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Band 41
2009







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2010




















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Inhalt


Artikel
Bojowald, Stefan
Noch einmal zum Personennamen t 6 ® 6 w©w in Urk. IV, 11, 9 ..........................1
Bretschneider, Joachim / Van Vyve, Anne-Sophie / Jans, Greta
War of the lords. The battle of chronology. Trying to recognize historical
iconography in the 3
rd
millennium glyptic art in seals of Ishqi-Mari
and from Beydar..............................................................................................5
De Backer, Fabrice
Evolution of War Chariot Tactics in the Ancient Near East..........................29
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Der ugaritische Parallelismus mn || dbb (KTU 1.4 I 38–40) und die
Unterscheidung zwischen dbb I, dbb II, dbb III................................................ 47
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Ugaritisch ©nn „(Komposit-)Bogenschütze“, qšt „Kompositbogen“,
„Bogen“ und q‰®t / ƒÝ „Pfeil“. Beobachtungen zu KTU 1.17 VI 13–14.
18b–25a .............................................................................................................. 51
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Präventiv-Beschwörung gegen Schlangen, Skorpione und Hexerei
zum Schutz des Präfekten Urt‘nu (KTU 1.178 = RS 92.2014) ........................ 65
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Urbild und Abbild in der Schlangenbeschwörung KTU
3
1.100.
Epigraphie, Kolometrie, Redaktion und Ritual .............................................75
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Die keilalphabetischen Briefe aus Ugarit (I). KTU 2.72, 2.76, 2.86, 2.87,
2.88, 2.89 und 2.90........................................................................................... 109
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
‰md I „Paar“ und ‰md II „Axt, Doppelaxt“ nach KTU 4.169; 4.363;
4.136; 1.65 ..................................................................................................165
Faist, Betina I. / Justel, Josué-Javier / Vita, Juan-Pablo
Bibliografía de los estudios de Emar (4) .....................................................181
iv Inhalt [UF 41
Galil, Gershon
The Hebrew Inscription from Khirbet Qeiyafa / Ne˜a®im.
Script, Language, Literature and History ....................................................193
Gillmann, Nicolas
Quelques remarques additionnelles sur le siege de Lachish........................243
Halayqa, Issam K. H.
A Supplementary Ugaritic Word List for J. Tropper’s
Kleines Wörterbuch des Ugaritischen (2008)................................................. 263
Halayqa, Issam K. H.
Two Middle Bronze Age Scarabs from Jabal El-Tawaƒin
(Southern Hebron).......................................................................................303
Kassian, A.
Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language .........................................................309
Keetman, Jan
Die Triade der Laterale und ihre Veränderungen
in den älteren semitischen Sprachen............................................................449
Matoïan, Valérie / Vita, Juan-Pablo
Les textiles à Ougarit. Perspectives de la recherche....................................469
Mazzini, Giovanni
On the Problematic Term syr/d in the New Old Aramaic Inscription
from Zincirli ................................................................................................505
Melchiorri, Valentina
Le tophet de Sulci (S. Antioco, Sardaigne).
État des études et perspectives de la recherche ...........................................509
Murphy, Kelly J.
Myth, Reality, and the Goddess Anat. Anat’s Violence and
Independence in the Ba®al Cycle .................................................................525
Nahshoni, Pirhiya / Ziffer, Irit
Caphtor, the throne of his dwelling, Memphis, the land of his
inheritance. The Pattern book of a Philistine offering stand from
a shrine at Nahal Patish. (With an appendix on the technology
of the stand by Elisheva Kamaisky) ............................................................543
Natan-Yulzary, Shirly
Divine Justice or Poetic Justice? The Transgression and Punishment
of the Goddess ®Anat in the ¬Aqhat Story. A Literary Perspective...............581
Shea, William H.
The Qeiyafa Ostracon. Separation of Powers in Ancient Israel ..................601
2009] Inhalt v
Staubli, Thomas
Bull leaping and other images and rites of the Southern Levant
in the sign of Scorpius .................................................................................611
Strawn, Brent
kwšrwt in Psalm 68: 7, Again. A (Small) Test Case in Relating Ugarit to
the Hebrew Bible.........................................................................................631
Sturm, Thomas Fr.
Rabb°tum – ein Ort der Textilmanufaktur für den aA Fernhandel
von Assyrien nach Zentralanatolien (ca. 1930–1730 v.Chr.) ......................649
Zadok, Ran
Philistian Notes............................................................................................659
Buchbesprechungen und Buchanzeigen
W. BERTELMANN u. a. (Hrsg.): Alt-Jerusalem. Jerusalem und Umgebung
im 19. Jahrhundert in Bildern aus der Sammlung von Conrad Schick
und R. HARDIMAN / H. SPEELMAN: Auf den Spuren Abrahams.
Das Heilige Land in alten handkolorierten Photographien
(Wolfgang. Zwickel) ...................................................................................689
Sophie DÉMARE-LAFONT / A. LEMAIRE (Hrsg.): Trois millénaires de
formulaires juridiques (Oswald Loretz) ......................................................690
Manfried DIETRICH / Walter MAYER: Der hurritische Brief des Dušratta
von M÷tt°nni an Amen`otep III. Text – Grammatik – Kopie. Englische
Übersetzung des Textes von Desmond Durkin-Meisterernst. ......................691
Jo Ann HACKETT: A Basic Introduction to Biblical Hebrew (Oswald Loretz) 692
Detlev JERICKE: Regionaler Kult und lokaler Kult. Studien zur Kult- und
Religionsgeschichte Israels und Judas im 9. und 8. Jahrhundert v. Chr.
(Oswald Loretz)...........................................................................................693
Valérie MATOÏAN (Hrsg.): Le Mobilier du Palais Royal d’Ougarit
(Alexander Ahrens) .....................................................................................694
Maciej POPKO: Arinna. Eine heilige Stadt der Hethiter (Manfred Hutter).......697
Carole ROCHE (Hrsg.): D’Ougarit à Jérusalem. Recueil d’études épigra-
phiques et archéologiques offert à Pierre Bordreuil (Oswald Loretz)........701
Benjamin D. SOMMER: The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel
(Oswald Loretz)...........................................................................................701
Rita STRAUSS: Reinigungsrituale aus Kizzuwatna. Ein Beitrag zur Erfor-
schung hethitischer Ritualtradition und Kulturgeschichte (Piotr Taracha).703
Josef TROPPER / Juan-Pablo VITA: Das Kanaano-Akkadische der
Amarnazeit (Matthias Müller) .....................................................................708
W. H. VAN SOLDT (Hrsg.): Society and Administration in Ancient Ugarit.
Papers read at a symposium in Leiden, 13–14 December 2007
(Oswald Loretz)...........................................................................................713
vi Inhalt [UF 41
Jordi VIDAL (ed.): Studies on War in the Ancient Near East. Collected
Essays on Military History (Fabrice de Backer)..........................................713
Abkürzungsverzeichnis.....................................................................719
Indizes
A Stellen .........................................................................................................735
B Wörter .........................................................................................................737
C Namen .........................................................................................................742
D Sachen.........................................................................................................745
Anschriften der Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter ...................................749




Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language


A. Kassian, Moscow
1



1 On the Hattic language (Hattic vocalism, consonantism, nominal and
verbal morphosyntax).............................................................................311
1.1 Hattic vocalism...............................................................................312
1.2 Hattic consonantism.......................................................................312
1.3 Hattic morphosyntax. Nominal wordform (main slots)..................313
1.4 Hattic morphosyntax. Verbal wordform (main slots) .....................313
1.5 ........................................................................................................314
2 Previously proposed West Caucasian attribution....................................314
2.1 General remarks..............................................................................316
2.2 Structural features and morphosyntax ............................................317
2.3 Hattic–WCauc. root etymologies ...................................................319
2.4 Conclusions ....................................................................................320
3 Previously proposed Kartvelian attribution............................................321
4 Sino-Caucasian hypothesis.....................................................................321
4.1 Sino-Caucasian (or Dene-Sino-Caucasian) macrofamily...............321
4.2 Phonetic correspondences...............................................................322
4.2.1 Vocalism (a very preliminary schema) ................................324
4.2.2 Consonantism......................................................................324
–––––––––––––––––––––––
1
I am grateful to Oğuz Soysal (Chicago), who has taken pains to read my MS through
and made a number of valuable remarks, additions and corrections to the Hattic data. My
warm thanks go to the participants of the Moscow Nostratic Seminar (Center for Compa-
rative Linguistics of the Institute of Oriental Cultures and Antiquity, Russian State Uni-
versity for the Humanities) for their criticism and general discussion (Vladimir Dybo,
Anna Dybo, Alexander Militarev, Albert Davletshin and others), I am especially indebted
to George Starostin for his help in the compilation of actual lexicostatistical trees of the
Sino-Caucasian macrofamily. The tabarna-problem has been ardently discussed with
Ilya Yakubovich (Chicago/ Moscow). I am grateful to Mark Iserlis (Tel Aviv University)
for his help in archaeological matters. Naturally, all the infelicities are the author’s only.
In the present paper I quote Hattic forms after HWHT unless otherwise mentioned.
All forms from Sino-Caucasian languages are generally given after the Tower of Babel
Project databases (Abadet.dbf, Caucet.dbf, Sccet.dbf, Stibet.dbf, Yenet.dbf, Basqet.dbf,
Buruet.dbf—see the list of references) unless otherwise mentioned. I adopt S. Starostin’s
reconstruction of the Proto-West Caucasian phonological system which is somewhat
different from Chirikba’s one (see Starostin, 1997/ 2007 for the final discussion). Some
Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh forms are quoted from Карданов, 1957; Шагиров,
1977; Шаов, 1975; Vogt, 1963—standardly without special references.
310 A. Kassian [UF 41
4.2.2.1 Labials ...................................................................327
4.2.2.2 Dentals..................................................................329
4.2.2.3 Alveolar, post-alveolar and palatal affricates.........331
4.2.2.4 Other front consonants...........................................332
4.2.2.5 Laterals ..................................................................333
4.2.2.6 Velar and uvular consonants ..................................334
4.2.2.7 Laryngeals .............................................................334
4.2.2.8 Clusters with *w ....................................................335
4.2.2.9 xK(w)-clusters........................................................336
4.2.2.10 ST-clusters............................................................336
4.2.2.11. lC- and rC-clusters................................................337
4.2.2.12 NC-clusters ..........................................................337
4.2.2.13 Clusters with laryngeals.......................................338
4.3 Root structure .................................................................................338
5 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons...............................................340
5.1 Roots with reliable SCauc. cognates ..............................................340
5.2 Loans, dubia, and roots without etymology....................................368
6 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons .....................397
6.1 Auxiliary morphemes with reliable SCauc. cognates .....................397
6.2 Some auxiliary morphemes with dubious or improbable SCauc.
cognates ..........................................................................................400
7 Contacts with neighboring languages.....................................................402
8 Conclusion..............................................................................................404
8.1 Linguistic affiliation .......................................................................404
8.2 Geographical problem....................................................................416
9 Phonetic symbols. Language name abbreviations. References ..............433
9.1 Phonetic symbols (selectively) .......................................................433
9.2 Language name abbreviations ........................................................434
9.3 References ......................................................................................435
Abbreviations....................................................................................................446

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 311
1 On the Hattic language (Hattic vocalism, consonantism,
nominal and verbal morphosyntax)
Hattic is an ancient unwritten language spoken in Central Anatolia at the begin-
ning of the 2
nd
millennium BC and in all likelihood earlier. We have to suppose
that Hattians were Anatolian autochthons before the Hittite-Luwian migrations
in this region (more about the sociolinguistic situation see Goedegebuure,
2008).
2
The Hattic language is known only in Hittite cuneiform transmission
(ca. 1650–1200 BC), with the exception of some personal names from Old As-
syrian Cappadocian colonies (the early 2
nd
millennium BC).


















Fig. 1. Anatolia, the second half of the 3
rd
—the first half of the 2
nd
millennia BC.
The map reflects only known linguistic units
–––––––––––––––––––––––
2
The Alaca Höyük royal tombs as well as the corresponding sites in the “Hatti Heart-
land” of the 3
rd
millennium BC—Kalınkaya, Resuloğlu and others, see, e. g., Zimmer-
mann, 2009, Yildirim/ Zimmermann, 2006—require Hattic attribution. It is not clear to
me on what evidence some scholars (e. g., Bryce, 2005, 14) attribute the Alaca Höyük
tombs to the Hittito-Luwians. We know that the Hattians had institution of kingship, de-
veloped pantheon and were metal-workers—it fits the Alaca Höyük culture very well.
But we cannot say the same about the prehistoric Hittito-Luwian tribes known to us. The
traditional (pre-C
14
) dating places Alaca Höyük tombs in the second half of the 3
rd
mil-
lennium BC, although Ü. Yalçin in “New investigations on the royal tomb of Alacahö-
yük” (paper presented on May 27 at the “Meeting on the Results of Archaeometry”—ses-
sion of the 32
nd
International Symposium of Excavations, Surveys and Archaeometry, or-
ganized by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Republic of Turkey, May 24–28, 2010,
Istanbul) reported that the recent C-14 analysis of a wooden fragment from the old 1930s
excavations gave the date from 2 500 to 10 000 BC [sic!], but this result is not very re-
liable (I am grateful to Thomas Zimmermann, Ankara, for this reference).
312 A. Kassian [UF 41
The modern state of research in the Hattic language is reflected in the
publications of O. Soysal, especially in his brilliant monograph HWHT. Now we
can postulate ca. 300 Hattic roots and stems; the meanings of ca. 200 of them
are established with different degrees of reliability (for the list of Hattic lexemes
see Soysal, HWHT, 274 ff.).
For a short sketch of the Hattic grammar, which is based mostly on HWHT,
see Касьян, 2010.
1.1 Hattic vocalism
i

u
e (?)



a
Signs of the E-series can reflect the phoneme /e/ or be a mere graphical
phenomenon, since there are a lot of examples where I- and E-signs freely alter-
nate.
1.2 Hattic consonantism
p t

k

ʦ č/ θ
f s

h
m n


w l, r j
Consonants can be graphically geminated and non-geminated in the intervocalic
position (a-ta vs. at-ta), but it seems that this graphical phenomenon is signifi-
cantly less regular than the same opposition in Hittite (where Hitt. -t- < IE *d,
*dh; Hitt. -tt- < IE *t). It is very likely that Hattic had two or more consonant se-
ries (e. g., voiceless ~ voiced, lax ~ tense or ejective ~ aspirate ~ plain), but this
opposition differed phonetically from the analogous opposition in Hittite and
Hittite scribes met with difficulties in transferring their graphical method onto
Hattic texts.
/f/ is postulated for the ligatures wa
a
, we
e
, wi
i
, wu
u
, wu
ú
, pu
u
, wi

, wu
pu
and
for the cases where we see an alternation of W- and P-signs. Such an alternation
is very frequent in known Hattic texts. Since the Hattic corpus is too small, it is
unclear whether every p may alternate with w or w-ligature (and vice versa:
whether every w may alternate with p and w-ligature). From the formal view-
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 313
point we should postulate only two labial phonemes in Hattic—/m/ and /f/—and
eliminate /p/ and /w/ from the table above. In the etymological studies below I
am impelled to treat p, w and f as one phoneme.
/ʦ/ is expressed by the signs of Z-series.
/s/ is written by the signs of Š-series. Sporadical usage of S-signs (OS+) may
reflect the second sibilant (e. g., /š/), but the available data are too scant.
In some morphemes (both root and auxiliary) we see a free alternation of T-
and Š-signs. I postulate something like /č/ for these cases, but, e. g., interdental
fricative /θ/ is, of course, an equivalent solution here.
/h/—velar or post-velar (e. g., laryngeal) fricative, expressed by the Ḫ-signs.
In Akkadian Ḫ-series reflects a phoneme, which originates from the Semitic
voiceless uvular fricative *χ; in Hittite graphical h covers velar/uvular spirant
(Patri, 2009, 107 ff.).
1.3 Hattic morphosyntax. Nominal wordform (main slots)
–5
particles
–4
(?)
–3
locative
preposition
–2
possessive
pronoun
–1
number
0
root
1
case
2
particles
ma/ fa a, i fe, ha, ka,
zi
u
le, še/ te
ai?
up (uf?)
if(a)
fa/ fi
aš/ iš
√ šu/ tu
n
i

1.4 Hattic morphosyntax. Verbal wordform (main slots)
–9
negation
–8
“opta-
tive”
–7
subject
–6
?
–5
direct
object
–4
locus
–3
locus
–2
locus
–1
?
0
root
1
tense,
mode,
aspect
2
particles
taš/
šaš/
teš/
šeš
ta/ te fa
u, un
a?
ai, e, i
tu/ šu h, k,
m, n
p, š, t,
w(a),
wa
a

ta, za,
še, te,
tu
h(a),
haš,
kaš,
zaš?,
pi, wa
k(a),
zi
f(a) √ u
e
a
ma, fa,
pi
(=fi?),
aš/ at

314 A. Kassian [UF 41
1.5 The genetic attribution of Hattic is debatable. There are two main
theories, advocated by various scholars: West Caucasian and Kartvelian.
3

2 Previously proposed West Caucasian attribution
The West Caucasian family consists of a relatively small number of languages:
1) Abkhaz, Abaza; 2) Adyghe, Kabardian; 3) Ubykh.
The modern West Caucasian reconstruction was made by S. Starostin (see
NCED, Caucet.dbf, Abadet.dbf), later it was verified and partly modified by
V. Chirikba (Chirikba, 1996). Some important details were more explicitly stated
in Starostin, 1997/ 2007.
According to the glottochronological procedure, the North Caucasian proto-
language split into East Caucasian and West Caucasian branches ca. 3800 BC. In
its turn West Caucasian split into Abkhaz-Abaza, Ubykh and Adyghe-Kabardian
ca. 640 BC.
The following tree of the NCauc. family (fig. 2) is based on 50-wordlists of
the majority of modern NCauc. languages. The 50-wordlist includes the 50 most
stable items from the “classical” Swadesh 100-wordlist. The procedure consists
of the subsequent reconstruction of corresponding wordlists for intermediate
proto-languages and screening of synonyms at every stage.
4
The primary
lexicographic data which were used can mostly be found in the database section
of the Tower of Babel Project. The tree has been compiled by the author as part
of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s
languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” project, supported by the
Santa Fe Institute). The tree on fig. 2 is preliminary, maybe some nodes will be
corrected as a result of further researches, but it gives the general frame of the
NCauc. family.
The next tree (fig. 3) represents the WCauc. branch. The tree is based on
“classic” 100-wordlists and compiled according the “standard” procedure.
5

–––––––––––––––––––––––
3
Sometimes more exotic attributions are proposed. E. g., Fähnrich, 1980 tries to show
the specific relationship between Hattic and Cassite or Hurrian, but I must accede to Soy-
sal’s criticism of Fähnrich’s comparisons (see HWHT, 34 ff.).
4
For this kind of glottochronological procedure see detailed in Starostin G., 2010. For
the general principles of the Swadesh wordlist compilation process now see Kassian et
al., 2010.
5
For this kind of glottochronological procedure see Starostin, 1989/ 1999.
2
0
0
9
]

H
a
t
t
i
c

a
s

a

S
i
n
o
-
C
a
u
c
a
s
i
a
n

L
a
n
g
u
a
g
e

3
1
5


Fig. 2. Glottochronological tree of the North Caucasian family (50-item wordlist-based)
Fig. 3. Glottochronological tree of the West Caucasian branch (100-item wordlist-based)
316 A. Kassian [UF 41
For the first time the structural similarity between Hattic and West Caucasian
languages was noted by E. Forrer (1921, 25; 1922, 229). Later J. von Mészáros
(1934, 27 ff.) gave the list of grammatical and lexical isoglosses between Hattic
and Ubykh. Further the idea of the West Caucasian attribution of Hattic was sup-
ported by I. Dunaevskaja (Дунаевская, 1960; Дунаевская, 1961, 134 f.—gram-
matical features), I. Diakonoff (Дьяконов, 1967, 172 ff.—Hattic affixes),
Vl. Ardzinba (Ардзинба, 1979—grammatical features), Vjač. Ivanov (in a num-
ber of publications; see Иванов, 1985 for the summed up list of Hattic roots and
auxiliary morphemes with WCauc. cognates), Viach. Chirikba (Chirikba, 1996,
406—Hattic roots and affixes, structural features), and Jan Braun (Браун,
1994—Hattic roots; Браун, 2002—Hattic local prefixes). It must be noted that
after the outdated von Mészáros’ list of cognates it was Ivanov, who for the first
time made an attempt to prove the West Caucasian hypothesis by a scientific ap-
proach. Despite the fact that I do not agree with the West Caucasian attribution
of Hattic, Ivanov’s publications definitely got the problem of Hattic etymology
off the ground and serve as a good start point for subsequent studies.
The following difficulties arise when one attempts to compare Hattic with
WCauc. languages.
2.1 General remarks
2.1.1 Attested Hattic chronologically is more ancient than the late Proto-
WCauc. language by almost 1000 years. Therefore it is possible to compare Hat-
tic forms only with the WCauc. forms, which can be assuredly reconstructed for
the Proto-WCauc. level.
An example. Chirikba, 1996, 414 compares Hattic zi- (a nominal prefix with
ablative semantics, e. g., ‘from top-down’) with Abkhaz–Abaza *(a- ‘under’,
*(ǝ- ‘from down’. As a matter of fact Abkhaz–Abaza *(a-/ *(ǝ- has doubtless
cognates in the other WCauc. languages: Adyghe–Kabardian *ca- ‘under’,
Ubykh -(a ‘bottom, lower part’, etc., so we must reconstruct WCauc. *\V ‘bot-
tom, lower part ; under (preverb)’ here (< NCauc. *H\ŏnŭ ‘bottom’), and
immediately the comparison with Hattic zi- becomes phonetically unlikely (for
regular NCauc. *\ ~ Hatt. l see below).
2.1.2 As is known, the first Indo-Europeanists of the XVIII c. used to pro-
pose etymological comparisons like follows (e. g., Russian–German): pri-nes-i
‘bring!’ (2 sg.) ~ bringen Sie or u-bi-l ‘he has killed’ ~ übel and so on. Un-
fortunately some of the authors mentioned above get caught in the same pitfall.
An example. The Hattic well-attested lexeme š(a)haf ‘god’ has a regular
plural form fa-šhaf ‘deities’. Von Mészáros, 1934, 32, Иванов, 1985, № 37 and
Chirikba, 1996, 425 compare fa-šhaf with the Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh
compounds of WCauc. *wa ‘sky; god’ + *šʷəχʷa ‘grey; powder’: Adyghe–Ka-
bardian *wa-šχʷa ‘sky’ (< ‘grey sky’), Ubykh wa-šχʷa ‘thunder and lightning’
6

–––––––––––––––––––––––
6
Not ‘god’, see Шагиров, 1977 2, 89 f.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 317
(< ‘heavenly blasting powder’). Such a comparison can hardly be accepted.
2.1.3 There is an old comparison of Slav. *medv-ědь ‘bear’ (< ‘one who
eats honey’) and OInd. madhv-ád- ‘Süßes essend’ (said of birds in Rig-Veda).
But despite the exact phonetic regularity it is hard to reconstruct such a
compound for the Proto-IE level, since tatpuruṣa madhv-ád- is formed after a
synchronically regular and very productive model and there are not any reasons
to suspect a Proto-Indic stem here rather than an occasional word-forming in a
poetic text. We see the same situation with some previously proposed Hattic–
WCauc. etymologies.
An example. Hatt. verb tuh ‘to take’ is compared by Chirikba, 1996, 419
with Abkhaz *tǝ-χǝ ‘to take from inside’, where *tǝ is a standard locative pre-
verb and *χǝ means ‘to take’ (< WCauc. *xǝ ‘to take’). This comparison is not
reliable, since Hattic is almost 3000 years distant from the split of the Common
Abkhaz–Abaza proto-language (see fig. 3 above) and we know that local prever-
bation is a living and productive model of forming verbal stems in the modern
Abkhaz–Abaza dialects.
2.1.4 A great part of previously proposed comparisons must be rejected now
with certainty, since they were based on erroneous and out-of-date interpretation
of the Hattic data. On the other hand, sometimes scholars operate with incorrect
WCauc. forms.
Examples. Дьяконов, 1967, 173 compares Hatt. fa-/ fi- (plural of the nomina-
tive and oblique cases) with Abkhaz -wa (a plural marker of the animate class),
but in reality Abkhaz -wa forms the names of races (both in singular and plural),
see Hewitt, 1979, 149. In his turn Браун, 1994, 20 compares Hatt. malhip ‘good,
favorable’ with Adyghe mǝλkʷ ‘property, fortune’, which in fact is a recent
Arabic loanword (Arab. mulk ‘ownership, property’, see Шагиров, 1977 1,
272).
2.2 Structural features and morphosyntax
2.2.1 All the authors mentioned above note the similarity between the Hattic
polysynthetic verbal wordform, where prefixation prevails, and the same pheno-
menon in WCauc. languages (cf., e. g., Abzakh verbal scheme in Paris, 1989,
196 ff.). As a matter of fact, the reconstruction of Proto-WCauc. morphosyntax
is the task of future research, today we can operate with modern Abkhaz–
Adyghe paradigms only.
2.2.2 Second, it is clear that the Hattic verbal wordform does not coincide
directly with attested WCauc. schemas. We can speak about typological similari-
ty only and suggest monophonemic comparisons between some Hattic and
WCauc. affixes.
2.2.3 Third, polysynthetic verbal morphosyntax is characteristic of some
other branches of Sino-Caucasian macrofamily, not only of the WCauc. sub-
branch. See Решетников, 1999 for the Proto-Yenisseian verbal reconstruction,
318 A. Kassian [UF 41
Berger, 1998 1, 104 for the Burushaski verbal wordform (Hunza-Nager dialect)
and, e. g., Holton, 2000, 163 ff. for Tanacross, which possesses verb structure
typical of Na-Dene languages. Yenisseian, Burushaski and Na-Dene schemas are
also rather similar to the known Hattic verbal wordforms, therefore we cannot
speak about exclusive Hattic–WCauc. connection in this case. On the contrary,
we must suppose that polysynthetic verbal morphosyntax with prefixation was
characteristic of the Sino-Caucasian proto-language (this feature was almost
completely destroyed in the Sino-Tibetan family due to contacts with isolating
Austric languages,
7
and was seriously rebuilt in the East Caucasian sub-
branch
8
).
2.2.4 Fourth, we cannot say that the most part of Hattic auxiliary mor-
phemes finds its counterparts in WCauc. languages. On the contrary, the authors
mentioned above operate with individual affixal comparisons and fail to
reconstruct hypothetical Proto-Hattic–WCauc. sets of grammatical morphemes.
9

An appreciable part of Hattic–WCauc. affixal comparisons, which were pre-
viously proposed, must be rejected now, since they are based on the incorrect
interpretation of the Hattic grammatical system. On the other hand, the majority
of reliable Hattic–WCauc. affixal comparisons possesses cognates in East Cau-
casian sub-branch of the NCauc. family or in other families of SCauc. macro-
family, and it is impossible to speak about exclusive Hattic–WCauc. isoglosses
in these cases.
An example. The Hattic genitive marker -n is standardly compared with
WCauc. *-nə (ergative and general indirect case; possessive case; transforma-
tive case). As a matter of fact WCauc. *-nə goes back to the Common NCauc.
genitive suffix *-nV: Nakh *-n (genitive; adjective and participial suffix; infini-
tive), Av.-And. *-nV (ablative; translative), Lak -n (dative I, lative, infinitive),
Lezgh. *-n (genitive; elative; temporal ; suff. of adjectives and participles;
–––––––––––––––––––––––
7
See Benedict, 1972 for morphological relicts in the languages of the Sino-Tibetan
family.
8
See Bengtson, 2008, 97 ff. for similar conclusions about this ECauc. innovation. Cf.,
e. g., Чикобава, 1960 for the rests of the verbal prefixal polysynthetism in the ECauc.
languages. Quite differently Chirikba, forthc. a and forthc. b, who claims that Proto-
North Caucasian was an analytic language, while Pre-Proto-West Caucasian developed
into an isolating (Chinese-like) formation, but I do not understand on which positive evi-
dence Chirikba’s syntactical theory is based.
9
Chirikba, 1996, 412 ff. and Браун, 2002 make attempts to etymologize the system of
Hattic local prefixes integratedly. In reality the only reliable exclusive Hatt.–WCauc. iso-
gloss in their lists is the Hatt. verbal local prefix ta- ~ WCauc. preverb *tV- ‘in; super’.
On the contrary, Common NCauc. etymologies for Hatt. ha- and ka- are not less probable
than Narrow WCauc. ones. The meaning and function of Hattic ni- / nu- are unknown
(see HWHT, 232 f.). Verbal li- does not exist. Nominal zi- / za- and fe- cannot be com-
pared with WCauc. *\V- and *Łʷa- on phonetical grounds. The morpheme šta- is found
only in the totally opaque compound ištarrazil ‘earth’ [22’] ; the same concerns the mor-
pheme kil, which has been arbitrarily singled out from kiluh ‘runner-spy’ [33’] by
J. Braun.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 319
terminative; ergative).
2.2.5 Chirikba, 1996, 407 ff. lists structural parallels between Hattic and
WCauc. languages, but unfortunately almost all of them do not seem persuasive.
a) The grammatical system of Hattic is debatable. It is an open question
whether Hattic was a nominative-accusative, ergative (e. g., Taracha, 1988) or
active language (for split activity theory see Goedegebuure, 2010). Although an
ergative pattern seems most probable for Hattic, it cannot prove genetic relation-
ship, but rather represent an areal feature (cf., e. g., the neighboring Hurrian lan-
guage).
b) The Hattic case system is not so “rudimentary” from the typological view-
point (cf. the schema above).
c) The role of word formation compounding in Hattic is comparable rather
with East Cauc. languages and some other Sino-Caucasian languages
10
than with
WCauc. dialects.
d) For verbal polysynthetism with prevailing prefixation see above, 2.2.3.
e) Unmarked nominal plural forms which are sometimes attested in Hattic
texts is the same case as verbal polysynthetism—it is not an exclusive Hattic–
WCauc. isogloss. The phenomenon of unmarking plural in nouns is known from
other Sino-Caucasian languages: for the Yenisseian family see Castrén, 1858,
16 ff., Топоров/ Цивьян, 1968, 235 ff. ; for Na-Dene Holton, 2000, 157 ff. (the
Tanacross language).
f) The restriction on initial r- is a common areal feature, known at that epoch
from East Caucasian languages to Ancient Greek dialects.
g) Some listed Hattic phonetic features cannot be included in the compari-
son, since the Hittite cuneiform gives no reliable data for such an analysis and,
second, we know too little about the Hattic morphonology and phonetic sandhi.
2.3 Hattic–WCauc. root etymologies
As is known, the normal Proto-NCauc. nominal root had the shape CVCV,
where C is a consonant or a combination of consonants; the standard Proto-
NCauc. verbal root looked like =VCV(R), where “=” is a class marker, C—an
obstruent consonant or a combination of consonants, R—a sonorant (see NCED,
82 ff.). These structures were seriously rebuilt in the WCauc. proto-language,
where the prevailing shape of nominal and verbal roots became CV.
In its turn the standard Hattic root (both nominal and verbal) is CVC, where
C can be a combination of consonants.
Thus, there are three hypothetical ways to compare Hattic with Proto-
WCauc.
2.3.1 We may assume that the reduction of the root structure in Proto-
WCauc. language took place after Hattic had set apart. But in this case we must
compare Hattic directly with the NCauc. proto-language, not with the WCauc.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
10
E. g., with Yenisseian (see Цивьян, 1968).
320 A. Kassian [UF 41
proto-language as it is today reconstructed on the basis of known WCauc. dia-
lects.
2.3.2 We can divide Hattic roots into C- or CV- root nucleus with some
consonant extensions of unknown nature. This method is accepted in a number
of Vjač. Ivanov’s and J. Braun’s etymologies (e. g., Иванов, 1985, № 11, 20, 22,
50, 58, and so on; Браун, 1994), but it is clear that it is the way to nowhere.
2.3.3 Finally we can compare Hattic roots with compounds or inflected
forms from the modern WCauc. dialects. Of course, with such approach we
immediately get caught in bringen-Sie- or madhvad-pitfalls, for which see
2.1.2–2.1.3 above.
An example. Иванов, 1985, № 45 compares Hatt. šul ‘to let, to let in’ with
Ubykh ca-wǝ-la ‘to let, release exhaustively’, where ca- is a preverb used with
verbs of motion (Vogt, 1963, 104), wǝ is a frequent verbal root ‘to enter, go’
(< WCauc. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. *=orƛŬ ‘to go, walk, enter’), while -la is a
regular exhaustive suffix.
2.4 Conclusions
2.4.1 Hattic cannot be directly compared with WCauc. due to the fundamental
difference in root structure. Grammatical Hatt.–WCauc. isoglosses are also
rather weak.
2.4.2 Indeed, Hattic possesses a number of monoconsonantal roots which
can be compared with WCauc. data, but in almost all these cases proposed
WCauc. roots have reliable NCauc. cognates, therefore such comparisons cannot
prove an exclusive Hattic–WCauc. relationship.
An example. Браун, 1994, 19 compares Hatt. root zuwa- in suffixed zuwa-tu
‘wife’ with WCauc. *pə-zV ‘female; bitch’ (Abkhaz–Abaza *pəsə, Adyghe–
Kabardian *bzə, Ubykh bza, with the frequent Proto-WCauc. prefix *pǝ-). In
reality WCauc. *-zV is not an isolated form, but goes back to NCauc. *¢

wŏjV
(~ -I-) ‘woman, female’ (further to SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’), and
the direct Hattic–NCauc. or Hattic–SCauc. comparison is self-suggesting.
2.4.3. Even if we undertake a monophonemic etymologization of Hattic
CVC-roots, the genetic relationship to the WCauc. sub-branch cannot be proved,
since the regularity of phonemic correspondences in monophonemic compari-
sons must be established by a solid corpus of cognates that is not the case.
2.4.4. A great part of Hattic–WCauc. isoglosses which were previously
proposed need to be left out, since they are based on incorrect and out-of-date
Hattic data.
2.4.5. It is worth noting, however, a small number of probable WCauc. loan-
words in Hattic, for which see Section 7 below.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 321
3 Previously proposed Kartvelian attribution
Girbal, 1986, 160–163 proposes four Hattic–Kartvelian root etymologies, two of
them are striking: Hatt. tumil ‘rain’ ~ Kartv. *¢wim- ‘to rain’ and Hatt. šam(a)
‘to hear (vel sim.)’ ~ Kartv. *sem- ‘to hear’. Of course, genetic relationship can-
not be established by a couple of comparisons (even if they belong to the
Swadesh wordlist), and we must treat these etymologies as chance coincidences.
Note that Hatt. tumil and šam(a) possess reliable SCauc. cognates. Gabeskiria,
1998 attempted to add some new Kartvelian cognates of Hattic lexemes, but
without much success—for the criticism of Gabeskiria’s studies see HWHT,
33 f.
4 Sino-Caucasian hypothesis
Although the WCauc. attribution of Hattic is improbable, it is very likely that
Hattic represents a separate branch of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily. Below I
list a number of Hattic root and auxiliary morphemes with probable SCauc. cog-
nates. It is important that the percentage of the so called basic vocabulary in my
list is relatively high. Of course, the regularity of the assumed phonemic corre-
spondences between Hattic and Proto-SCauc. cannot be proved due to the
scantiness of Hattic lexical data, but it should be noted that :
a) the main part of the proposed phonemic correspondences are trivial (e. g.,
SCauc. *p ~ Hatt. f, SCauc. *( ~ Hatt. t, SCauc. *č ~ Hatt. t~š (/č/?), SCauc. *ƛ ~
Hatt. l, SCauc. *k ~ Hatt. k and so on);
b) some special types of phonetic developments (e. g., consonant cluster
simplification) are very typical of the other daughter proto-languages of the
SCauc. macrofamily, and therefore can be regarded as common innovations.
4.1 Sino-Caucasian (or Dene-Sino-Caucasian) macrofamily
For the first time the genetic relationship between three proto-families—North
Caucasian, Yenisseian and Sino-Tibetan—was partially substantiated on the
ground of regular phonetic correspondences in Старостин, 1982/ 2007. Some
other papers by the same author, dedicated to the Sino-Caucasian problem, can
be found in Старостин, 2007 (both in Russian and English). For the preliminary
comparative phonetics of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily see SCC (this work
was not finished and therefore remains unpublished). The highly preliminary
Sino-Caucasian etymological dictionary is available as Sccet.dbf.
As in the case of the NCauc. family (fig. 2) the following preliminary Sino-
Caucasian tree is based on 50-wordlists (see com. on fig. 2 above for detail). The
tree has been compiled by G. Starostin (pers. comm.) as part of the ongoing re-
search on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s languages (within
the “Evolution of Human Language” project, supported by the Santa Fe Insti-
322 A. Kassian [UF 41
tute): fig. 4.
11

The tree gives the general frame of the SCauc. macrofamily, but it must be
stressed that the tree cannot be regarded as a final solution. During the continu-
ing studies of SCauc. daughter families this schema will probably be improved.
Three main proto-languages are the basis of the SCauc. reconstruction:
North Caucasian, Sino-Tibetan and Yenisseian. They possess relatively well-
done comparative grammars (especially phonetics) and etymological dictionaies.
NCauc. family—Caucet.dbf, which has been published as NCED (w. lit.). STib.
family—Stibet.dbf, based on Peiros/ Starostin, 1996 (w. lit.), but seriously im-
proved. Yen. family—Старостин, 1982/ 2007 and Yenet.dbf, based on Старос-
тин, 1995 and Werner, 2002 with additions and corrections.
The Proto-Na-Dene reconstruction is not done (or not published) yet, there-
fore I do not use Na-Dene data in my paper. Isolated Burushaski and Basque
also do not provide considerable help due to natural reasons.
4.2 Phonetic correspondences
Below I quote phonetic charts from SCC, 24 ff. and add the Hattic column with
suggested Hattic counterparts. As it was said above, unfortunately S. Starostin
did not manage to finish SCC—in particular it concerns the phonetic charts,
whose cells are sometimes incomplete or, on the contrary, redundant. Despite
this fact, the tables are quoted as they have been compiled by S. Starostin with
the exception of few cells important to us, which I corrected,—these cells are
marked by footnotes.
The correspondences are illustrated by the Hattic examples taken from sec-
tions 5.1 and 6.1.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
11
Position of the Hurro-Urartian proto-language is not quite clear. Pace the work Diako-
noff / Starostin, 1986, where Hurro-Urartian is traditionally included into the ECauc.
stock of the NCauc. family, it is very likely that this cluster represents a separate branch
of the SCauc. macro-family (at the beginning of the 2000s S. Starostin himself tended to
lean towards the same conclusion). Because of many lacunae in the Hurrian 50-wordlist
it is impossible to process Hurrian using the formal algorithm (Hurrian is not included in
the tree on fig. 4), but it is clear that Hurro-Urartian belongs to the NCauc.–Yen. branch,
not to the STib.–Na-Dene one, and some isoglosses may prove the specific relationship
between the Hurro-Urartian and Yen.–Burush. stocks. See Kassian, 2010 for some
details. The Na-Dene branch on fig. 4 does not include the Haida language.
2
0
0
9
]

H
a
t
t
i
c

a
s

a

S
i
n
o
-
C
a
u
c
a
s
i
a
n

L
a
n
g
u
a
g
e

3
2
3

Fig. 4. Glottochronological tree of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily (50-item wordlist-based)
324 A. Kassian [UF 41
4.2.1 Vocalism (a very preliminary schema)
SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*i i, e e, i (ɨ) i i
*e e, i a, ǝ a, e (ä), ǝ a, e
i / e,
(ae, a)
*ä ä a, i, e e (ä), ǝ i, a, e a, (i / e)
*ɨ ɨ, ǝ ɨ, i i, ɨ i i / e
*ǝ ǝ, ɨ a, ǝ, e a, ǝ, o o, a a, i / e
*a a e, a, ǝ
a (ɔ), e (ä),
ǝ
a, e (i) a, (u)
*u o, u u, o o (ɔ), u u, o
*o o, u ǝ, a u, ǝ, o a, o (u)
u
Consonant cluster simplifications may cause a preceding vowel change:
SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1]
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]
Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63]

4.2.2 Consonantism
Below for Hattic I use cuneiform notation: š for /s/, z for /ʦ/, t~š for /č/.

SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*p p ph, -p p ph-, p
*ṗ ṗ, b p-, -p b p
*b b p, ph, -p p b
f / p/ w
*m m m b- / p- / w-, m m f- / p- / w-, m
*w w (µ) w/ 0 0-, w/ 0 b-, 0(u)
w-, -u-, -f-,
(-m-)
*t t th, -t d th
*ṭ ṭ t, -t d t, ṭ (ḍ)
*d d t, th, -t t t, ṭ (ḍ)
t, z (_i)
*n n n d-, n n n
*r r r ʔ- / t-, r, r
1
d-, r š-, -r-, (-l-)
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 325
SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*c c ch/ s, -t s s
*¢ ( C, -t c, s ś- ~ ṣ-, s
t-, z- (_i / e), z-,
-š-
*ʒ ʒ ch, ʒh ʒ, s s
*s s s ( / ch), -0 s, d-(Vʔ) d-, s š-
*z z ʒ ,
*ć ć ć, ,h, -t ǯ-, s s/ ś, ć/ (, -ź
*¢ ( ć, ,h, ś, -t s, c ć(h), ,/ ʒ

, -ź
t-, -t-, -z- (_i)
*j , ć, -t ǯ-, s
12
,- / ʒ

-, s/ ś( / ṣ)
*ś ś s ( / ch), -0 s, d-(Vʔ) d-, ś/ ṣ(V)
*ź ? ź ǯ
*č č ć, ,h č-( / ǯ-), s ś/ ṣ, ć/ (, -ź
*¢ ( ć, ,h č, ǯ ś/ ṣ, ć/ (, -ź
š-~t-, t-, z- (_i),
-š-
*ǯ ǯ ć, , ǯ ć/ (, , št
*š š ś-, -0 s, d-(Vʔ) s/ ś/ ṣ š
*ŕ r rj
1
, r ŕ d-, r
*ń n ń-, ŋ ń, n n
*j j j j, 0 j, 0 -0-
*ƛ ƛ r(..L), -k j-, χ lt-, lt / l
*\ \
ƛ, l, r(..L),
-k/ -ŋ
j-, l, ĺ lt-, lt / l
*Ł Ł ƛ, l, -k r, r
1
lt-, lt / l
l
*λ λ l, ƛ j-, l, ĺ lt- (lṭ-), ld
*ł ł l-, -ł, -l d-, l, r
1
, r
13
l r, (l)
*l l r d-, l ~ r, r
1
l l
–––––––––––––––––––––––
12
Updated cell.
13
Updated cell.
326 A. Kassian [UF 41
SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*k k k-, -k g, -k- k(h)
*ḳ ḳ kh, gh, -k g-, -k, -g- k
k
*g g k-, -k k g
*x x χ-, -0 x, χ ~ G h h
*ɣ ɣ g q ~ χ
*ŋ n ŋ b-, ŋ 0-, ŋ f-, n
*q q
qh-, G-, x-,
ɣ- ; -k/ -ŋ
q-, q/ G q(h), ɣ
*q q Gh-, q; -k, -ŋ q-, q/ G q(h), ɣ
k
*G G
q, qh-,
[G(h)-], k/ -ŋ
x-/χ-, q/G q(h), ɣ
*χ χ χ, ɣ, qhʷ-, -0 χ, x h h
*ʁ ʁ G-, q-, , -j / -w χ, G 0/ ɣ
*ʔ ʔ
0 (ʔ) ; ʔw >
ʔʷ- ~ ɣ-
ʔ-, j ; ʔw >
h/ x
0/ h/ j
*ʡ ʡ 0; ʡw > χ(ʷ)-
ʔ-, j, 0; ʡw >
h/x
0/ h/ j
*ʕ ʕ 0; ʕw > ʔʷ- ʔ ; ʔw > h/x 0/ h/ j
*h h
0; hw > ʔʷ
(/ ɣ-, w-)
ʔ-, j ; hw >
h/ x
0/ h/ j 0
*ɦ ɦ
0; ɦw > j-,
w- (/ʔʷ-)
ʔ-, j, χ
14
0/h/j h, (0)
*ħ ħ 0; ħw > ?
ʔ-, j ; ħw >
h/ x
0/ h/ j (0)
*xm ? f m w-
*xŋ ? x ŋ
*ŋw m ŋ b-, ŋ ˙m-, -n/ -m
*xŋw f ŋ b-, ŋ h-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
14
Updated cell.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 327
SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*xg g k~q, -ŋ, -k q, x, χ g k, h
*xk χ k-,-k q-, q/ G (ʔχ) h-,-q-,-ɣ
*xḳ ḳ
k-, kh- ~ gh-
~ qh-, -k
q, G, χ qh, ɣ, -q k, h
*xq q k, g, -k q, χ, x
15
qh, ɣ, -q h
*xqw qw k, g, -k x, g k, g k
*xq q gh, (k) q, χ, x qh, ɣ h
*xqw qw k, kh x, g k, g k
*xG G, (ʁ) g, kh q, χ, x qh, ɣ, q
*xG*w Gw ghw, kw k k, g
*sd ʒ c(h) t c (~ ch, (h)
*st c ch/ s, -t(s), -s t c
*sṭ ( ch/ s t c ( ~ () t
*śd ʒ ś ~ ,h ? ch
*śt c ć ? ?
*śṭ ( ć, Ćh t ?
*šd ǯ ć t ć(h), ,
*št č , t ? t-, -z- (_i)
*šṭ ( ? t ćh


4.2.2.1 Labials
SCauc. *p, *ṗ, *b merge in Hatt. f / p/ w—in all likelihood more than one pho-
neme, but can hardly be distinguished due to the imperfect and inconsistent
cuneiform transcription:
SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1]
SCauc. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > kip ‘to protect’ [18]
SCauc. *[p]ārē ‘lightning; brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33]
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]
SCauc. *[p]ūHV ‘to blow’ (STib. *bŭt) > puš-an ‘to blow on’ [43]
–––––––––––––––––––––––
15
Updated cell.
328 A. Kassian [UF 41
SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak, pray’ > fara-ya ‘priest’ [32]
NCauc. *bēŁV ‘cattle-shed’ ~ fael ‘house’ [30]
STib. *bhăr ‘abundant, numerous’ ~ far ‘thousand’ [31]
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]
SCauc. *[¢

]ombi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’, tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52]
Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63]
Yen. *bot- ‘often’ ~ fute ‘long (in temporal meaning)’ [44]
Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover; to plug; to close’ ~ štip ‘gate’ [49]
STib. *Pr-Vŋ ‘country’ ~ fur ‘country; population’ [41]
STib. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear, to be confused’ ~ tafa ‘fear’ [53]
STib. *cVp (~ ć-) ‘bitter, pungent’ ~ zipi-na ‘sour’ [66]
Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ ~ kap ‘moon’ [15]

The situation with Hatt. f / p/ w resembles the Yenisseian reflexes of SCauc. labial
stops, for which see Старостин, 1982/ 2007, 149 f. Yen. *p yields p/ p
h
/ p
f
/ h in
known languages, while Yen. *b > b/ p/ v. An exact parallel to Hattic are early
records of Kottish, Arin and Pumpokol, were f, p
h
, p
f
, p and even b freely alter-
nate.

SCauc. nasal *-m- in the medial position is retained:
NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’ ~ šam(a) ‘to hear’ [48]

Labial m > n before a dental consonant is without doubt a late (synchronic?)
process in Hattic:
SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28]

But in the initial position SCauc. *m- coincides with SCauc. labial stops and
yields Hatt. f-/ p-/ w-:
SCauc. *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34]
SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35]
STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’ ~ pnu ‘to look’ [36]
STib. *mor ‘grain’ ~ fula ‘bread’ [38]
SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die, dead’ > fun(a) ‘mortality’ [40]
STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’ ~ puš ‘to devour’ [42]

The process of denasalization in the initial position is paralleled by the Yenis-
seian branch, where SCauc. *m- > Yen. *b-/ p-/ w- (for the distribution see SCC,
37 f.).
16
Synchronically Hattic possesses a number of stems with initial m-:
–––––––––––––––––––––––
16
Roots in m-, attested in the synchronic Yen. languages, are Russian, Nenets, etc. loan-
words. The second source of m- in the Yen. languages is the late distant assimilation Yen.
*bVN- / *wVN > mVN which occurs in some auxiliary morphemes.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 329
ma/ fa ‘and’ [47’], mai(u) ‘a valuable cloth’ [48’], malhip ‘good, favorable’
[49’], mar or kamar ‘to slit, slash’ [50’], maššel or paršel ‘cult performer,
chanter, clown
?
’ [51’], milup or lup
??
‘bull, ox’ [52’], miš ‘to take (for oneself)’
[53’], mu/ fu ‘mother, lady, mistress (vel sim.)’ [54’], muh(al) ‘hearth’ [55’],
muna-muna ‘foundation, base, bed stone’ [56’], muš ‘smth. relating to tree,
fruit
?
’ [57’]. None of these roots possesses a reliable SCauc. etymology, and cul-
tural terms clearly prevail in the list, so we can threat all these words as loans. At
least for two of the mentioned stems the source of borrowing can be established:
malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. *ma\ʷV ‘good, luck’ (with lhip for the
palatalized labialized lateral *\ʷ); maššel ‘cult performer, chanter, clown
?
’ [51’]
< WSem. mṣl (māṣilu) ‘cymbal player’.
An interesting case is Hatt. miš ‘to take (for oneself)’ [53’], belonging to the
basic vocabulary. Its SCauc. cognate may be Yen. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ (the compari-
son is possible if we suppose the loss of the final consonant in Yen. allegro
forms)—an exceptional case of preserving m- in Proto-Yen.
On the other hand, Hattic possesses a few grammatical prefixes in m- (for the
list see HWHT, 230 f.). This fact, however, does not contradict our theory, since
the situation, when auxiliary morphemes violate common phonotactical rules, is
not so rare in the word languages. Second, some of these prefixes have variants
with initial f- (see HWHT, 165, 230 f.), the same concerns conjunction ma ‘and’
[47’] and noun mu ‘mother, lady, mistress (vel sim.)’ [54’], which alternate with
variants fa and fu respectively (note that mu/ fu ‘mother, lady, mistress (vel
sim.)’ [54’] is attested only as the second element of compounds).
In addition cf. Hatt.
D
fazulla, which is probably the same deity as
D
mezulla,
known from Hittite texts (HWHT, 911 w. lit.).

