallega. Di Cianjur 137 kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar. anggota Dewan Kurator ITB dan anggota Panitia Ujian Fakultas Farmasi Universitas Padjadjaran. Sebuah mobil baru milik Yap Tjwan Bing habis dibakar massa pemuda. sedangkan Peristiwa 10 Mei di Bandung telah mengakibatkan kerugian pada 500 buah toko. 16 rumah tinggal hancur dilempari massa anarkis. 2 pabrik aci dibakar yaitu di kampung Cijambu. 12 sedan. Sudah tentu para pemimpin . 1 pabrik aci atau tapioka dan I pabrik teh). 20 oplet. 57 oplet. dan Sukabumi. Kerusuhan tersebut diawali dengan perkelahian di kampus ITB antara seorang mahasiswa Tionghoa dengan seorang mahasiswa pribumi karena terjadi senggolan sepeda motor.Kerugian lainnya 120 ton aci habis dibakar. 4 pick-up dan 11 sepeda motor. 4 mobil tangki minyak. anggota Dewan Pimpinan Pusat PNI. demikian juga bungalownya di Lembang di rusak. aksi kerusuhan anti Tionghoa tersebut menjalar ke Bandung. karena istrinya menjadi trauma dan kuatir apabila kejadian serupa terulang kembali. Kerusakan lainnya 4 pabrik di bakar (1 pabrik kertas. Kemudian dipelopori mahasiswa ITB dan mahasiswa Universitas Padjadjaran. Demikian juga Baperki mempunyai pandangan yang sama. Bogor. Sebuah pabrik teh dibakar. 1 pabrik tenun. rumah tinggal dan kendaraan milik orang Tionghoa di Bandung. Kendaraan lainnya yang menjadi korban.di jalan Pasuketan dibakar massa menyebabkan terjadi kepanikan di kalangan masyarakat Tionghoa Cirebon. 7 bus. Malahan kabarnya terdapat korban jiwa dalam aksi kerusuhan itu. Di luar kota Ciamis selain sebuah pabrik soun di Cisaga. Di samping itu 2 becak dibakar para pengemudinya. dimulailah aksi perusakan toko-toko. 4 jeep. 1 pick-up dan 2 sepeda motor. Yap Tjwan Bing. 3 bus. Ironis sekali salah seorang yang menjadi korban adalah Drs. Di Sukabumi 98 kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar. Padahal salah seorang anaknya menderita lumpuh akibat terkena penyakit polio. Kejadian inilah yang menyebabkan Yap Tjwan Bing dan keluarganya meninggalkan Indonesia untuk menetap di Belanda dan kemudian pindah ke Amerika Serikat.[26][26] Dari Bandung aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa menjalar ke kota-kota sekelilingnya antara lain Garut. ratusan rumah tinggal. 35 becak dan 167 sepeda hangus dibakar. Banjar dan di kampung Panumbangan. mantan anggota PPKI yang turut mengesahkan UUD 1945. Selanjutnya 40 toko bersama isinya habis dijarah dan dibakar. Tetapi anehnya baru pada 10 Mei 1963. Tasikmalaya. 63 mobil habis dibakar dan puluhan kendaraan lainnya dirusak. PKI dan kelompok kiri lainnya dengan segera mengeluarkan pernyataan bahwa peristiwa ini adalah peristiwa rasialis kontra revolusioner yang didalangi oleh sisa-sisa Masjumi dan PSI. Cianjur. [27][27] Peristiwa ini menimbulkan banyak reaksi. 30 sedan. terdiri dari 52 truk. rumahnya yang terletak di jalan Cipaganti 32 akan menjadi sasaran. Sebaliknya LPKB di bawah pimpinan Sindhunata mengeluarkan selebaran berisi pernyataan bahwa peristiwa ini disebabkan oleh prilaku orang Tionghoa yang ekslusif dan suka pamer kemewahan. anggota DPR-RI fraksi PNI. Yang terparah disamping Bandung adalah Cianjur dan Sukabumi. terdiri dari 28 truk. Ratusan toko. Disamping itu 114 rumah dan 2 gedung bioskop dirusak.