SCauc. *w is generally retained in Hattic:
SCauc. *wV ‘thou’ > we ‘thou’ (2
nd
person sg. personal pronoun), u- ‘thy’
(2
nd
person sg. possessive pronoun) [77]
SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour; wet’ > tefu ‘to pour’ [57]
STib. *lòw ‘to be able’ ~ lu ‘to be able’ [25]
SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > ku ‘to seize’ [19]

In one case we see the dissimilative nasalization *-uw- > -um- (that resembles
similar phonotactical process in Hittite):
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > *tuwil > tumil ‘rain’ [62]

4.2.2.2 Dentals
SCauc. *t, *ṭ, *d were merged in Hatt. t (~ tt). Cf. :
SCauc. *=ătV ‘to put, leave’ > ti ‘to lie, put’ [55]
SCauc. *dVHV ‘to grow; big’ > te ‘big’ [54]

330 A. Kassian [UF 41
Also with an unidentified dental :
STib. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear, to be confused’ ~ tafa ‘fear’ [53]
Yen. *kaʔt (~ g-, -c) ‘old (attr.)’ ~ katte ‘king’ [17]
Yen. *bot- ‘often’ ~ fute ‘long’ in temporal meaning [44]
Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63]

An important case is Hatt. z for SCauc. dental stop:
Yen. *də(ʔ)q- (~ *dək-) ‘to fall’ ~ zik (< *tik) ‘to fall’ [65]

It seems that /ti/ became /ʦi/ (graphical zi) in Hattic, since the sequence ti is
relatively rare in texts known to us (in contrast to zi) and sometimes ti-forms
have by-forms in zi (e. g., tiuz ~ ziuz ‘rock’). The same assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ is
observed in the reflexes of SCauc. affricates, which standardly yield the stop
phoneme /t/, but affricate /ʦ/ before /i/, see 4.2.2.3 below. Together with the dis-
similation /u/ > /um/ this process of assibilation finds its direct parallel in the
Proto-Hittite historical phonology.

SCauc. nasal *n is a stable phoneme:
SCauc. *hVnV ‘now’ > anna ‘when’ [2]
SCauc. *=HVǯV(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5]
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]
NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8]
SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21]
STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’ ~ pnu ‘to look’ [36]
STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’ ~ nu ‘to come, go’ [29]
NCauc. *-nV, genitive ~ -n, genitive [74]

In one case we see *n > m before a labialized guttural :
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > *limhu-t > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]

SCauc. non-initial *-r- standardly yields Hatt. r:
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]
STib. *bhăr ‘abundant, numerous’ ~ far ‘thousand’ [31]
SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak, pray’ > fara-ya ‘priest’ [32]
SCauc. *[p]ārē ‘lightning; brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33]
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]
STib. *Pr-Vŋ ‘country’ ~ fur ‘country; population’ [41]
SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’
[58]

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 331
There is one example for SCauc. *-r- > Hatt. -l-:
SCauc. *xq(w)VrV ‘old, ripe’ > hel ‘to ripen’ [11].
The closest analogy is Proto-Yen., were SCauc. *-r- > Yen. *r/ r
1
with unknown
distribution, while Yen. *r
1
gives l-reflexes in most attested languages (Старос-
тин, 1982/ 2007, 156).

Initial r- is strongly prohibited for Hattic root and auxiliary morphemes (an ex-
ception is the fossilized r-suffix, etymologically singled out in some nominal
and verbal stems). I suppose that SCauc. *r- > Hattic š-.
SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ > šaki- ‘heart’ [47].
The comparison seems reliable despite the fact that the standard way to elimi-
nate initial *r- in SCauc. daughter-languages is > t-/ d-.

4.2.2.3 Alveolar, post-alveolar and palatal affricates
Reflexes of SCauc. voiceless alveolar (*c, *() and palatal (*č, *() affricates are
similar: Hattic stop or affricate in the initial position and Hattic sibilant -š- in
other positions. This process of fricativization in the medial and final position
runs parallel with Proto-Yen., cf., e. g., SCauc. *č > Yen. *č-, *s.

SCauc. voiceless alveolar affricates *c, *( yield Hatt. t- in the initial position and
Hatt. -š- in other positions.
Initially:
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62]
SCauc. *=V¢V ‘to eat, drink’ > tu ‘to eat’ [59]

Non-initially:
SCauc. *=ĕ¢Ắ ‘to put’ > eš (~ et?) ‘to put’ [4]
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]
STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’ ~ puš ‘to devour’ [42]
SCauc. *[p]ūHV ‘to blow’ (STib. *bŭt) > puš-an ‘to blow on’ [43]

Some roots show Hattic z, which is in all likelihood a secondary “Hittite” assibi-
lation /ti/ > /ʦi/, see 4.2.2.2 above:
NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick; timber’ ~ zeha-r, ziha-r ‘wood’ [64]
STib. *cVp (~ ć-) ‘bitter, pungent’ ~ zipi-na ‘sour’ [66]

In one case Hatt. z-reflex of SCauc. *( remains without explanation. Despite this
irregularity the comparison can hardly be rejected:
SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68]
332 A. Kassian [UF 41
The SCauc. voiceless palatal affricates *č, *( yield Hatt. t~š (/č/) or t- in the ini-
tial position and Hatt. -š- in other positions. Of course Hattic t- may cover /č/
here, since it is possible that spelling variants with š- are merely unattested for
some morphemes.
Initially:
SCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth, sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45]
STib. *ćIH ‘to govern; lord’ ~ šai-l ~ tai-l ‘lord’ [46]
SCauc. *čVxqV ‘to scratch, scrape; to shave’ > taha-ya ‘barber’ [50]
SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour; wet’ > tefu ‘to pour’ [57]
SCauc. *=ắčwV (STib. *ĆŏH) ‘to take’ > tuh ‘to take’ [60]
STib. *ćòH ‘to work; to build’ ~ teh ‘to build’ [56]
SCauc. *ČVQV ‘to step, run’ > tuk ‘to step’ [61]

Non-initially:
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]
Yen. *ʔēč- (< SCauc. *() ‘to let come, let enter’ ~ aš ‘to come (here)’ [3]

In one case a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ is observed:
SCauc. *¢ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone, mountain’ > *tiš > ziš ‘mountain’ [67]

SCauc. voiced palatal affricate *ǯ > Hatt. št in both initial and medial positions:
SCauc. *=HVǯV(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5]
Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover; to plug; to close’ ~ štip ‘gate’ [49]

As opposed to the aforementioned affricative phonemes, the SCauc. post-alveo-
lar voiceless affricates *ć, *( yield Hatt. t in all positions:
SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28]
SCauc. *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34]
SCauc. *[¢

]ombi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’, tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52]

In one case we see a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ :
SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ > *peti-l > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35]

4.2.2.4 Other front consonants
SCauc. *s, *š are retained as Hatt. š (/s/):
NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’ ~ šam(a) ‘to hear’ [48]
SCauc. *¢ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone, mountain’ > ziš ‘mountain’ [67]
NCauc. *-š:w, plural stem marker ~ aš-/ iš-, plural of the accusative case [70]
Yen. *ʔa-KsV- (~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ ~ kaš ‘head’ [16]

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 333
SCauc. *j was lost in the intervocalic position:
SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68]

4.2.2.5 Laterals
SCauc. lateral affricates *ƛ, *\, *Ł merge in Hatt. l :
17

SCauc. *ƛăjV ‘time, year, season’ > liš ‘year’ [24]
SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1]
NCauc. *bēŁV ‘cattle-shed’ ~ fael ‘house’ [30]
STib. *lòw ‘to be able’ ~ lu ‘to be able’ [25]
STib. *rołH ‘light’ ~ leli ‘light’ [23]

One case of the occasional distant assimilation must be noted:
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > *limhu-t > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]

SCauc. *l > Hatt. l :
SCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26]
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62]
STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10]
STib. *re ‘to dislike’ ~ le ‘to envy’ [22]
STib. *mor ‘grain’ ~ fula ‘bread’ [38]

SCauc. *ł yields Hatt. l as well as r. Cf. similar situation in Proto-Yen., where
SCauc. *ł > Yen. *l ~ *r
1
~ *r with unknown distribution.
SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12]
? SCauc. *χVłHé ‘arm, sleeve’ > her, hir ‘to allocate, assign; to entrust ; to
hand over, assign; to administer’ [14’]
SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock, bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt, lock’ [6]
STib. *rołH ‘light’ ~ leli ‘light’ [23]

4.2.2.6 Velar and uvular consonants
SCauc. velar and uvular voiceless stops *k, *ḳ, *q, *q merge in Hatt. k.
Velar stops:
SCauc. *HōkV ‘to look, search’ > hukur ‘to see’ [13]
SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ > šaki- ‘heart’ [47]
SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > ku ‘to seize’ [19]
–––––––––––––––––––––––
17
It is interesting but not surprising that Hattic renders lateral obstruents by lh/ lk in the
borrowings from Proto-West Caucasian: Hatt. malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] < WCauc.
*ma\ʷV ‘good, luck’ ; Hatt. hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] < WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ or rather
*«Iʷə-pə\ə ‘copper’.
334 A. Kassian [UF 41
Yen. *ʔa-KsV- (~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ ~ kaš ‘head’ [16]
Yen. *kaʔt (~ g-, -c) ‘old (attr.)’ ~ katte ‘king’ [17]

Uvular stops:
SCauc. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > kip ‘to protect’ [18]
SCauc. *sṭänqV ‘panther, leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51]
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]
STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10]
SCauc. *ČVQV ‘to step, run’ > tuk ‘to step’ [61]
Yen. *də(ʔ)q- (~ *dək-) ‘to fall’ ~ zik ‘to fall’ [65]
Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ ~ kap ‘moon’ [15]

SCauc. velar and uvular voiceless fricatives *x, *χ yield Hatt. h:
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]
NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick; timber’ > zeha-r, ziha-r ‘wood’ [64]
NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8]

SCauc. initial nasal *ŋ- > *m- > Hatt. f- (the development is exactly paralleled
by Proto-Yen.):
SCauc. *ŋV ‘I’ > fa- ‘I’, 1
st
person sg. subject [75]

In other positions SCauc. nasal *ŋ > Hatt. n:
SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘die, dead’ > fun(a) ‘mortality’ [40]

4.2.2.7 Laryngeals
SCauc. *h drops:
SCauc. *hVnV ‘now’ > anna ‘when’ [2]

SCauc. *ɦ standardly yields Hatt. h:
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]

But SCauc. *ɦ drops in initial / final clusters, see 4.2.2.13 below.

The only example of SCauc. *ħ is:
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]

An example for SCauc. *ħw > 0 could be:
SCauc. *ħwir¡ ‘water, lake’ > ur(i) ‘spring, well’ [109’], if the comparison is
correct.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 335
SCauc. *H (an unidentified laryngeal) > Hatt. h:
SCauc. *HōkV ‘to look, search’ > hukur ‘to see’ [13]
SCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth, sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45]
STib. *ćòH ‘to work; to build’ ~ teh ‘to build’ [56]
SCauc. *=ắčwV (STib. *ĆŏH) ‘to take’ > tuh ‘to take’ [60]

SCauc. *H (an unidentified laryngeal) > Hatt. 0:
SCauc. *=HVǯV(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5]
SCauc. *dVHV ‘to grow; big’ > te ‘big’ [54]
STib. *ćIH ‘to govern; lord’ ~ šai-l ~ tai-l ‘lord’ [46]
SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die, dead’ > fun ‘mortality’ [40]

4.2.2.8 Clusters with *w
SCauc. labialized consonants (treated as Cw-clusters by S. Starostin) lose the la-
bial element in Hattic. They yield reflexes which coincide with their non-labial-
ized counterparts:
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]
SCauc. *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34]
SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35]
NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick; timber’ ~ zeha-r, ziha-r ‘wood’ [64]
SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68]
SCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ >

luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26]
NCauc. *-š:w, plural stem marker ~ aš-/ iš-, plural of the accusative case [70]

The same with velars/ uvulars:
SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ > šaki- ‘heart’ [47]
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]
NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8]
STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10]
SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12]

In a few cases Hattic shows unmotivated u-vocalism:
SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21]
SCauc. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve, guard’ > (a)ku ‘escort’ [20]
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]
Of course one can try to explain it by the influence of an old labialized conso-
nant. As a matter of fact five examples above, where labialized velars/ uvulars
completely lose their labial element without vowel change, speak against such a
supposition.

336 A. Kassian [UF 41
4.2.2.9 xK(w)-clusters
SCauc. clusters of the type *xK(w) (where K—velar/ uvular) yield Hatt. k or h
without evident rule of distribution.

SCauc. *xgw > Hatt. h, k:
SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12]
SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21]

SCauc. *xḳ > Hatt. h, k:
SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock, bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt, lock’ [6]
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]

SCauc. *xq > Hatt. h:
SCauc. *čVxqV ‘to scratch, scrape; to shave’ > taha-ya ‘barber’ [50]

SCauc. *xqw > Hatt. k:
SCauc. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve, guard’ > (a)ku ‘escort’ [20]

SCauc. *xq > Hatt. h:
SCauc. *xq(w)VrV ‘old, ripe’ > hel, hil ‘to ripen’ [11]

SCauc. *xqw > Hatt. k:
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]

4.2.2.10 ST-clusters
SCauc. clusters of the ST-type yield Hatt. t, that coincides with the Proto-Yen.
reflex (SCauc. *ST > Yen. *t).
SCauc. *sṭ :
SCauc. *sṭänqV ‘panther, leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51]

SCauc. *št :
SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’
[58]

SCauc. *štw (with a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/):
SCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > *luiti-l > luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26]

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 337
4.2.2.11 lC- and rC-clusters
SCauc. *l is dropped in combination with post-alveolar and palatal affricates
(this process is normal for all SCauc. branches except NCauc., SCC, 87 f.):
SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35]
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]

For r in combination with *( see comm. on p(a)raš ‘leopard’ [37] (< SCauc.
*bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’).

Quite surprising is the fact of retention of SCauc. *l and *r in combinations with
velar/ uvular (note that all SCauc. branches except NCauc. standardly lose the
sonorant in such clusters).
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]

In combination with *ɦ SCauc. *l is retained:
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62]

But SCauc. *ł is lost in combination with some unidentified laryngeal :
SCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth, sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45]
Such a development is paralleled by STib., where SCauc. *łɦ, *łħ > *ɦ, *ħ >
STib. *0 (SCC, 19, 191). Note that Yen. has regular *r/ r
1
< SCauc. *lH/ łH
(SCC, 84).

4.2.2.12 NC-clusters
SCauc. nasal drops in combination with labial :
SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1]
SCauc. *[¢

]ombi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’, tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52]
Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63]
Such a simplification is standard for all SCauc. branches except NCauc., but
there is a significant number of examples, where Yen., STib. and Burush. retain
the nasal, see SCC, 39 ff., 48 ff.

Combination with post-alveolar affricate *m( > *mt > *nt :
SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28]
Note that the retention of the nasal in such a position is not typical of SCauc.
languages.

338 A. Kassian [UF 41
In combination with guttural the nasal drops (a standard development in SCauc.
branches except NCauc.):
SCauc. *sṭänqV ‘panther, leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51]

In combination with *ɦ Hattic retains the SCauc. nasal :
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]

4.2.2.13 Clusters with laryngeals
In the initial and final positions Hattic loses laryngeals in clusters:
SCauc. *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34]
SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’
[58]
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]
SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die, dead’ > fun ‘mortality’ [40]
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62]
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]

In the medial position laryngeals can be retained:
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]
SCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth, sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45]
4.3 Root structure
For the general discussion see SCC, 1 ff. The standard shape of SCauc. nominal
root was CVCV (where C can be a cluster). Normally Hattic retains this structure
as CVCV or CVC (with unknown rules of the final vowel drop). Cf. the follow-
ing selective examples.

CVCV:
SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ > šaki- ‘heart’ [47].
SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock, bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt, lock’ [6]
SCauc. *[p]ārē ‘lightning; brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33]
SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’
[58]

CVC:
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 339
The situation with SCauc. verbal roots is more complicated, since the actual
SCauc. reconstruction in general is NCauc.-centric, but it is clear that the struc-
ture of some types of verbal roots was seriously rebuilt in the Proto-NCauc. lan-
guage.
I suppose that the main SCauc. verbal shapes were:
CVCV
CVC
VCV(R)
CV
where C can be an obstruent, a sonorant or a consonant cluster. Very often
NCauc. (or rather its ECauc. sub-branch?) adds an initial =V- or =HV-, which
serves as a spacer between ECauc. class exponents (“=”) and root. In most cases
S. Starostin projects such a “spacer” onto the Proto-SCauc. level (e. g., he ac-
cepts SCauc. *=VCVR instead of *CVR). Since the reconstruction of NCauc.
and SCauc. morphosyntax is the task of futher research and is not a goal of my
paper, I adopt Starostin’s reconstructions of individual roots. It should be noted
that Hattic does not show traces of these =V-/ =HV- “spacers”, thus conforming
in it with the STib., Yen., Burushaski and Basque branches.
Standardly Hattic retains the shape of SCauc. verbal proto-roots, but some-
times in a polysyllabic structure a final vowel may have been lost (as in the case
of nominal roots the rules of a final vowel drop are not clear).

SCauc. CVCV > Hatt. CVCV:
SCauc. *HōkV ‘to look, search’ > NCauc. *H[o]kV ~ STib. *ku ~ Yen. *b-
[o]k- ~ Hatt. huku-r ‘to see’ [13]
SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak, pray’ > STib. *p(r)IwH ~ Yen. *baŕ- ~ Burush.
*bar ~ Hatt. fara-ya ‘priest’ [32]
SCauc. *čVxqV ‘to scratch, scrape; to shave’ > NCauc. *čVqV ~ Yen.
*ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ~ Hatt. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50]
SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour; wet’ > NCauc. *=ǟwčĂ ~ STib. *ćəw ~ Burush.
*ṣao ~ Hatt. tefu ‘to pour’ [57]

SCauc. CVCV > Hatt. CVC:
SCauc. *xq(w)VrV ‘old, ripe’ > NCauc. *=ĭrqwĂ ‘to ripen’ ~ STib. *grĭ
‘old, large’ ~ Hatt. hel ‘to grow, ripen’ [11]
SCauc. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > STib. *Gāp ~ Yen. *qepVn- ~ Hatt. kip ‘to pro-
tect’ [18]
SCauc. *ČVQV ‘to step, run’ > STib. *ćek ~ Yen. *čɔʔq- ~ Hatt. tuk ‘to
step’ [61]

340 A. Kassian [UF 41
SCauc. =V-CVR > Hatt. CVR:
NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ ~ Hatt. han ‘to open’ [8]
SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > NCauc. *=igwVł ~
STib. *koj (~ -l) ~ Basque *gal- ~ Hatt. her ‘to hide’ [12]
SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > NCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ~ STib. *Khu ~ Hatt. ku ‘to
seize’ ‘to seize’ [19]
SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ > NCauc. *=agwV ~ STib. *kʷēn ~ Yen.
*qo ~ Hatt. kun ‘to see’ [21]

SCauc. VCV > Hatt. VCV:
SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ > NCauc. *=Vm¢

Vr ~ STib. *ćhi-oH ~
Hatt. (a)nti ‘to stand, stay’ [28]

SCauc. VCV > Hatt. VC:
SCauc. *=ĕ¢Ắ ‘to put’ > NCauc. *=i¢Ă ~ Yen. *ʔes- ~ Basque *ecan ~ Hatt.
eš ‘to put’ [4]

SCauc. =V-CV > Hatt. CV:
SCauc. *=ătV ‘to put, leave’ > NCauc. *=ătV-r ~ STib. *dhăH ~ Yen. *di(j)
~ Hatt. ti ‘to lie, put’ [55]
SCauc. *=V¢V ‘to eat, drink’ > NCauc. *=V¢

V ~ STib. *ʒha-H ~ Yen. *sī- ~
Burush. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ~ Hatt. tu ‘to eat’ [59]
5 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons
Entries are arranged in the following alphabetic order: a, e/ i, h, k, l, m, n, f/ p/ w,
š/ s, t, u, z. The numeration in section 5.1 (reliable root comparisons) is contin-
ued in section 6.1 (reliable grammatical comparisons). The same concerns the
numeration with character stroke (’) in section 5.2 (dubious root comparisons),
which is continued in 6.2 (dubious grammatical comparisons). The entries have
the following structure:
No. Hattic data.
= Hittite equivalent in bilingual or quasi-bilingual texts.
√ Proposed Sino-Caucasian etymology.
→ Comments and references.
5.1 Roots with reliable SCauc. cognates
1. alef (alep, alip, aliw) ‘tongue; word; to say
?

= Hitt. EME.
√ SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ >
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 341
NCauc. *\ānpV ‘lip’ > Tsez. *\ipu (~ -ɨ-, - ̃ -), Lezgh. *\amp- (~ ḳ-).
STib. *ƛep ‘tongue, to lick’ > Tib. gźab ‘to lick’, Kachin (H) šiŋ-lep
‘tongue’.
Yen. *ʔalVp (~ -ĺ-, -r
1
-, -b) ‘tongue’ > Kott. alup, Arin áĺap, elep.
→ Yen. *ʔa- (a former class-prefix?) exactly matches the Hattic onset. The Hat-
tic meaning corresponds to Yen. and STib. as opposed to NCauc.
Similarly Иванов, 1985, № 1 (Hatt. + Yen.). Untenably Браун, 1994, 21
(Hatt. + WCauc. *(a)č:ʷV ‘word, speech; to say; to swear’).
2. anna ‘when’, ‘sobald, als’
= Hitt. mān.
√ SCauc. *hVnV ‘now’ >
NCauc. *h[ä]nV ‘now’ > Nakh *hin-ca/ *hin-ʒa ‘now’, Tsez. *hin-čV ‘to-
day’, Dargwa *han- ‘now’, Lezgh. *hin- ‘now’, WCauc. *nə- ‘today’; cf.
Hurr. henni, Urart. hini ‘now’.
STib. *n[ǝ] ‘time or place of, when’ > Chin. 而 *nə particle by verbalizing,
‘as, and yet, and’ (?), Tib. na ‘year(?); stage of life, age; when’, Kachin
(H) na, čəna ‘to extend in time’, na loc. or abl. suffix, Lushai niaʔ ‘at the
time of; when’, -na ‘the place of or where, instrument of or for’.
Yen. *ʔen ‘now’ > Ket ēn, Yug en. The Ablaut form *ʔan- in compounds >
Yug an-es
5,6
‘morning’ (an- + ‘God, sky’), an-bɔksɨ
5
‘tomorrow’ = Ket
anɔkś
5,6
‘tomorrow’ (an- + *pVk- ‘morning’); apparently the basic mean-
ing of an- in the compounds listed is ‘when’, not ‘now’. *ʔen-ŋa > Kott.
eaŋa ‘now’, Arin iŋni ‘today’.
→ Double nn in the Hattic form may point to an old cluster. If so, Yen. *ʔen-ŋa
appears the closest parallel (*ŋ > n seems regular for Hattic), despite se-
mantic difference and vocalic alternation.
Иванов, 1985, № 2 compares Hattic anna with some WCauc. adverbial / pro-
nominal forms of the shape an-, covering a large spectrum of demon-
strative meanings. E. g., Ubykh aná- ‘here (là); then, at that time (alors)’
(Vogt, 1963, 85), Abkhaz aná ‘there’, ani ‘that’, infix -an- ‘when’, and so
forth. According to NCED, these WCauc. morphemes go back to WCauc.
*nV ‘(a demonstrative stem)’, further to NCauc. *nV ‘this, that’. Since
their temporal semantics is not paralleled by the corresponding ECauc.
pronouns/ adverbs, it is possible that part of the WCauc. forms listed
above originates from the same NCauc. stem *h[ä]nV ‘now’.
3. aš ‘to come (here)’, imp. aša ‘komm (herein)!’
= Hitt. ehu.
√ Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let enter’ > Ket ɛ:te, Yug -ɛ:hl.
→ An exclusive Hattic–Yenisseian isogloss, although the vocalic correspon-
dence is not very clear. Yen. *-č- should go back to SCauc. *(.
342 A. Kassian [UF 41
Браун, 1994, 21: to WCauc. *ća (~ *č-) ‘to go, walk’ < NCauc. *=āčĂn ‘to
go, to lead’ < SCauc. *=āčAŋ- ‘to pull, lead’ (NCauc. + STib. *ćăŋ ‘to
bring, arrange’ + Yen. *čāŋ- ‘to pull, drag’). The loss of *-n in Hattic is
unclear in this case.
4. eš, iš (and maybe et, it) ‘to put’
= Hitt. dai-.
√ SCauc. *=ĕ¢Ắ ‘to put’ >
NCauc. *=i¢Ă ‘to give, compensate; to put’ > Av.-And. *=i(- ‘to compen-
sate, reimburse’, Lezgh. *ʔi(a- ‘to give’, WCauc. *(V ‘to lay eggs; to put
(with preverbs)’.
Yen. *ʔes- ‘to put’ > Ket ɛśa
6
, Yug ɛsiɛ-saŋ
6
, Kott. śi-ćei.
Basque *ecan ‘to lie down, rest (tr.), to put down’.
→ The Hattic meaning corresponds to Yen., WCauc. and Basque attestations.
5. eštan, aštan ‘sun, Sun-goddess; day
?

= Hitt.
D
UTU.
√ SCauc. *=HVǯV(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ >
NCauc. *=Huǯ

V-n ( ~ -j

-) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ > Av.-And. *=V(:Vn-
(~ -(:-), Lezgh. *ʡo(:Vn-; cf. Hurr. hešmi ‘clear, bright’.
STib. *Ćoj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ > Chin. 霽 *ćojs ‘clearing sky’, Burm.
ćajh ‘to stop, as raining or sound; to clear, as weather’.
Yen. *ʔēǯ- ‘clear, quiet (of weather)’ > Ket ɛt
4
/ ɛŕ
4
, Yug ɛ:hl. Perhaps with an
initial reduction *ǯin ‘bright day’ in Ket dīń ‘bright day’, qä-diń ‘holi-
day’, Yug χέ!īn ‘holiday’ etc.
Burush. *¢āŋ, *¢ān, *jaŋ ‘clear (of sky); half-clear (of sky); to stop (of
rain)’.
→ Note the vocalic correspondence in the first syllable between Hattic and Yen.,
as opposed to NCauc.
Incorrectly Иванов, 1985, № 11: to NCauc. *ʡămsa (~ -ə, -ɨ) ‘sky, cloud;
soul, breath; god’ < SCauc. *ʡắmsɨ ‘soul, breath; god, sky’.
6. *halu in redupl. halu-halu ‘wooden bolt, lock’, ‘засов’
= Hitt. hattalwaš GIŠ-ru.
√ SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock, bolt’ >
NCauc. *ḳułI/ *łIḳu ‘lock, bolt ; key’ > Av.-And. *ḳulV, Lak ḳula, Lezgh.
*ḳul (~ -o-), WCauc. *ləḳʷə.
STib. *kălH ‘bolt, lock’ > Chin. 楗 *garʔ ‘door bar, bolt’, Lushai kalʔ ‘to be
locked or fasten’.
→ The comparison is reliable if the SCauc. onset was *xḳ-. Note that the Hattic
vowel of the first syllable corresponds to the STib. forms, not to the
NCauc. ones.
Similarly Иванов, 1985, № 17 (Hatt. + NCauc.).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 343
7. han ‘sea’
= Hitt. aruna-.
√ SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) >
NCauc. *xänɦI ‘water’ > Nakh *χi, Av.-And. *λ:inʔi, Tsez. *λ:i, Lak š:in,
Dargwa *xin, Lezgh. *λ:än:, Khin. xu.
STib. *χĭw(s) ‘water, moisture’ > Tib. hus ‘moisture, humidity’, Kachin
khoʔ
2
‘to spill’, Lushai huʔ ‘wet’, Kiranti *kù ‘water’.
Yen. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ > Ket āńbɔk
1
, Kott. en, *ēn.
Burushaski *hán-chil ‘water from a wound; watery (tea, soup)’.
Basque *u-hain ‘wave’.
→ Phonetically Hattic exactly matches the Yen. forms.
8. han ‘to open’
= Hitt. haš- ‘to open’, and da- ‘to take’(?!).
√ NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ > Av.-And. *=aχʷVn; Tsez. *=[ã]ʁ:-.
9. harki-mah ‘to be(come) wide’
= Hitt. palhi- eš-.
√ SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ >
NCauc. *ɦărq[w]Ĕ ‘wide’ > Av.-And. *qa-b-, Tsez. *qeq-, Lak u-t:a-, Dar-
gwa *-aʕu-, Lezgh. *hIarqɨ-, WCauc. *bə«(ʷ)V.
STib. *qʷāŋH ‘wide, broad’ > Chin. 廣 *kʷāŋʔ ‘wide, broad, large’, Kachin
(ə)wuŋ
2
-waŋ
2
, ‘to be wide, ample’, Lushai vāŋ ‘to be broad, wide’, etc.
Yen. *χiG-Vĺ (~ *χiχ-Vĺ) ‘wide, broad’ > Ket qīĺ, Yug xe:ĺ / xejĺ
3
, Kott. hīgal.
→ Yen. shows the ĺ-suffix.
The second element mah in the Hattic stem is probably the same mah which
is observed in kazue-mah < kazue ‘cup, bowl’, hikkir-mah ‘?’, her-mah
‘?’.
10. hel, hil ‘to strew, pour, scatter’
= Hitt. išhuwai-.
√ STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ > Chin. 澣 g

ʷārʔ (~ w-?) ‘to
wash’, Tib. skjur-ba ‘to throw, throw into water, cast’, Lushai vorʔ ‘to
scatter, throw up, toss’.
→ STib. *q(h)ʷ- originates from SCauc. *qw, Gw-, χw-, ʁw- and so on (SCC,
89–93), while *-r- < SCauc. *-l- and *-r-.
11. hel, hil ‘to grow, ripen’
= Hitt. mai-.
√ SCauc. *xq(w)VrV ‘old, ripe’ >
NCauc. *=ĭrqwĂ ‘to ripen’ > Av.-And. *=iq-, Tsez. *=iq-, Lak =ija-, Dar-
gwa *=iqur-, Lezgh. *ʔi(r)qʷV, WCauc. *ṭəʁʷa- (~ -Gʷ-).
STib. *grĭ ‘old, large’ > Chin. 耆 *grij ‘old’, 祁 *grij ‘great, large’, Tib. bgre
344 A. Kassian [UF 41
‘to grow old’, Burm. krih ‘to be old; be big’.
→ The correspondence Hatt. l ~ SCauc. *r is strange, cf., however, Yen. *r/ r
1
as
reflexes of SCauc. *r with unknown rules of distribution (Yen. *r
1
yields
l-like phonemes in the majority of daughter languages).
12. her (also hert?) ‘to hide, conceal’
= Hitt. munnai-.
√ SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ >
NCauc. *=igwVł ‘to lose, get lost ; to steal’ > Av.-And. *golV (~ -a-) ‘thief’,
Tsez. *gʷVl- ‘thief’, Lezgh. *ʔik:ʷäl- ‘to lose; to get lost ; hidden, secret’,
Khin. dugun- ‘to lose’.
STib. *koj (~ -l) ‘to hide’ > Burm. kwaj ‘to conceal, keep out of sight’, Ka-
chin məkoi
1
‘hide, conceal’.
Basque *gal- ‘to lose, corrupt, spoil’.
→ Sccet.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. stem with *gw, but in fact we cannot
distinguish *gw and *xgw without Yen. cognates. For SCauc. *ł ~ Hatt. r,
cf. SCauc. *ł > Yen. *r/ r
1
with unknown rules of distribution.
The Hattic meaning is closer to STib., rather than to NCauc.
Иванов, 1985, № 7 compares Hatt. her(t
?
) with an isolated WCauc. form:
Ubykh qarda- ‘être assis, caché’ (Vogt, 1963, 164).
13. hukur ‘to see, look, notice’
= Hitt. auš-.
√ SCauc. *HōkV ‘to look, search’ >
NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look, search’ > Tsez. *hak- (~ ħ-), Lak uI=či-, Lezgh.
*ʔakV-/ *ʔokV-.
STib. *ku (~ g-) ‘to seek, choose, understand’ > Chin. 求 *gu ‘to seek, ask
for’, Tib. sko, bsko ‘to choose’, go ‘to know, understand’, Burm. (Naxi)
*kh[ua] ‘hear’.
Yen. *b-[o]k- (~ w-) ‘to find’ > Ket bʌ:ɣə
4
, bʌɣ
4
, Yug bʌ:hk, Kott. bapukŋ.
→ The (verbal) suffix -rV is rather common in SCauc. languages, especially in
the NCauc. sub-branch. In synchronic Hattic the r-onset is prohibited for
any morphemes (both root and auxiliary) and huku-r seems the only ver-
bal stem known to us, where we can suspect an r-suffix. Some nominal
stems, however, contain a similar fossilized morpheme: zeha-r ‘building
wood’ [64]. On the hypothetical Hatt. **tafa-r ‘to rule’ see tafarna [52].
Girbal, 1986 compares the Hattic stem with Georgian qur- ‘to look’—an iso-
lated Georg. root, which theoretically may be related to Kartv. qur- ‘ear;
to hear’, see Schmidt, 1962, 141.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 345
14. kaiš ‘horn (anatomic
18
)’
= Hitt. SI.
√ SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ >
NCauc. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock, plait ; horn’ > Nakh *ḳu( ‘forelock, tuft of hair;
mountain top’, Av.-And. *ḳʷi( (~ *ḳi(ʷ) ‘forelock’, Lezgh. *ḳalč/ *kalč
‘horn; plait, woman’s hair’.
STib. *khaj ‘horn, a pair of horns’ > Chin. 觭 khaj ‘one horn turning up and
one down’, Lushai ki ‘horn’.
Burush. *ɣuy ‘hair’.
→ The loss of l in combination with an affricate is regular for all SCauc. sub-
branches except the NCauc. one (SCC, 87 f.). Hattic probably shows an
interesting development *l > j here.
15. kap ‘moon’
= Hitt.
D
SÎN.
√ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ > Ket qīp, pl. qi:ń
3
, Yug xep, pl. xejfɨn
1
.
→ For the meaning of the Hattic term see HHB2, 173, 412 f., 416 ff., 464
fn. 948 and Soysal, 2004, 364.
An important Hattic–Yen. isogloss. The second Yenisseian word for ‘moon’
is *(ʔV)suj (Kott., Arin, Pump.), which probably possesses an external
etymology (SCauc. *wòŋ¢ŏ ‘moon’), whereas *q[e]p (~ χ-) seems an in-
ner Yenisseian innovation.
16. kaš, kiš ‘head’, ‘Kopf, Haupt’
= Hitt. haršan-, SAG.DU
√ Yen. *ʔaKsV- (~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ > Kott. axšei, further see
Yenet.dbf #11 and Старостин, 1995, 180 with possible Ket–Yug cognates
and the general discussion.
→ An exclusive Hattic–Yen. isogloss.
Yen. *ʔa- appears to be a fossilized class prefix, causing a secondary reduc-
tion of the root vowel, as, e. g., in Yen. *saq- ~ *ʔa-sq- ‘guilty’ (< SCauc.
*cVrqV).
An alternative, semantically more persuasive etymology is SCauc. *¢VqV
‘head’ (NCauc. [only WCauc. *SqIa ‘head’] ~ Yen. *c[ɨ]ʔG- ‘head’ ~ Bu-
rush. *-ćáɣanes ‘back of head’), if one assumes a consonant metathesis
in the Hattic root. Cf. Sum. SAG̃ ‘head’ (an unclear coincidence?).
17. katte ‘king’, katta-h ‘queen’
= Hitt. LUGAL, MUNUS.LUGAL.
√ Yen. *kaʔt (~ g-, -c) ‘old (attr.)’ > Ket kaʔt, pl. kateŋ
5
, Yug kaʔt, pl. kateŋ
5
.
→ An exclusive Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Hattic shows a very common semantic
–––––––––––––––––––––––
18
O. Soysal, pers. comm.
346 A. Kassian [UF 41
shift ‘old’ > ‘elder’.
Chirikba, 1996, 424 compares Hatt. katte with Abkhaz–Abaza compound
*qa-da ‘chief (adj.)’, whose elements are unclear.
18. kip ‘to protect’
= Hitt. pahš-.
√ SCauc. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ (reconstructed as *qHápE in Sccet.dbf)>
STib. *Gāp ‘to cover’ > Chin. 蓋 *kāts (< *kāps) ‘to cover, conceal ; a cover
(of a car)’, *gāp ‘to thatch, to cover’, Tib. bkab ‘to cover’, gab ‘to hide’,
Kachin məgap
2
‘to cover’, Lushai hup (huʔ) ‘to cover, put over’, Lepcha
kap ‘to cover over, to envelop, to wrap round as garment’, Kiranti *ʔkop
‘cover’.
Yen. *qepVn- (~ χ-) ‘to close (door)’ > Ket qeńgej
6
, Yug di-χέfɨnābdi ʔ ‘ich
mache es zu’, imper. χέfɨne.
→ Sccet.dbf adds NCauc. *q

HapE ‘hat, cap’ (Av.-And., Tsez., Lak, Dargwa,
Lezgh., WCauc.) here that is implausible since forms like KAPV (/ PAKV)
‘hat’ are clear wandering words.
Hattic shows a common semantic development ‘to cover/ wrap’ > ‘to pro-
tect’.
Cf. also SCauc. *ɦĭxŋwV ‘to graze; guard’ > NCauc. *ɦĭfV ‘to guard, to
graze’ ~ STib. *ŋ[u]a ‘gamester, guard’. Interesting, but phonetically un-
satisfactory (k ~ *ɦ).
19. ku ‘to seize’
= Hitt. epp-.
√ SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put ; to take’ >
NCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put (together), take; to lie, fall’ > Nakh *=ēḳ- ‘to fall
down; crumble’, Av.-And. *=Vḳ-/ *ḳV-b- ‘to put together; to lie; to fall
down; to take, collect’, Tsez. *=oḳʷ- B ‘to fall ; to gather, to (be) put to-
gether’, Lak l-i=(i- ‘to put in; establish’, Dargwa *=aḳ-/ *=iḳ- ‘to put’,
Lezgh. *ʔeḳʷɨ- ‘to steal, conceal ; to hide; to choose; to put’, Khin. l-ɨ=ḳ-
‘to hide, conceal’, WCauc. *ḳə ‘to catch, hold, grab’; cf. Hurr.-Urart.
*ḳew- ‘to put’.
STib. *Khu (~ -ua, -əw) ‘to take out, extract’ > Chin. 逑 *gu ‘to assemble,
accumulate’ (?), Tib. bku ‘to extract (to make an extract of a drug by
drawing out the juice)’, Burm. khuh ‘to take out (e. g., boiled rice out of a
pot)’.
→ It seems that the NCauc. forms reveal more than one proto-root (‘to take’ and
‘to put, to lie’). Semantically the Hattic verb is close to the WCauc. and
STib. attestations.
An alternative cognate of the Hattic verb is NCauc. *=iq

wV ‘to hold, catch’
(> Av.-And. *=ik:ʷ-, Tsez. *=oχ:-, Dargwa *=ujk:-, Lezgh. *ʔiqɨ-,
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 347
WCauc. *q:Iʷa (~qʷ-, qʷ-)), but this comparison does not explain the Hat-
tic u-vocalism.
Иванов, 1985, № 23, and Chirikba, 1996, 421 (Hattic + WCauc. *q:Iʷa).
Браун, 1994, 21 (Hatt. + WCauc. *ḳə).
20. ku (or aku) ‘soldier, escort (vel sim.)’ or rather ‘subject(s of the king)’.
Attested only in pl. form: faku (paku, wa
a
ku).
√ SCauc. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve, guard’ >
NCauc. *HŭqwĂ ‘to graze, guard, preserve’ > Tsez. *=oχ- (~ -ʁ:-) ‘to graze,
feed’, Lezgh. *ʔoχIʷɨ ‘to guard, preserve’, WCauc. *χIʷV ‘to graze (intr.
and trans.)’.
STib. *kŭ ‘to help; friend, companion’ > Chin. 仇 *gu ‘mate, companion’, 救
*kus ‘to help, save, relieve’, Burm. ku ‘help’, Kachin khuʔ
2
‘to become
friends’, (H) məkhu friend, ləkhu ‘to guard, protect’, Lushai *ku ‘help’,
Kiranti *ku ‘look after’.
→ Semantically the Hatt. root is closer to the STib. forms rather than to the
NCauc. ones.
21. kun ‘to see’
= Hitt. auš-.
√ SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ >
NCauc. *=agwV ‘to see’ > Nakh *gu-/ *=ag-, Av.-And. *-Vg-, Tsez.
*=[e]gʷ- A, Lak k:ʷa=k:ʷa-, Dargwa *gʷ-/ *=irg(ʷ)-, Lezgh. *ʔak:ʷä-.
STib. *kʷēn (~ gʷ-) ‘to glance at ; to regard’ > Chin. 睊 *kʷēn ‘to glance at’,
Lushai khon ‘to regard, pay attention to’.
Yen. *qo (~ χ-) ‘to see’ > Ket d-ba-ŋ-sɔ-ʁɔ, Yug di-ba-ŋ-s-ɔ, Pump. ja-xa-ldi
‘I see’.
→ Morphologically the Hattic form is close to the STib. attestations.
Иванов, 1985, № 21 compares Hatt. kun with unclear Adyghe–Kabardian
*ʁʷə- (found in some compounds like ‘mirror’) with the possible meaning
‘to look/ see’.
22. le or ale ‘to envy (vel sim.)’, ‘neidisch sein, beneiden (vel sim.)’
= Hitt. aršaniya- ‘to be angry (at); to envy’.
√ STib. *re ‘to dislike’ > Kachin nri
4
‘to be annoyed, displeased’, (H) gəri ‘to
regard as undesirable’, Lushai hreʔ ‘to dislike, object to’.
→ A Hattic–STib. isogloss (STib. *r goes back to SCauc. *r or *l).
23. *leli in leliyah or leliyahu ‘source of light; lustre, brilliance’. An epithet
of the Sun-goddess
= Hitt. lalukkima-.
√ STib. *rołH ‘light’ > Chin. 孌 *ronʔ ‘to be beautiful, handsome’, Tib. khrol-
khrol ‘bright, shining’, khrol-po ‘sparkling, glistening, dazzling’, Burm.
348 A. Kassian [UF 41
hrwanh ‘to be clear, bright, shining’.
→ Apparently the Hattic stem contains the suffix -ya, which forms nomina
agentis, and female suffix -ah [125’]. The same suffixal chain -ya-ah is
seen in the quasi-synonymous kašparuyah ‘source of light’ [33] (= Hitt.
lalukkima-)—another epithet of the Sun-goddess. Alternatively it is
possible to single out the morpheme yah here: thus Иванов, 1985, № 15
(proposing *yah ‘bright’) and O. Soysal, pers. comm. (comparing it with
yah ‘heaven, sky’).
The vocalic correspondence between Hattic and STib. is not clear, however.
Sccet.dbf #570 tentatively includes the STib. stem into SCauc. *Łùli ‘skin,
colour’ (> NCauc. *Łŏli ‘colour; to paint’, Yen. *ʔoʔĺ ‘hull, suffusion’,
Basque *lar¯u ‘skin’) which seems lame semantically.
24. liš, leš ‘year’
= Hitt. MU(.KAM).
√ SCauc. *ƛăjV ‘time, year, season’ >
NCauc. *ƛăjV ‘year, day’ > Av.-And. *ƛaji- (*ƛaHi-) ‘year; in the daytime;
today’, WCauc. *\V ‘year; day’.
STib. *lòH ‘year, season’ > Chin. 祀 *lhəʔ ‘sacrificial cycle, year’, Tib. lo
‘year’, Kachin khra
1
‘time, season’, Kiranti *l[o] ‘time’.
→ The element -š is apparently a suffix known from some other Hattic nominal
stems.
25. lu ‘to be able’, ‘imstande sein; können
?

= Hitt. -za tarh-.
√ STib. *lòw ‘to be able’ > Tib. blo ‘mind, intellect ; to be able’, Kachin lu
2
-na
3

‘to can’, (H) lu, thu ‘to be able, can’, Kiranti *lù ‘to feel, be affected, pre-
sent, be experienceable’.
→ An exclusive Hattic–STib. isogloss.
Sccet.dbf #705 adds here Chin. 喻 *los ‘to understand; to instruct, enlighten’
(if not to STib. *jòw ‘to understand, consider’) and unites this STib. stem
with NCauc. *ʔolʁwA ‘to think’. Apparently two different proto-roots, ‘to
think’ and ‘to be able’, merged in some languages.
26.

luizzi-l ‘runner, messenger’, ‘скороход’
= Hitt.

KAŠ
4
.E.
√ SCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ >
NCauc. *hilčwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > Tsez. *=[ũ]č- ‘to run (away)’, Lak liI=ča-
‘to run’, Lezgh. *hišʷä- ‘to run (away)’, Khin. čä=p- ‘to run away’,
WCauc. *c:ʷa ‘to run; to walk uncertainly’.
STib. > Chin. *ćhoʔ, *ćhōʔ ‘to run, drive’, 走 *ćōʔ ‘to run, make run, gallop’.
Yen. *tut- ‘to flee, hide’ > Ket tutɨŋ
5
/ tutiŋ
5
.
→ The Hattic stem shows the well-attested “masculine” suffix -l.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 349
The shape of the Hattic stem (u-epenthesis between *l and obstruent cluster)
resembles the Yen. proto-form.
27. nimhu-t (or nimhu-tu), nimhu-š ‘woman’
√ NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -λ-) ‘woman, female’ > Dargwa *x:unul ‘woman’,
Lezgh. *λ:ɨn:(ol) ‘woman; female’.
→ -t(u)/ -š(u) is a “female” suffix. Although Hattic shows assimilated n- for ex-
pected **l-, the comparison seems reliable. Note Hatt. -m- for *-n- before
labialized h.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 19 (Hatt. + WCauc. *pə-χ´ʷA-śʷə ‘woman’, where
*pə- is a fossilized class prefix and -śʷə is a diminutive suffix).
28. (a)nti ‘to stand; to stay’
= Hitt. ar-.
√ SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ >
NCauc. *=Vm¢

Vr ‘to stand, stand up’ > Nakh *-ātt-, Av.-And. *=i(:- /
*ħi(r)(:-, Tsez. *=arč- / *=eč-, Lak =iza-n, Dargwa *=ic:Vr- / =ilc:-,
Lezgh. *ʔec:ʷär-.
STib. *ćhioH (~ jh-) ‘to be at, sit, stay’ > Chin. 在 *,hoʔ ‘to be at, in, on’,
Tib. gźes ‘to sit, stay, wait’.
→ Hatt. *mt > nt seems regular.
Иванов, 1985, № 29 compares Hatt. (a)nti with the isolated Ubykh nt°á
‘door’ which is certainly less probable.
29. nu ‘to come, go (intr.); to bring
?
(trans.)’
= Hitt. pai-, uwa-.
√ STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’ (> Chin. 蹂 *ṉu, *ṉuʔ, *ṉus ‘to tread, trample’,
Kachin kənu
4
‘a pattern of carving or embroidery’, Lushai hnu ‘to print, a
mark’).
→ Браун, 1994, 21, and Chirikba, 1996, 421 compare Hatt. nu with Abkhaz–
Abaza *nə-qʷa- ‘to walk, move’ (a preverb + root *qʷa ‘to walk’ <
NCauc. *=HuqŬn ‘to go, come’) which is not persuasive either phoneti-
cally or morphologically.
Not better Иванов, 1985, № 58: to Ubykh bayna-wǝ ‘to move off/ away’,
containing an unclear element bayna and the root wǝ ‘to enter, go’
(< WCauc. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. *=orƛŬ ‘to go, walk, enter’).
30. fael, fel, fil (wa
a
el, we
e
l, wi
i
l, also pail
?
, pel
?
, pil
?
) ‘house’, perhaps also
verbal ‘to dwell’, ‘(be)hausen’
= Hitt. É(-ir).
√ NCauc. *bēŁV ‘cattle-shed’ > Av.-And. *bi\:i ‘cattle-shed’, Tsez. *buƛu A
(~ -ə) ‘cattle-shed; pub’, Lak p:al ‘cattle-shed’, Dargwa *bik: ‘cattle
herd’.
350 A. Kassian [UF 41
→ The comparison is reliable both phonetically and semantically. The connec-
tion to SCauc. *bðl\V ‘house’ (> NCauc. *bŭl\

V (~ -ɨ-) ‘house’ ~ STib.
*[b]ōk ‘dwelling’ ~ Burush. *baltí ‘veranda, outside room’) is more
tempting semantically, but not phonetically in view of the vocalic
irregularity SCauc. *o vs. Hatt. ae/i (as for the rare SCauc. cluster *l\,
note that its standard reflexes are STib. *k and Yen. *ĺ, SCC, 81 ff.).
Иванов, 1985, № 62 analyzes the Hattic stem as fe-l and compares it with
WCauc. *«Iʷəna ‘house’ (< NCauc. *GwinʡV (~ -ħ-, -ʕ-) ‘village;
house’) which is certainly unjustified.
31. far (par, wa
a
r) ‘thousand’
= Hitt. LĪM.
√ STib. *bhăr ‘abundant, numerous’ > Chin. 繁 *bar ‘abundant’, 蕃 *bar ‘to
be prosperous, rich, numerous’, Tib. dpar ‘glory, splendour; wealth,
abundance; welfare, happiness’, Lushai bar ‘very, much’.
→ An interesting Hattic–STib. isogloss.
32. fara-ya (paraya, parayu, perayu, wa
a
rai, wa
a
rayu) ‘priest’
= Hitt.

SANGA.
√ SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak, pray’ >
STib. *p(r)IwH ‘to speak’ > Chin. 報 *pūʔs ‘to respond, announce’, Burm.
prawh ‘to speak’, Lushai pau ‘speech, word’, Kiranti *brə(-n/-t) ‘speech,
word’.
Yen. *baŕ- (~ -r
1
-) ‘to pray’ > Ket baĺbɛt
6
, baĺvɛt
6
, Yug barbɛl
5
(lit. ‘to make
a prayer’); Ket baĺbe-ś
6
‘cross’ (“object of prayer”).
Burush. *bar ‘speech, word’.
→ For Hattic nomina agentis in -ya cf. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50], etc. Semantically
the Hattic root exactly matches Yen.
33. *paru ‘bright, shining’ in kašparuyah (ka-aš-paru-ya-h) ‘source of light’
or ‘luminous’. An epithet of the Sun-goddess
= Hitt. lalukkima- ‘source of light’.
√ SCauc. *[p]ārē ‘lightning; brilliance’ >
NCauc. *pārē ‘lightning’ > Av.-And. *piri ‘lightning’, Tsez. *pɨr ‘lightning;
thunder’, Lak par ‘lightning; lustre’, Dargwa *paIr ‘lightning’, Lezgh.
*par/ *rap ‘lightning’. Also in a compound with *(ăjí ‘fire’: *(ăjí-pārē
‘lightning’ (Av.-And., Lak, Lezgh.).
STib. *prɨăŋH ‘bright ; morning’ > Chin. 炳 *praŋʔ ‘bright, clear’, Burm.
prauŋ ‘to be brilliant, blazing, glorious’.
→ In all likelihood one should analyze the Hattic stem as follows: ka-aš-paru-
ya-h. Prefixes ka-aš- are not rare in nominal stems, although their mean-
ing and function remain vague. The suffix -ya forms nomina agentis (like
para-ya ‘priest’, taha-ya ‘barber’), while -(a)h is a female suffix [125’].
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 351
The same suffixal chain -ya-ah is found in the quasi-synonym leliyah
‘source of light’ (= Hitt. lalukkima-)—another epithet of the Sun-goddess.
For an alternative analysis of -yah (‘bright’ or ‘heaven’) see leliyah
‘source of light’ [23]
Semantically Hattic is closer to STib., rather than to NCauc.
34. wet, wit (perhaps also pet, pit, i. e. fet / fit) ‘to be(come) sour/ bitter’
= Hitt. šammalešš-, šammalliya-.
√ SCauc. *ɦ¢wVjmV/ *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ >
NCauc. *ɦmVj¢

wĂ ‘sour’ > Nakh *musṭi-n ‘sour’, Tsez. *čača-lu ‘sour’,
Lak qur(i- ‘sour, bitter’, Dargwa *qan(a ‘vinegar’, Lezgh. *ʡim(ʷV-r-
/ ʡir(ʷV-m- ‘sour; salty’, Khin. mi( ‘sour’, WCauc. *(ʷV ‘to get sour;
sour’.
STib. *[ǯh]ɨam ‘salt’ > Chin. 鹼 *ćham (~ ch-, -e-) ‘buck, lye’, Kachin ǯum
2

‘salt’, Lushai (KC) *tśhum ‘sour, salty’.
Burush. *ćhémil ‘poison’.
→ Hitt. verbs šammalešš-, šammalliya- are attested almost exclusively in the
texts translated from Hattic (CHD Š, 111 ff.). Since we know the Hattic
word šafat ‘apple-tree’/ ‘apricot-tree’ [83’] and Hittite word šamalu with
the same meaning, the only sensible solution is to treat Hitt. šammalešš-,
šammalliya- as an occasional loan translation from Hattic with the mean-
ing ‘to be(come) like an apple/ apricot’—for the precise translation ‘to be
sour/ bitter’ see Soysal, 1989 and Soysal, 2004, 88–92 (in the latter paper
an additional semantic development to ‘to be crabby, angry’ is also dis-
cussed). Note that the derivation in Hattic wet (*fet) ‘to be sour’ → ša-fat
‘a k. of apple/ apricot’ is typologically normal (for the prefix ša- see
HWHT, 238), while Hittite shows an opposite direction šamalu ‘apple/
apricot’ → šammalešš-/ šammalliya- ‘to be(come) sour/ bitter’, which
must be explained by the calqued nature of the Hittite verbs.
Hattic shows the same consonant metathesis as the NCauc. proto-form.
Cf. Hatt. witanu ‘cheese’ [75’], which is probably derived from this verb.
35. pezi-l, pize-l, pizi-l (errors: pzael, wa
a
zil) ‘wind’
= Hitt. huwant- ‘wind’, also heu- ‘rain’ (sic!).
√ SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ >
NCauc. *mIlćwV ‘wind’ > Av.-And. *močʷi (/ *mičʷi), Tsez. *muš:ə A, Lak
marč, Lezgh. *muč.
STib. *mŭt ‘to blow’ > Burm. hmut ‘to blow’, Kachin (Ben) mut ‘to blow’,
Lushai (KC) *hmut, Lepcha măt, mŭt ‘to blow, to breathe at’, sŭŋ-mut
‘wind’, Kiranti *mùt ‘to blow’.
→ The Hattic stem contains the “masculine” suffix -l.
The loss of l in combination with an affricate is regular for all SCauc.
branches except the NCauc. one (SCC, 87 f.).
352 A. Kassian [UF 41
Vocalically the Hattic word is closer to the NCauc. proto-form than to the
STib. one.
Unconvincingly Иванов, 1985, № 63, where the Hattic element zil is
compared with unclear Kabardian sə- ‘rain(?)’ (found in compound).
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20: to WCauc. *pəλ:ʷa ‘wind; to blow’ (< NCauc.
*λwołʔV ‘wind, to blow’ with WCauc. prefix *pə-).
36. pnu ‘to observe, look’
= Hitt. ušk-.
√ STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’ > Chin. 聞 *mən ‘to hear; to perceive, to
get to know; to smell’, Kiranti *min ‘to think’.
→ The Hattic root was probably **pVnu with a reduction of the medial vowel
in prefixed forms.
An interesting Hattic–STib. isogloss, but not quite reliable in view of too
general semantics.
Not plausibly Иванов, 1985, № 33, and Chirikba, 1996, 421 (to WCauc. *bA
~ *p:A ‘to see’).
37. praš or paraš ‘leopard’ (attested form: ha-praš-un)
= Hitt. PÌRIG.TUR.
→ SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í (~ -ĕ) ‘a k. of predator’ >
NCauc. *bħĕr¢ĭ (~ -ĕ) ‘wolf’ > Nakh *bɦor( ‘wolf’, Av.-And. *bo(o ‘wolf’,
Tsez. *bɔ(ə A ‘wolf’, Lak bar( ‘wolf’, Dargwa *be( ‘wolf’, WCauc.
*bVgV-bV,V ‘jackal, hyena’ (a Proto-WCauc. compound: NCauc. *bVga
‘fox, jackal’ + ‘wolf’).
Yen. *pe(ʔ)s-tap (~ -b) ‘wolverine’ > Kott. feštap, fēštap, pheštap, Arin
ṕhjástap.
Basque *oćo ‘wolf’.
→ A rather interesting case. The Hattic root can be paraš (with an occasional re-
duction paraš > praš in the prefixed form) or praš.
In the case of paraš one should suggest a retention of sonorant in the SCauc.
clusters r + affricate in Hattic. If so, an a-anaptyxis in the old cluster is
paralleled by an u-anaptyxis in the old lxq-cluster as illustrated by puluku
‘leaves’ [39] < SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’.
In the case of praš Hattic shows development *CVRC > CRVC, which is an
exclusive feature of the STib. branch (see SCC, 58, 88).
The Hattic word cannot be a NCauc. loanword in view of the root structure
and semantic difference: the shift ‘wolf’ < > ‘leopard’ is possible in the
case of long separate language development, but it seems strange in the
case of borrowing of the name of the well-known beast (we assume that
the Hattians were Anatolian autochthons and therefore were familiar with
leopards).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 353
This NCauc.–Hattic stem is widespread in Eurasia as a Wanderwort with the
meaning ‘leopard’, but the exact source of borrowing can hardly be estab-
lished. Grk. παρδ-/ πορδ- in πάρδᾰλις, πόρδᾰλις ‘leopard’ (Hom.+) as
well as Iranian forms like Sogd. pwrδnk- from the phonetic viewpoint
speak for the NCauc. origin (with regular NCauc. *( > Grk. δ, see
Николаев, 1985, 68 ff. № 8, 11, 12, 33), but semantically corresponds to
the Hattic stem. Hitt. parš- in paršna-, paršana- ‘leopard’, also ‘leopard-
man (a cult functionary)’ (OS+) is very similar to Hattic except for the
root structure CVRC. Persian pārs ‘leopard. panther’ and numerous
Turkic forms bars, pars ‘tiger, leopard, etc.’ probably originate from some
Anatolian Post-Hittite language.
38. *fula ‘bread’ in fula-šne ‘bread, used in ritual action; bread offering’
√ STib. *mor (~ -u-) ‘grain’ > Burm. munʔ ‘bread’, Lushai hmor-hāŋ ‘name of
a sp. of rice’, Lepcha jă-mór-zo ‘a spec. of zo (rice)’.
→ Hattic fulašne should be analyzed as a compound fula-šne, where šne [89’]
means ‘offering’ (cf. tefu-šne ‘libation’ [57]).
In all probability the STib. root is not connected with SCauc. *HmérV ‘a k.
of berry’.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
39. puluku ‘leaves, foliage, greenery’
= Hitt. lahhurnuzziyant-.
√ SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ >
NCauc. *ʕapālqwĔ (~ ɦ-) ‘burdock; leaf(?)’ > Av.-And. *HabuḳV ‘burdock’,
Tsez. *ʕemuq(a) ‘burdock’, Dargwa *hequl(i) ‘burdock’, Lezgh. *palqIʷ
‘burdock’, ? WCauc. *p:əǴə (~ b-) ‘leaf; to open (of leaves)’.
STib. *phak (~ bh-) ‘leaf’ > Burm. phak ‘leaf (of tree)’, Kachin phaʔ
2
-lap
2

‘tea, tea-leaf’, Kiranti *phok ‘leaf’.
Burush. *bilágur ‘a k. of weed’
→ For an anaptyxis between l and velar in the Hattic stem cf. praš ‘leopard’
[37].
40. fun (pun, wu
u
n) or funa (puna, wu
u
na) ‘mortality, mortals’
= Hitt. dandukeššar.
√ SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die, dead’ >
STib. *moŋ ‘to die’ > Chin. 薨 *smoŋ ‘to die (of king)’, Burm. (LB) *mhaŋ
‘corpse’, Kachin maŋ
1
‘a corpse, carcass’, Lushai maŋ ‘to die’, Lepcha
mak ‘to die (said of man, animal, tree, fire, dispute); dying’.
Yen. *boŋ ‘dead man’ > Ket bōŋ, Yug boŋ.
→ An interesting Hattic–STib.–Yen. isogloss.
354 A. Kassian [UF 41
Unpersuasively Иванов, 1985, № 66, and Браун, 1994, 20, who compare the
Hattic root with WCauc. *wV ‘person; people, persons’ and WCauc. *ʁʷV
‘person; self’.
41. fur (wu
u
r, pur, pu
u
r) ‘country; population’
= Hitt. utne, KUR(-e), utniyant-.
√ STib. *PrVŋ ‘country’ > Chin. 邦 *prōŋ ‘country, state’, Burm. prań ‘coun-
try’.
→ An exclusive Hattic–STib. isogloss. The STib. proto-form shows a frequent
reduction of the medial vowel and the common suffix -Vŋ.
42. puš or puše ‘to devour, swallow’
= Hitt. ed-.
√ STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’ > Chin. 秣 *mhāt ‘to feed grain to horses’, Tib.
mid ‘to swallow’, ? Burm. mwat-sip ‘to be thirsty’.
→ STib. *-t can originate from SCauc. *-t / -ṭ / -d as well as from SCauc. *-c/ -(
and *-ć/ -(/ -,.
43. puš-an ‘to blow on, fan (a fire or burning materials)’
= Hitt. parai-.
√ SCauc. *[p]ūHV ‘to blow’ >
NCauc. *pūHV ‘to blow, blowing’ > Nakh *hu(:)p ‘to blow, blowing’, Av.-
And. *puʔ- ‘to blow’, Tsez. *pɨ-ƛʷ- ‘to blow; to swell, blow up; to whis-
tle’, Khin. pɨ ‘air; to blow’, WCauc. *p:Vwa (~ b-) ‘to breathe; breath’.
STib. *bŭ, bŭt > Chin. 弗 *pət ‘gust of wind’, Tib. ãbud ‘to blow’, sbud
‘bellows’, Burm. phəwʔ ‘bellows’, Kachin əphot
2
‘to blow in puffs’,
Lushai phuʔ ‘to blow out of the mouth’.
Yen. *pV(j) ‘to blow’ > Ket ugij, Yug duap-pē, Kott. śifu.
Burush. *phu ‘to blow’.
→ The Hattic form apparently contains the suffix -an, which is known from
some other verbal stems (e. g., šam ~ šaman ‘to hear’, further cf. HWHT,
210).
Despite the fact of the onomatopoeic nature of the SCauc. root, the Hattic
terminus technicus exactly matches the STib. forms both phonetically
(STib. *-t can go back to SCauc. *-t / -ṭ / -d as well as to SCauc. *-c/ -( and
*-ć/ -(/ -,) and semantically.
It is interesting that in the Dargwa group a similar root is observed: Proto-
Dargwa *puš(a) ‘bellows; bubble, bladder’ (< NCauc. *päršwA (~ -l-)
‘bubble, bladder; to swell’). Since there is no another evidence for Hat-
tic–Proto-Dargwa contacts, I suspect that we deal with a chance coinci-
dence here.
Cf. also p(a)šun ‘breath
?
; soul
?
; lung
?
’ [71’].
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 355
44. fute, futi (wu
u
te, wu
u
ti, puti) ‘(to be) long’ in temporal meaning (usually
in the collocation “long years”)
= Hitt. talugi- (eš-).
√ Yen. *bot- ‘often’ > Ket bōt.
→ An interesting Hattic–Yen. isogloss.
45. šahhu/ tahhu ‘ground, bottom (e. g., of the sea)’
= Hitt. tekan- ‘earth, ground’.
√ SCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu ‘dirt, dust, earth, ground’ >
NCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu ‘dirt, dust, earth, ground, sand’ > Nakh *č(ɦ)il
(~ -ī-) ‘ashes, dust’, Av.-And. *š:VlV ‘silt, slime’, Lak š:aIlu/ š:aI- ‘earth,
ground’, Lezgh. *č:il ‘earth; floor’.
Basque *śolho ‘meadow; field; field (prepared for sowing)’.
→ Caucet.dbf proposes the NCauc. proto-form *čHäłu with reference to the
pharyngealization in Lak š:aIlu as an indicator of NCauc. *H. As a matter
of fact Lak has doublets š:aIlu ~ š:aI-, where š:aI- points to the proto-
form *čäłHu (for the phonetic development see NCED, 69–70). Basque
*śorho also speaks for the *čäłHu variant.
Note the simplification *łH > hh in Hattic.
46. šai-l / tai-l ‘lord, master’. Probably the same stem without the “masculine”
l-suffix šai(u) ‘lord’ and with the “feminine” t/š-suffix še-t, se-t, si-t ‘lady
?
’.
Also found in the compounds like zihar-tail ’Holz-Meister’ (= carpenter),
huzza-šai ‘Herd-Meister’ (= smith), fur-šail ‘Land(es)-Herr’.
√ STib. *ćIH ‘to govern, rule; lord’ > Chin. 宰 *coʔ (~ ć-) ‘steward; minister’,
Tib. r,e, ,o ‘lord, master’, Burm. ćəwh ‘to govern, direct’, ćawh ‘king,
queen, royalty’, Kachin (H) ǯau ‘to rule’.
→ A Hattic–STib. isogloss. STib. *ć- can originate from SCauc. *ć/ (/ , and
*č/ (/ ǯ.
47. šaki-l, ški-l, aški-l, also without the “masculine” l-suffix: aški ‘heart’
= Hitt. ŠÀ(-ir).
√ SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ >
NCauc. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ > Nakh *doḳ, Av.-And. *roḳʷo, Tsez. *rɔḳʷə A, Lak
daḳ, Dargwa *ʔurḳi, Lezgh. *jirḳʷ, Khin. ung, WCauc. *ǵʷə; cf. Hurr. egi,
igi ‘inside’.
STib. *ʔròŋ/ *ʔròk ‘breast’ > Chin. 臆 *ʔ(r)ək ‘bosom’, Tib. braŋ ‘chest,
breast’, Burm. raŋ ‘breast’, Lushai eŋ ‘breast’.
Yen. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ > Ket tʌga
5
/ tʌɣa
5
, Yug tʌga
5
, Pump. tíke.
Burush. *dak ‘hope, belief’.
→ SCauc. initial *r- > Hattic š-. Cf. also Sum. ŠAG ‘heart’ (an unclear
coincidence?).
356 A. Kassian [UF 41
48. šam(a) (and perhaps sam-an) ‘to hear, listen (vel sim.)’
√ NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen (> to talk)’ > Av.-And. *sVs(Vn)- ‘to be
quiet, silent’, Dargwa *=urs- (/ =us-) ‘to say, tell’, Lezgh. *ʔasV ‘to be si-
lent ; to listen’.
→ The Proto-NCauc. form may originate from virtual SCauc. **sVmV (with
regular morphonological processes in the Proto-NCauc. verbal stem: re-
duction of the medial vowel and metathesis -CR- > -RC-, see SCC, 1 f.).
The Hatt.–NCauc. comparison is somewhat doubtful, however, due to the
scantiness of the NCauc. data.
Girbal, 1986, 162 compares Hatt. šam(an) with Kartv. *sem- ‘to hear’, *sm-
en ‘to listen (to)’, possessing reliable Nostratic and Afro-Asiatic cognates
(Kartet.dbf; Afaset.dbf; Klimov, 1998, 163, 167). This comparison is ex-
act both phonetically and semantically, but proceeding from general rea-
sons we must treat it as a mere accidental coincidence (cf. a similar situa-
tion with Hatt. tumil ‘rain’ [62]).
A borrowing of such a basic term from Akkad. šemû ‘to hear’ (< Semitic
*šVmaʕ- ‘to hear’ < Afro-Asiatic *sim- ‘ear’) is not probable.
49. štip (probably not tip
19
) ‘gate’
= Hitt. KÁ.
√ Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover; to plug; to close’ > Ket -dɔp ‘to plug’, -dup ‘to close’,
Yug !i:
h
p
4
‘to cover, close’, Kott. ha-čīp ‘to cover’.
→ A Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Hattic shows a very common semantic shift ‘cover’ >
‘door’. Yen. *ǯ- may originate from SCauc. *ć/ , and *č/ (/ ǯ.
50. taha-ya ‘barber’, ‘Barbier (ein Kultdiener)’
= Hitt.

ŠU.I.
√ SCauc. *čVxqV ‘to scratch, scrape’ >
NCauc. *čVqV/ *q

VčV ‘to scratch, rub’ > Av.-And. *χ:Vč- ‘to scrape’, Tsez.
*čãχ:- (~ -ʁ-) ‘to write’, Dargwa *=išq- ‘to scratch, scrape; to tear’,
Lezgh. *(iχ:an- ‘to scrape, rub; to fidget ; to peel ; to tear’.
Yen. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ > Ket dɔ:
3
, Yug !ou
3
// !o:, Kott. hāran-čex ‘to
hack, bevel’.
20

Burush. *qhaṣ ‘to rub’.
→ For Hattic nomina agentis in -ya cf. para-ya ‘priest’. The Hattic meaning ex-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
19
Soysal, 2004, 370 proposes that the Hattic loanword in Hittite
É
kaškaštipa- ‘gatehouse,
portal’ is a reduplicated formation *kas(k)-kas(k)-tipa with the suffix -tipa (known as
-šepa/ -zipa from other Hittite stems), but I think that we deal with a compound word-
forming here: kašku ‘gate building’ [29’] + štip ‘gate’, although the binding vowel
change u > a remains unclear.
20
In many compounds this verbal root has the meaning ‘to split, hack, make notches,
etc.’ among the Yenisseian languages, but the basic meaning of the plain stem is ‘to
shave’ (see Yenet.dbf #836; Werner, 2002 1, 205).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 357
actly matches the Yen. root. Sccet.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. proto-form
as *čVqV (~ -xq-) which seems unjustified.
Иванов, 1985, № 50 compares Hattic ta-ha-ya with WCauc. *¡V ‘to comb;
to scrape’ (< NCauc. *hrĕg

wē ‘comb’) which is not persuasive either
phonetically or morphologically.
51. takeha, takiha, also with the “masculine” l-suffix takeha-l, takiha-l ‘lion;
hero’
= Hitt. UR.MAH, UR.SAG(-i-).
√ SCauc. *sṭänqV ‘panther, leopard’ >
NCauc. *¢ǟnq

V ‘lynx, panther’ > Nakh *(ōq ‘ounce, snow leopard’, Av.-
And. *(irq:V ‘lynx; ounce, snow leopard’, Lak (iniq ‘tiger, leopard’, Dar-
gwa *(irq ‘panther’.
STib. *chi(ə)k ‘leopard’ > Tib. gzig ‘leopard; porcupine’, Burm. (kjah)-sać
‘leopard’, Kiranti *sík-ba ‘tiger, leopard’.
→ The suffix -(e)ha in take-ha remains without clear parallels among known
Hattic stems (it can hardly be identified with the feminine -(a)h [125’] as
in katta-h ‘queen’, etc.). Despite this fact the comparison is reliable both
phonetically and semantically. The simplification *nK > K seems regular
for Hattic as well as for the other SCauc. daughter languages except the
NCauc. branch.
Sccet.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. proto-form as *¢änqV (~ sṭ-), but *sṭ- is
more preferable in view of STib. *ch-.
52. tafarna (tabarna, tawa
a
rna) ‘lord’, the title of the Hittite king;
(f)
tawananna ‘lady’, ‘Herrscherin’, the title of the Hittite reigning queen
= Hitt. labarna-, tabarna- and
f
tawananna.
√ SCauc. *[¢

]ombi ‘superpower’ >
NCauc. *¢

ombi ‘god; mercy’ > Nakh *(ēbV ‘idol, god; heathen deity;
priest’, Av.-And. *(:VbV ‘mercy, grace’, Lak (imi ‘grace, mercy, pity’,
Dargwa *(um ‘pity’.
STib. *ćūm ‘honour, authority’ > Chin. 宗 *ćūŋ ‘to honour, go to pay court ;
ancestor; master’, Tib. gćom, bćom ‘pride, haughtiness, arrogance’, Ka-
chin čum ‘authority’.
→ Widely discussed Hattic words, see now Soysal, 2005 w. lit. and EDHIL w.
lit. (both scholars advocate non-IE, scil. Hattic origin of tabarna) vs.
Yakubovich, 2009, 229 ff. w. lit. and Melchert, 2003a, 18 ff. (for the Ana-
tolian origin of tabarna and tawananna).
The theory of borrowing such regal terms from Luwian or Hittite into Hattic
(and Palaic) is not very probable proceeding from general reasons. We
know several dozens of Hattic loanwords in Hittite
21
(especially concern-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
21
For the list see now Goedegebuure, 2008, 146 f. w. previous lit.
358 A. Kassian [UF 41
ing cultic and regal terminology), but not a single Hittite–Luwian loan-
word in Hattic is revealed up to now.
22

If the term tabarna functioned in Hattic as a Hittito-Luwian Exotismus refer-
ring just to the Hittite king (like Καῖσαρ refers to the Roman emperors in
Ancient Greek texts), it is strange that we find this term in Hattic archaic
formulaic passages. The formal difficulties associated with the Hittito-Lu-
wian origin of the term tabarna are more serious.
1) The Luwian athematic verb tabar- ‘to rule’ lacks IE etymology. The com-
parison with Germ. adjective *đapraz ‘heavy; sad, downcast’ (Orel,
2003, 68) or with Slav. adjective dobrъ ‘good’ (ЭССЯ 5, 45) is untenable
both semantically and morphologically
23
. An analysis of tawananna ac-
cepted by Melchert, 2003a, 18 ff. (to IE *stā-, *stāµ- ‘to stand’) is not
persuasive either.
2) The Luwian morphological pattern of nomen actoris in -na (tabar- ‘to
rule’ > tabar-na- ‘one who rules’) is unique. A postulation of a hypotheti-
cal Luw. adjective **tabra- ‘mighty’ (cf. the previous paragraph), from
which the adjective tabar-na- ‘mighty’ has been derived (as per Melchert,
2003a, 18 ff.), and an explanation of athematic tabar- ‘to rule’ as a “back-
formation” are totally unprovable. Slightly differently Yakubovich (2002;
2009, 229 ff.), who proposes not an adjective, but a Luw. substantive
**tabara- /daβara/ or /δaβara/ ‘power’ as a starting point of t/labarna
which seems ad hoc also.
24
Note that Yakubovich is compelled to postu-
late two unique Luwian phonemes (/δ/, /β/) in order to explain the forms
in question. Further Yakubovich refers to early second millennium Cappa-
docian onomastics in an attempt to find some evidence for Luwian **ta-
bara- /daβara/ or /δaβara/ ‘power’. He quotes four PN-s—Wa-dapra-,
Wa-lapra-, Waša-tapra, Šupi-lapra- —and attributes them to Luwian. As
a matter of fact the first element of Wa-dapra-, Wa-lapra- is inexplicable
within Luwian (as was correctly noted by Yakubovich himself: 2009,
216). There are two ways to analyze Cappadocian Wa-dapra-, Wa-lapra-.
First, they can be Hattic names with the frequent Hatt. prefix wa-. The
second and more probable solution is to divide these forms as Wada-pra-,
Wala-pra- (for their second element cf., e. g., morphologically doubtless
Cappadocian PN Šupi-pra, Garelli, 1963, 146). The third name Waša-
tapra may be either Luwian or not, since waša seems unetymologizable
within Luwian; equally well it can be, e. g., Hurrian: cf. Hurr. tabri ‘atri-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
22
The only candidate is the widespread cultural term zinar [118’] ‘lyre’ which could in-
deed be identified as a Luw. loanword (for the discussion see sub v.).
23
Note that Luw. tabar- per se does not look like a “normal” Anatolian verbal stem.
24
Yakubovich inserts an “epenthesis” between labial and r because of the Lyc. A perso-
nal name dapara = Grk. Λαπαρας (PN Λαπαρας is known from some other Grk.
sources, see Neumann, 2007, 36). But the meaning, origin and morphology of Lyc. A da-
para are unknown, and I really doubt whether this form can prove anything.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 359
but de divinités’ (GLH, 247). Finally, the fourth name Šupi-lapra- seems
Hittite, since the element šupi well attested in Cappadocian onomastics
can be rather assuredly identified with Hitt. (not Luw. !) adj. šuppi-
‘clear’. To sum up the onomastic discussion. With some difficulties in
Cappadocian personal names we can reveal morphemes tapra and lapra,
whose origin and meaning are vague. Note that we do not have any posi-
tive evidence that tapra and labra represent a single morpheme. Of
course, one can attempt to connect lapra to the Mediterranean morpheme
λαβρ-, which is known in some divine epithets of the first millennium BC
or later,
25
or even to the more archaic term λαβύρινθος = Myc. da-
pu/pu
2
-ri-to- (see Yakubovich, 2002).
26
On the other hand tapra can be
identified with Luw. tabar- ‘to rule’, but it is not obligatory due to the ab-
sence of a vowel between labial and r in tapra (cf. also possible Hurr.
cognate of tapra above). In any case, postulating of Luw. /δaβar/ with a
unique phoneme /δ/, which was rendered by t- in Luw. tabar- ‘to rule’
(with various Hitt.-Luw. derivates), but by l in the title labarna and the
onomastic element lapra, can hardly be justified from my point of view.
The same concerns the idea that [δ]—when conjectural [δ]apra became a
Mediterranean wandering onomastic root—could preserve its unique pho-
netic characteristics in the course of millennium and continue to be
spelled either as l or as d in non-cuneiform traditions (cf. Yakubovich’s
examples: Myc. da-pu/pu
2
-ri-to- = Grk. λαβύρινθος; Lyc. A PN dapara
= Grk. Λαπαρας).
3) The Luwian verbal stem tabar- with derivates as well as their Hittite
counterparts (tabarija- ‘order, injunction’, etc.) never show t/l-alternation,
while t/labarna is uniformly spelled as labarna in CLuw. texts, not
**tabarna.
4) The alternation tabarna ~ labarna can hardly be explained within Hittito-
Luwian phonology. A hypothetical one-example scenario proposed by
Melchert, 2003a, 18 ff. for Hitt. l- < Luw. t- in Luwian loanwords in
Hittite is not supported by any positive evidence and looks too compli-
cated and factitious (note that the CLuw. stable spelling labarna clearly
contradicts Melchert’s phonetic theory). On the contrary, we know an
opposite occasional process Anat. *T- > Luw. l-, for which see below.
5) /f/ (wa
a
) in Hatt. tafarna can hardly be explained if one assumes a loan
nature of this lexeme in Hattic.
27

–––––––––––––––––––––––
25
The Carian city and Zeus shrine Labraunda, known from some ancient Greek authors
like Herodotus or Strabo (Λάβραυνδα, Λάβρανδα) or the epithet of Zeus in Cyprus Λα-
βράνιος.
26
For the latter cf. also hypothetical Linear A -du-pu
2
-re ‘master’, as proposed in
Valério, 2007.
27
Yakubovich, 2009, 230 fn. 29, advocating the Luwian origin of Hattic tafarna, postu-
lates the new Luwian phoneme /β/ for this case (/daβarna/), which was being transcribed
360 A. Kassian [UF 41
Almost all these difficulties are avoided if we treat tafarna and tawananna as
proper Hattic stems. Despite the fact that tawananna never occurs with
the spelling wa
a
or pa, I suppose that we can regard Hattic tafarna and
tawananna as paronymous words and single out the Hattic root tafa-
/ tawa-, whose SCauc. etymology (see above) is exact both phonetically
and semantically. Note that even if we discard tawananna from the com-
parison, it does not seriously affect my conclusions. A morpheme -r- in
tafa-r-na is a rather common SCauc. suffix known from some other Hat-
tic stems, both verbal (huku-r ‘to see’ [13] < SCauc. *HōkV ‘id.’) and
nominal (zeha-r ‘building wood’ [64] ~ NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick; timber’).
The nominal suffix -na is also attested in Hattic: cf. zipi-na ‘sour’ [66]
(~ STib. *cVp ‘bitter’) and probably kurkupal [39’] ~ kurkufen-na [40’]
(if nna < lna).
Meanwhile the lambdacized form labarna, which is unknown to Hattic, but
attested in Hittite texts, where it competes with the proper variant tabarna
(see Soysal, 2005, 191 ff. for statistics), may be a result of false ety-
mologization. One can propose that the Hittites and the Luwians under-
stood ta- in tafarna as a feminine morpheme and attempted to replace it
by the masculine la- after the model
D
halipinu ‘(a male deity of the
Hattic–Hittite pantheon)’ vs.
D
hatipinu ‘(a female deity of the Hattic–
Hittite pantheon)’—see Soysal, 2005, 199 ff., but with different conclu-
sions. Certainly the queen title tawananna (never attested in a lamb-
dacized form) has not been affected by such etymologization.
There is an alternative phonetic explanation of the lambdacized form
labarna, since we know that in some cases Anat. *T- yields Luw. l-. The
conditions of this phonetic change are unknown, but the correspondence
Hitt. ta- ‘to take’ ~ CLuw. la- ‘id.’ can hardly be rejected.
28
Further and
less obligatory examples are: Hitt. tuhhuessar ‘smoke-substance, in-
cense(-resin)’ ~ Luwoid
?
lu(y)essar ‘incense(-wood)’ and Hitt. tuwarna-
‘to break’ ~ Luwism :lawarriya- ‘id.’.
29
On the ground of this phonetic
–––––––––––––––––––––––
as the sign BA by the Hittites in the Hittite word and as WA
A
by the Hittites in the Hattic
word. I do not understand, on which positive evidence Yakubovich’s theory is based. The
function of the sign BA in the Hittite cuneiform tradition is the task of further research,
but as far as I can judge, BA was being used by Hittite scribes merely as an occasional
graphical indicator of loanwords (Hurrian, Luwian, Akkadian, Hattic, etc.).
28
Despite Yakubovich, 2008, 21, fn. 24.
29
Melchert, 2003b, 181 claims that the Hittites can render initial t- by l- in Luwian
loanwords. His examples are: Hitt. allappahh- ‘to spite’ ~ CLuw. tappa- ‘id.’ (maybe <
IE *lap- ‘to lap, lick’, but note that the Hittite term used in archaic rites of Hattic origin
also resembles Hatt. alef ‘tongue’) and the personal name Hitt.
m
alalimi ~ HLuw. ta/i
5
-
ta/i
4
-mi. Firstly, it is unclear to me why Hitt. allappahh- is a Luwian loanword. Secondly,
HLuw. PN ta/i
5
-ta/i
4
-mi must be read as ala-ali-mi (see Hawkins, 2005, 289–90; Rie-
ken/ Yakubovich, 2010; Yakubovich, 2009a). Thirdly, even if we accept these examples,
the form in question is labarna, not **alabarna.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 361
phenomenon the only consistent scenario is the following one: Hattic
tafarna was borrowed into Hittite and Palaic as tabarna and into Luwian
as *tabarna > labarna (labarna is the only variant known from Luwian
texts); thereupon the Hittites borrowed labarna from Luwian and began
to use it equally with the proper form tabarna. Of course both explana-
tions (morphological and phonetical) of the t/l-alternations in Hittite are
not self-evident,
30
but they seem much more probable than Melchert’s one
(for which see above).
As for the second element of tawa-nanna, in all likelihood nanna reflects the
universally spread nursery word ‘mother’, cf., e. g., SCauc. *nǟnV ‘fe-
male breast ; mother’. An assumed compound ‘honoured/ powerful
mother’ as a queen title fits Hattic matriarchal culture very well.
The fact that tabarna/ labarna was the throne name of the first Hittite king
(the founder of the dynasty) is unhelpful, since both solutions are equal.
First, we can assume that originally tabarna/ labarna was a proper name
and thereupon became a regal title in Anatolia (cf. the linguistic fate of
Lat. Caesar). But the second scenario is not less probable: tafarna was a
Hattic regal term, which has been adopted by Hittite king as a throne
name, typologically cf. German family names Kaiser, Herzog etc. (note
that the most part of the throne names of the Old Hittite kingdom was
Hattic and only two or three of them permit Luwian attribution, see Goe-
degebuure, 2008, 165; Yakubovich, 2009, 251).
Thus, from my point of view the derivation of tabarna/ labarna from Luw.
tabar- ‘to rule’ looks like a modern folk etymology. On the other hand, I
cannot exclude that the Hattic stem tafa-r with the probable meaning ‘to
have honour/ authority/ power’ might have been borrowed into Hittite–
Luwian dialects as tabar- ‘to rule’ together with other Hattic terms of
government and kingship. The second hypothetical source of the Luw.
verb could be the WSem. verbal root *dbr ‘to lead, force to walk’ (Ugar.,
Hebr., Off. Aram., etc., probably Arab. ; see DUL, 263; HJ, 239). The na-
ture and the origin of the Mediterranean scarcely attested onomastic ele-
ment laB(a)r/ TaB(a)r remain vague. A rather satisfactory etymology of
Myc. da-pu/pu
2
-ri-to- = Grk. λαβύρινθος has been recently briefly pro-
posed by Яцемирский, 2009, 110: Hsch. λάβιρος · βόθυνος ‘hole,
trench, or pit dug in the ground’.
31

–––––––––––––––––––––––
30
Cf. Yakubovich’s (2009, 231) criticism of Soysal’s morphological scenario. Yakubo-
vich is right that in the case of the morphological reanalysis of a loanword this process is
standardly based on the grammatical patterns of the target language. But reanalysis
according to the grammatical patterns of the source language is also sometimes observed.
E. g., the name of the USA company “Keds” has been borrowed into Russian as sg. ked,
pl. kedy ‘sneaker(s)’, where -s has been understood as the English plural ending and
loped off.
31
For the Greek substrate suffixes -υρ and -ινθ see Beekes, 2007 (§C.2). Except for λά-
βιρος, there are no clear examples for the suffix -ιρ (cf., however, βαλλιρός/ βάλε-
362 A. Kassian [UF 41
Quite differently Soysal, 2005 (following H.-S. Schuster’s idea): ta-far-na
from the Hattic roots far ‘thousand’ [31] and na ‘?’, i. e. tafarna as ‘(lord
of) thousand na-s’. Such an analysis is rather factitious from my point of
view. First, the elliptical construction ‘(lord of) …’ appears unparalleled
by known Hattic data. Second, the virtual collocation ta-far-na lacks the
expected plural suffix fa- found in the similar collocation far-fa-šhaf / ta-
far-fa-šhaf ‘thousand deities’ (from šhaf ‘god’).
32
Third, the root na is not
attested elsewhere in Hattic (except for Soysal’s theoretical ta-wanan-na
‘(lady of) wanan na-s’) which makes this monoconsonantal analysis
doubtful.
Иванов, 1985, № 53 analyzes Hattic tawananna as a compound tawa-nanna,
comparing Hatt. tafa with Adyghe and Kabardian nǝ-wa, nǝ-wa-ź (ныо,
ныожъ, наужъ) ‘old woman’ and Hatt. nanna with WCauc. *nanV
‘mother, mummy; old woman, granny’ (< NCauc. *nǟnV ‘female breast ;
mother’). Although the elements of the Adyghe compound nǝ-wa are not
entirely clear, Ivanov’s etymology of Hatt. tawa- is improbable both pho-
netically and morphologically.
53. tafa (tauwa
a
) ‘fear, fright’
= Hitt. weridema-.
√ STib. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear, to be confused’ > Chin. 慹 *tep, *tip ‘scared stiff,
stupefied’, 慴 *tep ‘to fear’, Tib. rtab ‘to be confused, frightened; to be in
a hurry’.
→ A Hattic–STib. isogloss. The connection between Hattic tafa ‘fear’ and tufi
–––––––––––––––––––––––
ρος/ βαλῖνος [Arist.] ‘a kind of carp’ and κίσιρνις [Hsch.] ‘a bird’ ~ κίσσιρις · εἶδος ὀρ-
νέου [Suid.], the examples by S. Yatsemirsky, pers. comm.), but one can draw here a
parallel with the Pre-Greek suffixes -ιλ/ -υλ or -ινθ/ -υνθ which are well-attested in their
both variants: cf. especially the doublets like τόρδῡλον ~ τόρδιλον ‘hartwort, Tordylium
officinale’ and maybe μυστλη ~ μιστύλη ‘crust of bread scooped out to the form of a
spoon’ (the examples by S. Yatsemirsky, pers. comm.).
As for the fluctuation d~l in the Pre-Greek (scil. “Minoan”) vocabulary, this pheno-
menon does not seem an exclusive feature of λαβύρινθος. Cf. other Furnée’s examples
in Beekes, 2007 (§B.5.7): Myc. ka-da-mi-ta ~ Grk. κᾰλᾰμίνθη ‘name of “a good-smell-
ing plant”’, δάφνη (Hom.+) ~ Pergaean λάφνη (Hsch.) ‘sweet bay (Laurus nobilis)’,
ἄβλαροι (Hsch.) ‘wood; tree’ ~ βδαροί (Hsch.) ‘tree’, Ὀδυσσεύς ~ Ὀλυσσεύς, also
δίσκος (Hom.+) ~ λίσκος (Hsch.) ‘quoit’. It is possible that the primary function of the
Linear B voiced series (i.e. d-series) was rendering of some special phoneme of the
“Minoan” language (e. g., the lateral affricate).
32
O. Soysal (pers. comm.) points, however, to the fact that auxiliary morphemes can
sometimes be dropped out in Hattic compound proper names like, e. g., in fur-un-katte
‘king of the land’ (land-GEN king) for *fur-un-te-katte (land-GEN POSS-king). But I
suspect that in the case of possessive exponent omission we deal with the general prin-
ciple of the Hattic compound word-forming, cf. without possessive proclitics zihar-tail
‘carpenter’ (wood-master), huzza-šai ‘smith’ (hearth-master), fur-šail ‘lord of the land’
(land-master) etc.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 363
‘fear’ [102’] is unclear.
Иванов, 1985, № 52 compares the Hattic compound tafa-tufi ‘fear (and) hor-
ror’ with WCauc. *xə ‘cold; to get cold, freeze’ > Abkhaz–Abaza *xə-ta
‘cold (adj.)’, Adyghe–Kabardian *sətə- ‘to get cold’ with a further seman-
tic development into ‘fear’ in some WCauc. forms, e. g., Kabard. ś-tə
‘frightened’. The comparison in not persuasive.
54. *te, *ti ‘great, big’ in te-li (masc.) and te-te, te-ti (fem.)
√ SCauc. *dVHV ‘to grow; big’ >
NCauc. > WCauc. *dA ‘big; most, at all ; much, very’.
STib. *tajH ‘big, much’ > Chin. 多 *tāj ‘much, many’, 哆 *thajʔ, *thiajʔ,
*trājʔ, *thrājʔ ‘be great’, Burm. taj ‘very’, təiʔ sign of the plural, Kachin
theʔ
2
‘and’, Lushai teʔ (< *teiʔ ?) ‘much, very much’, -te suffix denoting
plurality, Lepcha tí, ti-m ‘to be great, large, big’, Kiranti *dV ‘big’.
Yen. *tɨʔj- ‘to grow’ > Ket tɨjiŋ
5
, -tij, Yug tɨjiŋ, -tɨj.
→ Phonetically the Hattic form is close to the STib. and Yen. attestations.
Similarly Браун, 1994, 20, and Chirikba, 1996, 428 (Hatt. + WCauc.). Gir-
bal, 1986 compares the Hattic fem. form tete with Kartv. *did- ‘big’
(South Kartv. only: Georg., Megrel, Laz), which can be a WCauc. loan-
word (cf. a reduplicated stem in Adyghe–Kabardian *do-da / *dá-də
‘most, at all’).
55. ti, te, also zi
?
‘to lie; to lay
?

= Hitt. ki-.
√ SCauc. *=ătV ‘to put, leave’ >
NCauc. *=ătV-r ‘to let, leave; to stay’ > Nakh *=it- ‘to leave’, Av.-And.
*=it- ‘to leave, let ; to stay, be there’, Lak =ita- ‘to leave’, Dargwa
*=atVr- ‘to leave’, Lezgh. *jatär- ‘to let, leave’, Khin. at- ‘to be there, be
available’, WCauc. *tV ‘to be inside; to stand; to be’ (Abkhaz -ta-/ -t(ə)-,
etc.).
STib. *dhăH (/ *thăH) ‘to put, place’ > Chin. 署 *ḏa(ʔ)s ‘to place, position’,
處 *thaʔ ‘dwell, stay, place’, Tib. gda ‘to be, to be there’, gtad ‘to lean
upon, deliver up’, stad ‘to put on, lay on’, Burm. thah ‘to put, place’, Ka-
chin da
3
‘to put, place’, Lushai daʔ ‘to put, place, set’, Lepcha tho-m ‘to
place’.
Yen. *di(j) ‘to lie down, put down’ > Ket dij ‘to put, load’, Yug di / diʔ ‘to put,
load’.
Burush. *-´t- ‘to do, make, set up’.
→ Hattic matches Yen. phonetically.
Chirikba, 1996, 421 compares Hatt. ti with WCauc. *ƛ:ʷA ‘to sleep’ (<
NCauc. *=HVw\

Ān) which is impossible phonetically. Doubtfully
Браун, 1994, 21 (Hatt. + WCauc. *(V ‘to lay eggs; to put (with pre-
verbs)’, for which see Hatt. eš ‘to put’ [4]).
364 A. Kassian [UF 41
56. teh, tih ‘to build’
= Hitt. wede-.
√ STib. *ćòH > Chin. 仕 *,

rəʔ ‘to work, serve, office’, 事 *,

rəʔs ‘affair’, Tib.
ãćha ‘to make, prepare’, Kachin (H) ča ‘to pile or lay, as stones; to build,
as stone-wall, to build, as scaffold’, ? Lushai sa (sak) ‘to build or erect (as
house etc.)’
→ A Hattic–STib. isogloss (for the semantics cf. the Kachin and probably
Lushai cognates). STib. *ć- can originate from SCauc. *ć/ (/ , and *č/ (/ ǯ.
The phonetic similarity with Hurr. teh- ‘to grow up (of children)’ seems acci-
dental.
57. *tefu ‘to pour’ in tefu-šne ‘libation, offering’
= Hitt. išpantuzzi-, malt[eššar].
√ SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour; wet’ >
NCauc. *=ǟwčĂ ‘to emit, pour; to vomit’ > Nakh *l-ēbč- ‘to bathe; to be
scattered about’, Av.-And. *=ačʷ- (~ -o-) ‘to splash; to rinse; to wash; to
bathe; to flow; liquid’, Tsez. *ʔeč- ‘to vomit’, Lak =i=či- ‘to to pour,
strew; to throw’, Lezgh. *ʔäča- ‘to flow, pour; to jump, fly; to vomit’,
WCauc. *ǯʷə ‘to vomit’.
STib. *ćəw (-t) ‘water, wet ; to scoop’ > Tib. ćhu ‘water’, bćud ‘moisture,
juice, sap’, ãćhu ‘to ladle or scoop (water)’, Burm. ćəw ‘to be wet, moist’,
Kachin ǯo
3
‘to pour into’, čo
2
‘spoon’, Lushai čiau ‘wet and dirty’, Kiran-
ti Limbu cwaʔl ‘water’
Yen. *ʔa-č- ‘to pour’ > Ket átij, Yug atčej / ačej.
Burush. *ṣao ‘to wash’.
→ Hattic tefu-šne should be analyzed as a compound, where šne [89’] means
‘offering’ (cf. fula-šne ‘bread offering’ [38]).
Phonetically and morphologically the Hattic stem is close to the STib. and
Burush. forms, while semantically—to the NCauc. and Yen. ones.
Cf. also Hurr. tab/w- ‘to found (metal)’, whose similarity with the Hattic root
can be a chance coincidence (Старостин, 1995/ 2007, 632 connects the
Hurrian term to NCauc. *=VṭwV ‘to pour, to soak’, further to SCauc.
*=V[ṭ]wV ‘water’).
58. tera-h (probably not štera-h) ‘leather covering, fell-cloak’
= Hitt.
KUŠ
NÍG.BÀR.
√ SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ >
NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ > Nakh *(ʡōr ‘skin, envelope; shell, peel’, Tsez.
*šɔrV (~ š:-) ‘lamb’s skin (for making hats); a k. of Tsez. shoes’, Lezgh.
*č:ar(a) ‘(milk) skin; sour cream; cream; mould’, Khin. ǯar ‘sour
cream’.
Yen. *təʔlap- (~ -r-) ‘bread crust’ > Ket tʌla:
3
, pl. tʌĺaŋ
5
, Yug tʌlap
5
/ tʌla:p
3
,
pl. tʌlafɨn
5
.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 365
→ Note the simplification *štɦ- > t- in Hattic, the same process as in Yen. For
the Hattic suffix -(a)h see HWHT, 216.
Yen. shows a further semantic development, while NCauc. and Hattic retain
the primary meaning ‘leather covering, envelope’.
Иванов, 1985, № 41 compares terah with NCauc. *¢ĭrqā ‘carpet ; coverlet’
which is less satisfactory both semantically and phonetically.
59. tu ‘to eat’
= Hitt. ed-.
√ SCauc. *=V¢V ‘to eat, drink’ >
NCauc. *=V¢

V ‘to drink; to gulp, to eat’ > Av.-And. *(:a- ‘to drink’, Tsez.
*=a(- ‘to eat’, Lezgh. *ʔV(V (~ -(:-) ‘to drink’.
STib. *ʒhaH ‘to eat’ > Tib. za ‘to eat’, gzan ‘to eat, devour’, zan ‘fodder,
porridge’, Burm. ćah ‘to eat’, Kachin ša
3
‘to eat’, šat
2
‘boiled rice, rice
for eating’, Lushai fa ‘rice’, faʔ ‘to feed with the mouth’, Kiranti *ʒo
(?/ *ʒə) ‘to eat’.
Yen. *sī- ‘to eat’ > Ket sī ‘to eat’, Yug sī ‘to eat’, Kott. šig ‘Speise’, Arin šau
‘Speise’, Pump. sogo ‘to eat’.
Burush. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ‘to eat’.
→ The Hattic u-vocalism is unclear (cf. Burush. *ṣu). Despite this fact, the
comparison seems reliable.
Improbably Иванов, 1985, № 59, who arbitrarily singled out the Hattic root
u[f] and compared it with WCauc. *fV ‘to eat’ (possibly < NCauc. *ɦĭfV
‘to guard, graze’).
60. tuh ‘to take; to keep
?

= Hitt. (-za) da-; ? har(k)-.
√ SCauc. *=ắčwV ‘to take’ >
NCauc. *=ăčwV > Av.-And. *=ač- (~ -o-) ‘to carry’, Tsez. *=aš(:)- ‘to find’,
Dargwa *=uč- ‘to gather, collect ; to take’, Lezgh. *ʔačʷɨ- ‘to take; to take
away; to bring’, WCauc. *čʷV ‘to take, carry’.
STib. *ĆŏH ‘to seize’ > Chin. 取 *ćhoʔ ‘to take’, Tib. ã,u ‘to seize’.
Basque *eući ‘to take, hold, seize, grasp’.
→ Note the similarity between the Hattic and STib. roots.
Иванов, 1985, № 48 compares the Hattic root with WCauc. *tA- ‘to give’
(< NCauc. *=VtV ‘to give’) which is unconvincing. Chirikba, 1996, 419
compares tuh with Abkhaz–Abaza *tǝ-xǝ ‘to take from inside’ (where *tǝ
is a locative preverb and *xǝ means ‘to take’) which is unconvincing, too.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 22 (Hatt. + Abaza).
61. tuk ‘to step’, ‘hintreten; beistehen
?