agen CIA dan MI-6 mendapatkan dukungan dari LPKB dan perwira-perwira AD dan pimpinan partai politik yang anti Tionghoa dengan memojokkan Baperki serta mengkondisikan terjadinya aksi-aksi anti Tionghoa. ternyata masalah kesulitan ekonomi. pihak militer juga melakukan penangkapan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa dengan tuduhan yang sama. Pemuda Rakyat. maupun kepada orang-orang Tionghoa di Indonesia. ditimbulkan oleh faktor-faktor eksternal dan internal.negara sosialis Eropa Timur dan Asia dibawah pimpinan Uni Soviet dan RRT sedang mencapai puncaknya. Puluhan ribu orang Tionghoa di seluruh Indonesia baik yang menjadi pengurus atau anggota PKI. pemuda dan pelajar yang tergabung dalam KAPPI/KAMI/Laskar Ampera ARH. kalau dituduh berindikasi PKI langsung "diciduk" (ditangkap) pihak militer. tukang timbun dan sama sekali tidak pernah peduli dengan kepentingan rakyat.Orang-orang Tionghoa dituduh mempunyai loyalitas ganda dan selalu berusaha mentrasfer uangnya ke luar negeri. Namun bagi yang tidak mempunyai uang. Di dalam negeri sendiri agen. Jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa kampanye dan kerusuhan-kerusuhan anti Tionghoa yang terjadi setelah G30S. Tidak ada satu pun negara di permukaan bumi yang terhindar dari pengaruh perang dingin. Namun untuk menampung aspirasi dan menjaga mobilitas para mahasiswa. kader dan anggota PKI dan ormas-ormasnya yang dituduh terlibat G30S. Kampanyei anti Tionghoa ini disponsori oleh kekuatan asing terutama Inggris dan Amerika Serikat. banyak juga yang . Chiao Chung maupun hanya simpatisan saja atau bukan. harus dicari "kambing hitam". Baperki. Pemerintah Amerika dan terutama peemrintah Inggris merencanakan dan mensponsori kampanye dan aski-aksi antiTionghoa yang seolah-olah mendapatkan "dukungan" dari kegiatan Radio Peking dan kantor berita Hsinhua. tanpa perlindungan dan mudah dipermainkan. terutama masalah inflasi tidak dapat diperbaiki dengan segera.Baperki memprotes para pimpinan LPKB yang dianggap secara provokatif mengipasi kemarahan massa. Terjadi tarik-menarik kedua kekuatan tersebut hampir di seluruh belahan dunia. CGMI. Perhimi. Pemilihan etnis Tionghoa untuk dijadikan kambing hitam dengan pertimbangan bahwa mereka adalah golongan yang secara politis sangat lemah. Chung Hua Tsung Hui. Maka hal yang paling mudah adalah dengan menimpakan segala kesalahan ini kepada orang-orang Tionghopa. Pada masa itu Perang Vietnam sebagai manifestasi perang dingin antara kubu negara-negara kapitalis Barat dibawah pimpinan Amerika Serikat dan Inggris dengan kubu negara. Dalam melakukan operasi-operasi penangkapan dan pengejaran terhadap pimpinan. baik WNI mau pun WNA yang dituduh menjadi pengacau dan parasit ekonomi. Setelah PKI dibubarkan dan Presiden Soekarno dikurangi kekuasaannya dengan membentuk kabinet baru. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Orde Baru Selaras dengan aksi penumpasan G30S/PKI maka dimulailah kampanye anti "Cina" (Sinophobia) baik yang ditujukan kepada pemerintah RRT yang secara aktif melalui Radio Peking dan kantor berita Hsinhua menyerang rezim militer Soeharto-Nasution. Dalam kalkulasi Soeharto. PPI. Sebenarnya tujuan utamanya adalah untuk memeras uangnya. Orang-orang Tionghoa dituduh menjadi kolone kelima. kekuatan para mahasiswa dan pemuda merupakan kekuatan yang ampuh dan masih dibutuhkan dalam menyelesaikan tahap akhir rencananya. IPPI. merebut kursi presiden dari Soekarno.

mobil dan sepeda motor.[30] [30] Seluruh sekolah-sekolah dan universitas-universitas Baperki ditutup dan disita.orang Tionghoa diseret turun dari becak. [31][31] Dalam perkembangannya ternyata banyak di antaranya telah berubah menjadi ruko dan gedung perkantoran. Disamping itu setelah Peristiwa G30S intensitas kerusuhan anti Tionghoa makin menjadi-jadi. merusak dan membakar berbagai toko. Kampanye dan berbagai aksi anti Tionghoa. ditambah tindakan represif penguasa militer inilah yang menimbulkan kekuatiran dan trauma berkepanjangan dan menjadi salah satu sebab mengapa orang-orang Tionghoa selama tiga puluh dua tahun mati-matian berusaha menghindari wilayah politik. dan memusatkan seluruh perhatian dan kegiatannya hanya di bidang bisnis. sekolahsekolah dan mobil-mobil milik orang Tionghoa terjadi di mana-mana. Pada Agustus 1966 KAPPI dan KAMI Sumatera Utara menuntut agar sebelum akhir tahun semua warga negara RRT diusir dari Sumatera Utara. malahan ada yang ikut dibuang ke pulau Buru bahkan ribuan orang Tionghoa ikut dibunuh. Brigjen Ishak Djuarsa mengumumkan agar seluruh orang Tionghoa WNA meninggalkan Aceh sebelum 17 Agustus 1966. Akibatnya lebih dari 15. perusakan dan pembakaran rumah-rumah.Demikian juga seluruh sekolah-sekolah Tionghoa dan gedung.000 toko dan rumah milik Tionghoa mengalami kerusakan dan hampir seribu keluarga bangkrut. rumah dan mobil milik orang-orang Tionghoa. Malahan KAPPI Sumatera Utara kemudian mengeluarkan pernyataan agar mengusir seluruh orang Tionghoa dari Indonesia atau