= Hitt. tiya-.
√ SCauc. *ČVQV ‘to step, run’ >
366 A. Kassian [UF 41
STib. *ćek (~ j-) ‘to tread, trample’ > Chin. 蹟, 跡 *ćek ‘footprints, trample’,
Tib. (ã)ćhags ‘to tread, to walk, to move’.
Yen. *čɔʔq- ‘to run’ > Ket tɔq-tət
5
‘to run’, Yug čat-tat
5
‘to trot’, Kott. čag-
anthak ‘running’, čāganthagākŋ ‘to run’.
→ Note the vocalic similarity between the Hattic and Proto-Yen. forms.
62. tumil, with a secondary assimilation tumin (also šumin?) ‘rain’
= Hitt. heyu-.
√ SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ >
NCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘autumn, winter (rainy season)’ > Nakh *sṭab(ʡ)V/
*bʡastV ‘autumn; spring’, Av.-And. *c:ibirV ‘autumn; winter’, Tsez.
*s:ɨbə(rV) A ‘autumn’, Lak s:u-t ‘autumn’, Lezgh. *cowɨl: ‘autumn’,
Khin. cuwa-ž ‘autumn’, WCauc. *ć:ə (~ *,ə) ‘autumn; winter’.
STib. > Chin. 秋 *ćhiw ‘autumn’.
Yen. *sir
1
- ‘summer’ > Ket śīĺi
1
, Yug sīr, Kott. šilpaŋ, Arin šil.
Basque *asaro ‘November, (Sal.) autumn’.
→ The nasalization *-w- > -m- in the Hattic form is not quite clear, but the com-
parison cannot be rejected. Such a dissimilation uw > um is a good par-
allel to a similar phenomenon of Hittite morphonology.
Иванов, 1985, № 56 analyzes the Hattic stem as tu-mil and compares the
first element with unclear Ubykh tʷá- in tʷá-sx ‘hail’ (sx goes back to
WCauc. *cəxʷə ‘to urinate; to rain’) which is unconvincing.
Girbal, 1986, 162 compares tumil with Kartv. *¢wim- ‘to rain’, *¢wim-a-
‘rain’ (South Kartv. only: Georg., Megrel, Laz; see Kartet.dbf; Klimov,
1998, 312). It could be possible both phonetically and semantically (if we
single out the frequent suffix -l from the Hattic stem), but in all likelihood
we deal with a chance coincidence here—the same case as Hatt. šam ‘to
hear’ [48].
63. tup (probably not štup) ‘root’
= Hitt. šurki-.
√ Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ > Kott. thempul, *thēmpul, Arin lēmbirgaŋ, lēmbi-
ŕaŋ, tenbir.
→ A Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Note an occasional retention of *m in Yen. and regu-
lar cluster simplification in Hatt. (for such a “non-disappearing” *m in
Yen. see SCC, 41). The nominal ĺ-suffix is not rare in Yen.
64. zehar, zihar ‘(building) wood, timber’
= Hitt. GIŠ-ru.
√ NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick, chip; piece of wood, beam; timber’ > Tsez. *(iχ:
(~ -ɨ-, -ʁ) ‘chip, small piece of wood’, Dargwa *c:eχ:eni ‘beam, cross-
beam’, Lezgh. *(oχ:an (~ *(Vχ:ʷan) ‘perch, pole, log; wood, timber’
→ Hattic stem contains the suffix -(V)r, which is rather common in SCauc. lan-
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 367
guages, especially in the NCauc. branch. For -(V)r cf. Hatt. huku-r ‘to
see, look, notice’ [13].
Semantically unpersuasively Иванов, 1985, № 72, and Chirikba, 1996, 423,
who compare Hatt. zehar with the Adyghe–Kabardian compound *č:o-ɣə
‘tree’ < WCauc. *c:ʷə ‘a k. of tree’ (< NCauc. *Hă(r)ǯwī (~ -ē) ‘a k. of
tree’) + WCauc. *lA ‘male; testiculus’ (< NCauc. *lĭwŁĔ/ *ŁĭwlV ‘man,
male’). The original meaning of Adyghe–Kabardian *č:o-ɣə was probably
‘acorn’ (see Caucet.dbf).
65. zik ‘to fall’
= Hitt. mauš-.
√ Yen. *də(ʔ)q- (~ *dək- ?) ‘to fall’ > Ket dʌkŋ
5
, Yug dʌkŋ.
→ An important Hattic–Yen. isogloss.
Yen. *d- can originate from SCauc. *t-/ ṭ-, *l-/ ł-, *n- and (in the case of Yen.
*ʔ-tone) from SCauc. *s-/ ś-/ š-. The proto-form with the initial *t-/ ṭ- is
the most natural solution here. For Hattic secondary z < t before i see the
phonetic section above.
Sccet.dbf #865 with doubts connects Yen. *də(ʔ)q- ‘to fall’ to NCauc.
*=[a]rkVr ‘to fall’ and STib. *k(h)rīl (~ -ł) ‘to fall, drop’, proposing the
SCauc. proto-form *łVkVrV/ *rVkVłV, which is possible only theoreti-
cally: we must suppose assimilation ł-r > r-r in NCauc. and double meta-
thesis in STib.
Иванов, 1985, № 73 compares Hatt. zik with an unclear Ubykh double-mor-
phemic form.
66. zipina ‘sour’ (substantivized?)
= Hitt. EMṢU.
√ STib. *cVp (~ ć-) ‘bitter, pungent’ > Burm. ćap ‘to be hot, pungent’, ćhip
‘poison’, Kachin ǯap
2
‘to be hot, pungent, peppery’, məǯap
3
‘red pepper’,
Lushai thīp ‘to smart, be bitter (as egg-fruit)’.
→ An interesting Hattic–STib. isogloss.
Although the Hattic suffix -na is not entirely clear, the analysis zipi-na seems
natural. For the suffix -na cf., e. g., kurkufenna ‘wooden stand (vel sim.)
in rituals’ [40’] vs. kurkupal ‘peg’ [39’] (if -nna < -lna) and maybe
tafarna ‘lord’ [52].
Иванов, 1985, № 81 compares Hatt. zipina with the WCauc. compound
*(ʷV-qʷV ‘to get sour; sour’ (< NCauc. *ɦmVj¢

wĂ ‘sour’ + *=òqwVn ‘to
be sufficient, enough’) smart is not persuasive phonetically.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
The Hattic word might have been borrowed into Hurrian as a cultic term, cf.
Hurr. (Bogh.)
NINDA
zippinni ‘(a k. of pastry used in rites)’ (GLH, 305).
368 A. Kassian [UF 41
67. ziš ‘mountain’
= Hitt. HUR.SAG.
√ SCauc. *¢ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone, mountain’ >
Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’, pl. *čəʔ-ŋ ‘rock’ > Ket tɨʔś, pl. tʌʔŋ / tʌŋa:n
3
, Yug čɨʔs, pl.
čʌʔŋ, čʌŋa:n
3
‘rock’, Kott. šīš, pl. šeŋ, Arin kes, Pump. kit.
Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’.
→ A Hattic–Yen.–Burush. isogloss.
Synchronically *-s in Yen. *čɨʔs may be a singulative suffix (cf. the proto-
form of plural), but probably the Yen. paradigm is the result of a secon-
dary morphological reanalysis.
Sccet.dbf #140 unites Yen. and Burush. forms with NCauc. *¢ä¢wV ‘small
stone’ (reconstructing the SCauc. root as *¢ä¢wV ‘stone’) which seems
theoretically possible, but not very apt either semantically or phonetically.
68. zuwa-tu ‘wife’ or rather ‘concubine’
= Hitt. DAM.
√ SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’ >
NCauc. *¢

wŏjV (~ -I-) ‘woman, female’ > Nakh *psṭuw ‘wife; princess’,
Av.-And. *(:ʷijV ‘female’, Lak c:u- ‘female’, WCauc. *pə-zV ‘female;
bitch’.
STib. > Chin. 雌 *ćhej ‘female’.
Basque *a-ćo ‘old woman, (Sal) grandmother’.
→ Hattic -tu is the “female” suffix -t(u)/ -š(u).
Similarly Иванов, 1985, № 83 (Hatt. + East Cauc. + incorrectly WCauc.
*sʷə(mə)(V ‘woman’), and Браун, 1994, 19 (Hatt. + WCauc. *pə-zV).
5.2 Loans, dubia, and roots without etymology
1’. ah and/ or fah (wa
a
h, pah, wah) ‘to set, set in order; to command’, ‘set-
zen, (ein)ordnen; befehlen”
= Hitt. dai-, watarnahh-.
2’. an ‘to come (here
?
)’, imp. ana ‘come (here
?
)!’
= Hitt. ehu.
√ SCauc. *=VʔwVŋ ‘to go, travel’ >
NCauc. *=VʔwVn ‘to go’ > Nakh *ʡo-, Av.-And. *=VʔVn-, Tsez. *=oʔ-, Lak
na-; cf. Hurr. un-, Urart. nun- ‘to come’.
STib. *ʔʷă (s-, -ŋ) ‘to go’.
Yen. *hejVŋ ‘to go’ > Ket ējeŋ
1
/ ɛjeŋ
5
; Yug ejiŋ
1
; Kott. hejaŋ. Probably
*hejVŋ developed from Early Proto-Yen. *ʔwVʔwVŋ < *ʔVʔwVŋ (SCC,
29).
Burush. *né- ‘to walk (go)’.
Basque *e-oHa-n ‘to go’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 369
→ If the comparison is correct, Hattic shows the phonetic development *ʔw > 0,
which is unparalleled by the Sino-Caucasian daughter proto-languages.
3’. ašti or šti ‘bird’
= Hitt. MUŠEN.
4’. *aw ‘to come’(?) in awa ‘come here!’
= Hitt. ehu.
5’. haifenamul (haipinamul, haiwe
e
namul) ‘manhood, virility, courage’
= Hitt. pišnatar, LÚ-tar.
→ Morphologically opaque. It is self-suggesting to single out the “masculine”
suffix -l: haipinamu-l. On the other hand, one can see a compound
haipina-mul here. For its first part cf. the well-attested noun haippin with
an unknown meaning (probably abstract, derived from fin ‘child, son’). In
this case the second part -mul may correspond to:
SCauc. *mōr[Ł]V ‘male’ >
NCauc. *mōrŁV ‘male (subst.)’ > Nakh *mār ‘husband’, Dargwa *marga
‘male’, Lezgh. *morƛ:ɨl/*uorƛ:ɨl ‘man; male; male child; brave man, hero’;
STib. > Chin. 牡 *m(h)(r)ūʔ ‘male animal’.
If so, note the retention of *m- in Hattic -mul in the non-initial position.
6’.

hakazue-l ‘drinker, toaster’, ‘кравчий’
= Hitt.

eguttarra- (< egu- ‘to drink’).
→ The stem is apparently derived from the Hatt. noun kazue ‘bowl’ [32’] (< Se-
mitic) with the frequent prefix ha- and the “masculine” suffix -(i)l, see
Soysal, 1999, 164–165, fn. 7.
Иванов, 1985, № 82 unconvincingly analyzes Hatt. hakazuel as ha-ga-zu-el,
comparing zu with WCauc. *zwA- ‘to drink’. According to Caucet.dbf,
WCauc. *zwA- ‘to drink’ corresponds to ECauc. ‘to milk’, going back to
NCauc. *=āmʒŬ, further to SCauc. *=āmśdÚ ‘milk, to milk’.
7’. hamuruwa ‘beam, rafter’, ‘(Dach)balken’
= Hitt. GIŠ.ÙR.
→ If genuine Hattic, then perhaps ha-muru-a with the nominal prefix ha-, al-
though the initial m- in an inherited root is unlikely.
Иванов, 1985, № 5 compares Hatt. hamuruwa with the WCauc. root *poqʷa
(~ p:-, (ʷ) ‘wood, timber’ (< NCauc. *mħĕrqwĕ (~ -ʕ-, -I) ‘birch; tim-
ber’), used in compounds, denoting some wooden instruments. Phoneti-
cally unsatisfactory.
In their turn, Ардзинба, 1983, 170, Chirikba, 1996, 423, Chirikba, 1996a,
59, quote the Abkhaz–Abaza compound *qʷǝ(m)bǝlǝra ‘beam over the
hearth, cross-beam’, which theoretically can be the source of borrowing
370 A. Kassian [UF 41
of the Hattic term.
The Hattic terminus technicus was borrowed as Akkadian (OB, Nuzi) amrû
‘beam, timber (in construction of house, ship)’ (CDA, 15; CAD A2, 78)
probably via Hurrian with the same loss of h- as observed in Hurr. abalgi
‘iron’ < Hatt. hapalki ‘id.’ [12’].
On similar Grk. γέφῡρα (~ β-, δ-) ‘dyke, dam; bridge’, Arm. kamurǰ ‘bridge’,
Turk. *köper ‘id.’ see an extended discussion in Martirosyan, 2010,
351ff.
8’. *hana in hanal, hanail, hanau ‘food
?

→ Cf. NCauc. *ħānħV ‘fat’.
9’. hanti (hant?) ‘to summon up
?

=
?
Hitt. galliš- ‘to summon up’.
→ Cf. SCauc. *=alg[w]Ăn >
NCauc. *=alg[w]Ăn ‘to speak’ > Av.-And. *gʷVl-, Lak =uk:i-, Dargwa
*=[a]lgwVn, Lezgh. *ʔalga(n), WCauc. *ga; cf. Hurr. kul- ‘to say, to pro-
nounce solemnly’.
Dubious STib. *khān (~ *gh-) ‘to see, look, know’.
The comparison is possible, if we reject the STib. parallels, reconstruct
SCauc. *xg[w] instead of *g[w] and treat -ti in the Hattic form as a suffix
of unclear nature.
10’.
(D)
hanfašuit ‘Throne-goddess, throne’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
halmaššuitta-,
GIŠ
DAG.
→ Apparently a compound: hanfa-šuit.
11’.

hantipšufa ‘cook’
= Hitt.

MUHALDIM.
→ An unclear compound.
12’. hapalki ‘iron’
= Hitt. AN.BAR.
→ The same word is found in Hittite (habalki ‘iron’) and Hurrian (habalgi /
abalgi ‘iron’), where in all likelihood it should be regarded as a Hattic
loanword. Further cf. MAss. habalginnu ‘a k. of metal’ (Reiter, 1997,
399 f.) that reflects the same term, borrowed probably via Hurrian inter-
mediation.
If genuine Hattic, then probably ha-palki from the hypothetical root *palk.
33

–––––––––––––––––––––––
33
Cf. Valério/ Yakubovich, forthc., fn. 17, who tentatively propose that Hatt. **palki
‘iron (ore?)’ was borrowed as Luw. parza ‘iron ore’ and subsequently the Luwian form
was adopted by neighboring Semitic dialects: Akkad. parzillu ‘iron’, Ugar. brḏl ‘iron’,
etc., see below sub kinawar ‘copper’ [34’] for detail (for the first time the idea about the
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 371
On the other hand, Caucet.dbf (following Vjač. Ivanov’s theory about a par-
ticular relationship between Hattic and WCauc.) connects Hatt. hapalki to
the Proto-WCauc. compound *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’, lit. ‘metal + blue’: “it
seems very tempting to relate *«Iʷə-\ʷV to the attested Hatti name for
‘iron’, χap/walki (with χVw- rendering *«Iʷ- and -lk- rendering the lateral
affricate -\-)”.
34

Since the proposed phonetical correspondences between Hattic and Proto-
WCauc. are totally unsupported by other data, the only idea we can dis-
cuss is the loan of WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ > Hattic/ Hittite/ Hurrian. It
should be noted, that WCauc. languages have another form, which is pho-
netically a more probable candidate for the source of borrowing of
hapalki despite semantic difference: WCauc. *«Iʷə-pə\ə ‘(red) copper’,
lit. ‘metal + red’ (reconstructed on the basis of Adyghe–Kabardian *ʁʷa-
pλá ‘id.’), where the palatalized lateral fricative *\ is rendered by Hatt.
lki (cf. Hatt. malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. *ma\ʷV with the
WCauc. palatalized labialized lateral fricative *\ʷ > Hatt. lhip).
35

WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ was independently borrowed as Hitt. (Luwoid)
kiklu(b)-/ kikli(b)- ‘iron’ (on this stem see HED K, 174 f. w. lit. and
discussion) with alternative rendering of “exotic” phonemes: WCauc.
palatalized uvular fricative *«Iʷə > ki and WCauc. labialized lateral affri-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
relationship between Hatt. ha-palki and the Semitic words was proposed in Ancillotti,
1975, but without phonetic explanation due to the lack of the Luwian link). The theory of
the Hattic origin of the Luwian term seems rather vague, however. Indeed the
development ki > Luw. z can be theoretically explained within the Proto-Luwian process
IE *ḱ > Anat. *ḱ > Luw. z, but the change l > r is unmotivated (the late toponymic evi-
dence with the fluctuation l~r can hardly prove anything here, from my point of view).
Note that aside from parza, the only case where we can suspect ki > Luw. z in a loan-
word, is virtual Luw. **zinar ‘lyre’ < WSem. *kinnar (see below sub zinar ‘lyre’ [118’]),
but this etymology is rather hypothetical likewise. On the other hand, cf. Luw.
GIŠ
kišhit-
‘chair, throne’ < Hurr. kešhi without the assibilation. In any event, if we accept Yakubo-
vich’s theory about the borrowing from Hattic into Luwian, in all likelihood we deal with
a late reanalysis here (ha-palki), since the West Caucasian origin of the Hattic term
seems very probable.
Another problem case is Myc. pa/pa
3
-ra-ku, whose old conjunctural translation is
‘silver’, but Казанскене/ Казанский, 1986, 66 propose the meaning ‘iron’, connecting
pa-ra-ku to Hatt. hapalki. Despite the fact that the morphological and phonetical rela-
tionship of Myc. pa/pa
3
-ra-ku and Hatt. hapalki is quite unclear (clusters like /lkV/,
/rkV/ must be rendered as kV in Linear B, not as ra-kV) Kazansky’s idea has been
accepted by some scholars. An alternative and more probable interpretation of Myc.
pa/pa
3
-ra-ku is, however, ‘smaragd, bluish-grey’ (Hsch. βαρακίς · γλαύκινον ἱμάτιον
‘bluish-grey cloth’, Akkad. barraqtu ‘emerald’, etc.), see Melena, 1987, 224 ff.
34
On the phonetic shape of the reconstructed WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV see esp. Starostin,
1997/ 2007, 711–712 (the discussion with Chirikba).
35
For meaning shifts in names of metals cf. also Hatt. kinawar ‘copper’ [34’] ~ Grk. κιν-
νάβαρι ‘cinnabar’, Hitt. kuwanna(n) ‘copper (ore)’ ~ Myc. ku-wa-no, Grk. κύᾰνος
‘dark-blue enamel, lapis lazuli, blue copper carbonate’.
372 A. Kassian [UF 41
cate *\ʷV > klu(b). Then the word penetrated (via Hittito-Luwians?) into
Ancient Greek as Χάλυψ/ Χάλυβος—the Chalybes (a tribe in north Ana-
tolia, who was famous for the preparation of steel), also as an appellative
‘hardened iron, steel’ (A.Pr., Hdt., etc.).
As for Grk. χαλκός (Myc. ka-ko) ‘copper’, this term may independently ori-
ginate from WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ also (as per Старостин, 1985/
2007, 304, № 49), but its semantically more preferable source seems
WCauc. *«Iʷə-λʷV ‘copper, bronze’, lit. ‘metal + white’, which can be
tentatively reconstructed on the basis of Ubykh wə-sʷá ‘id.’.
Eventually one or more of the three WCauc. terms discussed above—*«Iʷə-
\ʷV ‘iron’ (‘metal + blue’), *«Iʷə-pə\ə ‘(red) copper’ (‘metal + red’),
*«Iʷə-λʷV ‘(white) copper’ (‘metal + white’)—spread all around Eurasia:
cf. Balto-Slav. *geleǵ- ‘iron’, Thai *hlek ‘iron’, etc., see Старостин,
1985/ 2007, 304 (№ 49), Kun Chang, 1972.
13’. hatti in Hitt. hatti-li ‘in Hattian language (adv.); Hattic (adj.)’
Exoethnonym ‘Hattians’ used by the Hittites (as well as the Old Assyrians:
cf. kārum Hattuš); perhaps a self-designation of Hattians.
√ SCauc. *[k]wVn[ṭ]V ‘man’ >
NCauc. *kwVnVṭV (/ *ḳwVnVtV) > Nakh *ḳanat ‘young man, boy; hero’,
Av.-And. *kʷinṭa ‘husband; male’.
Yen. *keʔt ‘man, person’ > Ket kɛʔt (also as self-designation of Kets), Kott.
hit, Arin ḱit, Pump. kit.
→ Semantically very tempting (cf. especially the Ket ethnonym), but the fricati-
vization SCauc. *k > Hatt. h seems irregular (the same concerns the
simplification of the NT-cluster).
14’. her, hir ‘to allocate, assign; to entrust; to hand over, assign; to adminis-
ter’
= Hitt. maniyahh-, tapariya-.
√ SCauc. *χVłHé ‘arm, sleeve’ >
NCauc. *χĕłHe (~-a) ‘sleeve’ > Av.-And. *kʷo-χ:al (~ -ol), Lak ka-χ:a,
Lezgh. *χäla (~ -l:-).
Yen. *xɨre ‘arm’ > Ket iĺ, iĺi
1
‘arm’, Arin karam-pat ‘elbow’.
→ The connection is possible, if we assume for the Hattic verb the same mean-
ing shift as attested in the Hittite counterpart maniyahh-: Hitt. maniyahh-
is a factitive verb from the unattested nominal stem *mani-, which corre-
sponds to Lat. manus ‘hand’, Grk. μάρη ‘hand’.
15’. hu ‘to exclaim, pronounce’, also as an enclitic particle of direct speech
= Hitt. halzai- ‘to cry out’, -wa(r).
→ Cf. SCauc. *HarχÚ ‘to speak, shout’ >
NCauc. *HarχU ‘to sound, shout’ > Nakh *ʡaχ-, Av.-And. *=aχ-, Tsez.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 373
*=eχ- (~ -ʁ:-), Lezgh. *raχa-, WCauc. *χʷV ‘to shout’.
STib. *χʷV ‘to speak’ > Chin. 云 *wən, 曰 *wat, 謂 *wəts ‘to say, speak’,
Burm. hu ‘to speak, talk’, Kachin hɔ ‘to preach’ (an irregular onset in
Chin.).
Yen. *huxV- ‘to cry, shout’ > Ket dūɣə
1
, Yug dūɣ, Kott. hujei ‘shouting’ (a d-
prefix in Ket–Yug?).
Burush. *ha-n- ‘to call’
Basque *eran ‘to say’.
Probably an onomatopoeic expressive root with an unclear loss of the final
cluster *rχ in Hattic.
Alternatively Иванов, 1985, № 8, Браун, 1994, 21 and Chirikba, 1996, 422
compare the Hatt. root with WCauc. *qIa- ‘to say’, showing labialization
in some daughter languages (Abkhaz–Abaza ħʷa, Adyghe ʡʷa vs. Kabar-
dian ʡa, Ubykh qa-), which is probably secondary due to contamination
with some other labialized roots (see Abadet.dbf). WCauc. *qIa- lacks
East Cauc. cognates, but can be included into SCauc. *=VxqV
(~ *xqVHV) ‘word’ (> STib. *k(h)a ‘word’, Yen. *qäʔG ‘word’). As is
truly noted by proponents of the Hattic–WCauc. theory (e. g., Chirikba,
1996, 422), the Hatt. hu also functions as an enclitic particle of the direct
speech that strikingly corresponds to the aforementioned Abkhaz–Abaza
ħʷa, which is used both as a verbal root ‘to say, tell’ and as an enclitic
quotation marker. It is very likely, however, that the Abkhaz–Abaza en-
clitic -ħʷa is the result of a secondary late development in Abkhaz–Aba-
za, since the particle status of this WCauc. root is not supported by
Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh data. Typologically such a grammaticali-
zation process ‘to say’ > a quotative exponent is not rare, cf. Hei-
ne/ Kuteva, 2002, 267 f., so I suppose that we deal with a chance coinci-
dence here.
16’. *hun ‘big
?
’ in hun-zinar ‘a k. of lyre’, ‘großes
?
Ištar-Instrument’
= Hitt.
GIŠ(.D)
INANNA.GAL.
→ Cf. SCauc. *jonHV > Yen. *ʔōn- (~ x-) ‘many’ ~ STib. *jòw ‘all’ ~ Burush.
*jṓn ‘all’. The comparison with Hattic is possible only if we assume
SCauc. *j- > Hatt. *h-, but synchronic y- is known to Hattic.
Cf. also Yen. *qo ( ~ *χ-) ‘full, enough’ (without SCauc. cognates).
Improbably Иванов, 1985, № 9 (see below sub zinar [118’]). Untenably
Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
17’. hut ‘to get free, move (intr.)
?
’, ‘loskommen, sich bewegen
?

=
?
Hitt. nini(n)k- ‘to set in motion’.
374 A. Kassian [UF 41
18’. imallen, imallin ‘this (demonstrative pronoun)’, also adv. ‘in that
way(?)’
= Hitt. ka- ‘this’.
→ The element -llin is unclear, but ima- can be a compound of two SCauc. de-
monstrative stems: SCauc. *ʔi ‘this’ [> NCauc. *ʔi ‘this’ ~ STib. *ʔĭ ‘this’
~ Burush. *i- ‘that’] and SCauc. *mV ‘he; demonstr. stem’ [> Yen. *wV
‘he, she’ ~ NCauc. *mV ‘this, that’ ~ STib. *mV ‘(demonstrative pro-
noun)’]
19’. inta, ita, conj. and adv. ‘so, in this way’, ‘(eben)so; in dieser Weise’
= Hitt. kiniššan, QĀTAMMA.
20’. *ippi ‘small
?
’ in ippi-zinar ‘a k. of lyre’, “kleines
?
Ištar-Instrument”
= Hitt.
GIŠ(.D)
INANNA.TUR.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 13 translates ippi as ‘finger’ or ‘hand’ (ippi-zinar ‘finger-
lyre, hand-lyre’), comparing ippi with Adyghe–Kabardian ʡa-pa ‘hand,
finger’ which is not likely phonetically (see sub zinar [118’]).
21’. išpel ‘evil man’
=
!?
Hitt. idaluš UN-aš.
→ The anlaut spelling iš-pí- can merely be a graphical representation of /SP-/.
36

Cf. SCauc. *šVłV (~ ¢-) ‘bad; to assault’ >
STib. *ś(r)uał > Chin. 篡 *chrōns ‘take by force, usurp’ (< *t-srōns?), Ka-
chin gəšun
3
‘to coerce, extort, take by force’, Lushai sual ‘bad, naughty,
wicked, sinful ; to criminally assault (a woman); be in trouble to others
through ill health; to sufficiently poison (a pool)’.
Yen. *sel- (~ -r-) ‘bad’ > Ket śēĺ, śēĺi
1
, Yug sel / sejl
1
.
Note that STib. *ua should point to an old labial consonant. A unique case of
SCauc. SP-cluster?
On the other hand, it is natural to single out the “masculine” suffix -l from
the Hattic stem: išpe-l.
22’. ištarrazi-l ‘(dark/ black) earth, soil ; terrestrial, earthly(?)’, ‘(schwarze)
Erde, Erdboden; der Irdische(?)’
= Hitt. daganzipa-, dankui- tagn-.
→ -l is probably the “masculine” suffix while the rest of the stem seems to be a
compound of the pattern “adjective + substantive”, like, e. g., tittah-zilat
‘throne’ < ‘great’ + ‘seat’.
Double -rr- should point to an old cluster, therefore one can divide it as ištar-
Cazi-l ‘dark earth’ with an unknown sandhi.
For the second element -Cazi- ‘earth’ cf. SCauc. *jVmćV ‘earth, sand’
–––––––––––––––––––––––
36
See Kassian/ Yakubovich, 2002 for this orthographic rule in the Hittite cuneiform.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 375
[> NCauc. *jōmćV ‘earth, sand’ ~ Yen. *ʔeʔǯ- (~ x-, -ʒ-) ‘damp sand’ ~
Basque *hauć ‘ashes’]. In this case cf. the same phonetic process r + j >
rr in Hittite.
Soysal, 2004, 365 proposes quite a different analysis: is-ta-araz-il ‘earth’
from *araz ‘earth’, comparing Hatt. *araz with Proto-Semitic *ʔars-
‘earth’ (Akkad. erṣetu, Ugar. ýrṣ, Hebr. ʔere(, Arab. ʔarḍ, etc., see
Semet.dbf). As an alternative solution Soysal, 2006, 112 attempts to con-
nect Hatt. is-ta-arazil to Hitt. arzili- ‘tin’.
Иванов, 1985, № 40 analyzes it as išta-razil and compares išta with WCauc.
*(ʷa ‘black’ (< NCauc. *¢ĂwnV ‘dark’); alternatively he segments it as
ištar-azil, comparing ištar with NCauc. *¢VndV (~ -m-) ‘black, dark’.
Both solutions do not seem probable.
Браун, 1994, 20, Браун, 2002, 56 and Chirikba, 1996, 414 unpersuasively
single out an element (i)šta-, comparing it with the Abkhaz–Abaza pre-
verb *sṭa- ‘on the ground’. Probably *sṭa- originates from the Abkhaz–
Abaza verbal stem *sə-ṭa- (or *sə-ta-, if the Abaza glottalization is secon-
dary), where *sə goes back to Common WCauc. *\ə- ‘to lie’ < NCauc.
*=äƛĔw ‘to lie, to put ; to lead’, see Caucet.dbf, Abadet.dbf.
23’. izzi ‘favorable, good’, also in
D
izzištanu ‘god of the Good Day’ < izzi
‘good’ + eštan ‘sun; day
?
’ [5]
= Hitt.
D
UD.SIG
5
.
√ SCauc. *ʡV(n)ǯV ‘good, big’ >
NCauc. *ʡV(n)ǯV ‘good’ > Tsez. *hõže (~ -ž:-) ‘well, all right’, Lezgh.
*ʔič:V- ‘good’.
STib. *ća ‘great, big’ > Tib. ćhe ‘great’, Burm. ćah ‘to be big (compared to
smth.)’, Kachin (H) tiŋ-ǯa ‘great’.
Basque *onća ‘well, good, benefit’.
→ Not quite reliable in view of too general semantics.
Иванов, 1985, № 80 compares Hatt. izzi with WCauc. *(ʷə ‘good’ (maybe
< NCauc. *mĭʒ

V ‘sweet’).
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc. *ṗə-źA ‘clean; good’).
24’. yah ‘sky’
= Hitt. nebiš.
→ Cf. Yen. *ʔa-j[a]k (~ x-, -g) ‘thunder’ > Ket ēkŋ
1
/ ɛkkiń
5
/ ɛkŋ
5
, Yug ekŋ
1
,
Kott. ajak, pl. ajakan. The comparison is phonetically acceptable (Yen.
*-g should originate from SCauc. *xQw-claster), but semantically too far.
A more plausible cognate could be Na-Dene (Eyak, Athabaskan) *jā ‘sky’.
Иванов, 1985, № 15 compares Hatt. yah ‘sky’ with WCauc. *(mV)-rəʁa
‘sun’ (< NCauc. *wiroq

Ă ‘sun’) which is improbable phonetically.
376 A. Kassian [UF 41
25’. yay, ya, ay ‘to give’
= Hitt. piya-.
26’. kait ‘grain, corn, grain-crop’ (also deified)
= Hitt. halki-.
→ Cf. NCauc. *q

HwōǯĀ ‘corn, wheat’ (> Tsez. *qečV, Dargwa *q:Iʷač:,
WCauc. *k:ʷač:ə (~ -c:-)). The correspondences NCauc. *ǯ ~ Hatt. t and
NCauc. *o ~ Hatt. ai, however, seem irregular.
Similarly Chirikba, 1996 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
As fairly noted in Haas/ Thiel, 1976, 23, perhaps Hurr. kade ‘grain, barley’
(= Sum. ŠE; also deified:
D
kade-na; see GLH, 133) should not be separ-
ated from this Hattic stem. Diakonoff/ Starostin, 1986, 28 propose a
NCauc. etymology for Hurr. kade—NCauc. *Łədwi / *ŁəŁədwi ‘corn’
which seems convincing. In view of this I tend to suppose that Hatt. kait
‘grain’ is a Hurrian loanword.
37

27’. karam ‘wine’, also in

fintu-kkaram ‘cupbearer’
→ A long ago recognized cultural term. The Hattic word has been borrowed
from some West Semitic form going back to WSem. *karm: Ugar. krm
‘vineyard’, Aram. karm ‘vineyard’, Arab. karm- ‘vine, grapevine’ etc.
(see Semet.dbf), further probably to Akkad. karmu ‘heap, mound’ (Bab.
‘ruin mound’, M/NAss. ‘grain heap’, see CDA, 149), Mehri karmaym
‘mountain’, Harsusi kermaym ‘mountain’ with the external Afro-Asiatic
cognates, for which see Afaset.dbf.
Not to NCauc. *kwərV ‘a k. of vessel’, as proposed by Иванов, 1985, № 18.
28’. karkar ‘to rake, scrape’
= Hitt. hahhariya- ‘to rake, scrape’ (derived from hah(ha)r(a)- ‘rake’).
→ Can be a reduplicated stem (kar-kar). In fact karkar is very similar to Av.-
And. *q:Vrχ:V—the second element of the Av.-And. compound *\:iχ:ʷV-
q:Vrχ:V ‘rake’ [where the first *\:iχ:ʷV goes back to NCauc. *\

VχwV
(~ Ł-) ‘rake’].
Hitt. hah(ha)r(a)- ‘rake’ cannot be kept apart from these forms either. Proba-
bly a Wanderwort of unknown origin. Николаев, 1985, 61 proposes a
borrowing Proto-Av.-And. > Hitt.
Cf. Ugar. krk, ku-re-ku ‘a k. of instrument, pick
?
’ (DUL, 455).
–––––––––––––––––––––––
37
The migratory way of this term might be longer. Cf. Pre-Greek κοδο- ‘roast barley’
(κοδομεία ‘barley-roasting’ [Poll.], κοδομεῖον/ κοδομήϊον ‘vessel for roasting barley’
[Poll., Hsch., Suid.], κοδομεύς ‘one who roasts barley’ [Hsch. ; -εύτρια, Poll., Phot.],
κοδομεύω ‘to roast barley’ [Hsch.]) or Hsch. καδρεμα · σίτου φρυγμός. Despite
Иванов, 1978, 158 f., obscure Lyc. A χθθα- can hardly be related here, cf. Neumann,
2007, 135 f. w. lit. and discussion.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 377
29’.
(D)
kašku ‘(deified) gate building, gatehouse’
= Hitt. KI.LAM.
→ For the new translation ‘gate-building’ (not ‘Moon god’, cf. kap ‘moon’ [15]
above) see Soysal, 2004, 370.
38

30’. katakumi ‘witchcraft, sorcery; magical
?

= Hitt. alwanzena-.
→ An unclear compound?
31’. kazza ‘blood red
?
, red
?

=
?
Hitt. išharweškiya-.
32’. kazue ‘goblet, cup’
→ A long ago recognized Semitic loanword: Akkad. kāsu ‘goblet, cup’, Ugar.
ks ‘id.’ etc. (see AHw, 454; DUL, 459). Cf. also Hurr. (Bogh.) kaz-
(z)i / kaši ‘goblet’ (Catsanicos, 1996, 242 f.), which is tentatively com-
pared with NCauc. *gaǯinV ‘jar, jug’ by Старостин, 1995/ 2007, 632,
but in reality should represent the same areal cultural term (further see
Soysal, 1999, 164–165, fn. 7).
33’.

kiluh ‘courier-spy’, ‘Läufer-Kundschafter’
= Hitt.

NÍ.ZU

KAŠ
4
.E.
→ Resembles WSem. forms with similar semantics: Ugar. ḳl ‘courier, messen-
ger’, Hebr. (Bibl.) ḳal ‘light, nimble, rapid (said of messengers); some-
thing speedy, fast riding animal, racer’ from the Sem. root *ḳll ‘to be
quick, rapid’ (see DUL, 700; HALOT). Hence it might be a WSem. loan-
word with the (Hattic?) h-suffix.
Браун, 1994, 22 proposes a typical bringen-Sie-etymology: Abkhaz a-ḳol-χ-
ra ‘to take off, carry away’, which probably contains the root χa (á-χa-
ra) ‘to pull, drag’ with the frequent preverb ḳǝl. Abkhaz–Abaza *qV- ‘to
pull, drag’ originates from NCauc. *=Hīq

V(r) ‘to pull, take out ; to drag,
carry’.
34’. kinawar ‘copper’
= Hitt. URUDU.
→ Without doubt the Hattic word relates to Grk. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar’. A
Wanderwort (‘red mineral’)?
Soysal, 2004, 365 tentatively connects Ancient Greek Κύπρος and Hurr.
kab(a)li ‘copper’ to this Hattic term, assuming the development knwr >
knpr > kpr. I am not sure that both unmotivated loss of medial -n- and
change l~r can be so easily accepted, but the origin of toponym Κύπρος
–––––––––––––––––––––––
38
For the Hattic loanword in Hittite
É
kaškaštipa- ‘gatehouse, portal’ see štip ‘gate’ [49].
378 A. Kassian [UF 41
requires some additional comments. The island name Κύπρος ‘Cyprus’ is
known from the most archaic Greek authors (Hom.+) and perhaps from
Lin. B texts (ku-pi-ri-jo/a, see discussion in Knapp, 2008, 303 ff.). In
Classical and Hellenistic Greek this stem possesses some derivates with
the general meaning ‘of Cyprus’: Κύπριος ‘Cyprian’, κύπρῐνος
‘1. made from the flower of Cyprus; 2. made of copper’, κύπριος ‘of
copper’ and so on. The similar shift from toponym to metal designation is
attested in Latin: cuprium [aes] > cuprum (probably under the Greek
influence). This Greek and Latin development ‘Cyprian’ > ‘copper’ took
place very late (the beginning of the 1
st
millennium AD?) and cannot
clarify the inner sense of the island name in question.
Two easiest etymological hypotheses about Κύπρος can be proposed:
1. kupr- was a self-designation of the Cyprus natives, whose language is un-
known to us. This stem, however, was unknown in the Near East, where
the name of Cyprus sounded as Alašiya (Alasiya)—a toponym/ ethnonym
widely used among Hittite-, Semitic-, Hurrian- and Egyptian-speaking
peoples from the late 3
rd
to the 1
st
millennia BC (Knapp, 1996). Some au-
thors (Neu, 1997, 4 w. prev. lit.) suppose that Alašiya was not an auto-
nym, but an exonym derived from a metal name, and connect Alašiya to
cuneiform alaš ‘copper’ or ‘bronze’ attested in a Nuzi vocabulary.
39
In
fact, however, Sum. ALAŠ ‘copper, bronze’ probably does not exist, see
Reiter, 1997, 166 w. lit.
2. kupr- was a word of the “Minoan” language with whatever meaning used
by the Cretans as an exonym referring to the Cyprians and later adopted
in this function by the Greeks.
At the same time—especially after the discovery of the Hurrian word kab(a)-
li ‘copper’—some authors (e. g., Neu, 1997, see also Reiter, 1997, 295 w.
prev. lit.) made an attempt to interpret Κύπρος as “copperland”, whose
name continues the aforementioned Hurrian term. I suppose, however,
that the real situation is more complex. There are three similar shapes of
designations of a “default” metal (copper, bronze or iron) attested in the
Ancient Near East as wandering stems.
1. KPL in the northern area. It is presented in Hurr. kab(a)li ‘copper’, Ebla
ga-ba-lum ‘copper’ (Neu, 1997, 4) and Tsezian–Avaro-Andian *kʷibV-l-
‘a k. of metal’: Av.-And. (Andian only) *kʷibV ‘iron’, Tsez. *kʷɨbu A
‘lead’, which is well attested both in Tsezian and Andian sub-groups, but
lacks external NCauc. cognates (Caucet.dbf reconstructs its virtual
–––––––––––––––––––––––
39
The earliest exploitation of Cyprus’s copper deposits took place during the second half
of the 3
rd
millennium BC (Knapp, 2008, 76). The earliest dependable evidence for copper
export from Cyprus to Levant as well as to Crete dates back to the early 2
nd
millen-
nium BC (Knapp, 2008, 76 ff., 356) and starting from this time the island was always as-
sociated with copper in the Near East.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 379
NCauc. protoform as *kwiwV (~ -ē-, -b-)).
40

2. ZPR in the southern area: Elam. zabar (ME), zubar (ME) ‘copper’ (also
‘bronze’?), Sum. ZABAR, ZUBAR (ED IIIb+) ‘bronze’, Akkad. siparru
(OAkk.+) ‘bronze’, see Hinz/ Koch, 1987, 1273, 1310; ePSD; CAD S,
296 ff. ; Krebernik, 2006, 83.
3. PRZ in the central and northern areas. Luw. parza- ‘iron (ore?)’ (attested
in derivates; for this stem see Valério/ Yakubovich, forthc.) and various
Semitic forms with the meaning ‘iron’: Akkad. parzillu (OA, OB+), Ugar.
brḏl, Hebr. and Phoen. brzl, Aram. przl, Amor. /barzillu/, Arab. firzil, ESA
frzn (CAD P, 212 ff. ; DUL, 236; Artzi, 1969). Isolated Modern Svan
berež ‘iron’ seems continuing this ancient stem. Additionally the follow-
ing Nakh forms must be included into this nest : Chechen and Ingush
borza ‘bronze’, Chechen borzanan ‘of bronze’ (the word is unattested in
the Batsbi language; the virtual Proto-Nakh form could be *borza-n
41
).
The bulk of the Semitic forms was analyzed by Rendsburg, 1982, who, on
the one hand, plausibly adds a number of European attestations (Latin
ferrum ‘iron’, if < *fersum, maybe OEng. bræs ‘bronze (also brass?)’ and
some others) and, on the other hand, guesses about the connection of
PRZ-forms with Semitic forms of the shape BRT ‘iron’ or ‘a metal arte-
fact’: Akkad. (OB+) bi/ertu ‘Band, Fessel’, Arab. burt- ‘hache; flèche’,
burat- ‘anneau en fer qu’on passe dans la narine du chameau, et qui tient
lieu du frein’, and in the Ethiopian branch—Geez bərt ‘copper, brass’;
bərat ‘iron’, Tigre brät ‘iron’, Amharic bərt ‘metal basin’, brät ‘iron’, Ar-
gobba bräd ‘iron’, Harari brät ‘iron’, Gurage brät, bräd ‘iron’; see Se-
met.dbf, where these forms are united under Proto-Sem. *bi/urt-. I sup-
pose, however, pace Militarev (Semet.dbf), that we deal with a wandering
stem here, although its geographical distribution is rather suspicious and
probably the Akkad.-Arabic isogloss is unrelated to the African terms (the
–––––––––––––––––––––––
40
According to glottochronology, the split of the Tsezian–Avaro-Andian proto-language
occurred ca. 2100 BC (see fig. 2 above). The relationship between Hurr. kabali and Tsez.–
Av.-And. *kʷibV is uncertain: -(a)l-i is a Hurrian suffix, known from some other nominal
stems; in its turn the Tsez.–Av.-And. root *kʷibV forms the oblique stem in -l among the
modern Tsezic and Andian languages (e. g., Bezhta/ Gunzib kobo-li-, Godoberi kubi-la-,
Karata kuba-l-), so the oblique stem *kʷibV-l- can be reconstructed at the Proto-Tsez.–
Av.-And. level. If Hurr. kabali was borrowed < Tsez.–Av.-And. *kʷibV-l-, the foreign
oblique marker can have been interpreted by Hurrians as a native suffix. The opposite
scenario looks similar: Hurr. kabali > Tsez.–Av.-And. *kʷibV-l-, where Hurr. -ali was
reanalyzed as an oblique exponent. The vocalic correspondence between Hurr. and
Tsez.–Av.-And. forms remains, however, uncertain: /a/ vs. /ʷi/ which makes the idea of a
direct borrowing somewhat suspicious. Cf. also Старостин, 1995/ 2007, 632, who
connects NCauc. *kwiwV (~ -ē-, -b-) and Hurr. kabali as inherited etymological cog-
nates, but I am not sure that it is justified for such a cultural term.
41
The split of the Chechen-Ingush proto-language occurred ca. the early 2
st
millenni-
um AD.
380 A. Kassian [UF 41
Ethiopian words can probably be a Coptic loan, Takács, EDE 2, 124).
BIRT-forms with the meaning ‘iron’ are also attested among various
Cushitic (and Omotic?) subgroups (see Afaset.dbf sub *bir- ‘metal’,
Takács, EDE 2, 123 ff.), somewhere they can be explained as Ethiopian
loans, but somewhere (e. g., in South Cushitic) they are probably derived
by native T-suffixes from the stem bir. The stem bVr (standardly bir) itself
with the meanings ‘metal’, ‘copper’, ‘bronze’ ‘iron’, ‘silver’ is attested in
the all African Afro-Asiatic branches (Egyptian, Chadic, Cushitic,
Omotic), see Afaset.dbf sub *bir- ‘metal’ and Takács, EDE 2, 123 ff. sub
bjꜣ (with a more accurate analysis and discussion). The modern state of
Afro-Asiatic research, however, does not permit to discriminate between
interlingual borrowings and inherited cognates, and I tend to suppose that
bVr (bir) ‘a default metal’ cannot be projected onto the Proto-Afro-Asiatic
level, but rather is an African wandering root (the factual absence of this
root in the Semitic branch supports such a solution). In any case, Sume-
rian BAR ‘metal’ seems representing the same term. Back on Semitic
PRZ: Valério/ Yakubovich, forthc. propose the meaning ‘iron (ore?)’ for
Luw. parza- and claim that it was the Luwian stem that served as the
source for Akkad. parzillu which further was adopted by other Semitic
languages where we find PRZL-forms. Luw. parza-, however, remains un-
etymologizable within Luwian or Indo-European (although the l-suffix
can be easily explained within the Luwian morphology) and, secondly, it
is rather unlikely phonetically that Ugaritic, Phoenician and other Semitic
forms originate from the Akkadian word.
Other shapes like KNBR (Hatt. kinawar ‘copper’ ~ Grk. κιννάβαρι above) or
KBR (Sum. KA.BAR = /zabar/ ‘a metal’/‘bronze’, Reiter, 1997, 294 f.
w. lit.) are more marginal.
None of these sound combinations directly matches Grk. Κύπρος. The only
scenario one can suspect is the borrowing of one of the aforementioned
stems into “Minoan” language with the meaning ‘copper’, where the
word underwent some phonetic changes and later became adopted by the
Greeks as a name of copper-exporting land. There is no any positive evi-
dence, however, supporting such a scenario so far.
35’. kitat and
?
kišat or mere tat / šat ‘to be(come) arrogant’
= Hitt. šullai-.
36’. kuka in the compound zifi-kuka ‘posterity, descendants’ (< *zifin-kuka
with regular simplification nk > k), where zifin [121’] means ‘grandchild,
descendant’
√ SCauc. *qwāqwV(-łV) ‘grain, seed; egg; hail’ >
NCauc. *qwāqwV(-łV) ‘seed, grain, egg’ > Av.-And. *qʷaqʷal ‘nut, walnut’,
Tsez. *quqV-LV ‘nut, walnut ; small stone’, Dargwa *qIʷaqI ‘grain’,
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 381
Lezgh. *qoloq ‘egg; fried eggs; testiculus’.
STib. *kōk ‘grain’ > Chin. 穀 *kōk ‘grain’, Burm. kauk ‘a k. of rice’, Lushai
kok ‘grain’.
Yen. *qoK- (~ χ-) ‘hail’ > Ket qɔgdəm
5
, Yug xɔksl
5
/ xɔksɨl
5
, Pump. xoxdá-
mon.
→ Probably the meaning of Hatt. kuka was ‘seed’.
37’. kunkuhu, kukkuhu (also kunkun
?
) ‘to be alive (intr.); to keep alive
(trans.)’
= Hitt. hušuwant- eš-.
→ Morphologically opaque. Cf. SCauc. *=HixqwV ‘to bear; to be born’ >
NCauc. *=HiqwĀ(n) ‘to bear, give birth’ ~ STib. *Ki(j) (~ -e(j)) ‘bear,
give birth’ ~ Yen. *kej- (~ q-, g-) ‘to bear; to be born’ ~ Burush. *-´k ‘chil-
dren’.
38’. kur ‘to stay; to stand
?

= Hitt. ar-.
→ Cf. SCauc. *HrāgwV ‘to stay, leave’ > NCauc. *=argwV-n ‘to stay’ ~ STib.
*rak ‘to lay, place’ ~ Yen. *ʔākV- ‘to stay’.
A metathesis in Hattic?
39’. kurkupal ‘peg’, ‘Pflock, Nagel’
= Hitt.
(GIŠ)
GAG.
→ Cf. kurkufenna [40’].
40’. kurkufenna (also kurkupun?) ‘wooden stand (vel sim.) in rituals’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
arimpa-.
→ From kurkupal ‘peg’ [39’]? If so, the stem contains the suffix -na (-al-na >
-enna).
41’. kurtapi ‘foliage
?

=
?
Hitt.
GIŠ
happuriya-.
42’. kusim, kušim ‘throne’
→ A long ago recognized Semitic loanword: Akkad. kussû-m, kussiu-m ‘chair,
throne’, Ugar. ksÿ ‘seat, throne’ etc. (see, e. g., DUL, 460). In its turn the
Sem. word has probably been borrowed from Sum. GU.ZA ‘chair, stool,
throne’. Note that it is the only Hattic word, which should be treated as a
borrowing from the Akkadian language, not from WSem. dialects, in
view of Hatt. -m, probably reflecting the Akkadian mimation.
382 A. Kassian [UF 41
43’. kut ‘soul’
= Hitt. ZI.
→ It is tempting to compare Hatt. kut with the following Yen. stem, assuming
KT > T in Hattic:
Yen. *koqtV (~ g-) ‘the inside; temper, disposition’ > Ket kōqt ‘das Innere;
Gemüt’, Yug kɔxtɨ
6
‘das Innere’ (Werner, 2002 1, 441, 446).
The etymology was proposed by Иванов, 1985, № 22. As a matter of fact the
Yen. stem has an atypical shape and should be rather analyzed as *koq-
tV with an unclear dental suffix, therefore the Hattic–Yen. comparison
seems dubious. Further Ivanov’s cognates (WCauc. *ǵʷə ‘heart’ < NCauc.
*jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’) are not provable. Chirikba, 1996, 426 follows Ivanov
and adds Abkhaz *gʷə-ta ‘centre, core’ (*gʷə- ‘heart’ + -ta ‘place of’).
44’. kuzan, kuzzan, also huzza ‘hearth, brazier’, tete-kuzzan ‘big hearth’
= Hitt. hašša-, GUNNI.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 22, 79 unjustifiedly segments the Hattic stem as ku-zan,
proposing some unconvincing WCauc. etymologies for ku- and NCauc.
*¢ăjI ‘fire’ for -zan.
45’. lianu or elianu ‘implement
?
, utensil
?

= Hitt. UNŪTE
MEŠ
.
46’. lin ‘to drink
?
(vel sim.)’
→ Cf. SCauc. *=V\Vŋ ‘to wash’ (> NCauc. *=V\

Vn ‘to wash, pour; to weep’
~ STib. *ƛēŋ (~ -ā-) ‘to wash (by pouring water over), to spill’ ~ Burush.
*-hált- ‘to wash’). The meaning shift ‘to pour’ > ‘to drink’ is typologi-
cally possible.
47’. ma, also fa, conjunction ‘and’; mane, conjunction ‘then
?
, and so
?
’,
‘dann
?
, so daß
?

48’. mai(u) ‘a valuable cloth, linen cloth’
= Hitt. GADA.
49’. malhip ‘good, favorable’
= Hitt. aššu, aššiyant-, SIG
5
-ant-, SIG
5
-in.
→ Morphologically opaque.
As was noted by Chirikba, 1996, 428, very similar to WCauc. *ma\ʷV
‘good, luck’. Probably a WCauc. loanword, where the palatalized labial-
ized lateral *\ʷ is rendered by Hatt. lhip, cf. Hatt. hapalki [12’] for Hatt.
lki, representing WCauc. *\. The WCauc. form possesses reliable exter-
nal etymology: NCauc. *wēnλwē ‘luck, good’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 383
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + Arabic loanword in Adyghe
42
).
50’. mar or kamar ‘to slit, slash’
= Hitt. iškalla-.
51’.

maššel (or

paršel) ‘cult performer, chanter, clown
?

= Hitt.

ALAN.ZU
9
.
→ If the first sign has the phonetic value MAŠ, not PÁR, the stem is a WSem.
loanword: Ugar. mṣl ‘cymbal player’, Akkad. (RS) māṣilu ‘(a musician,
performer)’, further cf. Hebr. Bibl. mǝṣiltajim, Ugar. mṣltm ‘cymbals’
from Sem. ṣll ‘to clink, tinkle’ (see DUL, 586; CAD M1, 332; HALOT).
52’. milup (also milip
?
, millaw
?
, milluw
?
) or lup
??
‘bull, ox’
= Hitt. GU
4
.
→ Morphologically opaque. Purely theoretically can be a Semitic loanword, if
one assumes a m-prefixed form (unattested elsewhere) of Common Sem.
*ʔalp ‘cattle’: Akkad. alpu ‘bull, ox’, Ugar. ýlp ‘(head of) cattle; bullock’
etc. (SED 2, #4). Vjač. Ivanov (pers. comm. and Иванов, 2009, 8) ad-
vocates a Semitic origin of the Hattic term.
53’. miš, mis, meš, also mit
?
, piš
?
‘to take (for oneself)’, imp. miša ‘take
(for yourself )!’
= Hitt. -za da- ‘to take (for oneself)’, dai- (!) ‘to put’.
→ Cf. Yen. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ (> Ket maʔ/ ma, Yug ma, Arin ma ‘tribute’ [the mean-
ing is probably corrupted]); an exceptional case of preserving m- in an
expressive lexeme. The Hattic-Yen. comparison is possible if we suppose
a shortening (the loss of the final consonant) in the Yen. allegro forms.
43

Браун, 1994, 22 quotes a strange Abkhaz form.
54’. mu, also fu ‘mother, lady, mistress (vel sim.)’
55’. muh and muhal ‘hearth’
= Hitt. hašša-.
→ Initial m- should point to a non-inherited word.
Of course, Hatt. muhal is rather similar to Sum. (ED IIIa+) MUḪALDIM
‘cook’ (probably borrowed as Akkad. nuhatimmu ‘cook’ with serious
phonetic corruption), where, as proposed by Vl. Emelianov (pers. com.),
one can single out the element -dim (< dím ‘to fashion, create’),
standardly forming craftsman names like kug.dím ‘gold or silver smith’
–––––––––––––––––––––––
42
Adyghe mǝλkʷ ‘property, fortune’ < Arab. mulk ‘ownership, property’ (Шагиров, 1977
1, 272).
43
On the other hand, Yen. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ can be an areal form, cf. ma, me, mä ‘take!’ in
various Mongolic and Turkic languages.
384 A. Kassian [UF 41
(kug ‘silver’), giš.dím ‘wood carver’ (giš ‘wood’), pana.dím ‘bow maker’
(pana ‘bow’), etc. At the present stage of research, however, the idea of
Hattic–Sumerian lexical contacts is unsupported by other data and cannot
be discussed in earnest.
56’. *muna in redupl. muna-muna ‘foundation, base, bed stone’
= Hitt. šamana-.
57’. muš or muša ‘smth. relating to tree, fruit
?

58’. nimah and via a contact dissimilation lmah ‘eye(s)’
= Hitt. šakuwa.
→ Can hardly be compared with SCauc. *wĕmqV ( ~ -xq-) ‘eye; witness’ (>
NCauc. *wĭmqV ‘witness; true’ ~ STib. *mjVk ‘eye’ ~ Yen. *ʔəqa- ( ~
-χ-) ‘to be visible’ ~ Burush. *-moq- ‘face; cheek’).
Note that the Hattic onset ni- cannot be explained as the possessive prefix le-
/li- (> ni-) ‘his’, since the known attestations explicitly contain this
possessive morpheme: li-nimah, ha-le-lmah, etc.
59’. nif (and nf ) or nifaš, nfaš ‘to sit’, ‘sitzen; sich setzen’
= Hitt. eš-.
→ Chirikba, 1996, 421 proposes a monophonemic comparison with WCauc. *sǝ
‘to sit’ which is nor persuasive.
60’. ntel ‘shape, form; body, body-frame’. The following attestations are
known: le-ntel, zi-ntil(-)
= Hitt. ešri-.
√ NCauc. *ʔĕndū ‘forehead’ > Av.-And. *hondV (~ ħ-), Dargwa *ʔant:a.
Or alternatively to NCauc. *nHǟṭV ‘forehead, face’ > Tsez. *maṭa ‘fore-
head’, Lak niIṭa ‘face’, Lezgh. *näṭ(a) ‘forehead; eyebrow; eyelash’,
WCauc. *naṭa ‘forehead’.
→ The Hattic stem contains the “masculine” suffix -l. The root may be nte, ente
or (with the reduction of the medial vowel in prefixed forms) nite.
Meaning shifts ‘face’ < > ‘forehead’ and ‘face’ < > ‘body(-frame)’ are well-
attested cross-linguistically.
61’. fa (pa, wa
a
) ‘to put, lay, stand’
= Hitt. dai-.
62’. fa (wa
a
, also pa
?
) ‘podium, pedestal’
= Hitt. paššu-.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 385
63’. *faku in redupl. pakku-paku, wakku-pakku ‘hammer’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
NÍG.GUL.
→ If one assumes the reduction of the medial vowel and strange simplification
lK > K, Hatt. faku can represent a proto-Wanderwort of unknown origin,
the same as NCauc. *bIlVgwi ‘hammer’ (> Nakh *barVg, Lak burg, Dar-
gwa *barɣʷi, Lezgh *p:ul[k]; irregular correspondences between NCauc.
daughter languages in the cultural word), IE *peleku- ‘axe’ (> OInd.
paraśú- m. ‘axe, battle-axe’ [RV+], Grk. πέλεκῠς ‘two-edged axe, battle-
axe’ [Hom.+], for Iranian data see Абаев 1, 451), and Altaic *pằluk῾V
‘hammer’ (> Tung. *paluka; Mong. *haluka; Turk. *bAlka, see
Altet.dbf). NB: Sum. BALAK ‘spindle’ and Akkad. (OB+) pilakku (~ -a-,
-qq-, -gg-) ‘spindle’ are certainly unrelated here.
Unlikely Иванов, 1985, № 61, where the Hattic root is compared with
WCauc. *ḳʷə ‘handle’ (< NCauc. *ḳŭnʡV ‘handle’).
64’. *fal in redupl. wa
a
l-wa
a
l or wa
a
l-wa
a
l-at ‘(verbum dicendi)’
=
?
Hitt. mema-.
→ Onomatopoeic?
65’. fala, conjunction ‘and, so, then’; fama, conjunction
= Hitt. -(y)a, -ma, nu, namma.
66’. *fafah ‘eagle’ in wapah-šul, wa
a
wa
a
h-šul ‘in eagle-fashion’
= Hitt. haranili.
→ Probably onomatopoeic. Cf. NCauc. *uħālGV ‘a bird of prey; big bird’ >
Nakh *mɦāqqVl ‘kite’, Lak waIrq:u ‘magpie’, Dargwa *waIrq:- ‘mag-
pie’, WCauc. *bəʁIa ‘eagle; kite’.
67’. fafaya (wa
a
ppaya, wa
a
wa
a
ya, papaiya
?
) ‘father’
= Hitt. atta-.
→ Cf. NCauc. *babajV ‘father, grandfather’ > Nakh *babV (~ -ā-) ‘grandfa-
ther’, Tsez. *babVju ‘father’, Lezgh. *babaj ‘father; grandfather’,
WCauc. *baba (~ p:) ‘grandfather’.
A universal nursery stem PaPa ‘father’/ ‘mother’. Striking similarity be-
tween NCauc. *babajV and Hatt. fafaya may speak for a contact nature
of the Hattic stem.
68’. parnulli ‘a k. of aromatic woody plant or its product’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
parnulli-.
69’. *faš(i) in
D
wa
a
šul,
D
wa
a
šil,
D
wa
a
šiul ‘(deified) fecundity, abundance,
plenty’
= Hitt. iyatar tametar ‘fecundity and abundance’, ? aššu- ‘good’.
386 A. Kassian [UF 41
→ Note the “masculine” suffix -l in the Hattic stem.
Иванов, 1985, № 44 treats the Hattic root as šul, comparing it with the
WCauc. Abkhaz–Abaza adjective *pəśə-la ‘fat, thick’ from the noun
*pəśə- ‘fat’ (< NCauc. *=HrVjśĒ ‘thick, dense, fat’ with the frequent
WCauc. suffix *pǝ-). Not probable.
70’. paštae, pšatae (pšattai) ‘cudgel, bludgeon (vel sim.)’
71’. pašun, pšun, fašun
?
‘breath
?
; soul
?
; lung
?

=
?
Hitt. ZI.
→ Unfortunately the meaning of the Hattic stem cannot be established with cer-
tainty. If f(a)šun indeed meant ‘breath/ soul / lung’, it finds an interesting
parallel in Yen. (Ket) beńśiŋ
5
‘lung’, which is, however, usually explained
as a late compound of Yen. *beʔjiŋ ‘light’ + Yen. *seŋ ‘liver’.
On the other hand, there are some WCauc. form of a very similar phonetic
shape:
1) WCauc. *pəsA ‘soul, spirit’, which is analyzed as pə-sA, where *pə- is a
frequent WCauc. prefix, while the root *sA goes back to NCauc. *ʡămsa
(~ -ə,-ɨ) ‘sky, cloud; soul, breath; god’;
2) WCauc. *pəśʷA ‘to breathe; to get tired; to die’, containing the same pre-
fix *pə- and the common NCauc. root *sĭHwV ‘breath, to breathe’ (Nakh
*sa ‘soul’, Av.-And. *s:uh- ‘to get tired’, Lak s:iħ ‘breath, vapour’).
Since the Hattic morphological system has no counterparts of the WCauc.
prefix *pǝ- (a former class exponent?), one can guess only about the bor-
rowing WCauc. > Hatt. in this case.
See Браун, 1994, 20, and Chirikba, 1996, 424 (Hatt. + WCauc. *pəsA). Cf.
also Hatt. puš-an ‘to blow on, fan’ [43].
72’. fin, fen (pin, pen, wi
i
n, we
e
n) ‘child, son’
= Hitt. DUMU.
→ Cf. SCauc. *pVHV ‘son, daughter’ (> WCauc. *pa ‘son’, STib. *Poj (~ -u-)
‘to bear; child’), from which Yen. *puʔn ‘daughter’, *puʔb ‘son’, and
STib. *PVn (> Tib. dbon ‘grandson, nephew’) were derived.
On the other hand, it is possible to see an old Semitic loanword here (as per
Vjač. Ivanov, e. g., Иванов, 2009, 8): Sem. *bin ‘son’ (Akkad. bīnu,
Ugar. bn etc.), but the borrowing of such a basic term from Semitic is
very unlikely proceeding from general reasons.
Cf. Браун, 1994, 19, and Chirikba, 1996, 424 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
73’. *fintu ‘?’ in

wi
i
ntu-kkaram, pintu-kkaram ‘cupbearer’, ‘Weinschenk,
Mundschenk’.
= Hitt.

SAGI.
→ A compound of karam ‘wine’ [27’].
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 387
74’. pip ‘stone’
= Hitt. NA
4
.
→ Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
75’. witanu ‘cheese’
= Hitt. GA.KIN.AG.
→ Probably derived from wet, wit ‘to be(come) sour/ bitter’ [34].
Иванов, 1985, № 67 quotes enigmatic Proto-East Caucasian *uintV ‘sour
milk’ without references.
76’. pu ‘to do’
= Hitt. iya-.
√ SCauc. *=ăhwV ‘to do’ >
NCauc. *=ăhwV(r) ‘to do’ > Nakh *=a-, Av.-And. *-ih-, Tsez. *=Vw-, Lak
=a-, Dargwa *0/-i-r-, Lezgh. *ʔaʔa(r)-, Khin. =ar, WCauc. *wə; cf.
Urart. u/or- ‘to make, to work’.
STib. *qʷ[i]ăj (~ ʔʷ-) ‘to make; to divide, distribute’ > Chin. 為 *waj ‘to
make, do, act’, Tib. bgjid ‘to make, to manufacture; to do, to act’, Burm.
wij ‘to divide, to distribute’.
Yen. *wVǯ- (~ b-) ‘to do, make’ > Ket bɛ:ŕi
4
, Yug bɛ:hl, Kott. ba-paj-aŋ,
Arin ša-pi-te ‘I make’.
→ Phonetically unclear. Note the similarity between WCauc., some STib., Yen.
and Hattic forms.
Cf. Иванов, 1985, № 4, and Chirikba, 1996, 419 (Hatt. + WCauc. *wə).
77’. pule, puli, pwu
u
li
?
‘to become, happen’
= Hitt. kiš-.
78’. pupišet ‘fire…’, ‘Feuer(stelle/ -stätte)’
= Hitt. INIM.IZI[…] or rather KA.IZI ‘mouth of fire’ = ‘fire pit / location’: see
Süel / Soysal, forthc.
79’. put and putu
?
‘to be’
= Hitt. eš-.
→ Cf. STib. *phɨw (~ -i-) ‘to appear’ > Burm. paw ‘to appear’, Kachin po
1
‘to
appear’, Kiranti *b(h)ó(-ks) ‘to be’.
A suffixation in Hattic?
80’. putu or put
?
‘to stretch (a sheep, lamb, kid) out (on a flat surface for
sacrifice)’
= Hitt. palzahai-.
388 A. Kassian [UF 41
81’. šah (also tah
?
) ‘bad, evil’
= Hitt. idalu-, HUL-lu-.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + an Abkhaz–Abaza compound).
82’. šaip (or even aip) ‘to make good’
= Hitt. SIG
5
-ahh-.
83’. šafat (šāwa
a
t) or mere fat ‘apple-tree’ or ‘apricot-tree’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
HAŠHUR ‘apple(-tree)’ or ‘apricot(-tree)’.
→ Cf. SCauc. *ʕämćṓ ‘a k. of fruit’ >
NCauc. *ʕämćō ‘apple; medlar’ > Nakh *ħamc (~ -ā-) ‘medlar’, Av.-And.
*ʔimči ‘apple’, Tsez. *ʔẽš: A ‘apple’, Lak hiwč ‘apple’, Dargwa *hinc ‘ap-
ple’, Lezgh. *ħämč ‘apple’, Khin. mɨč ‘apple’, WCauc. with b-prefix
*bVc:ʷV ‘medlar’; cf. Hurr. hinz-uri ‘apple’/ ‘apricot’.
STib. *ćh(r)iòH (~ jh-) > Chin. 柿 *,hrəʔ ‘Diospyros, persimmon’, Burm.
ćhih ‘the jujube, Zizyphus jujuba’.
Burush. *mićíl / *bićíl ‘pomegranate’.
Basque *mahanć ‘grape’.
Despite the semantic similarity, the phonetic relationship between the Hattic
stem and the SCauc. proto-form is quite unclear. Иванов, 1985, № 6
compares Hatt. fat with some modern East Caucasian forms. As a matter
of fact, Ivanov’s Avar weč ‘apple’ probably does not exist (the correct
form is ʕeč), while Tabasaran wič ‘apple’ is the result of a late phonetic
development with the labialization of the initial laryngeal < *ħäwč
< Proto-Lezgh. *ħämč, and therefore cannot be compared with Hattic fat
in any way.
It seems more probable that šafat was derived from the verb wet ‘to be-
(come) sour/ bitter’ [34], for the prefix ša- see HWHT, 238. On the other
hand, one can suspect a borrowing from WCauc. *bVc:ʷV ‘medlar’ here,
but the Hattic ša-prefix remains unexplained in this case.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (to WCauc. *(ʷa ‘apple’).
84’.
(D)
šaru,
(D)
taru ‘Storm-god’ (the standard spelling is ša-a-ru and ta/da-a-
ru)
= Hitt.
D
IM,
D
U.
→ It looks strange, but this divine name might be a Semitic loanword: Sem.
*ŝaʕar > Akkad. šāru (OAkk.+) ‘wind (also mythologized or even dei-
fied); air; breath’, Hebr. (Bibl.) ŝaʕar ‘heavy gale’, ŝəʕārā ‘high wind’,
ŝʕr ‘to be stormy’ (CAD Š2, 133 ff. ; HALOT).
44
Theoretically Hatt. plene
writing can reflect WSem. ʕ, while the Hatt. fluctuation t~š reflects a lat-
eral.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
44
Deir Alla šr ‘heavy rain’ (HJ, 1191) probably relates to Arab. šrr ‘to pour’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 389
An alternative connection to Sem. *ṯawr- ‘bull, ox’ (Akkad. šūru, Ugar. ṯr,
Hebr. šōr etc., see SED 2, #241), for which cf. Klinger, StBoT 37, 147
fn. 81 and Schwemer, 2001, 126, fn. 871, seems less apt phonetically.
85’. šhaf, šahaf (šhap, šhaw, šahap, šahaw) ‘god’
= Hitt. DINGIR(-u-).
→ Иванов, 1985, № 37, and Chirikba, 1996, 425 support old Mészáros’
comparison of the Hatt. plural form fa-šhaf ‘deities’ with the Adyghe–
Kabardian and Ubykh compounds of WCauc. *wa ‘sky; god’ + *šʷəχʷa
‘grey; powder’: Adyghe–Kabardian *wa-šχʷa ‘sky’, Ubykh wa-šχʷa
‘thunder and lightning’ < *‘heavenly blasting powder’ (the Ubykh word
does not mean ‘god’, see Шагиров, 1977 2, 89 f.). Certainly unconvinc-
ing.
Differently and untenably Браун, 1994, 19.
86’. šhezni ‘fox’
= Hitt. KA
5
.A.
→ SCauc. *chwōlé ‘fox’ (> NCauc. *chwōlĕ (~ -ă) ‘fox, jackal’, STib. *Crio
‘leopard’, Burush. *hal ‘fox’) is interesting, but SCauc. *l ~ Hatt. zn is in-
explicable.
87’. *šep in redupl. šep-šep ‘footwear, shoes’
= Hitt.
KUŠ
E.SIR.
→ Similar to some Semitic forms with footwear semantics: Syr. šēpā ‘scapus
(caligae); mucro nasi’ and Arab. šabāt- ‘chaque côté de la chaussure’,
which can goes back to Sem. *ŝayṗ ‘foot’ (Akkad. šēpu ‘foot’ ~ Soqotri
ŝab, ŝaf ‘foot’ and other MSA), see SED 1, #269 for the discussion.
On the other hand, Hatt. šep somewhat resembles NCauc. *māčVj ‘boot,
shoe’ (> Nakh *māčVj, Av.-And. *maču(jV) (~ -o-), Lezgh. *šʷVm(a)) and
Osset. mest- ‘soft morocco footwear, чувяк’, Turk. (Anat.) mest, Georg.
mesṭi etc. (see Абаев 2, 112), a Wanderwort. If the etymology is correct,
the consonant metathesis in Hattic (the same process as in Proto-Lezgh.)
occurred after the regular anlaut denasalization *m- > *p-.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
88’. šezzit ‘a k. of stone
?
’, ‘ein unheilvoller Stein
?

=
?
Hitt. alhari- ‘(a k. of stone?)’.
89’. *(a)šne ‘offering (vel sim.)’
→ Found in compounds fula-šne ‘bread offering’ and tefu-šne ‘libation’. Cf.
also fapu-šne or pu-šne ‘etwas Nützliches’, para-šni ‘ein Gegenstand, der
den Göttern zugeeignet ist’, tahafaiu-šni or faiu-šni ‘etwas Nützliches’.
390 A. Kassian [UF 41
90’. šul ‘to let, to let in’, ‘lassen, (in ein Gebäude) zulassen’
= Hitt. tarna-.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 45 segments it as š-u-l from the hypothetical root *-u-,
comparing Hatt. š-u-l with Ubykh ca-wǝ-la ‘to let, release exhaustively’,
where ca- is a preverb used with verbs of motion (Vogt, 1963, 104), wǝ is
a frequent verbal root ‘to enter, go’ (< WCauc. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc.
*=orƛŬ ‘to go, walk, enter’), while -la is a regular exhaustive suffix.
Hardly justified.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 22: to the WCauc. verbal root *ŁʷV ‘to enter’
(< NCauc. *=orƛŬ ‘to go, walk, enter’), which is attested in modern lan-
guages with different preverbs.
91’. šuf (šup, šuw) ‘ox’
= Hitt. GU
4
.NITA.
→ Resembles some Semitic forms: Akkad. ṣuppu ‘white sheep’ (OA+, OB+),
Ugar. ṣp ‘white sheep’ (AHw, 1113; DUL, 787).
92’. tahalai[n…] ‘liver’
45

=
UZU
NÍG.GIG ‘liver’ or huišu- ‘raw’.
→ Formally resembles Sem. *ṭiḥāl ‘spleen’ (Ugar. ṭḥl, Hebr. pBibl. ṭǝḥōl etc.,
see SED 1, 248).
Иванов, 1985, № 49 compares the Hattic stem with NCauc. *Hlä\V ‘liver’
that is not persuasive.

93’.

tagulrunail ‘tent-man’, ‘Zeltmann’
= Hitt. LÚ
GIŠ
ZA.LAM.GAR.
→ Morphologically opaque.
94’. talfit (talwi
i
t) ‘(a wooden part of building), lock
?

= Hitt.
(GIŠ)
huimpa-.
→ The meaning ‘lock’ seems to be the best candidate for
(GIŠ)
huimpa- according
to the known Hittite contexts (cf., e. g., KBo 24.45 Vs. 22 ‘further they
spray the temple top to bottom from the huimpa’). The Hattic stem should
be analyzed as talfi- with a t-suffix. The same root talf- is contained in the
Hattic loanword in Hittite: hattalu- ‘bolt, lock’, where the Hattic nominal
prefix ha- should be singled out (ha-talu-).
Иванов, 1985, № 51 compares the Hattic root with NCauc. *daro ‘tree;
conifer’ or *ṭwēlʔe (~ -ʡ-) ‘stick; beam, cross-beam’. Both comparisons
are unprovable.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
45
I prefer the traditional translation ‘liver’ (see, e. g., HEG T, 11), whereas Soysal
(HWHT, 728) interprets it as an adjective ‘raw, fresh’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 391
95’.

tanišawa ‘sceptre-bearer, herald’
= Hitt. LÚ
GIŠ
GIDRU.
96’. tariš ‘horse
?

=
?
ANŠE.KUR.RA.
√ Burush. *ćhardV ‘stallion’ (see the data in Berger, 1998 3, 98).
→ The connection is plausible, if one assumes a metathesis of obstruents in Hat-
tic or Burushaski.
This Hattic root can probably be revealed in the Hittite term

taršipiyala-
‘charioteer’ (OS, with the NH variant

taršipala-, also known as a
Cappadocian PN: taršipiala/ taršipiali ; see HEG S, 226 f. for the list of
attestations
46
), although the nature of the element (i)pi(ala) is unclear.
97’. tataet or mere taet ‘new’
= Hitt. newa-, GIBIL.
98’. teatanna ‘hit
?
, broken
?

=
?
Hitt. walhant-.
→ Morphologically opaque.
99’. tiuz, ziuz ‘rock, stone block’
= Hitt.
NA4
piruna-.
→ Cf. ziš ‘mountain’.
100’. tuhul ‘four pillar construction (an element of house)’
= Hitt. 4-aš šarhuliuš.
101’. tuntu ‘to bewitch’
= Hitt. uddaniya-.
102’. tufi (tupi, tuwi
i
) ‘fear, fright’
= Hitt. nahšaratt-.
→ The same stem as tafa ‘fear’ [53]?
103’. tur ‘to hit, strike’
= Hitt. walh-.
104’.

tušhafadun tanišawe ‘(ein Angestellter bei Hofe)’
= Hitt.

GAD.TAR.
→ Cf.

tanišawa ‘sceptre-bearer, herald’ [95’].
–––––––––––––––––––––––
46
The Luwian verb :tarši- with an unknown meaning seems unrelated here.
392 A. Kassian [UF 41
105’.

tuttušhiyal ‘(ein Angestellter bei Hofe)’
= Hitt.

duddušhiyalla-.
106’. tuwahši ‘wall
?

=
?
Hitt. kutt-.
107’. uk conjunction ‘as, just as’, ‘wie (es ist)’, perhaps also relative pro-
noun ‘what’, ‘was’
= Hitt. GIM-an, ? kuit.
108’. upala ‘cut of cloth’
= Hitt.
TÚG
kureššar.
109’. ur or uri ‘spring, well’
= Hitt. PÚ.
→ Cf. SCauc. *ħwir¡ ‘water, lake’ >
NCauc. *ħwirɨ ‘lake, pond’ > Av.-And. *ʔin-ħʷVrV ‘lake, pond’, Lak baIr
‘lake, pond’, Dargwa *ħeru-ḳ > *ħerḳʷ ‘river’, Lezgh. *ʡʷir ‘lake, pond’.
STib. *ri(a)j ‘water’ > Burm. rij ‘water’, Kachin (H) numra ‘water’.
Yen. *xur
1
‘water’ > Ket ūĺ, Yug ur, Kott. ūl, Arin kul, Pump. ul.
Burush. *hurV- ‘wet ; becoming wet, overripe; juice of overripe fruits;
wave, stream, whirlpool’.
Although the fate of SCauc. initial *ħw- (and *ħ-) in Hattic is unknown, for
general reasons one could expect Hatt. hu- in this case (virtual Hatt.
**hVr)—cf. Yen. *x-.
On the other hand cf. STib. *[Pŭ]r ‘to gush forth, jet’ (> Chin. 濆 *bər ‘gush
forth’, 瀵 *pərs ‘source, spring, gush forth’, Burm. panh ‘to jet, gush
forth’, Kachin npun
1
‘a spring’, (H) kəpun ‘to spring, well’), but the loss
of *P- in Hattic remains unexplained.
Alternatively Chirikba, 1996, 426 compares Hatt. ur with WCauc. *«Iʷarǝ
‘stream, torrent’ (Abkhaz–Abaza *ʕʷarǝ, Adyghe–Kabardian *warǝ)
which is phonetically not better, one could expect Hatt. h- here. East
Cauc. cognates of WCauc. *«Iʷarǝ are not clear (Caucet.dbf and
Abadet.dbf lack this WCauc. proto-forms), but one can think about its
connection to NCauc. *ʁHwadVrV ‘river, stream’ (> Nakh *ʡadurV, Av.-
And. *ʁador(V), Lak aItara, Dargwa *q:I(ʷ)art:) with an irregular drop
of the medial consonant in WCauc.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + Abkhaz).
110’. urana ‘angular
?
’, ‘kantig
?

=
?
Hitt. tatrant-.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 393
111’. ure, uri ‘strong, forceful, vigorous’
= Hitt. innarawant-.
→ Resembles Hittite ura/i- ‘great’, HLuw. u-ra/i- ‘great’, CLuw. ura-nnu- ‘to
make great’, ura-zza- ‘great’ which seems an accidental coincidence.
112’. zar ‘sheep’
= Hitt. UDU(-u).
√ Yen. *sēr
1
e ‘deer’ > Ket śɛĺ
4
, Yug sɛ:
h
r, Kott. šeli, *šele, *šeĺe,
47
Arin sin,
Pump. sálat.
→ Not quite reliable comparison. Although the meaning shift ‘sheep’ > ‘deer’
seems natural in the case of the Yenisseian culture, it should be noted that
we are not aware of any evidence that reindeer breeding was inherent for
Yenisseian tribes. At least about Kets we know that reindeer breeding was
borrowed by them from the neighboring Selkups and Nenets in the
immediate past (Долгих, 1934, 78 ff. ; Алексеенко, 1967, 65 ff.), while
previously the Kets had represented a hunter-gatherer society. Second, if
the Kottish meaning is indeed ‘wild animal’, it may reveal another
semantic process in the Yenisseian family.
Cf. Sccet.dbf #697 *sVrV (?), where the Yen. form is tentatively compared
with NCauc. *musVrV ‘goat (wild or domestic)’. Semantically satisfac-
tory, but the status of the element *mu- is unclear.
Unconvincingly Иванов, 1985, № 69, who compares Hatt. zar with unclear
Nakh *ʔustiʁ- ‘ram’ (Chechen üstaʁ ‘ram (one and more years)’, etc.),
which lacks NCauc. parallels.
48

Chirikba, 1996, 426 compares the Hatt. plural form fa-zar with WCauc.
*wasa ‘price; bride price; sheep’ which is morphologically impossible.
Traditionally WCauc. *wasa ‘price’ is regarded as an Indo-European
loanword (Старостин, 1988/ 2007, 334 f. advocates the contrary direc-
tion of borrowing: WCauc. > IE which is not likely in my opinion).
Браун, 1994, 20 (supported by Chirikba, 1996, 426) unpersuasively com-
pares Hatt. zar with Abkhaz–Abaza *,ə- ‘goatling’ (sg. *,ə-śə, collect.
plur. *,a-ra), which originates from WCauc. *źʷə (the Adyghe–Kabardian
cognate is *źa-jə ‘young, small’, used only as an element of compounds)
< NCauc. *¢

uhnV ‘goat’. Although the Abkhaz–Abaza collective plural
–––––––––––––––––––––––
47
Castrén, 1858, 213 translates the Kottish words as German ‘Wild’ (repeated in Werner,
2002 2, 183 and Yenet.dbf: ‘wild animal’) which appears an erroneous translation of the
answer of the Russian speaking informant, since the Russ. adjective дикий (‘wild’) is
substantivized in the meaning ‘dear (both wild and domesticated)’ among many Russian
dialects of Siberia, e. g., in the Russian speech of the modern Kets (Albert Davletshin,
pers. com.).
48
The connection of Nakh *ʔustiʁ- to WCauc. *wasa ‘price; sheep’ accepted, e. g., in
Старостин, 1988/ 2007, 334 f., Starostin, 2009, 99 f., is very doubtful ; later this NCauc.
etymology was rejected in NCED.
394 A. Kassian [UF 41
suffix *-ra has obvious East Cauc. parallels (Nakh plur. *-r, Av.-And.
plur. *-r-, etc.), the comparison of Hatt. zar with Abkhaz–Abaza *,a-ra
‘goatlings’ seems a bringen-Sie-etymology (see 2.1.2 above).
113’. zar or zaraš ‘to exclaim, cry out’
= Hitt. halzai-, kalleš-.
→ Браун, 1994, 21, and Chirikba, 1996, 422 compare Hatt. zar(aš) with
WCauc. *(ǝrǝ ‘to chirp, squeak, cheep, peep’ and Abkhaz–Abaza
*(arǝ/ *(ǝrǝ ‘to shout, yell, howl’ which is theoretically possible, but not
obligatory in view of too general semantics.
114’. zari, zari-l, zare-l, ‘mortal, human being’
= Hitt. dandukeššar.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 70 compares Hatt. zari with the Proto-Nakh compound
*sṭ-aḳ ‘person, man’ (< NCauc. *ćwĭjo ‘man, male’ + *HĭrḳwĔ ‘man,
person’) which is not persuasive.
115’. zel, zil ‘to cry
?
, wail
?

=
?
Hitt. wai-.
116’. zi ‘?’ (maybe ‘small’) in the compound zi-fin ‘grandchild, descendant’
(see fin ‘child, son’ [72’])
117’. zilat (perhaps also dilat, tilat, zelaš, zilas) ‘chair; throne
?

= Hitt.
GIŠ
ŠÚ.A.
→ Both Ivanov’s comparisons (Иванов, 1985, № 74) are unconvincing:
Kabardian sa-t ‘support, stand, prop’ (probably from the root sa- ‘bottom;
under (preverb)’ < WCauc. *\V ‘bottom, lower part ; under (preverb)’ <
NCauc. *H\ŏnŭ ‘bottom’) and enigmatic Proto-East Cauc. *ʔVḳ:V
‘prince’ (without references).
118’. zinar, zinir ‘a k. of musical instrument, lyre’ (“Ištar-instrument”);
also as a command ‘Music!’
= Hitt.
GIŠ(.D)
INANNA.
→ Borrowed as Hittite zinar ‘a k. of lyre’, Akkad. zannaru (almost exclusively
in OB/ NB lex. lists only) ‘a k. of lyre’, Armenian ǰnar ‘harp’.
The connection between this term and the more widespread Near Eastern
cultural word kin(n)ar ‘a k. of harp’ is debatable (cf. Ivanov, 1999;
Иванов, 2009, 8 ff. w. lit. ; for kin(n)ar see Franklin, 2006 w. lit.). The
most ancient attestations of kin(n)ar come from West Semitic languages:
Eblaite gi-na-rúm = Sum. BALAG, Hebr. (Bibl.) kinnōr ‘staff-zither’, Old
Aram. knr ‘lyre’, Ugar. knr, kinaru ‘harp, lyre’, etc. (see HALOT; HJ,
520; DUL, 450 f.). From this source the term was borrowed as Akkad.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 395
(Mari, RS) kinnāru ‘a k. of lyre’, Hitt.

kinar-talla- ‘singer, musician’,
Hurr. (Bogh.)

kinnaruhuli ‘musician’, Egyp. (New Kingdom) knnr
‘lyre’, Grk. (LXX) κῐνύρα [ῠ] ‘a stringed instrument played with the
hand’,
49
Arm. k‘nar ‘a musical instrument played by plucking’, possibly
OInd. (very late) kiṁnarā ‘a k. of stringed instrument’, Middle Tamil
kiṇṇaram ‘a k. of lute’, and so forth. Of course, it is very likely that Hatt.
zinar continues the same wandering word, but the change ki > zi remains
unexplained within Hattic.
50
In fact, the only neighboring language,
which can be suspected of a similar phonetical process, is Luwian, where
IE *ḱ > Anat. *ḱ > Luw. z. Hence Hatt. zinar might be recognized as a
Luwian loanword (similarly Ivanov, 1999). Some facts, however, contra-
dict this hypothesis. First, zinar appears to be the only clear Luw. loan-
word in Hattic (for tafarna [52] see above). Second, we do not find any
traces of virtual Luw. **zinar (as well as **kinar) in the known Luwian
lexicon. Third, the virtual Luw. form **zinar is the only example where
borrowed ki is rendered by Luw. zi.
51

Иванов, 1985, № 75 (supported by Chirikba, 1996, 427) compares Hatt.
zinar with Adyghe–Kabardian *pc:ǝna ‘non-percussion musical instru-
ment (in general)’
52
(Adyghe psǝna, Kabardian pšǝna ‘accordion; kinds
of stringed, bow and wind instruments (in compounds)’), whose internal
structure and WCauc. etymology are unclear. Although this Hatt.–
WCauc. comparison is one of the main Ivanov’s arguments for Hatt.–
WCauc. genetic relationship,
53
it is obvious that genetic relationship can-
not be proven by such cultural terms. One can suppose, however, that
Adyghe–Kabardian *pc:ǝna reflects the same Wanderwort with the very
frequent WCauc. prefix *pǝ- (a former class marker?) and loss of final
-r.
54
A contrary direction of borrowing (Proto-WCauc. > Hattic zinar) is
not probable:
a) both Adyghe–Kabardian *pc:ǝna and Adyghe–Kabardian absolutive
case ending *-r lack WCauc. (as well as NCauc.) cognates.
b) the suffix -r is not productive in Hattic, it is found in a couple of
fossilized stems only (hukur ‘to see’ [13], zehar ‘wood’ [64], perhaps
tafarna ‘lord’ [52]).
–––––––––––––––––––––––
49
Cf. also Myc. ki-nu-ra ‘player of kinura’(?), Franceschetti, 2008, 313–316.
50
Despite Иванов, 2009, Hattic does not show any evidence for such a palatalization.
51
Maybe except for even more dubious Luw. parza ‘iron ore’, for which see sub hapalki
[12’] above.
52
For the proto-meaning of *pc:ǝna cf., e. g., Paris/ Batouka 1/ 1, 631 (‘musical instru-
ment (in general)’).
53
But in his recent paper (Иванов, 2009, 8 ff.) the scholar adopts a migratory nature of
the Adyghe–Kabardian stem.
54
The final consonant of Hatt. zinar might have been reinterpreted as the Adyghe–
Kabardian absolutive case ending *-r.
396 A. Kassian [UF 41
Futher Иванов, 1985, № 9 compares the Hatt. compounds hun-zinar ‘great
?

lyre’ (see hun [16’] above) with the standard Old Adyghe compound
psǝna-šxʷa ‘a k. of big musical instrument’, assuming reverse order of the
elements in the Hattic form, but Adyghe -šxʷa ‘big’ (< Adyghe–Kabardian
*-čxʷa < WCauc. *čʷəχʷa ‘big; strong’ < NCauc. *¢HəqwV ‘big’) can-
not be compared with Hatt. hun in any way. The second known Hattic
compound ippi-zinar ‘small
?
lyre’ is compared by Иванов, 1985, № 13
with Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡapa-pc:ǝna ‘a k. of hand musical instrument’
((Old) Adyghe ʡapa-psǝn, Kabardian ʡapa-pšǝna ‘a k. of lyre or accor-
dion’), where Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa- —the first part of Adyghe–Kabar-
dian *ʡa-pa ‘hand, finger’—goes back to WCauc. *qIa (~ *q:Ia) ‘hand’
(< NCauc. *q

w[ǟ]łʔV ‘arm; bosom, armpit’)
55
. The comparison of Hatt.
ippi and Adyghe–Kabardian ʡa-pa is witty, but unpersuasive phonetically.
119’. zipah ‘a k. of knife
?

=
?
GÍR.
120’. zifi-kuka (zipikuka, ziwe
e
kuka) ‘posterity, descendants’, ‘Enkel (und)
Urenkel’
= Hitt. hašša- hanzašša-.
→ A compound of zifin ‘grandchild’ [121’] + kuka ‘seed
?
’ [36’] with the regular
simplification nk > k.
121’. zifin (zipin, zipen, ziwi
i
n) ‘grandchild, descendant’
→ A compound of zi ‘?’ [116’] + fin ‘child, son’ [72’].
122’. zizintu, zizentu ‘posterity
?
, seed
?
’, ‘Nachfolger
?
; Samen
?

= Hitt. ÉRIN.MEŠ UZU.GÉŠPU ‘Truppen der Körperstärke’.
123’. zuh ‘clothing, garments’
= Hitt. TÚG.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 78 quotes enigmatic NCauc. *čoq

ajV ‘clothing, garments’
without references.
124’. zulufe (

zuluwe
e
) ‘table man’, ‘стольник’
= Hitt. LÚ
GIŠ
BANŠUR.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
55
Pace Caucet.dbf and Abadet.dbf, Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa ‘hand, finger’ can hardly
be separated from Ubykh qā-ṗá ‘hand’ and the other WCauc. compounds like WCauc.
*\a-ṗV ‘foot’, Abkhaz–Abaza *na-ṗə ‘hand’. Further to WCauc. *ṗV ‘extremity’
(< NCauc. *HaṗV ‘paw, extremity’), despite the irregular development WCauc. *ṗ >
Adyghe–Kabardian *p (probably the secondary dissimilative deglottalization **ʡa- ṗa >
*ʡa-pa as in some other similar cases).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 397
6 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons
6.1 Auxiliary morphemes with reliable SCauc. cognates
69. -a, imperative (slot 1)
√ NCauc. *-V, imperative > Nakh *-V, *-0, Av.-And. *-o, Tsez. *-V, Lak -0, -a,
-i, -u, Dargwa *-V, Lezgh. *-V, Khin. -0, -ä, -i, WCauc. *-0.
→ Note that WCauc. languages have imperative in -0 as opposed to Hattic and
East Cauc. languages.
70. aš-/ iš-, plural of the accusative case
√ NCauc. *-š:w, plural stem marker > Nakh *-ši ‘plural’, Tsez. *-š(:) ‘plural
direct stem marker’, Lezgh. *-š ‘oblique stem plural’; cf. Hurr.-Urart. -aš
‘plural suffix’.
71. ha-, nominal and verbal (slot –3) morpheme with locative and dative
meaning ‘in, to’
√ NCauc. *-χV, ad series > Nakh *-x ‘inessive I, (adj.) comparative’, Av.-And.
*-χ ‘ad series’, Tsez. *-χV ‘ad series’, Khin. -χ ‘inessive 1 (“about”)’.
Alternatively to NCauc. *-GV ‘ad close / in series’ > Nakh *-ʁ ‘terminative
(causative) case; inessive I, (adj.) comparative’, Tsez. *-qV ‘ad close/ ver-
tical series’, Dargwa *-ʁI (~ -ʕ-) ‘ad series’, Lezgh. *-q:I ‘in filled series’,
WCauc. *q:Ia- ‘lative preverb (towards the speaker)’. Thus Браун, 2002,
55 (Hattic + WCauc.).
Alternatively to WCauc. *xa-, preverb ‘super; inter’ (thus Иванов, 1985, 33;
Браун, 2002, 55; Chirikba, 1996, 413).
72. ka-, nominal and verbal (slot –2) morpheme with locative, ablative and
dative semantics
√ NCauc. *-k-/ *-g-, some locative series > Nakh *-go ‘ad series’, Av.-And. *-g
(= *-k?) ‘elative; super series’, Lezgh. *-k ‘lateral series’, Khin. -ko-li ‘la-
tive’, WCauc. *ḱʷə-/ *ǵʷə- preverb ‘super; ad, close to’; cf. Urart. -kai,
-kā ‘prelative’. Perhaps two original morphemes (*-k- vs. *-g-), but rather
hard to distinguish.
Yen. *-ka, locative case > Ket -ka/ -ga/ -ɣa ‘locative’, Yug -kej / -gej ‘loca-
tive’ (Werner, 2002 1, 402 f.), Kott. -ga ‘dative’ (Castrén, 1858, 34 ff.).
Yen. *k-, verbal preverb > Ket–Yug k(i)-, Kott. h- (Старостин Г., 1995,
168; Решетников, 1999, 471 f.). Although synchronically the meanings
of the preverbs in the described Yen. languages cannot be established, the
diachronic comparison between the verbal preverb and the nominal loca-
tive suffix seems reliable.
→ Chirikba, 1996 and Браун, 2002, 55 propose some alternative WCauc. cog-
nates for the Hatt. morpheme.
398 A. Kassian [UF 41
73. le- ‘his’, possessive proclitic pronoun of the 3
rd
person sing. (the posses-
sor is probably animate masculine, as opposed to the possessive proclitic
pronoun še-/ te- ‘her, its’).
√ WCauc. *l- (Abkhaz-Abaza only), fem. poss. class marker ‘her’ and fem.
sing. subject.
Yen. *da ‘his’, *di ‘her’, poss. pronoun of the 3
rd
person sing. ; *-du ‘he’,
*-dǝ ‘she’, sing. subject (see Старостин Г., 1995, 148, 153; Решетников,
1999, 348, 462 f.).
→ Иванов, 1985, 29 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
Yen. *d- in the proclitic possessive forms can be explained as *l- with the
regular anlaut development *l- > *d-. The enclitic status of the Yen. sub-
ject markers is obviously secondary.
74. -n, marker of the genitive case. Dative semantics standardly is expressed
by prepositions like ha- etc. + optionally gen. ending -n (for details see
Soysal, 2010)
√ NCauc. *-nV, genitive > Nakh *-n ‘genitive; adjective and participial suffix;
infinitive’, Av.-And. *-nV ‘ablative; translative’, Lak -n ‘dative I, lative,
infinitive’, Lezgh. *-n ‘genitive; elative; temporal ; suff. of adjectives and
participles; terminative; ergative’, WCauc. *-nə ‘ergative and general
indirect case; possessive case; transformative case’.
75. fa-, verbal morpheme (slot –7), 1
st
pers. sg. subject ‘I’
√ SCauc. *ŋV ‘I’ >
NCauc. *nI ‘I’ (1
st
pers. pronoun) > Lak na, Dargwa *nu (not a very reliable
isogloss).
STib. *ŋā- ‘I, we’ > Chin. 吾 *ŋhā ‘I, we’, 我 *ŋhājʔ ‘my, me’, 言 *ŋhan
‘I, we’, 卬 *ŋhāŋ ‘I, me’, Tib. ŋa ‘I, we’, ŋan ‘we’ (C), ŋed ‘I, we’, (d)ŋos
‘I, we, self’, ŋaŋ-ma ‘self, own’, Burm. ŋa ‘I’, Kachin ŋai
1
‘I’, Lushai ŋei
‘self’, Lepcha kă ‘I’, Kiranti *ʔòŋ/ *gòŋ ‘I’.
Yen. *b- (*ʔab-) / *aŋ ‘my’ (attr.) > Ket āp, Yug ap, Kott. m-inšo, an-še,
Arin b(i)-; *ba-/ *-aŋ 1
st
person sg. object > Ket b-, Kott. -aŋ (Решетни-
ков, 1999, 357, 461 ff.).
Burush. *a- ‘I’, 1
st
p. sg. pronominal prefix.
Basque *ni ‘I’.
→ In all likelihood Hattic shows the same development of initial *ŋ- as Proto-
Yen. does: *ŋ- > *m- > *P-.
76. fa-/ fi-, plural of the nominative and oblique cases
√ NCauc. *-bV (~ -i, -e, -a), plural > Nakh *-bi, Av.-And. *-b-, Tsez. *-bV,
Dargwa *-bi, Lezgh. *-b-, Khin. -be-r.
→ Alternatively Hatt. proclitic fa-/ fi- may correspond to the Yen. plural marker
*-ŋ- (both in nouns and verbs), if one assumes the phonetic development
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 399
*ŋ- > *m- > *P-.
V. A. Dybo (pers. comm.) proposed to compare Hatt. fa- with Ubykh w-,
nominal proclitic marker of plural, which appears only in combination
with proclitic possessive pronouns: ɣa-cǝ ‘his horse’ ~ ɣa-w-cǝ (> ɣō-cǝ)
‘his horses’, sǝ-tʷ ‘my father’ ~ sa-w-cǝ (> sō-cǝ) ‘my horses’, sǝ-tʷ ‘our
father’ ~ sa-w-cǝ (> sō-cǝ) ‘our horses’ etc. (Vogt, 1963, 175, 189, 223).
Of course, morphosyntactically the Ubykh chain POSS-PL-ROOT is identi-
cal to the Hattic possessive constructions like te-fa-katti ‘its kings’
(3SG.POSS-PL-king), but this Ubykh feature seems unparalleled within
WCauc. family and therefore can hardly serve as a reliable comparan-
dum.
Дьяконов, 1967, 173 (followed by Chirikba, 1996, 415) incorrectly com-
pares Hattic fa-/ fi- with Abkhaz -wa (plural marker in the animate class).
In reality Abkhaz -wa forms the names of races (both in the singular and
plural), see Hewitt, 1979, 149.
56