KAPPI sendiri yang akan bertindak. Diperkirakan sebanyak 2. . Pada 8 Mei 1966. Massa demonstran mengamuk dan kemudian menjarah. tetapi aksi-aksi anarkis kemudian berlanjut ke pertokoan dan pemukiman orang Tionghoa.ditahan sampai bertahun-tahun lamanya.gedung perkumpulan yayasan-yayasan Tionghoa diduduki pihak militer. toko-toko. Konsulat RRT dihujani batu. Mereka tinggal di gudang-gudang tembakau. Menurut nota protes Kedubes RRT. Hal ini menimbulkan kemarahan massa yang mengira pihak konsulat lah yang melakukan penembakan tersebut. lebih dari 2. Mereka menjarah toko-toko dan kios-kios milik orang-orang Tionghoa dan melukai atau membunuh siapa saja yang berani melawan. kemudian ditikam dengan pisau dan sangkur. Pangdam Aceh. Aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa terjadi antara lain di Makassar pada 10 Nopember 1965. klenteng dan bekas sekolah-sekolah Tionghoa. jendela-jendelanya hancur dan 3 orang stafnya mengalami luka-luka. Pada awalnya terjadi demonstrasi yang dilakukan mahasiswa dan pemuda anggota HMI dan Ansor yang ditujukan ke konsulat RRT.tembok penuh coret-coret anti Tionghoa antara lain "Orang-orang Cina pulang " dan "Sekali Cina Tetap Cina". Di tengah aksi tersebut pihak keamanan melepaskan tembakan ke arah massa demonstran.000 orang menjadi korban. Di kota Medan sendiri tembok. Di jalan-jalan raya orang. Kerusuhan berikutnya terjadi di Medan pada 10 Desember 1965. Massa demonstran dipimpin gerombolan Pemuda Pancasila kemudian mengamuk ke seluruh kota Medan. Penjarahan.000 pengungsi Tionghoa WNA menuju kota Medan dan sekitarnya.

massa melakukan sweeping. demonstrasi untuk memprotes hukum gantung dua orang KKO berubah menjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa. dua peleton anggota RPKAD menyerbu Glodok untuk melakukan pembalasan.Dalam suatu rapat umum mahasiswa pada 15 Oktober 1966. menuju kota-kota pesisir Kalimantan Barat seperti Singkawang dan Pontianak. Demikian juga toko-toko dan rumah-rumah milik orang Tionghoa diserbu dan isinya dijarah. Di kawasan Pandaan yang merupakan lintasan jalan Surabaya-Malang. Sungguh luar biasa. Para mahasiswa harus memelopori menolak membeli atau menjual barang kepada orang Tionghoa dan secara aktif mengawasi toko-toko milik Tionghoa agar orang enggan belanja ke sana.Singapura pada masa konfrontasi dengan Malaysia. Selanjutnya pada akhir Oktober dan Nopember 1967 dalam rangka penumpasan Pasukan Gerakan Rakyat Serawak (PGRS) dan Pasukan Rakyat Kalimantan Utara (PARAKU). Beberapa hari kemudian. pada 25 Januari. para anggota RPKAD tersebut dengan ngawur menyerang setiap orang Tionghoa yang mereka temui.demonstrasi anti Tionghoa tidak cukup untuk mematahkan dominasi orang Tionghoa dalam perekonomian setempat. kedua orang KKO tersebut menjalani hukum gantung di penjara Changi. Pangdam Sumatera Utara Brigjen Sobiran Mochtar menyatakan bahwa demonstrasi. selaras dengan kebijaksanaan pemerintah dalam menghadapi masalah Tionghoa dan bekunya hubungan diplomatik dengan RRT. terjadi suatu insiden di Glodok. Namun pada Januari 1968. Dalam perkelahian itu. karena tertangkap basah ketika melakukan aksi sabotase di Orchard Road . Pemerintah Singapura dibawah pimpinan Perdana Menteri Lee Kuan Yew tidak menghiraukan permintaan Presiden Soeharto yang mengirim Brigjen Tjokropranolo untuk melakukan pendekatan. . Kegiatan anti Tionghoa relatif menurun. meninggalkan rumah dan harta bendanya di daerah pedalaman yang telah ratusan tahun turun-temurun dihuninya. Mobil. Seluruh perabot rumah tangga dilemparkan ke tengah jalan. Pada 17 Oktober 1968. diburu dan dibunuhi orang Dayak. Empat puluh orang Tionghoa menderita luka-luka dan beberapa toko dirusak ketika terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa tersebut. Ratusan orang Tionghoa menjadi korban pembunuhan dan puluhan ribu lainnya terpaksa mengungsi. Pada 21 Oktober 1968. Setelah terjadi peristiwa aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat. Seorang kopral RPKAD yang berusaha "memeras" seorang pedagang Tionghoa terlibat perkelahian dengan beberapa orang pemuda Tionghoa. kemudian mobilnya dicemplungkan ke sungai. terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat. maka dengan menggunakan rantai sepeda dan pisau komando. di Surabaya terjadi kerusuhan anti Tionghoa sebagai ekses dari suatu demonstrasi KAPPI untuk memprotes digantungnya dua orang KKO di Singapura. sepeda motor dan becak dihentikan kemudian dibalikkan dan dibakar. Orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di pedalaman Kalimantan Barat atas hasil rekayasa pasukan RPKAD. kemudian dibakar. kopral tersebut bersama temannya seorang anggota garnisun dipukuli sekelompok pemuda Tionghoa yang membela temannya sesama pedagang. agar membatalkan hukuman gantung tersebut. Semua mobil yang dikendarai orang Tionghoa dihentikan. Karena tidak dapat menemukan pemuda-pemuda yang terlibat dalam aksi pemukulan kepada teman mereka. Jakarta. Pengemudinya diminta keluar dan dipukuli.