77. we ‘thou’ (2
nd
person sg. personal pronoun), u- ‘thy’ (2
nd
person sg.
possessive pronoun), u-p- ‘your’ (2
nd
person pl. possessive pronoun),
u-‘thou’ (2
nd
person sg. subject)
√ SCauc. *wV ‘thou’ >
NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.) > Nakh *waj ‘we (incl.)’, Av.-And. *mi-n
‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.), Tsez. *mə ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. sing. pronoun), Lak wi- ‘thou’
(obl. stem), Lezgh. *uo-n ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.), Khin. wɨ ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.),
WCauc. *wA ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.); cf. Hurr. we ‘thou’.
Yen. *ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ > Ket ū, Yug u, Kott. au, Arin au, Pump. úe.
Burush. *u-n ‘thou’.
78. ta-, verbal morpheme with locative semantics ‘in(to)’ (slot –4)
√ WCauc. *tV- preverb ‘in; super’.
→ Proposed by Иванов, 1985, 33; Браун, 2002, 55; Chirikba, 1996, 413.
79. te-, verbal morpheme (slot –8), optative
√ NCauc. *-dV ‘conditional, desiderative’ > Av.-And. *-dV- ‘desiderative; con-
ditional’, Tsez. [*-da] ‘conditional’, Lezgh. *-da, *da-ħVnV ‘concessive;
temporal gerund; past conditional ; conditional ; future; desiderative’,
WCauc. *-da ‘desiderative; real conditional’.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
56
As was truly noted by Chirikba, this Abkhaz morpheme goes back to the Common
WCauc root *wV ‘person; people, persons’.
400 A. Kassian [UF 41
6.2 Some auxiliary morphemes with dubious or improbable SCauc.
cognates
I do not list here all Hattic auxiliary morphemes lacking SCauc. cognates. In
particular the list does not include phantom morphemes
57
and morphemes,
whose meaning and function are unknown or were incorrectly understood by
previous etymologists.
125’. -(a)h, nominal suffix, probably forming femininum (found in katta-h
‘queen’ [17], in two epithets of the Sun-goddess ka-aš-paru-ya-h ‘source of
light’ [33] and leli-ya-h ‘source of light’ [23], also maybe in the name of god-
dess
D
zintuhi ; further see HWHT, 208, it seems that Soysal’s -ah
2
is the same
femininum suffix)
→ Иванов, 1985, 37 (followed by Chirikba, 1996, 415) compares it with
WCauc. *(ʷA ‘woman’ (found in stems like WCauc. *pə-(ʷA ‘daughter’
etc. ; goes back to NCauc. *qwänV ‘woman’) which looks very factitious.
126’. -i, locative case
√ NCauc. *-Hi, dative(?) > Av.-And. *-jV ‘dat. ; dat. anim. ; infinitive’, Tsez.
*-V(j) ‘erg. ; dat. ; infinitive’, Lak -j-nu, -ija ‘instrumental ; deverbative
nominal suffix’, Dargwa *-Hi ‘ergative; instrumental’, Lezgh. *-i (-Vj)
‘deverbative nominal ; masdar’, Khin. -i(j) ‘ergative/ genitive; infinitive’.
→ Possible, but not obligatory.
127’. la-, unclear nominal morpheme perhaps with the locative meaning
(‘on, at’), frequently stands with the locative morpheme ka-: ka-la-
(HWHT, 228)
√ NCauc. *\

i ‘below, down’ (an adverbial stem) > Nakh *ḳa-l(e) ‘down, be-
low’, Av.-And. *-\:i ‘locative suffix (series Sub)’, Tsez. *ƛɨ-, *-ƛ ‘down,
below; locative suffix (series Sub)’, Lak luw, -l- ‘down, below’, Dargwa
*-ɣ(u)- ‘sub series’, Lezgh. *\:i-, *-\: ‘below, down; locative suffix (Sub
series)’.
→ Note the similarity between Hatt. ka-la- and Proto-Nakh *ḳa-l(e).
For alternative locative preverbal cognates in WCauc. (Ubykh and/ or Ab-
khaz–Abaza) see Chirikba, 1996, 414, Браун, 2002, 55. Note that Chirik-
ba and Braun propose their etymologies not for nominal la-, but for ver-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
57
An example. Ivanov (Иванов, 1985, 34) postulates the Hatt. “causative prefix ka-”,
found in Hatt. hakazuel ‘drinker, toaster’ (according to Ivanov: ha-ga-zu-el from the root
zu ‘to drink’ which is not attested elsewhere), and compares it with the Abkhaz–Abaza–
Ubykh causative prefix *ʁa-. As a matter of fact, hakazuel ‘drinker, toaster’ [6’] is
derived from the Hatt. noun kazue ‘bowl’ [32’], which in its turn is borrowed from Se-
mitic (Akkad. kāsu ‘bowl’ with reliable Semitic cognates). Phonetically the comparison
of Hatt. k with WCauc. *ʁ is unpersuasive also.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 401
bal **li- (uncritically following old Forrer’s analysis), which does not
exist.
128’. fe-, nominal prefix with allative/ illative semantics
→ Chirikba, 1996, 414 compares Hatt. fe- with the Ubykh preverb wa- ‘in(to)
the mass, amidst smth. to smbd.’, but the Ubykh morpheme has reliable
cognates in Abkhaz–Abaza *la-/ *lə- < WCauc. *Łʷa- ‘preverb inter’ <
NCauc. *-ƛ- ‘in filled series’ which makes the Hatt.–WCauc. comparison
phonetically impossible.
Браун, 2002, 56 compares Hatt. fe- with WCauc. *pʷA ‘nose’ (< NCauc.
*pŭrV ‘part of face under the nose; nose’), which has an additional
meaning ‘front’ in some WCauc. languages and may function as a preverb
‘before, in front of’. Improbable semantically and morphologically.
129’. t-, could be an exponent of the plural(?) direct object in the verbal
wordforms (slot –5), but in reality the status and function of this mor-
pheme is opaque
√ WCauc. *d-, anim. sing. obj. marker (reconstructed for Abkhaz–Abaza level
only).
130’. taš- ~ šaš- and teš- ~ šeš-, verbal prohibitive morpheme (slot –9)
√ NCauc. *jò/ *¢ò, negative particle >
SCauc. *jò/ *¢ò, negative particle > Nakh *ca ‘not’ (used as a separate
word), Av.-And. *-(i, Tsez. *-(, Lezgh. *č:V (the basic Proto-NCauc.
particle of the negative of assertion).
Basque *es ‘not’ (the basic particle of the negative of assertion).
→ The origin of the second element (-š) of the Hatt. morpheme is unclear. The
phonetic correspondence SCauc. *,/ *( ~ Hatt. /č/ seems slightly strange.
131’. tu- ~ šu-, verbal morpheme, theoretically can be the indirect object re-
flexive exponent (‘for oneself’). Slot –6
√ SCauc. *[č]V (~ št-) ‘self’ >
NCauc. *č[ŭ] ‘self, oneself (3
rd
–4
th
class)’ > Lak cu ‘self, oneself’, Dargwa
*če-/ ču- ‘(one)self (reflex. pronoun)’, Lezgh. *-ič(ʷ) ‘self, oneself (re-
flexive pronoun)’, WCauc. *čʷə- ‘for oneself (prefix of the subject ver-
sion)’.
STib. *śəj ‘private, oneself’ > Chin. 私 *səj ‘private, oneself’, Tib. śe, śe-
dag, śa-sdag ‘for oneself only, only, privately’.
132’. zi-, nominal morpheme with ablative semantics (e. g., ‘from top-
down’), za- verbal morpheme (slot –4) with some locative semantics
→ Cf. WCauc. *\V ‘bottom, lower part ; under (preverb)’ (> Abkhaz–Abaza
*(a- ‘under’, *(ǝ- ‘from down’, Adyghe–Kabardian *ca- ‘under’, Ubykh
402 A. Kassian [UF 41
-(a ‘bottom, lower part’, etc.), originating from NCauc. *H\ŏnŭ ‘bot-
tom’. The comparison was proposed by Браун, 2002, 55 and Chirikba,
1996, 414, but phonetically unacceptable.
7 Contacts with neighboring languages
As is well known, Hattic was a donor of several dozens of cultic, regal and
technical terms into Hittite (see Goedegebuure, 2008, 146 f. w previous lit.) and
into Palaic, but not into known Luwian. On the contrary, not a single doubtless
Anatolian loanwords in Hattic is revealed up to now: the most appropriate
candidate here is Hattic zinar ‘a k. of lyre’ [118’], which theoretically might
have been borrowed from an unattested Central or North Anatolian Luwian dia-
ect. The second candidate the is widely discussed Hattic word tafarna ‘lord (vel
sim.)’ [52] together with the parallel female title tawananna ‘lady’ [52], but I
claim that there is no positive evidence that these terms represent inherited
Luwian or Hittite forms.
Besides lexical borrowings one should note two phonetic processes shared
by Hattic and Hittite. The first Hatt.–Hitt. phonetic isogloss is assibilation /ti/ >
/ʦi/, for which see 4.2.2.2–3 above. The second one is dissimilation /u/ > /um/,
see 4.2.2.1 above.
As opposed to the Indo-European languages of Anatolia, Hurrian shows
rather sparse traces of linguistic contacts with Hattic which is somewhat surpris-
ing. Cf. Hatt. hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] > Hurr. habalgi / abalgi ‘iron’; Hatt. hamuruwa
‘beam, rafter’ [7’] > Akkad. (OB, Nuzi) amrû ‘beam, timber (in construction of
house, ship)’ probably via Hurrian; and maybe Hatt. zipina ‘sour’ [66] >
?
Hurr.
(Bogh.)
NINDA
zippinni ‘(a k. of pastry used in rites)’. In the opposite direction:
Hurr. kade ‘grain, barley’ > Hatt. kait ‘grain, corn’ [26’].
Hattic has a number of borrowings from Semitic languages. It is noteworthy
that West Semitic, not Akkadian loanwords prevail in the list.

An Akkadian or West Semitic loanword:
kazue ‘goblet, cup’ [32’] < Akkad. kāsu-m ‘goblet, cup’, Ugar. ks ‘id.’ etc.

An Akkadian loanword:
kusim, kušim ‘throne’ [42’] < Akkad. kussû-m, kussiu-m ‘chair, throne’ (fur-
ther to Ugar. ksÿ ‘seat, throne’ etc.), where Hattic -m probably reflects
Akkadian mimation.

West Semitic loanwords:
karam ‘wine’ [27’] < WSem. *karm ‘vineyard, vine’.
maššel ‘cult performer, chanter, clown
?
’ [51’] < Ugar. mṣl ‘cymbal player’,
Ugaritic Akkad. māṣilu ‘(a musician, performer)’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 403
?

kiluh ‘courier-spy’ [33’] < Ugar. ḳl ‘courier, messenger’, Hebr. (Bibl.) ḳal
‘light, nimble, rapid (said of messengers)’ with the (Hattic?) h-suffix.
?
(D)
šaru,
(D)
taru ‘Storm-god’ [84’] < Hebr. (Bibl.) ŝaʕar ‘heavy gale’, ŝəʕārā
‘high wind’, ŝʕr ‘to be stormy’ (further to Akkad. šāru ‘wind; air;
breath’).
? šep ‘footwear’ [87’] < Syr. šēpā ‘scapus (caligae); mucro nasi’ and Arab.
šabāt- ‘chaque côté de la chaussure’ (further probably to Akkad. šēpu
‘foot’ ~ Soqotri ŝab, ŝaf ‘foot’).
? tahalai[n…] ‘liver
?
’ [92’] < WSem. *ṭiḥāl ‘spleen’.

Despite Vjač. Vs. Ivanov, the Semitic origin of the two following Hattic words
does not seem probable for some reasons: milup ‘bull, ox’ [52’] ~ Sem. *ʔalp
‘cattle’ and fin ‘child, son’ [72’] ~ Sem. *bin ‘son’. A phonetic similarity be-
tween Hatt. šam(a) ‘to hear, listen (vel sim.)’ [48] ~ Sem. *šVmaʕ- ‘to hear’ and
Hatt. šuf ‘ox’ [91’] ~ Akkad. ṣuppu ‘white sheep’, Ugar. ṣp ‘white sheep’ in all
likelihood is accidental also.
No good examples of the contrary direction of borrowing (Hattic > Semitic)
are known. Akkad. (MAss.) habalginnu ‘a k. of metal’ and (OB, Nuzi) amrû
‘beam’ were borrowed probably via the Hurrian intermediation (see hapalki
‘iron’ [12’] and hamuruwa ‘beam, rafter’ [7’] above). Akkad. zannaru (almost
exclusively in OB/ NB lex. lists only) ‘a k. of lyre’ might have been borrowed
not from Hattic, but from some Luwian dialect.
A very important fact is the presence of lexical contacts between Hattic and
the Proto-West Caucasian language. At least two Hattic stems can be assuredly
recognized as WCauc. loanwords:
hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] < WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ or rather *«Iʷə-pə\ə
‘copper’.
malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. *ma\ʷV ‘good, luck’.
? pašu-n ‘breath
?
’ [71’] < WCauc. *pəśʷA ‘to breathe’.
? hamuruwa ‘beam, rafter’ [7’] < Abkhaz–Abaza *qʷǝ(m)bǝlǝra ‘cross-
beam’.

In one case we must suspect a borrowing of a Hattic term into WCauc. :
zinar ‘a k. of lyre’ [118’] > Adyghe–Kabardian *p-c:ǝna ‘non-percussion
musical instrument (in general)’.

The fact of Hattic–WCauc. contacts, which may be supported also by some ar-
chaeological evidence, is rather interesting, since all known WCauc. languages
belong to the syntactic SOV type and the same feature should be reconstructed
for the WCauc. proto-language. Although I generally agree with P. Goedege-
buure’s (2008) schema of Hattic–Luwian–Hittite interferences at the beginning
of the 2
nd
millennium BC (with some remarks), Hattic–WCauc. contacts add new
404 A. Kassian [UF 41
options in the sociolinguistic scenarios discussed by Goedegebuure.
58

The similarity between Hatt. muh(al) ‘hearth’ [55’] and Sumerian muhal-dim
‘cook’ seems unsupported by additional positive evidence (except for a surpris-
ing isogloss Hatt. šaki ~ Sum. ŠAG ‘heart’) and should be regarded today as a
chance coincidence.
Ancient Greek dialects possess a number of North Caucasian loanwords, see
Николаев, 1985 (some Nikolaev’s connections are highly questionable, but
some seem probative). In view of this one should note the Hattic term kinawar
‘copper’ [34’], whose phonetic similarity with Grk. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar (a
bright red or brownish-red mineral form of mercuric sulphide)’ can hardly be
fortuitous. Unfortunately kinawar is unetymologizable within Hattic, so it may
be treated as a common Hattic–Greek wandering word (‘red mineral’) of
unknown origin.
8 Conclusion
8.1 Linguistic affiliation
Above I list ca. 70 reliable Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons and ca. 10
reliable Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons (note that we
know in sum less than 200 Hattic words whose meaning is established). The
most part of Hattic etymologized lexemes belongs to the basic vocabulary. The
system of Hattic–Sino-Caucasian phonetical correspondences is rather simple
and logical. Thus, according to the general comparative procedure (see Camp-
bell / Poser, 2008, 4; Бурлак/ Старостин, 2005, 7–24) I suppose that the hypo-
thesis of Sino-Caucasian attribution of the Hattic language can be considered
very probable.
The location of the Hattic branch within the Sino-Caucasian tree is a more
difficult question. Two points should be stressed before we start to discuss
genealogical trees.
1) Due to the relict nature of the Yenisseian family (the Proto-Yen.
reconstruction is generally based on the three languages: Ket, Yug and to a
lesser degree Kottish), its proto-vocabulary is relatively small. The current ver-
ion of Yenet.dbf includes ca. 1050 entries as opposed to 2300 entries in the
NCauc. database (Caucet.dbf) and ca. 2800(!) entries in the STib. database
(Stibet.dbf). It means that in the general case the Yen. proto-language must show
a smaller number of lexical isoglosses with Hattic than the NCauc. and STib.
proto-languages do.
2) I assume that some of the aforementioned Sino-Tibetan etymologies of
Hattic lexemes may turn out false in the future, since, first, the Sino-Tibetan
–––––––––––––––––––––––
58
malhip seems the default Hattic word for ‘good’, i.e. it belongs to the most basic and
stable part of vocabulary (the Swadesh 100-wordlist). If malhip is really a borrowing <
WCauc. *ma\ʷV ‘good, luck’, it suggests that Hattic–Proto-West Caucasian interferences
were much more intensive than we can judge today from the available Hattic data.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 405
reconstruction as it is presented today is somewhat preliminary (work in this
field is in progress) as opposed to the North Caucasian and Yenisseian ones;
next, the reduction of root structure in Proto-Sino-Tibetan opens an additional
space for external etymologization. A relatively high number of Hattic–Sino-
Tibetan isoglosses (see below) should be explained by these factors.
As mentioned in 4.1, the core lexicostatistical schema of Sino-Caucasian
macrofamily looks as following:

Sino-Caucasian
/ \
Sino-Tibetan–Na-Dene North Cauc.–Yen.
/ \ / \
STib. Na-Dene North Cauc. Yenisseian

The question is whether the Hattic language is closer to the Sino-Tibetan–
Na-Dene branch or to the North Caucasian–Yenisseian one. The root compari-
sons from 5.1 can be summarized in the following statistic chart.

Hatt. ~ NCauc. and STib. and Yen. : 15 etymologies.
alef ‘tongue’ [1] ~ NCauc. *\ānpV ‘lip’ ~ STib. *ƛep ‘tongue, to lick’ ~ Yen.
*ʔalVp ‘tongue’. The primary meaning of the proto-root was probably ‘to
lick’.
anna ‘when’ [2] ~ NCauc. *h[ä]nV ‘now’ ~ STib. *n[ǝ] ‘time or place of,
when’ ~ Yen. *ʔen ‘now’.
eštan ‘sun’ [5] ~ NCauc. *=Huǯ

V-n ( ~ -j

-) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ ~ STib.
*Ćoj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ ~ Yen. *ʔēǯ- ‘clear (of weather)’, *ǯin
‘bright day’ ~ Burush. *¢āŋ ‘clear (of sky)’.
han ‘sea’ [7] ~ NCauc. *xänɦI ‘water’ ~ STib. *χĭw(s) ‘water, moisture’ ~
Yen. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ ~ Burushaski *hán-chil ‘water from a wound;
watery (tea, soup)’ ~ Basque *u-hin ‘wave’.
harki- ‘to be(come) wide’ [9] ~ NCauc. *ɦărq[w]Ĕ ‘wide’ ~ STib. *qʷāŋH
‘wide, broad’ ~ Yen. *χiGV-ĺ ‘wide, broad’
hukur ‘to see, look’ [13] ~ NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look, search’ ~ STib. *ku ‘to
seek, choose, understand’ ~ Yen. *b-[o]k- ‘to find’
kun ‘to see’ [21] ~ NCauc. *=agwV ‘to see’ ~ STib. *kʷēn ‘to glance at ; to
regard’ ~ Yen. *qo ‘to see’.
luizzi-l ‘runner, messenger’ [26] ~ NCauc. *hilčwĒ ‘to run (away)’ ~ STib.
(Chin. *ćhoʔ, *ćhōʔ, *ćōʔ ‘to run’) ~ Yen. *tut- ‘to flee, hide’
fa- ‘I’ [75] ~ NCauc. *nI ‘I’ ~ STib. *ŋā- ‘I, we’ ~ Yen. *b- (*ʔab-) / *aŋ
‘my’ (attr.) ~ Burush. *a- ‘I’ ~ Basque *ni ‘I’.
šaki- ‘heart’ [47] ~ NCauc. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ ~ STib. *ʔròŋ/ *ʔròk ‘breast’ ~
Yen. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ ~ Burush. *dak ‘hope, belief’.
te ‘great, big’ [54] ~ NCauc. (WCauc. *dA ‘big’) ~ STib. *tajH ‘big, much’ ~
406 A. Kassian [UF 41
Yen. *tɨʔj- ‘to grow’.
ti ‘to lie; to lay
?
’ [55] ~ NCauc. *=ătV-r ‘to let, leave; to stay’ ~ STib.
*dhăH ‘to put, place’ ~ Yen. *di(j) ‘to lie down, put down’ ~ Burush. *-´t-
‘to do, make, set up’.
tefu ‘to pour’ [57] ~ NCauc. *=ǟwčĂ ‘to emit, pour; to vomit’ ~ STib. *ćəw
‘water, wet ; to scoop’ ~ Yen. *ʔa-č- ‘to pour’ ~ Burush. *ṣao ‘to wash’.
tu ‘to eat’ [59] ~ NCauc. *=V¢

V ‘to drink; to gulp, to eat’ ~ STib. *ʒhaH ‘to
eat’ ~ Yen. *sī- ‘to eat’ ~ Burush. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ‘to eat’.
tumil ‘rain’ [62] ~ NCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ ~ STib. (Chin. *ćhiw
‘autumn’) ~ Yen. *sir
1
- ‘summer’ ~ Basque *asaro ‘November; autumn’.

Hatt. ~ NCauc. and STib. : 15 etymologies.
halu ‘bolt, lock’ [6] ~ NCauc. *ḳułI/ *łIḳu ‘lock, bolt ; key’ ~ STib. *kălH
‘bolt, lock’.
hel, hil ‘to grow, ripen’ [11] ~ NCauc. *=ĭrqwĂ ‘to ripen’ ~ STib. *grĭ ‘old,
large’
her ‘to hide’ [12] ~ NCauc. *=igwVł ‘to lose; to steal’ ~ STib. *koj (~ -l) ‘to
hide’ ~ Basque *gal- ‘to lose’.
kaiš ‘horn’ [14] ~ NCauc. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock, plait ; horn’ ~ STib. *khaj
‘horn, a pair of horns’ ~ Burush. *ɣuy ‘hair’.
ku ‘to seize’ [19] ~ NCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put (together), take’ ~ STib. *Khu
(~ -ua, -əw) ‘take out, extract’
(a)ku ‘soldier, escort (vel sim.)’ [20] ~ NCauc. *HŭqwĂ ‘to graze, guard,
preserve’ ~ STib. *kŭ ‘to help; friend, companion’
liš ‘year’ [24] ~ NCauc. *ƛăjV ‘year, day’ ~ STib. *lòH ‘year, season’
(a)nti ‘to stand; to stay’ [28] ~ NCauc. *=Vm¢

Vr ‘to stand (up)’ ~ STib.
*ćhioH ‘to be at, sit, stay’.
paru ‘bright, shining’ [33] ~ NCauc. *pārē ‘lightning’ ~ STib. *prɨăŋH
‘bright ; morning’
wet ‘to be sour/ bitter’ [34] ~ NCauc. *ɦmVj¢

wĂ ‘sour’ ~ STib. *[ǯh]ɨam
‘salt’ ~ Burush. *ćhémil ‘poison’.
pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] ~ NCauc. *mIlćwV ‘wind’ ~ STib. *mŭt ‘to blow’
puluku ‘foliage’ [39] ~ NCauc. *ʕapālqwĔ ‘burdock; leaf(?)’ ~ STib. *phak
‘leaf’ ~ Burush. *bilágur ‘a k. of weed’
take-ha ‘lion’ [51] ~ NCauc. *¢ǟnq

V ‘lynx, panther’ ~ STib. *chi(ə)k ‘leop-
ard’.
tafa-r-na ‘lord’ [52] ~ NCauc. *¢

ombi ‘god; mercy’ ~ STib. *ćūm ‘honour,
authority’
zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] ~ NCauc. *¢

wŏjV ‘woman, female’ ~ STib. (Chin. *ćhej
‘female’) ~ Basque *a-ćo ‘old woman’.

Hatt. ~ NCauc. and Yen. : 5 etymologies.
eš ‘to put’ [4] ~ NCauc. *=i¢Ă ‘to give, compensate; to put’ ~ Yen. *ʔes- ‘to
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 407
put’ ~ Basque *ecan ‘to lie down, rest (tr.) to put down’.
p(a)raš ‘leopard’ [37] ~ NCauc. *bħĕr¢ĭ ‘wolf’ ~ Yen. *pe(ʔ)s-tap ‘wolver-
ine’ ~ Basque *oćo ‘wolf’.
we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n
‘thou’.
taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] ~ NCauc. *čVqV/ *q

VčV ‘to scratch, rub’ ~ Yen.
*ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ ~ Burush. *qhaṣ ‘to rub’.
tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ ~ Yen. *təʔrap-
‘bread crust’.
Hatt. ~ STib. and Yen. : 4 etymologies.
kip ‘to protect’ [18] ~ STib. *Gāp ‘to cover’ ~ Yen. *qepVn- ‘to close
(door)’
fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] ~ STib. *p(r)IwH ‘to speak’ ~ Yen. *baŕ- ‘to pray’ ~ Bu-
rush. *bar ‘speech, word’.
fun ‘mortality’ [40] ~ STib. *moŋ ‘to die’ ~ Yen. *boŋ ‘dead man’.
tuk ‘to step’ [61] ~ STib. *ćek ‘to tread, trample’ ~ Yen. *čɔʔq- ‘to run’.

Hatt. ~ NCauc. : 6 etymologies.
han ‘to open’ [8] ~ NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’
nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] ~ NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman, female’
fel ‘house’ [30] ~ NCauc. *bēŁV ‘cattle-shed’
šahhu/ tahhu ‘ground, bottom’ [45] ~ NCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu ‘earth,
ground, sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow; field’.
šam(a) ‘to hear, listen’ [48] ~ NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’
zehar, zihar ‘(building) wood, timber’ [64] ~ NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick, chip;
piece of wood, beam; timber’

Hatt. ~ STib. : 16 etymologies.
hel ‘to strew, pour’ [10] ~ STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘throw (into water), scatter’
(a)le ‘to envy (vel sim.)’ [22] ~ STib. *re ‘to dislike’
leli ‘source of light’ [23] ~ STib. *rołH ‘light’
lu ‘to be able’ [25] ~ STib. *lòw ‘to be able’
nu ‘to come, go’ [29] ~ STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’
far ‘thousand’ [31] ~ STib. *bhăr ‘abundant, numerous’
pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] ~ STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’
fula ‘bread’ [38] ~ STib. *mor ‘grain’
fur ‘country; population’ [41] ~ STib. *PrVŋ ‘country’
puš ‘to devour, swallow’ [42] ~ STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’
puš- ‘to fan (a fire or burning materials)’ [42] ~ STib. *bŭ, bŭt ‘to blow; to
fan’ (further to onomatopoeic NCauc. *pūHV ‘to blow, blowing’ ~ Yen.
*pV(j) ‘to blow’ ~ Burush. *phu ‘to blow’).
šai-l / tai-l ‘lord, master’ [46] ~ STib. *ćIH ‘to govern; lord’
408 A. Kassian [UF 41
tafa ‘fear’ [53] ~ STib. *tĕp ‘fear, to be confused’
teh ‘to build’ [56] ~ STib. *ćòH ‘to work; to build’
tuh ‘to take’ [60] ~ STib. *ĆŏH ‘to seize’ (further to NCauc. *=ăčwV ‘to
take, carry’ ~ Basque *eući ‘to take, hold, seize, grasp’).
zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] ~ STib. *cVp ‘bitter, pungent’

Hatt. ~ Yen. : 9 etymologies.
aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] ~ Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let enter’
kaš ‘head’ [16] ~ Yen. *ʔa-KsV- ‘temple (part of head)’
katte ‘king’ [17] ~ Yen. *kaʔt ‘old (attr.)’
fute ‘long (in temporal meaning)’ [44] ~ Yen. *bot- ‘often’
štip ‘gate’ [49] ~ Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover; to plug; to close’
tup ‘root’ [63] ~ Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’
zik ‘to fall’ [65] ~ Yen. *də(ʔ)q- ‘to fall’
ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’
kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’

A high number of exclusive Hattic–Sino-Tibetan isoglosses (16 entries) is note-
worthy, even through some of these Hatt.–STib. etymologies do not look obliga-
tory.
59
The situation changes if one tries to analyze Hattic words from the
Swadesh list.
The table below includes the standard Swadesh 100-wordlist (as it is ac-
cepted, e. g., in various publications by S. Starostin, see Старостин, 2007) with
10 additional words from S. Yakhontov’s 100-wordlist, taken from the second
part of the Swadesh 200-wordlist (see Бурлак/ Старостин 2005, 12—13 for
detail). Yakhontov’s items are marked by the “+” sign. For the general principles
of the compilation process now see Kassian et al., 2010.

No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
1. all (omnis) —
2. ashes —
3. bark —
4. belly —
5. big, large
te ‘great, big’ [54] NCauc. (WCauc. *dA ‘big’) ~
STib. *tajH ‘big, much’ ~
Yen. *tɨʔj- ‘to grow’.
6. bird ašti or šti ‘bird’ [3’]
–––––––––––––––––––––––
59
Cf., e. g., Hatt. (a)le ‘to envy (vel sim.)’ [22] ~ STib. *re ‘to dislike’ or Hatt. leli
‘source of light’ [23] ~ STib. *rołH ‘light’ which are formally acceptable, but can hardly
prove some specific relationship.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 409
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
7. to bite —
8. black —
9. blood —
10. bone —
11. breast —
12. to burn
(trans.)

13. cloud —
14. cold —
15. to come
aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let
enter’

an ‘to come (here
?
)’ [2’]
16. to die —
17. dog —
18. to drink ? lin ‘to drink
?
(vel sim.)’ [46’]
19. dry —
20. ear —
21. earth
Cf. šahhu/ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] NCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu
‘earth, ground, sand’ ~
Basque *śorho ‘meadow;
field’.

Cf. ištarrazi-l ‘(dark/ black)
earth, soil ; terrestrial,
earthly(?)’ [22’]

22. to eat
tu ‘to eat’ [59] NCauc. *=V¢

V ‘to drink; to
gulp, to eat’ ~ STib. *ʒhaH ‘to
eat’ ~ Yen. *sī- ‘to eat’ ~ Bu-
rush. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ‘to eat’.

Cf. puš ‘to devour, swallow’ [42] STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’
23. egg —
24. eye nimah, lmah ‘eye(s)’ [58’]
25. fat —
26. feather —
410 A. Kassian [UF 41
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
27. fire —
28. fish —
29. to fly —
30. foot —
31. full —
32. to give yay ‘to give’ [25’]
33. to go
nu ‘to come, go’ [29] STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’
34. good
malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] (a WCauc. loan)
35. green —
36. hair —
37. hand —
38. head
kaš ‘head’ [16] Yen. *ʔa-KsV- ‘temple (part
of head)’
39. to hear
šam(a) ‘to hear, listen’ [48] NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be si-
lent, listen’
40. heart
šaki- ‘heart’ [47] NCauc. *jĕ-rḳwĭ ‘heart’ ~
STib. *ʔròŋ/ *ʔròk ‘breast’ ~
Yen. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ ~ Bu-
rush. *dak ‘hope, belief’.
41. horn
kaiš ‘horn’ [14] NCauc. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock,
plait ; horn’ ~ STib. *khaj
‘horn, a pair of horns’ ~ Bu-
rush. *ɣuy ‘hair’.
42. I
fa- ‘I’ [75] NCauc. *nI ‘I’ ~ STib. *ŋā- ‘I,
we’ ~ Yen. *b- (*ʔab-) / *aŋ
‘my’ (attr.) ~ Burush. *a- ‘I’ ~
Basque *ni ‘I’.
43. to kill —
44. knee —
45. to know —
46. leaf
puluku ‘foliage’ [39] NCauc. *ʕapālqwĔ ‘burdock;
leaf(?)’ ~ STib. *phak ‘leaf’ ~
Burush. *bilágur ‘a k. of
weed’
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 411
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
47. to lie
ti ‘to lie; to lay
?
’ [55] NCauc. *=ătV-r ‘to let, leave;
to stay’ ~ STib. *dhăH ‘to put,
place’ ~ Yen. *di(j) ‘to lie
down, put down’ ~ Burush.
*-´t- ‘to do, make, set up’.
48. liver
? tahalai[n…] ‘liver
?
’ [92’] (a Sem. loan??)
49. long —
50. louse —
51. man (male) —
52. man (per-
son)

53. many, a lot
of

54. meat —
55. moon
kap ‘moon’ [15] Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’
56. mountain
ziš ‘mountain’ [67] Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush.
*ćhiṣ ‘mountain’.
57. mouth —
58. nail —
59. name —
60. neck —
61. new tataet or taet ‘new’ [97’]
62. night —
63. nose —
64. not Cf. the prohibitive morpheme
taš- ~ šaš-, teš- ~ šeš-

65. one —
66. rain
tumil ‘rain’ [62] NCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy sea-
son’ ~ STib. (Chin. *ćhiw ‘au-
tumn’) ~ Yen. *sir
1
- ‘summer’
~ Basque *asaro ‘November;
autumn’.
67. red Cf. kazza ‘blood red
?
, red
?
’ [31’]
412 A. Kassian [UF 41
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
68. road —
69. root
tup ‘root’ [63] Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’
70. round —
71. sand —
72. to say Cf. hu ‘to exclaim, pronounce’
[15’]

73. to see
hukur ‘to see, look’ [13] NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look,
search’ ~ STib. *ku ‘to seek,
choose, understand’ ~ Yen.
*b-[o]k- ‘to find’

kun ‘to see’ [21] NCauc. *=agwV ‘to see’ ~
STib. *kʷēn ‘to glance at ;
to regard’ ~ Yen. *qo ‘to see’.

Cf. pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] STib. *mVn ‘to perceive;
to think’
74. seed —
75. to sit nif or nifaš ‘to sit’ [59’]
76. skin
Cf. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ ~
Yen. *təʔrap- ‘bread crust’.
77. to sleep —
78. small, little —
79. smoke —
80. to stand
(a)nti ‘to stand; to stay’ [28] NCauc. *=Vm¢

Vr ‘to stand
(up)’ ~ STib. *ćhioH ‘be at,
sit, stay’.
81. star —
82. stone pip ‘stone’ [74’]
83. sun
eštan ‘sun’ [5] NCauc. *=Huǯ

V-n ( ~ -j

-) ‘to
clear up (of weather)’ ~ STib.
*Ćoj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’
~ Yen. *ʔēǯ- ‘clear (of
weather)’, *ǯin ‘bright day’ ~
Burush. *¢āŋ ‘clear (of sky)’.
84. to swim —
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 413
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
85. tail —
86. that —
87. this imallen, imallin ‘this’ [18’]
88. tongue
alef ‘tongue’ [1] NCauc. *\ānpV ‘lip’ ~ STib.
*ƛep ‘tongue, to lick’ ~ Yen.
*ʔalVp ‘tongue’.
89. tooth —
90. tree —
91. two —
92. warm —
93. water —
94. we —
95. what —
96. white —
97. who —
98. woman
nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-)
‘woman, female’ (not a default
NCauc. root for ‘woman’)
99. yellow —
100. you (thou)
we ‘thou’ [77] NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen.
*ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush.
*u-n ‘thou’.
101. far + —
102. heavy + —
103. near + —
104. salt + —
105. short + —
106. snake + —
107. thin + —
108. wind +
pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] NCauc. *mIlćwV ‘wind’ ~
STib. *mŭt ‘to blow’
109. worm + —
414 A. Kassian [UF 41
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
110. year +
li-š ‘year’ [24] NCauc. *ƛăjV ‘year, day’ ~
STib. *lòH ‘year, season’


The exclusive lexical isoglosses between Hattic and the North Caucasian-Yenis-
seian branch and between Hattic and the Sino-Tibetan branch can be sum-
marized as follows:

Hatt. ~ NCauc.—Yen.
tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ ~ Yen. *təʔrap-
‘bread crust’.
we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n
‘thou’.

Hatt. ~ Yen.
aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] ~ Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let enter’
kaš ‘head’ [16] ~ Yen. *ʔa-KsV- ‘temple (part of head)’
ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’
tup ‘root’ [63] ~ Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’
kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’

Hatt. ~ NCauc.
šahhu/ tahhu ‘ground, bottom’ [45] ~ NCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu ‘earth,
ground, sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow; field’.
šam(a) ‘to hear, listen’ [48] ~ NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’
nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] ~ NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman, female’

Hatt. ~ STib.
puš ‘to devour, swallow’ [42] ~ STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’
nu ‘to come, go’ [29] ~ STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’
pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] ~ STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’

As one can see, the exclusive Hatt.–STib. isoglosses are rather weak. Generally
speaking, Hatt. puš ‘to devour, swallow’ and pnu ‘to observe, look’ should be
excluded from the Hattic list of Swadesh’s lexemes. In turn, Hatt. nu ‘to come,
go’ [29] does not coincide semantically with its STib. counterpart.
On the contrary, the Yenisseian and North Caucasian proto-languages possess
a number of reliable cognates of Hattic basic lexemes. The most striking of them
are Hatt. we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Bu-
rush. *u-n ‘thou’, Hatt. ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ
‘mountain’ and Hatt. kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 415
I believe that the statistic data above speak for a specific Hattic–North
Caucasian–Yenisseian relationship, but the supposition of a specific Hattic–
North Caucasian relationship is not likely due to a minimal number of exclusive
Hatt.-NCauc. lexical comparisons (6 entries only, see the list above).
In such a situation two trees are possible:

(a) Sino-Caucasian
/ \
STib.–Na-Dene North Cauc.–Yen.
/ | \
North Cauc. Hattic Yenisseian
(b) Sino-Caucasian
/ \
STib.–Na-Dene North Cauc.–Yen.
/ \
North Cauc. Hattic–Yen.
/ \
Hattic Yenisseian

The Schema (b) might be more realistic in view of some specific phonetic proc-
esses that Hattic shares with Proto-Yenisseian (see 4.2.2 above for detail):
1) Denasalization of initial m- (*m- > P-).
2) Initial *ŋ- > *m- > P-.
3) Fricativization of sibilant affricates in the non-initial position.
4) Etymological ST-clusters > t.
5) Loss and retention of laryngeal phonemes in the same roots.
60

6) Loss of a sonorant in the combinations *l + sibilant affricate, *n/ *m + la-
bial stop, *n/ *m + velar/ uvular stop (common STib.–Yen. features).

Of course in some points Hattic (the first half of the 2
nd
millennium BC) is more
archaic then Proto-Yenisseian (its split : the first half of the 1
st
millennium BC).
As opposed to Proto-Yenisseian, Hattic shows:
1) Retention of *w.
2) Retention of initial laterals and *n-.
3) Retention of sonorants in the combinations *r/ *l + velar/ uvular, *m +
sibilant affricate.

Some particular cases of semantic development, shared both by Hattic and
Proto-Yenisseian, may also speak in favour of the theory of the common Hattic-
Yenisseian proto-language. Cf. :
–––––––––––––––––––––––
60
Loss: anna ‘when’ [2] ~ Yen. *ʔen < SCauc. *hVnV; praš ‘leopard’ [37] ~ Yen.
*pe(ʔ)s-tap < SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ; eštan ‘sun’ [5] ~ Yen. *ʔēǯ-, *ǯin < SCauc.
*=HVǯV(-n) ; te ‘big’ [54] ~ Yen. *tɨʔj- < SCauc. *dVHV; fun ‘mortality’ [40] ~ Yen.
*boŋ < SCauc. *HmoŋV; han ‘sea’ [7] ~ Yen. *xäń < SCauc. *xänɦI, and so on.
Retention: harki- ‘wide’ [9] ~ Yen. *χiGV-ĺ ‘wide’ < SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ.
A possible exception: ur(i) ‘spring, well’ [109’] ~ Yen. *xur
1
‘water’ < SCauc.
*ħwir¡ ‘water, lake’.
416 A. Kassian [UF 41
alef ‘tongue’ [1] ~ Yen. *ʔalVp ‘tongue’ vs. NCauc. *\ānpV ‘lip’.
han ‘sea’ [7] ~ Yen. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ vs. NCauc. *xänɦI ‘water’.
fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] ~ Yen. *baŕ- ‘to pray’ vs. STib. *p(r)IwH ‘speak’
taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] ~ Yen. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ vs. NCauc. *čVqV ‘to
scratch, rub’.

These examples are opposed to the following etymologies, where Hattic mean-
ings coincide with North Caucasian:
šaki- ‘heart’ [47] ~ NCauc. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ vs. Yen. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ (cf.
STib. *ʔròŋ/ *ʔròk ‘breast’). Semantic shift ‘heart’ < > ‘breast’ is typolo-
gically rather common. We can suspect here either the development
‘heart’ > ‘breast’ separately in the Yen. and STib. proto-languages or the
development ‘breast’ > ‘heart’ separately in the NCauc. proto-language
and Hattic.
tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ vs. Yen. *təʔ-
rap- ‘bread crust’. Can be explained as a subsequent semantic specifi-
cation in Proto-Yenisseian.
8.2 Geographical problem
8.2.1 Location of the Sino-Caucasian homeland and ways of prehistoric migra-
tions of Sino-Caucasian tribes are uninvestigated questions. The only thing I can
do here is to outline some points of future discussion and propose one of the
possible scenarios of the Sino-Caucasian expansion.
Historically attested areas of the Sino-Caucasian languages are illustrated by
the map (prepared with the help of Yuri Koryakov): fig. 5.
For the North Caucasian, Sino-Tibetan, Na-Dene, Basque and Burushaski
families borders of the late XX c. AD are shown. Approximate borders of the
Yenisseian family in the XVII c. AD are given after Pakendorf, 2007, 4
w. prev. lit.
Territorial coverage and high dispersion of the known SCauc. languages al-
low us to suppose that during millennia the Sino-Caucasian tribes were being
gradually forced out of their habitats or assimilated by neighboring peoples.
61


8.2.2 The NCauc. proto-language possesses the richest phonetic system among
known SCauc. (proto-)languages. Sino-Tibetan, Yenisseian, Burushaski, Basque
and Na-Dene show more trivial systems.
62
Such a phonetic simplification should
–––––––––––––––––––––––
61
As far as I can judge, their main confrontations occurred with various Nostratic tribes
(the split of the North branch of the Nostratic proto-language dates back to the first half
of the 11
th
millennium BC, see fig. 8 for detail).
62
We cannot argue about the Hurrian and Hattic phonemic inventories due to their sim-
plified cuneiform transmission.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 417
be explained by the influence of non-SCauc. languages, with which SCauc.
tribes contacted pending their movements. The same considerations may be ap-
plied to morphology. Sino-Tibetan, Yenisseian, Burushaski, and Basque demon-
strate clear morphological relations with neighboring non-SCauc. languages.
These facts could indicate that the NCauc. proto-language had minimal contacts
with non-SCauc. dialects and a relatively short migratory way from the SCauc.
homeland to the modern NCauc. area.
8.2.3 The map of successive stages in the distribution of copper and bronze
artefacts by E. Chernykh (fig. 6) demonstrates that in the 7
th
–4
th
millennia BC the
way from the Near East to Europe came through West Anatolia into Balkans, but
not through North Caucasus into steppes.
It correlates with the routes of agricultural expansion, which went into
Europe through West Anatolia and into Asia through Iran, but not through North
Caucasus (see, e. g., Diamond/ Bellwood, 2003, Bellwood/ Oxenham, 2008,
17 ff., Bar-Yosef, 2002): fig. 7.
As noted in Kohl, 2007, 29 f. : “the general spread of the Neolithic food-
producing economy from Anatolia into southeastern Europe is accepted by all
scholars, even those with a penchant for emphasizing autonomous evolutionary
processes”.

8.2.4 One of the clues to the reconstruction of the sociolinguistic situation in
prehistoric Near East could be the Maykop archeological culture (Early Bronze
Age).
Maykop-related cultures may be divided into three successive phases:
Chalcolithic Meshoko (4500–3850 BC), Maykop (that includes the great May-
kop kurgan and related complexes; 3850–3300 BC) and its successor Novosvo-
bodnaya culture (3300–2500 BC). For the periodization and dating see Lyonnet,
2007a, 13; Kohl, 2009, 243; similarly in Trifonov, 2007, 170; for details see
Мунчаев, 1994; Kohl, 2007, 73. It is important that according to Трифонов,
2009 Northwest Caucasus was uninhabited during Neolith, only in Chalcolithic
time that region was reoccupied by Meshoko people.
The Meshoko culture is rather associated with northern/ northwestern steppe
regions and Balkans (it concerns pottery, some other artefacts and metal, which
was imported from Balkans), see now Lyonnet, 2007b, 135 w. lit. ; Ivanova,
2007, 10 ff. On the other hand, some connections with southern regions can be
traced also: Трифонов, 2001, 194 claims that Meshoko pottery is close to the
Chalcolithic Eastern Anatolian tradition; cf. also Meshoko lithic tools, made of
obsidian imported from Transcaucasia (Мунчаев, 1994, 189 w. lit.).
418 A. Kassian [UF 41
F
i
g
.

5
.

H
i
s
t
o
r
i
c
a
l
l
y

a
t
t
e
s
t
e
d

a
r
e
a
s

o
f

t
h
e

S
i
n
o
-
C
a
u
c
a
s
i
a
n

l
a
n
g
u
a
g
e
s

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 419

Fig. 6. Distribution of copper and bronze artefacts. I = 7
th
to 6
th
millennium BC;
II = 5
th
to first half of the 4
th
millennium BC; III = mid-4
th
to first half of the 3
rd

millennium BC; IV = mid-3
rd
millennium BC to the XVIII / XVII centuries BC;
V = XVI / XV centuries BC to the IX/ VIII centuries BC (from Chernykh 1992, 2).
63





–––––––––––––––––––––––
63
A similar map of the exploitation of copper ores and naturally occurring copper metal
in the 11
th
–7
th
millennia BC can be found in Roberts et al., 2009, 1014.
420 A. Kassian [UF 41

Fig. 7. Agricultural homelands and spreads of Neolithic/ Formative cultures,
with approximate radiocarbon dates
(from Diamond/ Bellwood, 2003, Bellwood/ Oxenham, 2008, 17 ff.)


The phenomenon of a sudden emergence of the Maykop culture is more im-
portant to us. The modern cal. C-14 dating moves the Maykop culture from the
3
rd
millennium BC (a traditional dating) to the beginning of the 4
th
millennium
BC, i. e. to the transitional period between late Ubaid and early Uruk times
(Kohl, 2007, 73) or rather to the Early Uruk period.
This dating makes questionable the traditional view, according to which the
Maykop culture originates from the south (i. e. from Anatolia and/ or Mesopota-
mia). Indeed it is obvious that some kind of Maykop pottery is rather close to the
pottery of the Amuq F cultures of southern Anatolia and northern Syria (Ан-
дреева, 1977, 50–55; Мунчаев, 1994, 169; Lyonnet, 2007b, 148). The Amuq F
period is now treated as contemporary to Maykop culture: 3850–3000 BC (Lyon-
net, 2007a, 13; Kohl, 2009, 243). Traditionally Amuq F pottery is derived from
the earlier Tepe Gawra (northern Mesopotamia) ware (Gawra XII–IX,
64
see
Андреева, 1977, 53–54). But, on the other hand, there is some evidence of
northern/ northwestern sources of the Maykop culture.
— Traces of Balkans–North Caucasus trade routes are known already from
the pre-Maykop phase, i. e. the Meshoko culture (see above).
— Early Maykop complexes are located rather in the northwest area, while
–––––––––––––––––––––––
64
Gawra XII represents the transitional phase between the late Ubaid and early Uruk
epochs. For the dating see Rothman, 2002, 51: “Unfortunately, only one C
14
date exists
for Levels XII to VIII of Gawra, and an attempt to run bone dates failed. Four C
14
dates
were run from the site of Tepe Gawra (…). Using the Clark calibration, the samples from
Level XII yielded a date of 3837 + 72 years BC (…) Aurenche and Hours (…), using
another calibration, got dates of 4920–4450 BC for XII. The new OxCal calibrations
should yield a date of somewhere between 4700–4400 BC.”
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 421
the later Novosvobodnaya culture spreads into southeast (Мунчаев, 1994, 171–
173).
— Kurgan burials are not typical of Near Eastern traditions. Some resem-
bling Maykop tradition burial mounds, belonging to the Leilatepe culture (the
first half of the 4
th
millennium BC), have been recently discovered in southern
Caucasus—northwestern Azerbaijan and central Georgia (Kohl, 2009, 242 w.
lit. ; Ахундов/ Махмудова, 2008, 41–43; Akhundov, 2007). Later a number of
Maykop-like kurgans in northwestern Iran (the so-called Se Girdan tumuli ;
probably the second half of the 4
th
millennium BC) allow us to trace the north to
south movement of Maykop-related people before the expansion of the Kura-Ar-
axes culture at the end of the 4
th
millennium BC, see Kohl, 2007, 85; Kohl, 2009,
245 w. lit. (contra Трифонов, 2000). On the other hand, pre-Maykop kurgans
are known from Central Ciscaucasia, Kuban area, Lower Volga and Lower Don,
some materials of which show clear parallels with Maikop remains (Мунчаев,
1994, 178–179; Kohl, 2007, 59).
— The sudden emergence of the metal-rich Maykop culture chronologically
correlates with “the collapse of the earlier Southeast European hearth of
metallurgical activity or the so-called Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province”
(Kohl, 2009, 244; Lyonnet, 2007a, 17; Lyonnet, 2007b, 150).
— The so-called “problem of gold”, see Chernykh, 1992, 142–144; Kohl,
2007, 78–79 for details. Gold-rich complexes are known from Chalcolithic
Balkans (the second half of the 5
th
millennium BC, Varna necropolis), then from
the Early Bronze Age Maykop culture (3850–3500 BC), then during the second
half of the 4
th
millennium BC and the Middle Bronze Age they spread into
Transcaucasia, Anatolia and Mesopotamia: Maykop-related Se Girdan kurgans,
Kura-Araxes culture, Hattic Alaca Höyük, Troy II–III, Tepe Gawra X, Royal
Cemetery at Ur and so on (cf. Avilova, 2009). This may allow us to trace prehis-
toric movements of peoples who used and valued gold.
See Kohl, 2007, 57 ff. (esp. 75–86) w. lit. for the general discussion about
possible north(west) roots of the Maykop culture.
65

It is very important to us that for the 4
th
–3
rd
millennia BC we should assume
some migrations and/ or trade routes from the Maykop region to the south into
Anatolia, Mesopotamia and so on. See above about post-Maykop kurgans in
northwestern Iran. Lyonnet, 2007b, 150 supposes that some Mesopotamian pot-
tery styles can be borrowed from Maykop (“(…) l’apparition de la céramique
grise polie et lissée, ou l’introduction du décor peigné en Mésopotamie sont,
–––––––––––––––––––––––
65
Note that the traditional argument for the southern origin of the Maykop culture—slow
potter’s wheel, used by both the Maykop and Novosvobodnaya people (Мунчаев, 1994,
219)—does not seem reliable. Indeed slow potter’s wheel is known, e. g., from the
transitional phase between late Ubaid and early Uruk of Tepe Gawra—Gawra XII
(Rothman, 2002, 54; Charvát, 2002, 59) that is earlier than the Maykop culture. But such
a technology is also attested from the beginning of the Late Tripolye period (Tripolye
C1: 4000–3300 BC; Kohl, 2007, 74–75; Zbenovich, 1996, 230). An alternative solution
is the supposition that it was a local Maykop invention.
422 A. Kassian [UF 41
eux, très probablement d’origine caucasienne”). As such a mediator between
Syro-Mesopotamian Ubaid-Uruk tradition and the Maykop culture the South
Caucasian the Leilatepe culture can be considered (for the Leilatepe culture see
Museibli, 2007, Ахундов/ Махмудова, 2008, Akhundov, 2007).
66
Cf. Трифо-
нов, 2000, 259 w. lit. about the stylistic uniformity between Maikop and Late
Uruk applied art. For metallurgical isoglosses see Chernykh’s (1992, 72) state-
ment : “(…) the various analogies for the gold ornaments and for some of the
bronze tools, lead us to ancient Mesopotamia, to sites of the late fourth and third
millennia BC—Uruk, Jemdet Nasr—and even as far away as Early Dynastic Ur”.
Further see Ivanova, 2007, 18, 22 w. lit. and discussion. An appropriate parti-
cular example of such north to south influence are paired þ-shaped bronze ob-
jects, found in some Novosvobodnaya burials from the second half of the 4
th

millennium BC on, which are traditionally interpreted as cheekpieces (psalia),
but in reality they are bull nose rings; later (the 3
rd
–2
nd
millennia BC) analogous
þ-objects are known from the Mesopotamian iconography, where they serve as a
symbol of some deities, whose cults are associated with a bull ; see Канторович
и др., 2009 for details. According to Мунчаев, 1994, 209 similar paired þ-rings
were found in Hattic Alaca Höyük burials (as is well known, another striking
Maykop–Alaca parallel is theriomorphic standards).

8.2.5 Fig. 8 represents the rather preliminary glottochronological trees of three
Eurasian macrofamilies: Afro-Asiatic, Nostratic and Sino-Caucasian (Dene-
Sino-Caucasian, but excluding the Haida language). The trees are based on 50-
wordlists (see com. on fig. 2 above for detail). They have been compiled by
G. Starostin as part of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical
Tree of the world’s languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” pro-
ject, supported by the Santa Fe Institute).
–––––––––––––––––––––––
66
The South Caucasian Chalcolithic Leilatepe culture is synchronic to the early Mayko-
pe phase (the 1
st
half of the 4
th
millennium BC, see Museibli, 2007, 92 ff. for C-14 dates
of the settlement Beyuk Kesik). Museibli, 2007, 96 attempts to adapt the traditional con-
cept of south to north intrusion for the new chronology: “While migrating from Mesopo-
tamia to the north a group of North Ubaid tribes did not stop for a long time in South
Caucasus, but continued their way and with their already transformed chalcolithic culture
settled in North Caucasus. Later Early Bronze Culture (scil. the Maykop culture.—A. K.)
appeared on the basis of these chalcolithic traditions. Material culture of Early Bronze
Age was also created under the influence of these chalcolithic traditions”. From my point
of view, such a scenario is not very realistic. An idea that some tribes could create a
Chalcolithic culture with poor copper metallurgy in South Caucasus, then immediately
made a quick march to the North Caucasus, where during some decades they mastered
highly developed bronze metallurgy seems strange. The most striking Maykop–Leilatepe
isogloss is kurgan burials to which some particular parallels, also concerning rulership or
religion sphere (like lithic sceptres), can be added. Therefore I suppose that the most
natural scenario is the opposite one: borrowing of some prestigious elements of the May-
kop culture by the Leilatepe people or even the intrusions of the Maykop people into the
Chalcolithic Transcaucasia in the 1
st
half of the 4
th
millenium (what could mean a some-
what vassal status of the Leilatepe region).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 423
The Maykop people can hardly be Semitic speakers (despite, e. g., Сафро-
нов, 1989): (a) there is no evidence that in the late 5
th
/ early 4
th
millennia BC.
Semitic tribes moved so far to the north; (b) metallurgical terminology is not
reconstructed for Proto-Semitic—the same concerns other Afro-Asiatic families,
such as Proto-Berber, Proto-Cushitic, etc. (despite some linguistic investigations
by A. Militarev).
The Maykop people cannot be Indo-Europeans (despite some M. Gimbutas’
theories) either, since we are not aware of any Indo-European cultural
dominance in the Anatolian and/ or Mesopotamian regions of Early/ Middle
Bronze Age. Not to mention that the idea of separate migrations of Hittites
(through North Caucasus) and Luwians (through Bosporus), as per, e. g.,
Сафронов, 1989, into Central Anatolia looks too fantastical from the linguistic
viewpoint.
The Maykop people cannot be identified with the Proto-Kartvelians, since
there are no linguistic traces of close contacts of Kartvelian tribes with Semitic
in prehistoric epochs.
67
The Proto-Kartvelians (the split of the proto-language in
the end of the 4
rd
millennium BC) are rather assuredly associated with the Proto-
Colchidean (Protokolkhskaya) culture (from the end of the 4
th
millennium BC,
Middle Bronze Age), see Микеладзе, 1994.
As has been proposed by various scholars, the Proto-Hurrians (Proto-Hurro-
Urartians) could be identified with the Kura-Araxes (Early Trans-Caucasian)
culture (the middle of the 4
th
[or even earlier] to the middle of the 3
rd
millennia
BC) at least at its late phases.
68
The archaeological data support movements of
the Kura-Araxes people from north to south/ southwest during the late 4
th
to the
middle of the 3
rd
millennia BC (see Kohl, 2006, 22 ff.), the north borders of the
Kura-Araxes culture seem to correspond roughly to the historically attested area
of Hurro-Urartian dialects. On tentative Hurro-Urartian attribution of the Kura-
Araxes culture see, e. g., Diakonoff, 1990, Burney, 1997, Kelly-Buccellati, 2004,
Buccellati / Kelly-Buccellati, 2007 (cf. also much more cautiously Kohl, 2009,
252).
In terms of this I believe that among known proto-languages the only lingu-
istic candidate for the Maykop culture is the North Caucasian linguistic family.
69

–––––––––––––––––––––––
67
Cf. Starostin, 2007a, 817 f. for a very short list of Semitic loanwords in Proto-Kart-
velian (some of them penetrated into Kartvelian via the ECauc. or Hurr. intermediation).
68
On the Sino-Caucasian attribution of Hurro-Urartian see com. on fig. 4 above.
69
Cf. also Anthony, 2007, 297, who is inclined to the same linguistic attribution of the
Maykop culture.
4
2
4

A
.

K
a
s
s
i
a
n


[
U
F

4
1

Fig. 8. Glottochronological trees of the Sino-Caucasian, Nostratic and Afro-Asiatic macrofamilies (50-item wordlist-based)
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 425
8.2.6 The split of the Basque–NCauc. proto-language into the Basque and
NCauc. branches glottochronologically occurred in the first half of the 7
th
mil-
lennium BC. It is hard to guess about the localization of the homeland of the
Basque–NCauc. proto-language (South Anatolia or Balkans, see 8.2.7 below),
but the first homeland of the NCauc. proto-language was probably situated in
some part of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province (cf. above, e. g., about
Varna culture). Another localization of the early NCauc. homeland (e. g., Near
Eastern regions) is not very likely due to Occam’s razor. See Старостин,
1985/ 2007 for the reconstruction of Proto-NCauc. cultural vocabulary. Accord-
ing to these lists the NCauc. proto-language possessed a rather developed agri-
cultural and stock-breeding terminology and probably the richest metallurgical
terminology among other reconstructed proto-languages of comparable time
depth. According to Caucet.dbf and Старостин, 1985/ 2007, 302 ff. there are at
least six underived Proto-NCauc. (i. e. attested both in ECauc. and WCauc.
branches) terms for various metals
70
which sharply contrasts, e. g., with the
Proto-IE language, where the only one Narrow IE term *aj-es ‘copper > bronze
> iron’ is reconstructable,
71
or with a similar situation of Proto-Semitic. There-
fore some Chalcolithic cultures of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province
of the 5
th
millennium BC should be associated with the early phase of the NCauc.
proto-language. As the emergence of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Prov-
ince is connected with the expansion of food-producing economy and copper
metallurgy of northern Mesopotamia and Anatolia into southeastern Europe dur-
ing the late 7
th
–6
th
millennia BC (Kohl, 2007, 29 f.), some Anatolian metallurgi-
cal sites of that epoch like Çatal-Höyük could hypothetically trace the migratory
way of the Proto-NCauc. people from the SCauc. homeland into Balkans.
An important linguistic problem to be discussed here are the contacts be-
tween Proto-Indo-Hittite and Proto-NCauc. Старостин, 1988/ 2007, Starostin
2009, offers a solid list of Indo-European–NCauc. lexical parallels (including
some Indo-Hittite–NCauc. isoglosses), the most part of which must be explained
as loanwords in IE. As was correctly stated by S. Starostin (1988/ 2007, 356 ff. ;
2009, 125 ff.), the source of these loanwords was not the NCauc. proto-language
per se: firstly, there are no borrowings in the opposite direction (IE > NCauc.),
secondly and more importantly, the source language demonstrates some
innovative phonetic developments as compared with the reconstructed NCauc.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
70
*ɦĕrVcwĭ ‘silver’, *lŏʒV ‘a bright metal’, *rĕwcwi ‘red copper ; gold’, *riƛ(w)e
‘brass; gold’, *ṭIš(w)ɨ ‘lead’, *ṭVtV(wV) ‘silver ; gold’. Note that none of them pos-
sesses Basque cognates. The NCauc. word ‘iron(?)’ quoted in Старостин, 1985/ 2007,
304 originally meant ‘blue’, see now Caucet.dbf sub *nHǟ\

wV ‘blue; blue metal >
iron’.
71
Other IE quasi-proto-terms either have the clear migratory character or are derived
from color names which can be later independent developments. E. g., IE *H¡g-ent-
/ *Harg-ent- ‘silver’ was probably borrowed from NCauc. *ɦĕrVcwĭ ‘silver’ and secon-
darily contaminated with IE *H¡g- / *Harg- ‘white, light’ (see Caucet.dbf, Старостин,
1988/ 2007, 334; , Starostin, 2009, 99).
426 A. Kassian [UF 41
proto-language (loss of *n in combination with affricates, *l > r in some
positions, etc.). Starostin assumes that these Indo-Hittite stems have been
borrowed from a specific NCauc. dialect after the NCauc. proto-language split.
Such a scenario, however, is not very realistic chronologically: according to
glottochronology the split of Indo-Hittite dates back to ca. 4000 BC, while
NCauc. splits ca. 3800 BC. Therefore I believe that the donor of discussed
loanwords was an extinct member of Basque–NCauc. stock that bordered on the
Indo-Hittite area in the Chalcolithic Carpatho-Balkan region.
72

–––––––––––––––––––––––
72
The discussion about the Indo-European homeland is not a purpose of my paper ; see
Mallory, 1997 for an overview of the existing hypotheses. I share the opinion, according
to which the Neolithic/ Chalcolithic homeland of the Proto-Indo-Hittites was situated in
the Carpatho-Balkan region (cf., e. g., Diakonoff, 1985; also Дыбо, 1994, 1999, 2002,
2006). Gimbutas’ Pontic-Caspian steppe model (the kurgan theory), placing the IE
homeland to the east of Dniepr, appears precluded due to a significant number of Proto-
Narrow IE (or even Proto-Indo-Hittite) roots and stems denoting forest, various trees,
hills/ mountains together with numerous agricultural and stockbreeding terms which is
strikingly opposite to the absence of typical steppe vocabulary. Of course, reconstructed
IE cultural vocabulary might be theoretically present in the language of some steppe
people: e. g., a few riverside sites of Sredny Stog community (Dniepr–Don region, the
first half of the 5
th
– the first half of the 4
th
millennia BC) could at a stretch satisfy these
conditions, but the absence of proper steppe floral terms or specific terms of mobile
pastoralism make such a supposition unlikely. The non-steppe homeland of the Indo-
Europeans can also be proven by the fact, noted in Старостин, 1988/ 2007, 315 f., Sta-
rostin, 2009, 80, that IE *ekwo- ‘horse’ (which can be not a Narrow IE, but Indo-Hittite
term, see the discussion in EDHIL, 237 ff.) seems to be borrowed from an ancient
language of the NCauc. stock discussed above, cf. its NCauc. descendant *ɦɨ[n]čwĭ
(~ -ĕ) ‘horse’.
A sometimes proposed argument for the kurgan theory is the IE–Uralic lexical con-
tacts, but these contacts date back to the Indo-Iranian epoch, not earlier (Proto-IE–Proto-
Ural. isoglosses which belong mostly to the basic vocabulary represent the Nostratic
heritage). Various Anatolian / South Caucasian models reflect rather the Nostratic expan-
sion than posterior Indo-Hittite migrations. The main argument for the Anatolian location
of the IE homeland are lexical borrowings between Proto-IE and Proto-Semitic, but in
fact these isoglosses seem a mirage. See, e. g., Dolgopolsky, 1989 w. prev. lit. for the
traditional list of Proto-Semitic loanwords in IE and Дьяконов, 1982a and 1982b for the
heavy criticism of these connections. The most probable Proto-Semitic loanword in IE is
the designation of ‘7’ (Blažek, 1999, 246 ff.), but, firstly, it was a wandering word in that
region (cf. Kartv. *šwid- ‘7’, probably Hurr. šitta- ‘7’ and Etruscan semφ), secondly, I
claim that this numeral penetrated into IE dialects after the split of the IE proto-language
(Kassian, 2009). The second probable candidate is Narrow IE *taµr-os ‘aurochs’ < Sem.
*ṯawr- ‘bull, ox’ (Akkad. šūru, Ugar. ṯr, Hebr. šōr, Off. Aram. twr ‘bull, ox’ etc., SED 2,
#241), but the same scenario is likely: the word was borrowed into Proto-Greek from
some Semitic dialect, where Sem. *ṯ tended to shift to [t], thereupon spread into the Wes-
tern IE dialects—cf. the similar linguistic fate of designations of ‘lion’, ‘leopard/ pan-
ther’, ‘monkey’ or ‘elephant / camel’, which are wandering words and cannot be recon-
structed at the Proto-IE level. Starostin, 2007b (a draft published post mortem) attempts
to breathe life into the IE–Semitic contact theory and proposes the solid list of items bor-
rowed from IE into Semitic; I will not discuss it here, but I am sure that these isoglosses
either are chance coincidences or represent the common Nostratic–Afro-Asiatic heritage.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 427
Basque-like tribes started moving towards Central and West Europe, where
they probably occupied some sizable areas, but were later (during the 4
th
to the
2
nd
millennia BC) superseded and/ or assimilated by various IE tribes. Today’s
theories of the Proto-Basque substrate of western IE languages (cf., e. g., Mail-
hammer, forthc. w. lit.) should be revised from methodological positions of
modern comparative linguistics and macro-comparativistics, but I suspect that
the general idea of some Basque–North Caucasian substrate in Europe may turn
out to be true.
On the contrary, Proto-NCauc. people made their way from Balkans to the
north, rounded the Black Sea and created the Early Maykop culture, whose dat-
ing (3850–3300 BC) exactly matches the glottochronological split of the NCauc.
proto-language (ca. 3800 BC). Then (the second half of the 4
th
millennium BC)
Proto-WCauc. and Proto-ECauc. tribes descended to the south, into Anatolia and
Mesopotamia (where we find some Maykop-influenced cultures, see above), but
later they have been forced back to their historical area in the North Caucasus or
assimilated by Semitic, Hurrian and other inhabitants of the corresponding re-
gions.
As shown in Старостин, 1985/ 2007, 310 f., Proto-NCauc. people knew
horse-breeding, stock-breeding, agriculture, textile and metallurgy that exactly
fits the Maykop culture (see Мунчаев, 1994, 224; Kohl, 2007, 77 f.).
Proto-Kartvelian does not demonstrate reliable lexical traces of contacts with
Proto-NCauc. As noted in Starostin, 2007a, 819, the source language of North
Caucasian borrowed elements in Proto-Kartvelian lexicon resembles rather
Proto-Nakh or Proto-Hurro-Urartian (that corresponds to the later character of
Proto-Colchidean culture).
Милитарев/ Старостин, 2007, 876–881 list some interlingual cultural bor-
rowings between NCauc. dialects and Afro-Asiatic languages. It is important
that the overwhelming number of these isoglosses cannot be treated as borrow-
ings between Proto-NCauc. and Proto-Semitic or Proto-Cushitic and so on. On
the contrary, the proposed list illustrates interlingual interferences after the splits
of the main proto-languages. Therefore these contacts must date back to the sec-
ond half of the 4
th
–3
rd
millennia BC which chronologically fits the ECauc. and
WCauc. (scil. Maykop-related people) intrusion into Anatolia and Mesopotamia
very well.
73

–––––––––––––––––––––––
From the archaeological viewpoint, M. Gimbutas’ mounted warriors from the
steppes, who sweep away Chalcolithic “Old Europe”, also appear a myth—see the ex-
tended discussion in Kohl, 2007, 51, 126–144. About the west to east expansion of the
Tripolye culture and its consecutive occupation of the steppe regions during the 5
th
–4
th

millennia BC see Manzura, 2005.
I want to stress that if we follow the model of the steppe homeland of the Proto-Indo-
Europeans (which seems still mainstream among Indo-Europeanists), it will not contra-
dict the theory of the Proto-North Caucasian–Proto-Indo-European contacts within the
Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province.
73
Eight connections labeled as “Proto-Afrasian–Proto-North Caucasian isoglosses” by
A. Militarev / G. Starostin (Милитарев/ Старостин, 2007, 879 f.) could reflect not the
Proto-Afroas.–Proto-NCauc. contacts (which is impossible chronologically), but the
428 A. Kassian [UF 41
As is noted in 2.2.3 above, the ECauc. stock of the NCauc. family demon-
strates the shift from prefixal verbal morphology to suffixal systems, as opposed
to the more archaic West Caucasian stock, which retains verbal prefixation as a
basic morphological pattern. This process of morphological rebuilding should be
explained by contacts with the Proto-Hurrians (probably the Kura-Araxes cul-
ture, 4
th
–3
rd
millennia BC, which interfered with the Late Maykop, i. e. Novos-
vobodnaya culture), who demonstrate the same shift from Proto-Sino-Caucasian
prefixation to suffixation.
During the late 3
rd
– 2
nd
millennia BC. ECauc. and WCauc. dialects were do-
nors of some loanwords into Hattic (see above), Hittite (Николаев, 1985
74
) and
even in Ancient Greek (Николаев, 1985).
75

8.2.7 One of the possible scenario of the Sino-Caucasian (Dene-Sino-Cauca-
sian) expansion can be illustrated by the following maps (fig. 9–14). For conven-
ience I place the Sino-Caucasian homeland into the Syrian region, but I am not
aware of any reliable arguments pro or contra such a localization. There are,
however, some considerations according to which we cannot move Sino-Cau-
casian homeland too far away from the Fertile Crescent :
a) Glottochronological splits of the main linguistic macro-family, whose
homelands can be suspected of being located in the Near East—Afro-Asiatic
(the late 11
th
millennium BC after the break-up of Omotic), Nostratic (the early
14
th
millennium BC with subsequent splits of the two main branches in the 12
th

and 11
th
millennia BC respectively) and Sino-Caucasian (the middle of the 11
th

millennium BC, see fig. 8 above for detail),—coincide with the transition to the
Neolithic in Levant area, i. e. with the transition to sedentism and food-
producing economy (cal. C-14 dating of the Early Natufian phase: 12 450–
11 000 BC, Guerrero et al., 2008 w. lit.). See Diamond/ Bellwood, 2003 and vari-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
Proto-Afras.–Proto-SCauc. interferences.
74
Some Nikolaev’s connections are highly questionable, but some seem probative.
O. Mudrak (pers. comm.) proposes a number of additional plausible Proto-Nakh etymo-
logies for the Hittite cultural vocabulary like, e. g., Hitt. muh(ha)rai ‘fleshy part of sacri-
ficial animals’ < Nakh *moħ, obl. base *maħar- ‘fat (n.)’, Hitt. mariš (“From the
mou[th(?) …] evil saliva […] evil m. […]”) < Nakh *marš ‘snot’, and so on.
75
For general reasons, the Kaska tribes which started to bother the Hittites in the middle
of the 2
nd
millennium BC should be considered as North Caucasians (scil. West Cauca-
sians?). Unfortunately, no reliable archaeological records of Kaska in the Late Bronze
Age are revealed so far, this fact has led J. Yakar (2008) to the supposition that Kaska
were semi-nomadic communities. It is interesting that some semantic developments in
the Proto-WCauc. basic vocabulary can illustrate such a cultural shift towards a (mobile)
pastoralism. The WCauc. verb for ‘to drink (of humans)’ *zʷA goes back to NCauc.
*=āmʒŬ ‘to milk’ ; the WCauc. verb for ‘to eat (of humans)’ *fV goes back to NCauc.
*ɦĭfV ‘to graze, feed’ ; WCauc. *-ṗV ‘human extremity’ (attested in compounds only:
*λ´a-ṗV ‘foot’, Abkhaz–Abaza *na-ṗə, Ubykh qā-ṗá ‘hand’, Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa
‘hand, finger’) originates from NCauc. *HaṗV ‘paw’. Alternatively cf. Singer, 2007,
who supposes that Kaska were the remnants of the indigenous Hattic population.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 429
ous authors in Bocquet-Appel / Bar-Yosef, 2008 for general effect of Neolithic
demographic transition and subsequent language diversity.
b) A. Militarev/ G. Starostin (Милитарев/ Старостин, 2007, 879 f.) propose
eight cultural lexical borrowings between Proto-Afro-Asiatic and Proto-Sino-
Caucasian (the title “Proto-Afrasian—Proto-North Caucasian isoglosses” in
their paper is a misprint).
c) As noted above (8.2.6), Anatolian metallurgical sites of the late 7
th
– 6
th

millennia BC (Çatal-Höyük and others) could hypothetically trace the migratory
way of Proto-NCauc. people from the Sino-Caucasian Near Eastern homeland
into Balkans.


Phase 1. The break-up of the Sino-Tibetan–Na-Dene branch (the middle of the
11
th
millennium BC; the Haida language is excluded).

Fig. 9. The Sino-Tibetan and Na-Dene migratory ways.
430 A. Kassian [UF 41
Phase 2. The break-up of the North Caucasian–Basque and Yenisseian–Buru-
shaski branches (the second half of the 9
th
millennium BC).

Fig. 10. The split between the North Caucasian–Basque
and Yenisseian–Burushaski branches.
Phase 3. The split of the Yenisseian-Burushaski branch. I tentatively include
Hurro-Urartian and Hattic languages into the Yenisseian–Burushaski stock, al-
though the formal lexicostatistic evidence remains insufficient so far (see 4.1
and 8.1 above for detail). The Proto-Hurrians start moving towards the Caspian
Sea, where later they create the Kura-Araxes culture (the first half of the 4
th
–3
rd

millennia BC). Theoretically some earlier (late Neolithic) cultures of that region
can be identified with the Proto-Hurrians also. The Proto-Hattians dislocate into
East Anatolia (cf. the Hattic Alaca Höyük royal tombs of the 3
rd
millennium BC),
while the Proto-Burushaski-Yenisseians go their way to the east towards the Hi-
malayas. According to glottochronology the Burushaski–Yenisseian proto-lan-
guage splits at the middle of the 7
th
millennium BC, hence Karasuk culture (Late
Bronze Age; ca. 1500–800 BC) certainly cannot be identified with the Bu-
rushaski–Yenisseian proto-language per se (cf. van Driem, 2001, 1186 ff.), but
could represent the Yenisseian proto-language, which split in the middle of the
1
st
millennium BC (see the balanced discussion about Karasuk culture in
Makarov/ Batashev, 2004).
76
Janhunen, 1998, 204 proposes the Yenisseian
–––––––––––––––––––––––
76
Some authors object to the Yenisseian attribution of the Karasuk culture. E. g.,
Legrand, 2006, 858: “It shows that this transformation [from the Andronovo culture into
the Karasuk culture.—A. K.] did not result from the arrival of a new culture group, but
from changes in the local economy and way of life that occurred in the particular geo-
graphic and climatic context of the Minusinsk Basin”. Cf. also Клейн, 2000, where the
Karasuk culture is connected to the Proto-Tocharians (but Klejn’s Fatyanovo-Karasuk
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 431
attribution of the Tashtyk culture (Minusinsk Basin, the first half of the 1
st

millennium AD) that seems doubtful ; the Tashtyk culture rather represents early
Turkic migrations into the region of Scythian Tagar culture.
77
For that late epoch
it is more natural to connect Yenisseians to the “forest” valik pottery (banded,
чешуйчато-ленточная, обмазочно-валиковая, защипно-пальцевая), known
from the Middle Yenisei to the Minusinsk Basin during the 1
st
millennium AD;
see Леонтьев/ Леонтьев, 2009, 67, 76–83 w. lit.
78



Fig. 11. The split of the Yenisseian–Burushaski branch
(including Hurro-Urartian and Hattic).
The Hattian, Hurro-Urartian, Burushaski and Yenisseian migratory ways. Scenario 1.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
conception seems rather dubious, however).
77
As far as I can judge from the data of Han and Tang chroniclers, the so-called Yenisei
Kirghiz, with which the Tashtyk culture is traditionally associated, were Turkic in lan-
guage, see Ligeti, 1950 (for Yenisei Kirghiz kaša ‘iron(??)’ see now Дыбо А., 2007, 97)
78
Note that, according to Леонтьев/ Леонтьев, 2009, the Yenisseian valik pottery arises
under the influence of the corresponding “Hun style”.
432 A. Kassian [UF 41
An alternative hypothetical scenario is separate migrations of Proto-Burushaski
and Proto-Yenisseian people.

Fig. 12. The Hattian, Hurro-Urartian, Yenisseian and Burushaski migratory ways.
Scenario 2.
Phase 4. The Proto-Basques and Proto-North Caucasians separate out (the first
half of the 7
th
millennium BC). The Proto-Basques move into Europe.

Fig. 13. The split of the North Caucasian–Basque branch (scenario 1)
and the migratory way of the Proto-Basques.
An alternative scenario is to locate the Proto-North Caucasian–Basque home-
land in the Balkans. In the first half of the 7
th
millennium the Proto-Basques start
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 433
moving into Europe, whereas Proto-North Caucasians stay in the Balkans (Car-
patho-Balkan Metallurgical Province of the 5
th
millennium BC), but later go their
way towards the North Caucasus. The North Caucasian proto-language splits
into the West Caucasian and East Caucasian branches in the first half of the 4
th

millennium BC that coincides with the North Caucasian Maykop culture.

Fig. 14. The split of the North Caucasian–Basque branch (scenario 2)
and the migratory way of the Proto-Basques and Proto-North Caucasians.

9 Phonetic symbols. Language name abbreviations. References
9.1 Phonetic symbols (selectively)
□´ palatalized consonant


1) a prosodic feature of the Proto-NCauc. fricatives and affricates (see NCED,
90 f. ; SCC, 3 ff. for detail); 2) interdental fricative (in Semitic)
□ / □˙ ejective consonant
□: tense or geminated consonant
ʔ voiceless laryngeal (glottal) stop
ʡ voiceless pharyngeal stop
ʕ voiced pharyngeal fricative
c voiceless hissing affricate (the same as ʦ)
č voiceless hushing affricate
g the same as ŋ (in Sumerian)
G voiced uvular stop/ affricate
ɣ voiced velar fricative
h 1) voiceless glottal fricative; 2) a velar of post-velar fricative (in cuneiform lan-
guages; the simplified transcription of traditional ḫ)
434 A. Kassian [UF 41
ḥ voiceless pharyngeal fricative (in Semitic; the same as ħ)
ɦ voiced glottal fricative
ħ voiceless pharyngeal fricative
H unidentified laryngeal (used in reconstructions)
I after any vowel or consonant signifies pharyngealization (in NCauc.)
j palatal resonant
ł a lateral resonant (different from plain l ; used in reconstructions)
L voiced lateral fricative
Ł voiced lateral affricate
λ voiceless lateral fricative
ƛ voiceless lateral affricate
ŋ velar nasal resonant
q voiceless uvular stop/ affricate
ʁ voiced uvular fricative
š 1) voiceless hushing fricative; 2) voiceless hissing fricative (in the Hattic, Hittite
and Hurrian cuneiform; the same as s)
ŝ voiceless lateral fricative (in Semitic)
ʦ voiceless hissing affricate (the same as c)
θ voiceless interdental fricative
x voiceless velar fricative
χ voiceless uvular fricative
z 1) voiced hissing fricative; 2) hissing affricate (in the Hattic, Hittite and Hurrian
cuneiform; the same as c/ ʦ and ʒ)
ʒ voiced hissing affricate
ǯ voiced hushing affricate
9.2 Language name abbreviations
Afroas. (Proto-)Afro-Asiatic
Akkad. Akkadian
Amor. Amorite
Arab. Arabic
Arm. Armenian
Aram. Aramaic
Av.-And. (Proto-)Avaro-Andian
Bab. Babylonian
Burm. Burmese
Burush. Burushaski
Chin. Chinese
CLuw. Cuneiform Luwian
ECauc. (Proto-)East Caucasian
Egyp. Egyptian
Elam. Elamic
ESA Epigraphic South Arabian
Grk. Ancient Greek
Hatt. Hattic
Hebr. Hebrew
Hitt. Hittite
HLuw. Hieroglyphic Luwian
Hurr. Hurrian
IE Indo-European
Kartv. (Proto-)Kartvelian
Khin. Khinalug
Kott. Kottish
Lezgh. (Proto-)Lezghian
Luw. Luwian
Lyc. A Lycian A
MAss. Middle Assyrian
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 435
MSA Modern South Arabian
Myc. Mycenaean Greek
NAss. New Assyrian
NCauc. (Proto-)North Caucasian
OEng. Old English
OInd. Old Indian
Phoen. Phoenician
Russ. Russian
SCauc. (Proto-)Sino-Caucasian
Sem. (Proto-)Semitic
Slav. Slavic
STib. (Proto-)Sino-Tibetan
Sum. Sumerian
Tib. Tibetan
Tsez. (Proto-)Tsezian
Ugar. Ugaritic
Urart. Urartian
WCauc. (Proto-)West Caucasian
WSem. (Proto-)North-West Semitic
Yen. Yenisseian

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— 2007: Труды по языкознанию [Works in Linguistics]. Москва.
Топоров, В. Н. / Цивьян, Т. В., 1968: Об изучении имени в кетском (некото-
рые результаты и перспективы). In Кетский сборник. Лингвистика. Мо-
сква. С. 229–246.
Трифонов, В. А., 2000: Курганы майкопского типа в северо-западном Ира-
не. In Судьба ученого. К 100-летию со дня рождения Бориса Александ-
ровича Латынина. Санкт-Петербург. С. 244–264.
— 2001: Дарквети-мешоковская культура. In Третья Кубанская археологи-
ческая конференция. Тезисы докладов. Краснодар—Анапа. С. 190–194.
— 2009: Существовал ли на Северо-Западном Кавказе неолит? In В. А.
Трифонов (ред.): Адаптация культур палеолита—энеолита к изменени-
ям природной среды на Северо-Западном Кавказе. Санкт-Петербург.
С. 84–93.
Цивьян, Т. В., 1968: Материалы к сложным словам в кетском языке. In Кет-
ский сборник. Лингвистика. Москва. С. 262–276.
Чикобава, А., 1960: Основные типы спряжения глаголов и их исторические
взаимоотношения в иберийско-кавказских языках. In XXV международ-
ный конгресс востоковедов. Доклады делегации СССР. Москва.
Шагиров, А. К., 1977: Этимологический словарь адыгских (черкесских)
языков. 2 т. Москва.
Шаов, Ж. А. (ред.), 1975: Адыгейско-русский словарь. Майкоп.
446 A. Kassian [UF 41
Яцемирский, С. А., 2009: Labyrinthos: суффикс -nth- в минойском и тиррен-
ских языках. In Аспекты компаративистики 4 [Aspects of Comparative
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Вып. XXVIII.) С. 98–111.
Abbreviations
AHw W. von Soden: Akkadisches Handwörterbuch. Wiesbaden, 1965—
1981.
CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University
of Chicago. Chicago, 1956—.
CDA J. Black / A. George / N. Postgate: A Concise Dictionary of Akka-
dian. 2
nd
ed. Wiesbaden, 2000.
CHD The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of
Chicago. Chicago, 1980—.
DUL G. del Olmo Lete / J. Sanmartín: A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Lan-
guage in the Alphabetic Tradition. Leiden/ Boston, 2003.
EDAL S. A. Starostin 7 A. V. Dybo / O. A. Mudrak: Etymological Dictio-
nary of the Altaic Languages. Brill, 2003. Available online at
Tower of Babel Project (http://starling.rinet.ru/) as Altet.dbf.
EDHIL A. Kloekhorst : Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited
Lexicon. Leiden, 2008.
ePSD Electronic Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary Project (http://psd.
museum.upenn.edu/epsd/index.html).
GLH E. Laroche: Glossaire de la langue hourrite. Paris, 1980.
HALOT L. Koehler / W. Baumgartner: The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon
of the Old Testament. Revised by W. Baumgartner and J. J. Stamm.
Volumes 1–5 combined in one electronic edition. Leiden / New
York, 1994—2000.
HED J. Puhvel : Hittite Etymological Dictionary. Vol. 1—. Berlin / New
York / Amsterdam, 1984—.
HEG J. Tischler: Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar. Innsbruck,
1977—.
HHB2 H.-S. Schuster: Die Hattisch-Hethitischen Bilinguen. II. Textbear-
beitungen. Teile 2–3. Leiden, 2002.
HJ J. Hoftijzer / K. Jongeling: Diсtionary of the North-West Semitic
Inscriptions. Leiden / New York / Köln, 1995.
HWHT O. Soysal : Hattischer Wortschatz in hethitischer Textüberlieferung
Handbuch der Orientalistik, 1/74. Leiden, 2004.
NCED S. L. Nikolayev / S. A. Starostin: A North Caucasian Etymological
Dictionary. Moscow, 1994 [reprinted: 3 vols. Ann Arbor: Caravan
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 447
Books, 2007]. Available online at Tower of Babel Project (http://
starling.rinet.ru/) as Caucet.dbf.
SCC S. A. Starostin: Sino-Caucasian. Unfinished MS, the middle of the
2000s. Available online at Tower of Babel Project (http://starling.
rinet.ru/).
SED A. Militarev / L. Kogan: Semitic Etymological Dictionary. AOAT
278. Vol. 1: Anatomy of Man and Animals. Vol. 2: Animal Names.
Münster, 2000, 2005.
StBoT 37 J. Klinger: Untersuchungen zur Rekonstruktion der hattischen
Kultschicht. StBoT37. Wiesbaden, 1996.

ЭССЯ Этимологический словарь славянских языков [Etymological
dictionary of the Slavic languages]. Ред. О. Н. Трубачев. Т. 1—.
Москва, 1974—.

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Artikel
Bojowald, Stefan Noch einmal zum Personennamen t6®6w©w in Urk. IV, 11, 9 ..........................1 Bretschneider, Joachim / Van Vyve, Anne-Sophie / Jans, Greta War of the lords. The battle of chronology. Trying to recognize historical iconography in the 3rd millennium glyptic art in seals of Ishqi-Mari and from Beydar..............................................................................................5 De Backer, Fabrice Evolution of War Chariot Tactics in the Ancient Near East..........................29 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Der ugaritische Parallelismus mn || dbb (KTU 1.4 I 38–40) und die Unterscheidung zwischen dbb I, dbb II, dbb III................................................ 47 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Ugaritisch ©nn „(Komposit-)Bogenschütze“, qšt „Kompositbogen“, „Bogen“ und q‰®t /ƒÝ „Pfeil“. Beobachtungen zu KTU 1.17 VI 13–14 . 18b–25a .............................................................................................................. 51 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Präventiv-Beschwörung gegen Schlangen, Skorpione und Hexerei zum Schutz des Präfekten Urt‘nu (KTU 1.178 = RS 92.2014) ........................ 65 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Urbild und Abbild in der Schlangenbeschwörung KTU3 1.100. Epigraphie, Kolometrie, Redaktion und Ritual .............................................75 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Die keilalphabetischen Briefe aus Ugarit (I). KTU 2.72, 2.76, 2.86, 2.87, 2.88, 2.89 und 2.90...........................................................................................109 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald ‰md I „Paar“ und ‰md II „Axt, Doppelaxt“ nach KTU 4.169; 4.363; 4.136 ; 1.65 ..................................................................................................165 Faist, Betina I. / Justel, Josué-Javier / Vita, Juan-Pablo Bibliografía de los estudios de Emar (4) .....................................................181

......... The Qeiyafa Ostracon................................ The Pattern book of a Philistine offering stand from a shrine at Nahal Patish. the land of his inheritance.................................... Perspectives de la recherche.................... Issam K...............309 Keetman.525 Nahshoni....... Reality................................................449 Matoïan..... William H........... Valérie / Vita................243 Halayqa. Issam K....................601 ..................................... Tropper’s Kleines Wörterbuch des Ugaritischen (2008).................... Shirly Divine Justice or Poetic Justice? The Transgression and Punishment of the Goddess ®Anat in the ¬Aqhat Story........ Literature and History ................ Sardaigne)......................................505 Melchiorri..... H.... Antioco.................... Anat’s Violence and Independence in the Ba®al Cycle .... Valentina Le tophet de Sulci (S......................................303 Kassian... Giovanni On the Problematic Term syr/d in the New Old Aramaic Inscription from Zincirli . Irit Caphtor......... Memphis................... Myth................. Kelly J.... the throne of his dwelling..................543 Natan-Yulzary............... Gershon The Hebrew Inscription from Khirbet Qeiyafa / Ne˜a®im........ A............. A Literary Perspective.......... H. (With an appendix on the technology of the stand by Elisheva Kamaisky) .. Language.. Juan-Pablo Les textiles à Ougarit................... A Supplementary Ugaritic Word List for J........469 Mazzini..... Jan Die Triade der Laterale und ihre Veränderungen in den älteren semitischen Sprachen............... Two Middle Bronze Age Scarabs from Jabal El-Tawaƒin (Southern Hebron)..... Separation of Powers in Ancient Israel ..581 Shea................509 Murphy....... Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language ...... Pirhiya / Ziffer..................................263 Halayqa.....iv Inhalt [UF 41 Galil.................193 Gillmann... État des études et perspectives de la recherche ..... Nicolas Quelques remarques additionnelles sur le siege de Lachish... and the Goddess Anat.... Script...............

.......................... Again......... a.....631 Sturm........... LEMAIRE (Hrsg........................693 Valérie MATOÏAN (Hrsg.......................................694 Maciej POPKO: Arinna.. VAN SOLDT (Hrsg......................... und 8............................. Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung hethitischer Ritualtradition und Kulturgeschichte (Piotr Taracha).......708 W.............................703 Josef TROPPER / Juan-Pablo VITA : Das Kanaano-Akkadische der Amarnazeit (Matthias Müller) .... Jahrhundert v....................... Rabb°tum – ein Ort der Textilmanufaktur für den aA Fernhandel von Assyrien nach Zentralanatolien (ca.....689 Sophie DÉMARE-LAFONT / A......................................701 Benjamin D...................... Thomas Bull leaping and other images and rites of the Southern Levant in the sign of Scorpius .. Das Heilige Land in alten handkolorierten Photographien (Wolfgang...... BERTELMANN u................. Jerusalem und Umgebung im 19...........................und Religionsgeschichte Israels und Judas im 9..............2009] Inhalt v Staubli............. H.....659 Buchbesprechungen und Buchanzeigen W...................... SOMMER : The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel (Oswald Loretz)........ Text – Grammatik – Kopie.......................701 Rita STRAUSS: Reinigungsrituale aus Kizzuwatna.........): Trois millénaires de formulaires juridiques (Oswald Loretz) .. (Hrsg...... Zwickel) ... Thomas Fr.. 13–14 December 2007 (Oswald Loretz).): Alt-Jerusalem................690 Manfried DIETRICH / Walter MAYER : Der hurritische Brief des Dušratta von M÷tt°nni an Amen`otep III.... Brent kwšrwt in Psalm 68:7........ Papers read at a symposium in Leiden...... Englische Übersetzung des Textes von Desmond Durkin-Meisterernst................. A (Small) Test Case in Relating Ugarit to the Hebrew Bible....... Ran Philistian Notes.........................611 Strawn..649 Zadok..........................713 ..................................): Le Mobilier du Palais Royal d’Ougarit (Alexander Ahrens) .................................. 1930–1730 v..... SPEELMAN : Auf den Spuren Abrahams........................... Jahrhundert in Bildern aus der Sammlung von Conrad Schick und R.... Recueil d’études épigraphiques et archéologiques offert à Pierre Bordreuil (Oswald Loretz)....691 Jo Ann HACKETT : A Basic Introduction to Biblical Hebrew (Oswald Loretz) 692 Detlev JERICKE : Regionaler Kult und lokaler Kult..697 Carole ROCHE (Hrsg..........................): Society and Administration in Ancient Ugarit....................... Chr......... HARDIMAN / H...............................................): D’Ougarit à Jérusalem...... (Oswald Loretz).....Chr...........................................) ................................ Studien zur Kult. Eine heilige Stadt der Hethiter (Manfred Hutter)..........................................................

..............................713 Abkürzungsverzeichnis ...................................................................vi Inhalt [UF 41 Jordi VIDAL (ed.........................................735 Wörter ..............................................................................................................745 Anschriften der Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter .....749 ......................................742 Sachen...........): Studies on War in the Ancient Near East..............................................................................................................................737 Namen ............................................................719 Indizes A B C D Stellen ................................................... Collected Essays on Military History (Fabrice de Backer)..............................

.... consonantism.................................320 3 Previously proposed Kartvelian attribution .......1 Vocalism (a very preliminary schema) ........................ Kassian........319 2....................... Шагиров.........314 2..........................3 Hattic–WCauc..............322 4.....................dbf........ who has taken pains to read my MS through and made a number of valuable remarks....... Sccet..................311 1......................................... Yenet........ Basqet... Verbal wordform (main slots) ...........1 Hattic vocalism. Nominal wordform (main slots).......... Vogt........... 1977 ...324 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 I am grateful to Oğuz Soysal (Chicago)........2 Phonetic correspondences...2 Hattic consonantism ... Russian State University for the Humanities) for their criticism and general discussion (Vladimir Dybo......... root etymologies ...... Starostin’s reconstruction of the Proto-West Caucasian phonological system which is somewhat different from Chirikba’s one (see Starostin........4 Conclusions ........dbf..5 .....312 1...................................4 Hattic morphosyntax.... 1975 ....321 4 Sino-Caucasian hypothesis.... . nominal and verbal morphosyntax). I am grateful to Mark Iserlis (Tel Aviv University) for his help in archaeological matters.. The tabarna-problem has been ardently discussed with Ilya Yakubovich (Chicago / Moscow)........ Moscow 1 1 On the Hattic language (Hattic vocalism............321 4.............................. 1957 .... My warm thanks go to the participants of the Moscow Nostratic Seminar (Center for Comparative Linguistics of the Institute of Oriental Cultures and Antiquity.....2 Consonantism ................ Some Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh forms are quoted from Карданов.....1 Sino-Caucasian (or Dene-Sino-Caucasian) macrofamily ..dbf.......... Alexander Militarev......313 1. additions and corrections to the Hattic data...324 4.317 2......................................... Anna Dybo....................................................Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language A.dbf....... In the present paper I quote Hattic forms after HWHT unless otherwise mentioned...... 1997 / 2007 for the final discussion)...........................316 2....... I am especially indebted to George Starostin for his help in the compilation of actual lexicostatistical trees of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily................................................. All forms from Sino-Caucasian languages are generally given after the Tower of Babel Project databases (Abadet............. Caucet...........1 General remarks................. Stibet......dbf............313 1.. Шаов......314 2 Previously proposed West Caucasian attribution................................... Naturally...312 1.................................................. Albert Davletshin and others)................................. all the infelicities are the author’s only..................... 1963—standardly without special references. I adopt S........2 Structural features and morphosyntax .................. Buruet....................................dbf—see the list of references) unless otherwise mentioned..............................321 4..dbf....3 Hattic morphosyntax......2................2..

.......2...........1 Roots with reliable SCauc........404 8..... Language name abbreviations.....2...........2...............12 NC-clusters ....................1 Phonetic symbols (selectively) ......2..................................................329 4..2.9 xK(w)-clusters.............2...............3 Root structure .......2 Some auxiliary morphemes with dubious or improbable SCauc..............................2.................2..............2.. dubia........................404 8......397 6.....................402 8 Conclusion...435 Abbreviations.................................2......11..and rC-clusters.....331 4...........................2........1 Labials ...................... cognates ...................................333 4.................337 4.................................368 6 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons ...............1 Auxiliary morphemes with reliable SCauc................... lC.10 ST-clusters.............434 9.............2..............7 Laryngeals .....................................327 4.........336 4.2 Language name abbreviations .....................................................8 Clusters with *w ..... cognates ...1 Linguistic affiliation ..............2........................335 4...................336 4........332 4...............337 4........................2 Dentals...........................340 5........................................... Kassian [UF 41 4...................................334 4..2............2 Loans...................310 A.................................338 5 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons.....................6 Velar and uvular consonants .......................................................3 References .......................... and roots without etymology....................13 Clusters with laryngeals.....................338 4...............2...2..............................3 Alveolar.............2..............................446 ................2.............2......334 4.........397 6......................................5 Laterals ..................................2...2..............2 Geographical problem ...............................2..........416 9 Phonetic symbols..........400 7 Contacts with neighboring languages......................................433 9....2..........4 Other front consonants..... References ......340 5..............................................................2.............................433 9..........2.......................................................................... post-alveolar and palatal affricates....................2..... cognates .......................................

1. although Ü. nominal and verbal morphosyntax) Hattic is an ancient unwritten language spoken in Central Anatolia at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC and in all likelihood earlier. Surveys and Archaeometry.. but this result is not very reliable (I am grateful to Thomas Zimmermann. 2005. Ankara. 2010.. for this reference). The map reflects only known linguistic units ––––––––––––––––––––––– The Alaca Höyük royal tombs as well as the corresponding sites in the “Hatti Heartland” of the 3rd millennium BC—Kalınkaya. 2006—require Hattic attribution. Yalçin in “New investigations on the royal tomb of Alacahöyük” (paper presented on May 27 at the “Meeting on the Results of Archaeometry”—session of the 32nd International Symposium of Excavations. Resuloğlu and others. The traditional (pre-C14) dating places Alaca Höyük tombs in the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. Anatolia. consonantism. We have to suppose that Hattians were Anatolian autochthons before the Hittite-Luwian migrations in this region (more about the sociolinguistic situation see Goedegebuure. 2 .2 The Hattic language is known only in Hittite cuneiform transmission (ca. the second half of the 3rd—the first half of the 2nd millennia BC. Zimmermann. We know that the Hattians had institution of kingship. g. see.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 311 1 On the Hattic language (Hattic vocalism. It is not clear to me on what evidence some scholars (e. Republic of Turkey. 1650–1200 BC). e. with the exception of some personal names from Old Assyrian Cappadocian colonies (the early 2nd millennium BC). 2008). developed pantheon and were metal-workers—it fits the Alaca Höyük culture very well. g. organized by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. 2009. Bryce. 14) attribute the Alaca Höyük tombs to the Hittito-Luwians. But we cannot say the same about the prehistoric Hittito-Luwian tribes known to us. Istanbul) reported that the recent C-14 analysis of a wooden fragment from the old 1930s excavations gave the date from 2 500 to 10 000 BC [sic!]. May 24–28. Fig. Yildirim/ Zimmermann.

1. For a short sketch of the Hattic grammar. since there are a lot of examples where I. lax ~ tense or ejective ~ aspirate ~ plain). -t. see Касьян. the meanings of ca. voiceless ~ voiced. but this opposition differed phonetically from the analogous opposition in Hittite and Hittite scribes met with difficulties in transferring their graphical method onto Hattic texts. at-ta). Kassian [UF 41 The modern state of research in the Hattic language is reflected in the publications of O. it is unclear whether every p may alternate with w or w-ligature (and vice versa: whether every w may alternate with p and w-ligature). Hitt. wee . wuu . Soysal. Such an alternation is very frequent in known Hattic texts. wupu and for the cases where we see an alternation of W. /f/ is postulated for the ligatures waa . 1. Now we can postulate ca.312 A. Since the Hattic corpus is too small.. 200 of them are established with different degrees of reliability (for the list of Hattic lexemes see Soysal. but it seems that this graphical phenomenon is significantly less regular than the same opposition in Hittite (where Hitt. r j č/θ h k Consonants can be graphically geminated and non-geminated in the intervocalic position (a-ta vs. wipí . It is very likely that Hattic had two or more consonant series (e. wuú .< IE *t). wii . From the formal view- . -tt. g.1 Hattic vocalism i e (?) a u Signs of the E-series can reflect the phoneme /e/ or be a mere graphical phenomenon.2 Hattic consonantism p t ʦ f m w s n l. puu .and P-signs. 274 ff. *dh.). 2010. especially in his brilliant monograph HWHT.and E-signs freely alternate. HWHT.< IE *d. 300 Hattic roots and stems. which is based mostly on HWHT.

3 Hattic morphosyntax..2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 313 point we should postulate only two labial phonemes in Hattic—/m/ and /f/—and eliminate /p/ and /w/ from the table above. fa. pi. laryngeal) fricative. k. g. za. pi (=fi?). Nominal wordform (main slots) –5 particles –4 (?) –3 locative preposition –2 possessive pronoun –1 number 0 root 1 case 2 particles ma / fa a. n k(a). /h/—velar or post-velar (e. tu kaš.4 Hattic morphosyntax. Verbal wordform (main slots) –9 –8 tive” –7 –6 ? –5 direct object –4 locus –3 locus –2 locus –1 ? 0 root 1 mode. w and f as one phoneme. t. še / te ai? up (uf?) if(a) fa / fi aš / iš √ šu / tu n i 1. 107 ff. i fe. interdental fricative /θ/ is. 1. te. In the etymological studies below I am impelled to treat p. an equivalent solution here. aš / at . aspect 2 negation “opta.. g. haš. expressed by the Ḫ-signs. in Hittite graphical h covers velar/uvular spirant (Patri. wa waa h. /s/ is written by the signs of Š-series. In some morphemes (both root and auxiliary) we see a free alternation of Tand Š-signs. e. Sporadical usage of S-signs (OS+) may reflect the second sibilant (e. 2009. g. ka. i tu / šu ta.). which originates from the Semitic voiceless uvular fricative *χ . un a? ai. /ʦ/ is expressed by the signs of Z-series. še. h(a). zi u le. ha. w(a). e. but. of course. m. /š/). particles taš / šaš / teš / šeš ta / te fa u. I postulate something like /č/ for these cases. zaš?. zi f(a) √ u e a ma. In Akkadian Ḫ-series reflects a phoneme. p. š..subject tense. but the available data are too scant.