Ali Sadikin pada Agustus 1974 mereka mendirikan Badan Pembinaan Kesatuan Bangsa (BPKB) yang kemudian pada 18 Oktober 1977 berubah menjadi Badan Komunikasi Penghayatan Kesatuan Bangsa (Bakom-PKB). tiba-tiba dikejutkan dengan terjadinya huru-hara anti Tionghoa di Bandung. Kopo dan lainnya habis dijarah dan dirusak para perusuh. Aksi penjarahan dan perusakan terhadap toko-toko dan rumah-rumah milik orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut dipicu oleh sebuah kecelakaan lalu lintas kecil dimana sebuah VW yang sedang lewat di jalan Astana Anyar. Sindhunata dengan dibantu oleh Junus Jahya dan Kwik Kian Gie mendapatkan pengakuan resmi dari Menteri Dalam Negeri yang menjadi pelindungnya pada 31 Desember 1977. Pada Minggu 5 Agustus 1973. Walaupun telah terbentuk Bakom-PKB. Namun ketiganya berhasil menyelamatkan diri. hanya mobilnya hancur dirusak massa. Kerusuhan kembali terjadi pada waktu meletusnya Peristiwa Malari atau Lima Belas Januari 1974. terutama di pusat kota antara lain di Jalan Braga.500 toko dan rumah milik etnis Tionghoa. Setelah Peristiwa Malari '74 yang meminta korban cukup banyak etnis Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa. di muka bioskop Siliwangi disenggol gerobak yang dikendarai Asep bin Tosim. Demikian juga 444 toko.Kemudian beredar isu bahwa Asep ditusuk dan meninggal dunia. beberapa orang mantan pimpinan LPKB merasa kuatir melihat perkembangan situasi di mana gap antara yang kaya dan miskin di Indonesia semakin dalam dan menjurus ke arah rasialisme. masyarakat Tionghoa yang telah merasa tenang dengan meredanya aksi-aksi anti Tionghoa. 9 pabrik dan 71 rumah tinggal beserta isinya dirusak dan dijarah. Sudirman. 4 bemo dan 660 sepeda dirusak atau dibakar. Tiga orang pemuda Tionghoa turun dari VW tersebut dan terjadi perkelahian yang mengakibatkan Asep terluka ringan dan dibawa ke rumah sakit.namun karena kebijaksanaan pemerintah Orde Baru terutama di bidang ekonomi yang diterapkan terhadap etnis Tionghoa dan KKN yang semakin subur berkembang. Sebagai akibat aksi tersebut lebih dari 1. Aksi penjarahan dan perusakan yang dimulai pukul 4 sore baru berakhir pukul 1 dini hari. Korban akibat perusakan tersebut diperkirakan 98 mobil.Aksi perusakan berjalan sehari penuh dan jam malam terpaksa diberlakukan. Yani. 176 sepeda motor/scooter. Dengan dukungan Gubernur DKI Jaya. Kebetulan hari itu sedang disiapkan demonstrasi para tukang becak untuk menentang diberlakukannya daerah bebas becak di kota Bandung. Badan yang Ketua Umumnya K. Massa tukang becak kemudian diprovokasi dan dialihkan melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis anti Tionghoa. Melihat kejadian tersebut beberapa orang menjadi marah dan mengeroyok ketiga pemuda tersebut. Asia Afrika. Demonstrasi anti Jepang pada saat kedatangan Perdana Menteri Kakuei Tanaka berhasil diprovokasi sehingga berubah menjadi aksi penjarahan dan perusakan terhadap toko-toko dan kendaraan milik orang Tionghoa di daerah Glodok dan mencapai puncaknya dengan aksi penjarahan dan pembakaran pertokoan proyek Senen. . sentimen rasialisme dan benih-benih anti Tionghoa ternyata masih saja hidup di dalam hati sebagian rakyat Indonesia yang mudah diprovokasi menjadi aksi-aksi anarkis. Demikian juga ratusan kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar atau dirusak. A.

muncul rasa ketidakpuasan di kalangan masyarakat luas terhadap kebijaksanaan ekonomi pemerintah yang dianggap hanya menguntungkan keluarga Presiden Soeharto dengan kroninya segelintir konglomerat Tionghoa. Kerugian dari aksi kerusuhan ini puluhan milyar. Salatiga.aksi tersebut kemudian berkembang bukan hanya ditujukan kepada etnis Tionghoa tetapi juga kepada gerejagereja Kristen dan Katolik. Mereka menyerang semua toko dan bangunan milik orang Tionghoa dengan cara melemparinya dengan bongkahan batu yang telah dipersiapkannya terlebih dahulu. Aksi. perusakan dan pembakaran yang paling parah terjadi di Semarang mulai tanggal 25 Nopember 1980. Situasi ini dengan mudah digunakan oleh para provokator untuk melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis anti Tionghoa.Hal ini terbukti dengan terjadinya peristiwa huru-hara anti Tionghoa di Solo. Aksi penjarahan. Semarang yang kemudian menjalar ke Kudus dan beberapa kota kecil lainnya. antara lain 15 pabrik besar kecil dirusak atau dibakar. Di kota-kota ini para perusuh melempari semua rumah dan toko Tionghoa. Pemicu aksi tersebut tidak masuk akal. Malahan di beberapa tempat kelenteng-kelenteng dan vihara-vihara Buddha turut dijadikan sasaran perusakan. Salatiga. negara telah dibuat bangkrut dengan meninggalkan utang yang luar biasa besarnya. Banyubiru. Pekalongan (24 Nopember . Selama tiga puluh dua tahun pemerintahan rezim Orde Baru. Dengan cepat kerusuhan menjalar ke Boyolali. antara lain insiden seorang pemuda Tionghoa yang tidak waras disuruh menyobek kitab suci Al-Qur'an (Pekalongan) atau seorang perempuan Tionghoa yang merasa terganggu dan marah-marah kepada sekelompok pemuda pemukul bedug untuk membangunkan umat Islam melakukan saur (Rengasdengklok). bahkan seorang santri yang mengalami penganiayaan oleh anggota kepolisian (Tasikmalaya) menyebabkan terjadinya aksi-aksi anarkis tersebut.2 milyar dan PT Standard Battery sebesar 600 juta. Malahan aksi-aksi perusakan toko. Peristiwa penjarahan. Ambarawa. Seluruh hasil pembangunan ternyata hanya fatamorgana yang dihasilkan melalui utang dan penjarahan kekayaan alam negara. Candi dan Semarang. perusakan dan pembakaran toko-toko dan kendaraan milik Tionghoa di Solo yang berlangsung pada 22-23 Nopember 1980. Beberapa pemuda Tionghoa yang dijumpai diludahi dan dipukuli massa. Kerugian terbesar diderita PT Arta Electronics yang konon berjumlah 1. Boyolali. Madiun dan Jombang. dimulai dari daerah Coyudan kemudian menjalar ke daerah-daerah lainnya dan ditunggangi para "gali" (gang anak liar) yang menjarah toko-toko tersebut. Aksi anarkis yang berlangsung beberapa hari lamanya. dipicu hanya oleh sebuah perkelahian antara 3 siswa Sekolah Guru Olahraga (SGO) dengan seorang pemuda Tionghoa. Aksi-aksi tersebut antara lain terjadi di Purwakarta (31 Oktober – 2 Nopember 1995). Ratusan pelajar dengan mengendarai sepeda motor bercampur-baur dengan menggunakan seragam sekolah secara terbalik sehingga identitasnya tidak bisa dikenali lagi. Krisis moneter yang berkembang menjadi krisis ekonomi membuktikan bahwa konsep pembangunan yang digembar-gemborkan rezim Orde Baru ternyata membawa kesengsaraan tidak terhingga kepada seluruh rakyat Indonesia. sekelompok konglomerat hitam yang menikmati kue pembangunan. Hanya segelintir penguasa bersama kroninya.toko milik orang Tionghoa juga menjalar ke beberapa kota di Jawa Timur antara lain Ngawi.[32][32] Beberapa tahun menjelang terjadinya krisis moneter yang menimpa Indonesia.

Habibie mengalami berbagai rekayasa. Ingat apa yang dilakukan oleh Van Mook dan KMB yang menghasilkan negara federal ciptaan mereka yang ingin memecah-belah bangsa Indonesia yang baru saja memproklamirkan kemerdekaannya. Satu-satunya aksi anarkis yang meminta korban tokot-toko milik Tionghoa di era reformasi adalah pada saat Sidang Umum MPR hasil Pemilu 1999 (September 1999) memilih K. Situbondo ( 10 Oktober 1996). Ratusan toko milik orang Tionghoa hancur. agama dan sebagainya. Pada 27 Juli 1996. Tasikmalaya (26 Desember 1996). Hal ini dilakukan mulai dari pemegang puncak kekuasaan bersama keluarganya sampai ke tingkat paling bawah. maka dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa masalah Tionghoa adalah bagian dari masalah nasional yang diwarisi oleh penjajah Belanda.H. toko dan kendaraan bermotor sepanjang jalan Salemba dan Kramat Raya habis dirusak atau dibakar massa yang mengamuk.kantor DPP PDI di jalan Diponegoro diserbu gerombolan yang mengaku pendukung PDI Kongres Medan dibawah pimpinan Buttu Hutapea cs.nya diberikan kepada segelintir konglomerat Tionghoa. Sistim upeti yang menjadi tradisi raja-raja Jawa diterapkan. . malahan Pasar Besar Solo yang sangat terkenal dan menjadi salah satu icon kota Solo habis dibakar massa yang menjadi brutal dan sulit dikendalikan. HPH. Puncak aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa seperti telah disampaikan di halaman pertama makalah ini adalah Peristiwa 13. Para pengikut PDIP/ Megawati yang merasa dizalimi mengamuk dan melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis di Bali dan Solo.15 Mei 1998. malahan sampai detik terakhir kekuasaannya mereka diberikan kesempatan untuk merampok negara dengan mengucurkan ratusan trilyun dana BLBI. Kebiasaan dan kebijaksanaan raja-raja Jawa yang diteruskan oleh pemerintah HindiaBelanda untuk memelihara segelintir orang Tionghoa yang dijadikan kroninya untuk memeras rakyat ternyata ditiru dan diterapkan oleh rezim Orde Baru yang juga memelihara segelintir oknum Tionghoa untuk dijadikan kaki-tangannya dalam menumpuk kekayaan. Tanah Abang (28 Januari 1997). Setelah terjadinya krisis moneter berbagai kerusuhan dan aksi-aksi rasialis anti Tionghoa masih terjadi antara lain di Makassar (15 September 1997) dan setelah lengsernya Presiden Soeharto di Kebumen (7 September 1998). lurah dan Rt/Rw.1995). Rengasdengklok (27 Januari-31 Januari 1997) dan Banjarmasin (23 Mei 1997). Sanggau Ledo (30 Desember 1995-2 Januari 1996). Megawati sebagai calon presiden dari partai pemenang Pemilu mengalami hambatan dari partai-partai Islam. Pemilihan presiden baru untuk menggantikan Presiden B. sehingga gaji pegawai negeri tidak pernah dicukupi dan mereka diberi kesempatan untuk melakukan korupsi asal memberikan upeti kepada atasannya. Kebijaksanaan politik segregasi penjajah Belanda. terutama dari koalisi Poros Tengah pimpinan Amien Rais dengan alasan gender. Abdurrachman Wahid menjadi Presiden. mengakibatkan bangsa Indonesia terkotak-kotak. Masalah Tionghoa adalah bagian dari masalah nasional Setelah dengan jujur mempelajari sejarah . Aksi tersebut telah menyebabkan terjadinya kerusuhan yang mengakibatkan puluhan bangunan perkantoran. Perbankan dsb. Berbagai kemudahan.J. Sudah tentu kembali etnis Tionghoa yang menjadi korban.

426 orang.1. 1997. Singapore 2000. Baik yang berada di eksekutif. 1815. Archipelago Press.268.242-244. gender. menjunjung tinggi hukum dan hak azasi manusia serta bersih dari segala bentuk KKN dan diskriminasi. tetapi juga oleh seluruh komponen bangsa.Pribumi 1.429 orang.Jumlah rata-rata sejak 1900 sampai . Jakarta 1979. dalam Mely G. [5][5] Menurut Scott Merilles.nya mempunyai hak dan kewajiban yang sama. Tionghoa 50. [4][4] G.043 orang terdiri dari Eropa 12. Batavia Landdrukkerij 1868 dan 1900. "The Chinese of Java in Colloquium on Overseas Chinese". [3][3] Adolf Heuken SJ.000 orang setahun. egaliter. Untuk menjadi bangsa yang modern dan berperadaban tinggi kita harus membangun negara kita menjadi negara yang demokratis. Mei 14.000 orang. BATAVIA in Nineteenth Century Photographs. Hal. Pribumi 472. The Conquest Of Java. Untuk itu baik UUD maupun seluruh Undang-undang."Tempat-tempat bersejarah di Jakarta". agama. etnis. Pertanyaannya sekarang adalah bagaimana kita harus bersikap? Apakah kita akan menerima saja keadaan yang penuh ketidak-pastian bagi hari depan anak cucu kita atau kita menginginkan perubahan? Jawabannya ada di dalam lubuk hati masing-masing. [6][6] Sejak 1920 sampai 1930 jumlah imigran Tionghoa yang datang ke Hindia Belanda rata-rata lebih dari 40. PT Gramedia.Hal. 173-174. Jakarta. Pada 1921 jumlahnya kurang lebih 43. Peraturan Pemerintah. reprinted 1993 by Periplus Edition (HK) Ltd.678 orang. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------[1][1] Damar Harsono "May Riots Still Burns Into Victim's Minds" dalam The Jakarta Post. Sedangkan pada Desember 1895.Tan (ed). Angka-angka ini diperoleh dari Regeering Almanak voor NederlandschIndie. [2][2] Major William Thorn. penduduk Batavia dan sekitarnya pada Desember 1866 berjumlah 530. Golongan Etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia.000 orang dan pada 1928. kepercayaan.Yayasan Cipta Loka Caraka. Peraturan Daerah dsb.Rangkaian aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang dimulai dari zaman VOC/HindiaBelanda sampai mencapai puncaknya dengan terjadinya tragedi 13-15 Mei 1998 adalah warisan sejarah yang harus diselesaikan bukan saja oleh etnis Tionghoa. Hal. kira-kira 41.253 orang.169. fisik dsb.301 orang.510 orang dan lainnya 3.William Skinner. Seluruh warga negara tanpa memandang asal-usul ras.nya harus bersih dari unsur-unsur diskriminasi. Kita tidak bisa berilusi bahwa etnis Tionghoa bisa berjuang dan menyelesaikan masalah Tionghoa sendirian tanpa menceburkan diri ke dalam mainstream bangsa dan bersamasama komponen bangsa lainnya ikut menciptakan masyarakat baru Indonesia seperti yang kita cita-citakan. legislatif maupun yudikatif dengan seluruh aparat dan birokrasinya dari pusat sampai ke tingkat Rt/Rw.583 orang dan lain-lain 881 orang.15.Tionghoa 82.2002. termasuk seluruh kekuatan politik yang ada di Indonesia.018 orang terdiri dari Eropa 6. penduduk Batavia dan sekitarnya berjumlah 1. Hal.

catatan kaki hal. Jakarta.Lebih lanjut periksa: Welch. 1940.000 orang anak laki-laki berusia di bawah 12 tahun.10.H. Hal. 1937 berjumlah 31."Kapitalisme Cina di Hindia-Belanda" dalam Yoshihara Kunio. 1936 berjumlah 19. pada 7 Desember 1975 pasukan Indonesia berusaha meduduki Dili dengan melakukan penembakan di di jalan-jalan raya secara mem**** buta kepada siapa saja yang ditemuinya sambil melakukan penjarahan toko. [12][12] Amen Budiman "Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia" Tanjung Sari. 1933 berjumlah 9. PT. Semarang. terutama sekali di daerah pesisir utara tanah Jawa. "The Chinese in Southeast Asia".Hal. [13][13] Menurut Amen Budiman. Second Edition. "Sangat menarik juga untuk dicatat ikhwal penggantungan bedug-bedug besar di serambi mesjid-mesjid di tanah Jawa. [14][14] Lynn Pan. The Buddhist Revival in China.Hal."Opium to Java. 1968.465.32-35. [11][11] Benny G.000 orang berusia di atas 12 tahun.Hal.000 orang. Sedangkan pada 1932 berjumlah 12.Hal.34 [10][10] Onghokham.Hal.000 orang. 2000 orang anak perempuan berusia di bawah 12 tahun dan 6.Rush.000 orang. Landmark Books.383 orang Arab dan 14.Setiono "Tionghoa Dalam Pusaran Politik ". 1998. Menurut catatran kaki.toko milik orang Tionghoa dan penduduk sipil lainnya. Tanjung Sari. Hal.1910".000 orang. Hal. Kerajaan Bisnis Pertama di Asia Tenggara". 55-58.Michele Blusse.Batavia".Yang datang pada 1938 terdiri antara lain 3. "The Encyclopedia of the Chinese Overseas". 1860.000 orang berusia di atas 12 tahun.573 orang Timur Asing lainnya bukan Tionghoa. Kuala Lumpur. Revenue Farming and Chinese Enterprise in Colonial Indonesia. De Haan. [15][15] Ketika pemerintah Indonesia menginvasi Timor Portugis. [7][7] Pada 1875 di Jawa terdapat 8. Lihat : Victor Purcell. di mana kita bisa menjumpai adanya begug-bedug yang tergantung di serambi klenteng." Konglomerat Oei Tiong Ham.51.000 orang. Holmes. oleh karena bukan mustahil ikhwal ini pun merupakan pengaruh dari arsitektur Tiongkok.Singapore.000 orang dan 1938 berjumlah 20.Lihat Amen Budiman.Lihat James R.000 orang.K. "Riwajat 40 Taon T. [8][8] Nio Joe Lan. Archipelago Press. 1979.1991. . Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan Batavia. Ia meninggal pada 1827 dan pada tahun berikutnya penguasa Belanda di Batavia telah mengakhiri bentukan masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Jakarta dengan menyatukannya dalam golongan masyarakat Tionghoa. 40. Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia. Semarang 1979. 84-85.Jakarta. [9][9] Menurut Dr. 8.ELKASA.14. 1990.000 orang. 1935 berjumlah 15.Tanjung Sari. 1981. Batavia.1930 lebih dari 28.H. Oxford University Press." Lihat Amen Budiman. 2003.249.1979.Cornell University Press.Pustaka Utama Grafiti. Hal. ini adalah informasi tertulis dari Ny. 1934 berjumlah 12. Semarang. "Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia".kapiten Tionghoa peranakan Islam terakhir di Batavia bernama Muhammad Japar.

474.1947. 171-177.Hal. yaitu persarikatan saudagarsaudagar yang mempunyai badan hukum yang diakui dan dilindungi undang-undang negeri. Hal.70-72. Hasta Mitra.Tangerang. Mauk dan sekitarnya yang konon mencapai ribuan korban jiwa ini terjadi sepanjang Mei hingga Juli 1946.000 orang penduduk Dili tewas akibat pembunuhan yang dilakukan pasukan Indonesia tersebut. "Orang Jawa dan Masyarakat Cina 1755. [21][21] Victor Purcell. . Pembunuhan tersebut berlanjut sampai satu minggu lamanya.Hal. Peter Carey. Jakarta. MEMORANDUM. Oxford University Press. Allen & Unwin Pty. 15 September 1947. Kuala Lumpur. Second Edition. Hal. [23][23] Lihat iklan seruan hari duka cita dalam Star Weekly No. untuk mendapatkan perubahan kedudukan kaum pedagang kita bangsa Islam di Hindia wajib satu badan yang anggota. Jakarta 1986. Star Weekly No 24 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 16 Juni 1946.pemerkosaan dan pengusiran warga Tionghoa di kawasan Bandung Selatan.Pasukan Indonesia yang menjarah dan membunuh orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut berdalih bahwa mereka adalah pelarian G30S/PKI dari Indonesia yang menyelamatkan diri dan mengkonsolidasikan diri di daerah jajahan Portugis itu.23 Tahon k1. Hal. Edisi 9 Juni 1946. Lihat : Adam Schwarz.204.Hal. "The Chinese in Southeast Asia"..anggotanya adalah para saudagar supaya ilmu sarwat bisa dilakukan dengan sepertinya dan supaya lidi yang mudah dipatahkan itu tidak mudah dipatahkan.9 [17][17] Dr. Hal.25 April 2006.Hal. 1985. Kuala Lumpur. Outlining Acts Of Violence And Inhumanity Perpetrated By Indonesia Bands On Innocent Chinese Before And After The Dutch Police Action Was Enforced On July 21.9. Untuk melihat detil pembantaian ini bisa dilihat Star Weekly No 23 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 9 Juni 1946. "A Nation in Waiting.Australia. Lihat Pramoedya Ananta Toer. diperkirakan 2. Star Weekly No 25 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 23 Juni 1946 dan Star Weekly No 26 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 30 Juni 1946. "Sang Pemula". Pustaka Azet. 24 April 2006. [19][19] Pengantar pendirian SDI yang disampaikan Tirto Adhi Soerjo menyatakan antara lain. karena dipersatukan sehingga menjadi teguh.jadi tidak kekal dan mudah bubar. [16][16] Harian "Suara Pembaruan". [20][20] Twang Peck Yang. Antara saudagar Islam satu dengan yang lain tentu sudah ada yang membikin kerukunan dalam suatu hal. Indonesia in the 1990s". tetapi kerukunan ini terbikin di bawah tangan. Menurut laporan seorang pastor Katolok."The Chinese Business Elite in Indonesia and the Transition to Independence 1940-1950". Hal. [22][22] Aksi penjagalan. Oxford University Press.1825 ". 700 orang di antaranya orang Tionghoa.6. [18][18] Benny G. [24][24] Chung Hua Tsung Hui (Federation Of Chinese Associations) in Batavia.Ltd. Batavia. 1981.1994. Lidi digabungkan jadi satu menjadi teguh karena tali pengikat. 1998.Setiono Op cit.7 dan Harian "Kompas".120-121.

22. Salah satunya adalah sebuah kuburan masaal yang berlokasi di pinggir hutan di Desa Donomulyo.Perwujudan Integrasi Wajar". Hasil Wawancara Dengan Sejumlah Keluarga dan Korban Pembunuhan Anti Tionghoa di Malang. "Menguak Tabir Perjuangan Suripto"."Lima Jaman.Hal.Otobiografi seorang Pejuang Kemerdekaan".000 orang mati. Blitar dan Nganjuk pada Desember 1986 dan Agustus 1987. Jakarta. Jakarta.478 orang.Andi Jauhari. Yayasan Teratai. 26 Mei 1963.124-125. Jakarta 1988. [29][29] Budi Setiawanto. [28][28] Siauw Giok Tjhan.Rahmad Nasution dan Unggul Tri Ratomo. "Tionghoa Indonesia Dalam Krisis".ratus ribu orang Tionghoa telah dibunuh.324-325. 1981. Jakarta-Amsterdam. [30][30] Menurut majalah Life dan Far Eastern Economic Review beratus.1994 Hal. [32][32] Dalam suatu pengumuman yang dikeluarkan Menko Bidang Perekonomian pemerintahan Megawati Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti dinyatakan bahwa seluruh utang dalam negeri dan luar negeri pemerintah berjumlah lebih dari Rp 1.Robert Shaplen menyebut angka kira-kira 20.[25][25] Kisah ini dikumpulkan berdasarkan hasil wawancara dengan sejumlah anak korban yang salah satu di antaranya dengan ilmu silat yang dikuasainya berhasil melompat dan melarikan diri ke hutan. Sumber Dokumen Stanley. Site Sponsors .Aksara Karunia. Lihat .250 orang korban. [26][26] Yap Tjwan Bing. Kecamatan Bagor. 2001. PT Gramedia.5 Km sebelah barat Nganjuk.Sebaliknya kantor berita Hsinhua menyatakan beratus-ratus orang Tionghoa yang mati selama 6 bulan setelah G30S.Hal. Charles Coppel. Jakarta. Pustaka Sinar Harapan. Di beberapa daerah dengan mudah bisa ditemukan kuburan massal para korban. sekitar 9. Hal. [27][27] Harian "Warta Bhakti".79. Di kuburan massal ini dikuburkan 1."Meretas Jalan Kemerdekaan.400 trilyun ataus setara dengan $ US 140 milyar. [31][31] Seluruh sekolah Tionghoa di Indonesia yang ditutup berjumlah 629 buah dengan jumlah murid 272. Proses penggalian dan pencarian jenasah para korban pembunuhan massal yang terjadi sepanjang 1946-akhir 1949 ini dilakukan oleh berbagai cabang Chung Hua Tsung Hui di sejumlah kota pada 1951. Namun menurut Charles Coppel jumlah orang Tionghoa yang terbunuh hampir tidak mungkin melebihi dua ribu orang.782 orang dan jumlah guru 6.