2) is based on 50-wordlists of the majority of modern NCauc. The next tree (fig.. Abadet. but I must accede to Soysal’s criticism of Fähnrich’s comparisons (see HWHT. Caucet. 1980 tries to show the specific relationship between Hattic and Cassite or Hurrian. E.. 5 For this kind of glottochronological procedure see Starostin. branch.5 The genetic attribution of Hattic is debatable.dbf. Ubykh and Adyghe-Kabardian ca. 640 BC. 1996). but it gives the general frame of the NCauc. Some important details were more explicitly stated in Starostin. 1989 / 1999. 2010. . advocated by various scholars: West Caucasian and Kartvelian. 3800 BC.dbf). The 50-wordlist includes the 50 most stable items from the “classical” Swadesh 100-wordlist.). supported by the Santa Fe Institute). 4 For this kind of glottochronological procedure see detailed in Starostin G. The tree on fig. 2010.. maybe some nodes will be corrected as a result of further researches. Kabardian. The following tree of the NCauc. later it was verified and partly modified by V. The modern West Caucasian reconstruction was made by S. languages. Chirikba (Chirikba. 34 ff.314 A. 3) Ubykh. There are two main theories. For the general principles of the Swadesh wordlist compilation process now see Kassian et al.3 2 Previously proposed West Caucasian attribution The West Caucasian family consists of a relatively small number of languages: 1) Abkhaz. Abaza. The tree is based on “classic” 100-wordlists and compiled according the “standard” procedure. 3) represents the WCauc. 2) Adyghe. the North Caucasian protolanguage split into East Caucasian and West Caucasian branches ca. In its turn West Caucasian split into Abkhaz-Abaza. The tree has been compiled by the author as part of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” project. According to the glottochronological procedure.5 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 3 Sometimes more exotic attributions are proposed. Kassian [UF 41 1.4 The primary lexicographic data which were used can mostly be found in the database section of the Tower of Babel Project. 2 is preliminary. family. Starostin (see NCED. Fähnrich. g. 1997/2007. The procedure consists of the subsequent reconstruction of corresponding wordlists for intermediate proto-languages and screening of synonyms at every stage. family (fig.

3. 2.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Fig. Glottochronological tree of the West Caucasian branch (100-item wordlist-based) 315 . Glottochronological tree of the North Caucasian family (50-item wordlist-based) Fig.

forms.has doubtless cognates in the other WCauc.‘under’. Chirikba. etc. 1934. Иванов. 1985.1. 27 ff.—Hattic affixes). 414 compares Hattic zi. 1996. * ~ Hatt.1 Attested Hattic chronologically is more ancient than the late ProtoWCauc. Forrer (1921. Ardzinba (Ардзинба. Ivanov (in a number of publications. and immediately the comparison with Hattic zi. used to propose etymological comparisons like follows (e. 25.becomes phonetically unlikely (for regular NCauc. Браун. lower part. e. and Jan Braun (Браун.. level. 32. Despite the fact that I do not agree with the West Caucasian attribution of Hattic. № 37 and Chirikba. 1994—Hattic roots. see Иванов.2 As is known. 2002—Hattic local prefixes). I. 1977 2. It must be noted that after the outdated von Mészáros’ list of cognates it was Ivanov. 1985 for the summed up list of Hattic roots and auxiliary morphemes with WCauc. ‘from top-down’) with Abkhaz–Abaza *a. 229). von Mészáros (1934. As a matter of fact Abkhaz–Abaza *a-/*ǝ. structural features). An example.) gave the list of grammatical and lexical isoglosses between Hattic and Ubykh. *ǝ.316 A.. Chirikba (Chirikba.‘from down’.(a nominal prefix with ablative semantics. 1996. 1979—grammatical features). languages: Adyghe–Kabardian *a. Viach. god’ + *šʷəχʷa ‘grey.1 General remarks 2. 1960. Von Mészáros. Kassian [UF 41 For the first time the structural similarity between Hattic and West Caucasian languages was noted by E. An example. *V ‘bottom. lower part’. Russian–German): pri-nes-i ‘bring!’ (2 sg. 2. 406—Hattic roots and affixes.) ~ bringen Sie or u-bi-l ‘he has killed’ ~ übel and so on. 89 f. Further the idea of the West Caucasian attribution of Hattic was supported by I. cognates). g. who for the first time made an attempt to prove the West Caucasian hypothesis by a scientific approach. . languages. 1967. 172 ff. 425 compare fa-šhaf with the Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh compounds of WCauc. 1961. The Hattic well-attested lexeme š(a)haf ‘god’ has a regular plural form fa-šhaf ‘deities’. Ivanov’s publications definitely got the problem of Hattic etymology off the ground and serve as a good start point for subsequent studies. under (preverb)’ here (< NCauc. Ubykh -a ‘bottom. Later J. Dunaevskaja (Дунаевская.1.‘under’. 1996. the first Indo-Europeanists of the XVIII c. Vl.—grammatical features). which can be assuredly reconstructed for the Proto-WCauc. l see below). Therefore it is possible to compare Hattic forms only with the WCauc. Дунаевская. The following difficulties arise when one attempts to compare Hattic with WCauc. powder’: Adyghe–Kabardian *wa-šχʷa ‘sky’ (< ‘grey sky’). Unfortunately some of the authors mentioned above get caught in the same pitfall. so we must reconstruct WCauc. Vjač. see Шагиров. language by almost 1000 years. 1922. Diakonoff (Дьяконов. *Hŏnŭ ‘bottom’). g. 2. 134 f.. *wa ‘sky. Ubykh wa-šχʷa ‘thunder and lightning’6 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 6 Not ‘god’.

272). but in reality Abkhaz -wa forms the names of races (both in singular and plural). property’. 2.3 There is an old comparison of Slav. since they were based on erroneous and out-of-date interpretation of the Hattic data. languages (cf. not only of the WCauc. 1989.2. Such a comparison can hardly be accepted. On the other hand.3 Third. it is clear that the Hattic verbal wordform does not coincide directly with attested WCauc. 3 above) and we know that local preverbation is a living and productive model of forming verbal stems in the modern Abkhaz–Abaza dialects. 2.2. polysynthetic verbal morphosyntax is characteristic of some other branches of Sino-Caucasian macrofamily. and the same phenomenon in WCauc.2 Structural features and morphosyntax 2. 196 ff. See Решетников. An example. e. etymologies. *medv-ědь ‘bear’ (< ‘one who eats honey’) and OInd. Дьяконов.1. see Hewitt. mulk ‘ownership.1. Abzakh verbal scheme in Paris. As a matter of fact. . see Шагиров. Hatt.. 1999 for the Proto-Yenisseian verbal reconstruction.2 Second. where prefixation prevails.4 A great part of previously proposed comparisons must be rejected now with certainty. favorable’ with Adyghe mǝλkʷ ‘property. fortune’. verb tuh ‘to take’ is compared by Chirikba. 20 compares Hatt.is formed after a synchronically regular and very productive model and there are not any reasons to suspect a Proto-Indic stem here rather than an occasional word-forming in a poetic text. the reconstruction of Proto-WCauc. madhv-ád. fa-/fi. We can speak about typological similarity only and suggest monophonemic comparisons between some Hattic and WCauc.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 317 (< ‘heavenly blasting powder’). We see the same situation with some previously proposed Hattic– WCauc. But despite the exact phonetic regularity it is hard to reconstruct such a compound for the Proto-IE level. *xǝ ‘to take’). morphosyntax is the task of future research. sometimes scholars operate with incorrect WCauc. 2.2. 2. affixes. g. Examples. subbranch. since Hattic is almost 3000 years distant from the split of the Common Abkhaz–Abaza proto-language (see fig. 149. 1979.1 All the authors mentioned above note the similarity between the Hattic polysynthetic verbal wordform. 1977 1. 1994. 2. forms. schemas. In his turn Браун. since tatpuruṣa madhv-ád. today we can operate with modern Abkhaz– Adyghe paradigms only.. 419 with Abkhaz *tǝ-χǝ ‘to take from inside’.‘Süßes essend’ (said of birds in Rig-Veda). 173 compares Hatt. 1996.). This comparison is not reliable. malhip ‘good.(plural of the nominative and oblique cases) with Abkhaz -wa (a plural marker of the animate class). which in fact is a recent Arabic loanword (Arab. 1967. where *tǝ is a standard locative preverb and *χǝ means ‘to take’ (< WCauc.

ones. which were previously proposed.. languages. 2. 2002 make attempts to etymologize the system of Hattic local prefixes integratedly. forthc. On the contrary.7 and was seriously rebuilt in the East Caucasian subbranch8).. An example. The Hattic genitive marker -n is standardly compared with WCauc. lative. a and forthc. 2000. we must suppose that polysynthetic verbal morphosyntax with prefixation was characteristic of the Sino-Caucasian proto-language (this feature was almost completely destroyed in the Sino-Tibetan family due to contacts with isolating Austric languages. *-n (genitive. Common NCauc. Cf. e. affixal comparisons possesses cognates in East Caucasian sub-branch of the NCauc. Чикобава. 7 .~ WCauc.on phonetical grounds. and it is impossible to speak about exclusive Hattic–WCauc. Lak -n (dative I. *-nə (ergative and general indirect case.cannot be compared with WCauc.9 An appreciable part of Hattic–WCauc. the majority of reliable Hattic–WCauc. b. and Браун.‘in .).. 9 Chirikba. 1960 for the rests of the verbal prefixal polysynthetism in the ECauc. 412 ff. 232 f. *V. e. Verbal li. Braun. 2008. suff. affixal comparisons. temporal. On the contrary. infinitive). In reality the only reliable exclusive Hatt. since they are based on the incorrect interpretation of the Hattic grammatical system. which has been arbitrarily singled out from kiluh ‘runner-spy’ [33’] by J. preverb *tV. super’. Burushaski and Na-Dene schemas are also rather similar to the known Hattic verbal wordforms.–WCauc.are unknown (see HWHT. adjective and participial suffix .is found only in the totally opaque compound ištarrazil ‘earth’ [22’] .-And. Yenisseian. sets of grammatical morphemes. must be rejected now. 104 for the Burushaski verbal wordform (Hunza-Nager dialect) and.2. Holton. 1972 for morphological relicts in the languages of the Sino-Tibetan family. 8 See Bengtson. transformative case). On the other hand.are not less probable than Narrow WCauc. Kassian [UF 41 Berger. genitive suffix *-nV: Nakh *-n (genitive. 1998 1.4 Fourth. elative. for similar conclusions about this ECauc. we cannot say that the most part of Hattic auxiliary morphemes finds its counterparts in WCauc. Nominal zi. translative). g. innovation. languages.and ka. ––––––––––––––––––––––– See Benedict. On the contrary. isogloss in their lists is the Hatt. the same concerns the morpheme kil. etymologies for Hatt. Av. As a matter of fact WCauc.318 A.and fe. but I do not understand on which positive evidence Chirikba’s syntactical theory is based. 1996. therefore we cannot speak about exclusive Hattic–WCauc. family or in other families of SCauc. of adjectives and participles. Lezgh. the authors mentioned above operate with individual affixal comparisons and fail to reconstruct hypothetical Proto-Hattic–WCauc. for Tanacross. isoglosses in these cases. g. 163 ff. The morpheme šta. Quite differently Chirikba. The meaning and function of Hattic ni. who claims that ProtoNorth Caucasian was an analytic language. while Pre-Proto-West Caucasian developed into an isolating (Chinese-like) formation./ nu.and *Łʷa. verbal local prefix ta.does not exist. which possesses verb structure typical of Na-Dene languages. ha. *-nV (ablative./ za. 97 ff. *-nə goes back to the Common NCauc. infinitive). macrofamily. connection in this case. possessive case.

language took place after Hattic had set apart. the normal Proto-NCauc. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 10 E. The phenomenon of unmarking plural in nouns is known from other Sino-Caucasian languages: for the Yenisseian family see Castrén.). . f) The restriction on initial r. lists structural parallels between Hattic and WCauc. known at that epoch from East Caucasian languages to Ancient Greek dialects. the schema above).is a common areal feature. 2. 1858. for Na-Dene Holton. Although an ergative pattern seems most probable for Hattic. e) Unmarked nominal plural forms which are sometimes attested in Hattic texts is the same case as verbal polysynthetism—it is not an exclusive Hattic– WCauc. 2010). 16 ff. nominal root had the shape CVCV. b) The Hattic case system is not so “rudimentary” from the typological viewpoint (cf. Thus. g.2. it cannot prove genetic relationship. 1996. 157 ff.. ergative (e..1 We may assume that the reduction of the root structure in ProtoWCauc. but rather represent an areal feature (cf. dialects. 1968). second. there are three hypothetical ways to compare Hattic with ProtoWCauc. but unfortunately almost all of them do not seem persuasive. g. the neighboring Hurrian language). (the Tanacross language). where the prevailing shape of nominal and verbal roots became CV. a) The grammatical system of Hattic is debatable. 2..5 Chirikba. not with the WCauc.3.. verbal root looked like =VCV(R).2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 319 terminative. proto-language. with Yenisseian (see Цивьян.3. e.3 Hattic–WCauc. c) The role of word formation compounding in Hattic is comparable rather with East Cauc. ergative).2. C—an obstruent consonant or a combination of consonants. languages. 2. g. It is an open question whether Hattic was a nominative-accusative. proto-language.. 1988) or active language (for split activity theory see Goedegebuure. But in this case we must compare Hattic directly with the NCauc. since the Hittite cuneiform gives no reliable data for such an analysis and. where C is a consonant or a combination of consonants. 2.. languages and some other Sino-Caucasian languages10 than with WCauc. 1968. Топоров /Цивьян. Taracha. These structures were seriously rebuilt in the WCauc. 82 ff. root etymologies As is known. 2000. where C can be a combination of consonants. 407 ff. In its turn the standard Hattic root (both nominal and verbal) is CVC. d) For verbal polysynthetism with prevailing prefixation see above. isogloss. 235 ff. where “=” is a class marker. we know too little about the Hattic morphonology and phonetic sandhi. the standard ProtoNCauc. R—a sonorant (see NCED. g) Some listed Hattic phonetic features cannot be included in the comparison.

1. Ubykh bza. Of course. dialects. 2. *wŏjV (~ --) ‘woman.is a preverb used with verbs of motion (Vogt.3. 58. 20.4. *pə-zV ‘female. a small number of probable WCauc.4. Adyghe– Kabardian *bzə. isoglosses which were previously proposed need to be left out. go’ (< WCauc. roots have reliable NCauc.4. Иванов.root nucleus with some consonant extensions of unknown nature. This method is accepted in a number of Vjač. 50.in suffixed zuwa-tu ‘wife’ with WCauc. isoglosses are also rather weak. but goes back to NCauc. g. bitch’ (Abkhaz–Abaza *pəsə. 2.4. but it is clear that it is the way to nowhere.2 We can divide Hattic roots into C. 2. 1963. 1985. the genetic relationship to the WCauc. šul ‘to let. walk. to let in’ with Ubykh a-wǝ-la ‘to let. 2. wǝ is a frequent verbal root ‘to enter. Braun’s etymologies (e. loanwords in Hattic. and so on. Hattic possesses a number of monoconsonantal roots which can be compared with WCauc. prefix *pǝ-).3 Finally we can compare Hattic roots with compounds or inflected forms from the modern WCauc. for which see Section 7 below. since they are based on incorrect and out-of-date Hattic data. *=rƛŬ ‘to go.2 Indeed. therefore such comparisons cannot prove an exclusive Hattic–WCauc. Kassian [UF 41 proto-language as it is today reconstructed on the basis of known WCauc. 1994).3.–WCauc.. female’ (further to SCauc. due to the fundamental difference in root structure. Иванов. and the direct Hattic–NCauc.2–2.3.1. enter’). . 104). where a. data.or madhvad-pitfalls. 19 compares Hatt. 1985. release exhaustively’. cognates. or Hattic–SCauc. however. № 45 compares Hatt. 22. Ivanov’s and J.4 Conclusions 2. with such approach we immediately get caught in bringen-Sie.5. since the regularity of phonemic correspondences in monophonemic comparisons must be established by a solid corpus of cognates that is not the case. Grammatical Hatt. An example. 2. *-zV is not an isolated form. *wjV (~ sṭ-. Браун.3 above. while -la is a regular exhaustive suffix. relationship.or CV. It is worth noting. with the frequent Proto-WCauc. root zuwa. An example. dialects. ~ --) ‘female’).320 A.4. In reality WCauc. 1994. № 11. sub-branch cannot be proved. Even if we undertake a monophonemic etymologization of Hattic CVC-roots. 2. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. A great part of Hattic–WCauc. for which see 2. Браун.1 Hattic cannot be directly compared with WCauc. but in almost all these cases proposed WCauc. comparison is self-suggesting.4. 2.

it is very likely that Hattic represents a separate branch of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 321 3 Previously proposed Kartvelian attribution Girbal. 2007 (both in Russian and English). t.. The highly preliminary Sino-Caucasian etymological dictionary is available as Sccet. b) some special types of phonetic developments (e.‘to hear’. tumil ‘rain’ ~ Kartv. Below I list a number of Hattic root and auxiliary morphemes with probable SCauc. Gabeskiria.dbf. attribution of Hattic is improbable. but without much success—for the criticism of Gabeskiria’s studies see HWHT. For the preliminary comparative phonetics of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily see SCC (this work was not finished and therefore remains unpublished). k and so on). *sem. 2 above for detail). 1998 attempted to add some new Kartvelian cognates of Hattic lexemes. SCauc. 4. macrofamily. on fig. šam(a) ‘to hear (vel sim. but it should be noted that: a) the main part of the proposed phonemic correspondences are trivial (e. 1986. cognates. *p ~ Hatt.)’ ~ Kartv. *ƛ ~ Hatt. 1982/2007. SCauc.‘to rain’ and Hatt.) as part of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” project. *wim. cognates. family (fig. Of course. two of them are striking : Hatt. supported by the Santa Fe Insti- . consonant cluster simplification) are very typical of the other daughter proto-languages of the SCauc. 4 Sino-Caucasian hypothesis Although the WCauc. SCauc. g. and therefore can be regarded as common innovations. genetic relationship cannot be established by a couple of comparisons (even if they belong to the Swadesh wordlist). * ~ Hatt. Note that Hatt. SCauc. As in the case of the NCauc. Of course. g. f.. Yenisseian and Sino-Tibetan—was partially substantiated on the ground of regular phonetic correspondences in Старостин. SCauc.1 Sino-Caucasian (or Dene-Sino-Caucasian) macrofamily For the first time the genetic relationship between three proto-families—North Caucasian. 33 f. cannot be proved due to the scantiness of Hattic lexical data. Some other papers by the same author. It is important that the percentage of the so called basic vocabulary in my list is relatively high. Starostin (pers. l. tumil and šam(a) possess reliable SCauc. comm. can be found in Старостин. 160–163 proposes four Hattic–Kartvelian root etymologies. 2) the following preliminary SinoCaucasian tree is based on 50-wordlists (see com. *č ~ Hatt. dedicated to the Sino-Caucasian problem. the regularity of the assumed phonemic correspondences between Hattic and Proto-SCauc. and we must treat these etymologies as chance coincidences. t~š (/č/?). The tree has been compiled by G. *k ~ Hatt.

––––––––––––––––––––––– 11 Position of the Hurro-Urartian proto-language is not quite clear. Pace the work Diakonoff / Starostin. Kassian [UF 41 tute): fig. not to the STib. and add the Hattic column with suggested Hattic counterparts. the tables are quoted as they have been compiled by S. family—Старостин.–Yen. lit. Three main proto-languages are the basis of the SCauc. macro-family (at the beginning of the 2000s S. Despite this fact. family.1 and 6.–Na-Dene one. NCauc. Yen. redundant.dbf. lit.—these cells are marked by footnotes. Starostin with the exception of few cells important to us. and some isoglosses may prove the specific relationship between the Hurro-Urartian and Yen. STib. where Hurro-Urartian is traditionally included into the ECauc. The correspondences are illustrated by the Hattic examples taken from sections 5. 24 ff. 4). 2002 with additions and corrections. Isolated Burushaski and Basque also do not provide considerable help due to natural reasons. Starostin himself tended to lean towards the same conclusion). Sino-Tibetan and Yenisseian.). The Proto-Na-Dene reconstruction is not done (or not published) yet. family—Caucet. 4. See Kassian. 4. 1996 (w. 1995 and Werner. unfortunately S. whose cells are sometimes incomplete or. Because of many lacunae in the Hurrian 50-wordlist it is impossible to process Hurrian using the formal algorithm (Hurrian is not included in the tree on fig. During the continuing studies of SCauc. reconstruction : North Caucasian. As it was said above. 1986. which I corrected. but it is clear that Hurro-Urartian belongs to the NCauc. but seriously improved. therefore I do not use Na-Dene data in my paper. stocks. . it is very likely that this cluster represents a separate branch of the SCauc. branch.dbf. family—Stibet. stock of the NCauc. They possess relatively welldone comparative grammars (especially phonetics) and etymological dictionaies.322 A.2 Phonetic correspondences Below I quote phonetic charts from SCC. which has been published as NCED (w.). Starostin did not manage to finish SCC—in particular it concerns the phonetic charts. 2010 for some details.11 The tree gives the general frame of the SCauc. based on Старостин.–Burush. based on Peiros/Starostin. on the contrary. The Na-Dene branch on fig. macrofamily. daughter families this schema will probably be improved.1. 1982/2007 and Yenet.dbf. 4 does not include the Haida language. but it must be stressed that the tree cannot be regarded as a final solution.

Glottochronological tree of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily (50-item wordlist-based) 323 .2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Fig. 4.

ǝ o (ɔ). i a. Kassian [UF 41 4.‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63] 4. (ae. o (u) Hattic i / e. e ɨ. to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1] SCauc. lip . o ǝ. (-m-) f/p/w Hattic . ǝ e (ä). *i *e *ä *ɨ *ǝ *a *u *o i. e. e i o. w /  d d t d-. i. r n š-. *ānp ‘tongue . SCauc./ t-. -u-. -r-. u o. ph. ǝ i. a a. a. i a. b b m w () t ṭ d n r STib. z for /ʦ/. o Yen. z (_i) f. e (ä). e e. e (ä). p p b m b-. ǝ ǝ. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock . ṭ (ḍ) n d-. *p *ṗ *b *m *w *t *ṭ *d *n *r NCauc. e e. ǝ a./ w-.2. u STib. ǝ u. r1 Yen. (-l-) t. -t t. ǝ./ p. a. (u) u Consonant cluster simplifications may cause a preceding vowel change: SCauc. ph-. n ʔ. Burush. -p p. -p m w/ th.1 Vocalism (a very preliminary schema) SCauc. -p p-. o a (ɔ). t~š for /č/. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] Yen. o a. (u) th t. -t t. (i / e) i/e a. ǝ./ p. ǝ. th. -f-. e (i) u. a) a.324 A. i (ɨ) a. *t[e]mb-Vĺ. p ṗ. ɨ a. a i a. Burush.2. ɨ a o. r. i ä ɨ. -t n r p b p b./ w-. e i. u u.2 Consonantism Below for Hattic I use cuneiform notation: š for /s/. ph. m -. i / e a. m w-. NCauc. ṭ (ḍ) t.

ĺ d-. r1 ś / ṣ. h ć. ch / s. s  s / ś.L). r1 j-. c  ʒ s z ć   ś ź č  ǯ š r n j ƛ  Ł λ ł l Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language STib. -k / -ŋ ƛ. -t-. -ł. ć / . l ~ r.(_i / e). ś / ṣ() šBurush.. l. -ź ś / ṣ. n j.  s/ś/ṣ d-.2009] SCauc. Hattic 325 t-. ǯ ǯ s. d-(Vʔ) ŕ ń.  j-.  ś-. -ź ć / . s ś. ld l l r. r(. z.  lt-. h. -t C. ʒh s ( / ch). s s. r ń-. - ǯ-. . ŋ j r(.L). r1. s 12 s. l. -t ć.(_i). l. ć / . - rj1./ ʒ-. ƛ l-. d-(Vʔ) ʒ ć. lt / l lt-. s s. z. lt / l lt-. -š- t-.(_i) š-~t-. ś. -k l. -l r č-( / ǯ-). - s c. s č. s / ś( / ṣ) d-. t-. d-(Vʔ) ǯ ć. χ j-. s s d-. h ć. s ʒ.  / ʒ.. -ź ć(h). z-. c ǯ-. Updated cell. ĺ r.(lṭ-). h. -ššt š ––––––––––––––––––––––– 12 13 Updated cell. r n j. (l) l l -Yen. ć / . lt / l lt. *c * *ʒ *s *z *ć * * *ś *ź ? *č * *ǯ *š *ŕ *ń *j *ƛ * *Ł *λ *ł *l NCauc. l. -ź . -t s ( / ch). -t ć.~ ṣ-. r 13 d-. l. -t ch. -z. -k ƛ.

-k k-. n Burush. ħw > ? m ŋ ŋ ŋ A. x χ. gh. -j / -w  (ʔ) . -kg-. ɣ. ŋ ˙m-. k / -ŋ χ. ɣ h /ɣ /h/j /h/j /h/j /h/j /h/j /h/j  h. -k kh. w. x-. -k / -ŋ Gh-. k(h) k g h h k [UF 41 Hattic k *ʡ *ʕ *h *ɦ *ħ *xm ? *xŋ ? *ŋw *xŋw 14 () b-. -k χ-. ʕw > ʔʷ . ɦw > j-. qhʷ-. -ŋ q. . ŋ q-. ʡw > h/x ʔ . - g ŋ qh-. j . ɣ q(h). () h f-. - G-. j . *k *ḳ *g *x *ɣ *ŋ *q * *G *χ *ʁ *ʔ NCauc. ʔw > h/x ʔ-.. -gk x. q . k-. j. ŋ q(h). k ḳ g x ɣ n q  G χ ʁ ʔ ʡ ʕ h ɦ ħ f x m f STib. q / G x-/χ-. [G(h)-]. -k. G-.(/ʔʷ-)  . ʡw > χ(ʷ) . w-)  . ʔw > ʔʷ.326 SCauc. -k. qh-. hw > h/x ʔ-. ŋ b-. -n / -m h- ––––––––––––––––––––––– Updated cell. χ 14 ʔ-. q / G q-. g. ʔw > h/x ʔ-. hw > ʔʷ (/ ɣ-. ɣ q(h). . j . ɣ.  . q/G χ. q-. χ ~ G q~χ b-. G ʔ-. ħw > h/x w-. Kassian Yen.~ ɣ . j.

χ q. ɣ. *b merge in Hatt. h h k h k Burush. x x. *[p]ārē ‘lightning . -ŋ. kh. lip. G. χ. brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33] SCauc. kw c(h) ch / s. g. -k k. h 327 4.2. ɣ k. x. h) c c ( ~ ) ch ? ? ć(h). -s ch / s ś ~ h ć ć.-ɣ qh. g c (~ ch. q / G (ʔχ) q. but can hardly be distinguished due to the imperfect and inconsistent cuneiform transcription: SCauc. -k k-. -k gh. -q k. q. (k) k. g q. ɣ. ɣ.~ gh~ qh-.-q-. kh ghw. χ q-. g qh. -q qh. -k k. *ṗ. *[p]ūH ‘to blow’ (STib. g qh. Ćh ć  ? Yen.2. kh g. x 15 x. -z. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > kip ‘to protect’ [18] SCauc. *xg *xk *xḳ *xq *xqw *x *xw *xG *xG*w *sd *st *sṭ *śd *śt *śṭ *šd *št *šṭ NCauc. . *p. g χ ḳ q qw  w G. Hattic k. g q. f/p/w—in all likelihood more than one phoneme. to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1] SCauc. -t(s). *ānp ‘tongue. χ. (ʁ) Gw ʒ c  ʒ c  ǯ č  Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language STib. k~q.1 Labials SCauc. q k.  ? ćh t-. g.-k k-. χ. x k t t t ? ? t t t t g h-. *bŭt) > puš-an ‘to blow on’ [43] ––––––––––––––––––––––– 15 Updated cell.2009] SCauc.(_i) t k. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] SCauc.

for which see Старостин. *=mV(r) ‘to stand. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent. Nenets. *mlćwV ‘to blow.in the medial position is retained: NCauc. *bVN. *[]mbi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’. attested in the synchronic Yen. *b-/p-/w. nasal *-m. tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52] Yen. to be confused’ ~ tafa ‘fear’ [53] STib. *p yields p/ph /pf /h in known languages. population’ [41] STib. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak. pray’ > fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] NCauc. . swallow’ ~ puš ‘to devour’ [42] The process of denasalization in the initial position is paralleled by the Yenisseian branch. wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] STib. *mVn ‘to perceive.coincides with SCauc. languages./ *wVN > mVN which occurs in some auxiliary morphemes. dead’ > fun(a) ‘mortality’ [40] STib. An exact parallel to Hattic are early records of Kottish. *bħĕr ‘a k. are Russian. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] SCauc. *bēŁ ‘cattle-shed’ ~ fael ‘house’ [30] STib. *bot. where SCauc. etc. The second source of m. *HmoŋV ‘to die. pungent’ ~ zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] Yen. f/p/w resembles the Yenisseian reflexes of SCauc. were f.‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63] Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ. salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34] SCauc. stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28] But in the initial position SCauc.(for the distribution see SCC. ph. *Pr-ŋ ‘country’ ~ fur ‘country. SCauc. f-/p-/w-: SCauc. Arin and Pumpokol. *bhăr ‘abundant. Yen.16 Synchronically Hattic possesses a number of stems with initial m-: ––––––––––––––––––––––– 16 Roots in m-. 1982/2007. *m. labial stops and yields Hatt. *mor ‘grain’ ~ fula ‘bread’ [38] SCauc. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear.> Yen. Kassian [UF 41 SCauc. to think’ ~ pnu ‘to look’ [36] STib. 37 f. pf. *b > b/p /v. languages is the late distant assimilation Yen. to plug. 149 f.). *cp (~ ć-) ‘bitter. loanwords. p and even b freely alternate.in the Yen. numerous’ ~ far ‘thousand’ [31] SCauc. *m. while Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ ~ kap ‘moon’ [15] The situation with Hatt. *ǯīp ‘to cover.‘often’ ~ fute ‘long (in temporal meaning)’ [44] Yen.328 A. *ɦmjwV ‘sour. labial stops. *mt ‘to eat. listen’ ~ šam(a) ‘to hear’ [48] Labial m > n before a dental consonant is without doubt a late (synchronic?) process in Hattic: SCauc. to close’ ~ štip ‘gate’ [49] STib.

u. This fact.in Proto-Yen. lady. 911 w.: SCauc. maššel ‘cult performer. does not contradict our theory. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > *tuwil > tumil ‘rain’ [62] 4. relating to tree. leave’ > ti ‘to lie. since the situation. Hatt. Its SCauc. mu /fu ‘mother.). possessive pronoun) [77] SCauc.> -um. big’ > te ‘big’ [54] . belonging to the basic vocabulary. Second. malhip ‘good.). *lw ‘to be able’ ~ lu ‘to be able’ [25] SCauc. the same concerns conjunction ma ‘and’ [47’] and noun mu ‘mother. cognate may be Yen.(see HWHT. slash’ [50’]. known from Hittite texts (HWHT.2 Dentals SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > ku ‘to seize’ [19] In one case we see the dissimilative nasalization *-uw. favorable’ [49’].)’ [54’] is attested only as the second element of compounds). clown?’ [51’]. muna-muna ‘foundation. ox’ [52’]. mṣl (māṣilu) ‘cymbal player’. bed stone’ [56’]. Dfazulla. lady. On the other hand. chanter. and cultural terms clearly prevail in the list. In addition cf.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 329 ma /fa ‘and’ [47’]. milup or lup?? ‘bull. etymology. luck’ (with lhip for the palatalized labialized lateral *ʷ). muh(al) ‘hearth’ [55’]. *=ătV ‘to put. *maʷV ‘good. chanter. mai(u) ‘a valuable cloth’ [48’]. *dHV ‘to grow. so we can threat all these words as loans. mistress (vel sim. put’ [55] SCauc. Cf. None of these roots possesses a reliable SCauc. miš ‘to take (for oneself)’ [53’]. 230 f. miš ‘to take (for oneself)’ [53’]. favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ (the comparison is possible if we suppose the loss of the final consonant in Yen. *ṭ. At least for two of the mentioned stems the source of borrowing can be established: malhip ‘good.2. mistress (vel sim. lady.). *čVwV ‘to pour. *w is generally retained in Hattic: SCauc. 230 f. mistress (vel sim. *d were merged in Hatt. when auxiliary morphemes violate common phonotactical rules. clown?’ [51’] < WSem. which is probably the same deity as Dmezulla. allegro forms)—an exceptional case of preserving m. *wV ‘thou’ > we ‘thou’ (2nd person sg. Hattic possesses a few grammatical prefixes in m. mar or kamar ‘to slit. 165. SCauc.‘thy’ (2nd person sg. t (~ tt). maššel or paršel ‘cult performer.)’ [54’]. personal pronoun). muš ‘smth.2.(that resembles similar phonotactical process in Hittite): SCauc. *t. fruit?’ [57’]. wet’ > tefu ‘to pour’ [57] STib. An interesting case is Hatt. which alternate with variants fa and fu respectively (note that mu /fu ‘mother. is not so rare in the word languages. however. base.(for the list see HWHT. lit. some of these prefixes have variants with initial f.)’ [54’].

*t[e]mb-Vĺ. pray’ > fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] SCauc. *bħĕr ‘a k. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look. population’ [41] SCauc. *nŭ ‘to tread. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki. Kassian [UF 41 Also with an unidentified dental: STib. *hn ‘now’ > anna ‘when’ [2] SCauc. *=Hǯ(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5] SCauc. which standardly yield the stop phoneme /t/. trace’ ~ nu ‘to come. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear. *kaʔt (~ g-. female’ > *limhu-t > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] SCauc. *Pr-ŋ ‘country’ ~ fur ‘country. dental stop: Yen. shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] . *bot. go’ [29] NCauc. to be confused’ ~ tafa ‘fear’ [53] Yen. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] STib. genitive [74] In one case we see *n > m before a labialized guttural: NCauc. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] NCauc. to think’ ~ pnu ‘to look’ [36] STib. *λɨnɦV ‘woman. numerous’ ~ far ‘thousand’ [31] SCauc..standardly yields Hatt. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8] SCauc. since the sequence ti is relatively rare in texts known to us (in contrast to zi) and sometimes ti-forms have by-forms in zi (e. non-initial *-r. see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21] STib. skin.2. r: SCauc. *mVn ‘to perceive. z for SCauc. g.(~ *dək-) ‘to fall’ ~ zik (< *tik) ‘to fall’ [65] It seems that /ti/ became /ʦi/ (graphical zi) in Hattic. The same assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ is observed in the reflexes of SCauc. *bhăr ‘abundant. *də(ʔ)q.‘wide’ [9] STib. SCauc.2. *štɦrV ‘crust. nasal *n is a stable phoneme: SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak. but affricate /ʦ/ before /i/. *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water. -c) ‘old (attr. *-nV. *[p]ārē ‘lightning . see 4. brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33] SCauc.‘often’ ~ fute ‘long’ in temporal meaning [44] Yen.330 A. Together with the dissimilation /u/ > /um/ this process of assibilation finds its direct parallel in the Proto-Hittite historical phonology. genitive ~ -n. incrustation.)’ ~ katte ‘king’ [17] Yen.3 below.‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63] An important case is Hatt. affricates. tiuz ~ ziuz ‘rock’).

of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] STib.in the initial position and Hatt. *[p]ūH ‘to blow’ (STib. heart’ > šaki. 4. *rĕḳw ‘breast.2. were SCauc. drink’ > tu ‘to eat’ [59] Non-initially: SCauc.> Hatt.in other positions. *=ĕẮ ‘to put’ > eš (~ et?) ‘to put’ [4] SCauc. -š. Initially: SCauc.2. e. *r. *wjV (~ sṭ-. ~ --) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] . *bħĕr ‘a k. z-reflex of SCauc.> Hattic š-. swallow’ ~ puš ‘to devour’ [42] SCauc. daughter-languages is > t-/d-.2. pungent’ ~ zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] In one case Hatt. 156). while Yen. t.is strongly prohibited for Hattic root and auxiliary morphemes (an exception is the fossilized r-suffix. I suppose that SCauc. * remains without explanation.. * yield Hatt. *mt ‘to eat.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 331 There is one example for SCauc. *) affricates are similar: Hattic stop or affricate in the initial position and Hattic sibilant -š.in SCauc. *r1 gives l-reflexes in most attested languages (Старостин.. *r/r1 with unknown distribution. *cp (~ ć-) ‘bitter. *-r.> Yen. This process of fricativization in the medial and final position runs parallel with Proto-Yen. post-alveolar and palatal affricates Reflexes of SCauc.‘heart’ [47].in other positions. *wēχV ‘stick.. cf.2 above: NCauc. SCauc. ziha-r ‘wood’ [64] STib. *-r. *č-. *s. The closest analogy is Proto-Yen. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62] SCauc. etymologically singled out in some nominal and verbal stems). which is in all likelihood a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/. g. see 4.2. SCauc. voiceless alveolar (*c. *=V ‘to eat.. timber’ ~ zeha-r. The comparison seems reliable despite the fact that the standard way to eliminate initial *r. ripe’ > hel ‘to ripen’ [11]. voiceless alveolar affricates *c. *bŭt) > puš-an ‘to blow on’ [43] Some roots show Hattic z. SCauc. 1982/2007. Initial r. -l-: SCauc. Despite this irregularity the comparison can hardly be rejected: SCauc. *) and palatal (*č. *x(w)Vr ‘old.3 Alveolar. *č > Yen.

Of course Hattic t. plural stem marker ~ aš-/iš-. *ćH ‘to govern. š (/s/): NCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour.(~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ ~ kaš ‘head’ [16] .2. to shave’ > taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] SCauc.(< SCauc. plural of the accusative case [70] Yen. run’ > tuk ‘to step’ [61] Non-initially: SCauc. *ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone. *=mV(r) ‘to stand. scrape. voiced palatal affricate *ǯ > Hatt. since it is possible that spelling variants with š. *mlćwV ‘to blow. *ČQV ‘to step.in the initial position and Hatt. to build’ ~ teh ‘to build’ [56] SCauc. *-š:w. lord’ ~ šai-l ~ tai-l ‘lord’ [46] SCauc. *ɦmjwV ‘sour. *[]mbi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’. *ʔa-KsV. *ĆŏH) ‘to take’ > tuh ‘to take’ [60] STib. *=Hǯ(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5] Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover. t~š (/č/) or t.2. *ćH ‘to work. t in all positions: SCauc. št in both initial and medial positions: SCauc. *s. post-alveolar voiceless affricates *ć. mountain’ > ziš ‘mountain’ [67] NCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent. *=ắčw (STib. sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] STib. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] Yen.are merely unattested for some morphemes. mountain’ > *tiš > ziš ‘mountain’ [67] SCauc. -š. the SCauc. to plug. *čxqV ‘to scratch.332 A. *ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone. salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34] SCauc. let enter’ ~ aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] In one case a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ is observed : SCauc. wet’ > tefu ‘to pour’ [57] SCauc. voiceless palatal affricates *č. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. wind’ > *peti-l > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] 4.4 Other front consonants SCauc. to close’ ~ štip ‘gate’ [49] As opposed to the aforementioned affricative phonemes.in other positions. tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52] In one case we see a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/: SCauc. *š are retained as Hatt. *ʔēč. listen’ ~ šam(a) ‘to hear’ [48] SCauc. stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28] SCauc. Kassian [UF 41 The SCauc. Initially: SCauc.may cover /č/ here. * yield Hatt. *) ‘to let come. * yield Hatt.

l: SCauc. * merge in Hatt. *rĕḳw ‘breast. assign . l as well as r. to administer’ [14’] SCauc. lock’ [6] STib. Cf. *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ or rather *Iʷə-pəə ‘copper’. *ḳ. hir ‘to allocate. search’ > hukur ‘to see’ [13] SCauc. similar situation in Proto-Yen. *ānp ‘tongue. hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12] ? SCauc. *mor ‘grain’ ~ fula ‘bread’ [38] SCauc. lip. *lw ‘to be able’ ~ lu ‘to be able’ [25] STib. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26] SCauc. *Hōk ‘to look. *Ł merge in Hatt. where SCauc. l: 17 SCauc. malhip ‘good.2.2. *l ~ *r1 ~ *r with unknown distribution. *q. *maʷV ‘good. heart’ > šaki. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water). *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] SCauc. assign . favorable’ [49’] < WCauc.6 Velar and uvular consonants SCauc. *rołH ‘light’ ~ leli ‘light’ [23] One case of the occasional distant assimilation must be noted : NCauc.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 333 SCauc. k. hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] < WCauc. velar and uvular voiceless stops *k. to hand over. Hatt. to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1] NCauc. SCauc.‘heart’ [47] SCauc. female’ > *limhu-t > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] SCauc. *j was lost in the intervocalic position : SCauc. luck’ . *ł > Yen.5 Laterals SCauc. *. 17 . *l > Hatt. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > ku ‘to seize’ [19] ––––––––––––––––––––––– It is interesting but not surprising that Hattic renders lateral obstruents by lh / lk in the borrowings from Proto-West Caucasian: Hatt. sleeve’ > her. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62] STib.2.. *rołH ‘light’ ~ leli ‘light’ [23] 4. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose. *ł yields Hatt. ~ --) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] 4. *λɨnɦV ‘woman. scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10] STib. season’ > liš ‘year’ [24] SCauc.2. *bēŁ ‘cattle-shed’ ~ fael ‘house’ [30] STib. Velar stops: SCauc. lateral affricates *ƛ. *χłHé ‘arm. *wjV (~ sṭ-. *ƛăjV ‘time. *re ‘to dislike’ ~ le ‘to envy’ [22] STib. year. to entrust. bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock.

*h drops: SCauc. if the comparison is correct. . *ħwir ‘water. Kassian [UF 41 Yen. run’ > tuk ‘to step’ [61] Yen. h: SCauc. *sṭnV ‘panther. *HmoŋV ‘die.): SCauc. *kaʔt (~ g-. female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] But SCauc. subject [75] In other positions SCauc.> Hatt. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > kip ‘to protect’ [18] SCauc. *ħw >  could be: SCauc. h: SCauc. -c) ‘old (attr. lake’ > ur(i) ‘spring. scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10] SCauc.‘wide’ [9] NCauc. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ ~ kap ‘moon’ [15] SCauc. see 4. *ʔa-KsV. *ŋV ‘I’ > fa.2. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] An example for SCauc.2. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] NCauc.> *m. *də(ʔ)q. dead’ > fun(a) ‘mortality’ [40] 4.)’ ~ katte ‘king’ [17] Uvular stops: SCauc.2. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki. 1st person sg. velar and uvular voiceless fricatives *x. *λɨnɦV ‘woman.(the development is exactly paralleled by Proto-Yen. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water). well’ [109’]. *χ yield Hatt. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki.‘I’.2. n: SCauc. *bħĕr ‘a k. ziha-r ‘wood’ [64] NCauc. *hn ‘now’ > anna ‘when’ [2] SCauc.13 below.(~ *dək-) ‘to fall’ ~ zik ‘to fall’ [65] Yen.7 Laryngeals SCauc. *wēχV ‘stick.334 A. leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51] SCauc.(~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ ~ kaš ‘head’ [16] Yen. The only example of SCauc. *ħ is: SCauc. *ɦ drops in initial/final clusters. *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8] SCauc. timber’ > zeha-r. *ČQV ‘to step. f. initial nasal *ŋ. nasal *ŋ > Hatt.‘wide’ [9] STib. *ɦ standardly yields Hatt.

search’ > hukur ‘to see’ [13] SCauc. where labialized velars/uvulars completely lose their labial element without vowel change. plural stem marker ~ aš-/iš-. lord’ ~ šai-l ~ tai-l ‘lord’ [46] SCauc. *wjV (~ sṭ-.‘wide’ [9] NCauc. *H (an unidentified laryngeal) > Hatt. sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] STib. *rĕḳw ‘breast. .8 Clusters with *w SCauc. ziha-r ‘wood’ [64] SCauc. guard’ > (a)ku ‘escort’ [20] SCauc. big’ > te ‘big’ [54] STib. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > LÚluizzi-l ‘runner’ [26] NCauc. Starostin) lose the labial element in Hattic. : SCauc.2. As a matter of fact five examples above. scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10] SCauc.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 335 SCauc. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] SCauc.2. plural of the accusative case [70] The same with velars/uvulars: SCauc. *wēχV ‘stick. salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34] SCauc. h: SCauc. to build’ ~ teh ‘to build’ [56] SCauc. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water). timber’ ~ zeha-r. wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] NCauc. heart’ > šaki. *mlćwV ‘to blow. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] Of course one can try to explain it by the influence of an old labialized consonant. *Hōk ‘to look. *H (an unidentified laryngeal) > Hatt. *čäłHu ‘earth. see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21] SCauc. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. *ɦmjwV ‘sour. *=ắčw (STib. *ĆŏH) ‘to take’ > tuh ‘to take’ [60] SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die.‘heart’ [47] SCauc. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki. ~ --) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] SCauc. dead’ > fun ‘mortality’ [40] 4. hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12] In a few cases Hattic shows unmotivated u-vocalism: SCauc. *=Hǯ(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5] SCauc. labialized consonants (treated as Cw-clusters by S. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8] STib. *dHV ‘to grow. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose. *ćH ‘to govern. They yield reflexes which coincide with their non-labialized counterparts: SCauc. speak against such a supposition. *-š:w. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look. *ćH ‘to work.

*ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock. SCauc. shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] SCauc. bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] SCauc. *štɦrV ‘crust. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look. *xgw > Hatt. *št: SCauc. see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21] SCauc.2. *xḳ > Hatt. *čxqV ‘to scratch. *xq > Hatt. *štw (with a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/): SCauc. *t).2. clusters of the ST-type yield Hatt. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve. k or h without evident rule of distribution. *sṭnV ‘panther. h. k: SCauc. lock’ [6] SCauc.9 xK(w)-clusters SCauc. to shave’ > taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] SCauc. h: SCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > *luiti-l > luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26] . that coincides with the Proto-Yen.2. h. *xqw > Hatt. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] 4. *sṭ : SCauc. Kassian [UF 41 4. t. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose. reflex (SCauc.336 A.2. k: SCauc. clusters of the type *xK(w) (where K—velar/uvular) yield Hatt. *ST > Yen. scrape. h: SCauc. hil ‘to ripen’ [11] SCauc. ripe’ > hel. k: SCauc. skin. incrustation. k: SCauc. hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12] SCauc.10 ST-clusters SCauc. SCauc. *x > Hatt. guard’ > (a)ku ‘escort’ [20] SCauc. leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51] SCauc. *x(w)Vr ‘old. *xw > Hatt.

to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1] SCauc. standardly lose the sonorant in such clusters). STib. *łħ > *ɦ. on p(a)raš ‘leopard’ [37] (< SCauc. tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52] Yen.11 lC.. *mlćwV ‘to blow. *ł is lost in combination with some unidentified laryngeal: SCauc. nasal drops in combination with labial: SCauc. lip. *łɦ. see SCC.. * (SCC.2. *=mV(r) ‘to stand. where SCauc. 4. *ānp ‘tongue. 84). *bħĕr ‘a k. branches except NCauc. *l is retained: SCauc. Note that Yen.12 NC-clusters SCauc. *lH/łH (SCC. *l is dropped in combination with post-alveolar and palatal affricates (this process is normal for all SCauc. wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] SCauc. SCauc. *[]mbi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’. and Burush. 87 f. branches except NCauc.and rC-clusters SCauc. languages. 191). *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62] But SCauc. Combination with post-alveolar affricate *m > *mt > *nt: SCauc. *ħ > STib. 39 ff. has regular *r/r1 < SCauc. Quite surprising is the fact of retention of SCauc.. branches except NCauc.2.2. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] SCauc. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] For r in combination with * see comm..‘wide’ [9] In combination with *ɦ SCauc.): SCauc. stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28] Note that the retention of the nasal in such a position is not typical of SCauc.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 337 4. *čäłHu ‘earth. *l and *r in combinations with velar/uvular (note that all SCauc. where Yen.. 48 ff. but there is a significant number of examples. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki. SCC. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. 19.2. of predator’). sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] Such a development is paralleled by STib. *t[e]mb-Vĺ. retain the nasal.‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63] Such a simplification is standard for all SCauc. .

3 Root structure For the general discussion see SCC.13 Clusters with laryngeals In the initial and final positions Hattic loses laryngeals in clusters: SCauc. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62] SCauc. brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33] SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. SCauc.2. female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] 4. *čäłHu ‘earth. sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] 4. *[p]ārē ‘lightning . of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] SCauc. Kassian [UF 41 In combination with guttural the nasal drops (a standard development in SCauc. incrustation. nominal root was CVCV (where C can be a cluster).2. skin. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] . leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51] In combination with *ɦ Hattic retains the SCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman.‘heart’ [47].): SCauc. *štɦrV ‘crust. the following selective examples. *štɦrV ‘crust. nasal: SCauc. branches except NCauc. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] In the medial position laryngeals can be retained : NCauc. 1 ff. *λɨnɦV ‘woman. *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water. skin. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] NCauc. Normally Hattic retains this structure as CVCV or CVC (with unknown rules of the final vowel drop). shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] CVC: SCauc. salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34] SCauc. CVCV: SCauc. *sṭnV ‘panther. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] SCauc. female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] SCauc. *rĕḳw ‘breast. heart’ > šaki. The standard shape of SCauc. *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water. Cf. *bħĕr ‘a k. shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] SCauc. *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water. *HmoŋV ‘to die. lock’ [6] SCauc. incrustation.338 A. bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt. *ɦmjwV ‘sour. dead’ > fun ‘mortality’ [40] SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock.

thus conforming in it with the STib. morphosyntax is the task of futher research and is not a goal of my paper. *b[]k. *=ǟwčĂ ~ STib. language. *baŕ.~ Hatt. kip ‘to protect’ [18] SCauc.~ Burush. pray’ > STib. *čɔʔq. *ku ~ Yen... I suppose that the main SCauc. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > STib. verbal proto-roots. search’ > NCauc. scrape. class exponents (“=”) and root. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] SCauc. reconstruction in general is NCauc. *ṣo ~ Hatt. tefu ‘to pour’ [57] SCauc.~ Hatt. SCauc. tuk ‘to step’ [61] . ripen’ [11] SCauc. verbal roots is more complicated. CVCV: SCauc. *=ĭrwĂ ‘to ripen’ ~ STib. *Gāp ~ Yen. Since the reconstruction of NCauc. to shave’ > NCauc. and SCauc. *p(r)wH ~ Yen. *qepVn. verbal shapes were: CVCV CVC VCV(R) CV where C can be an obstruent. *ČQV ‘to step. CVC: SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour. but sometimes in a polysyllabic structure a final vowel may have been lost (as in the case of nominal roots the rules of a final vowel drop are not clear). Burushaski and Basque branches. wet’ > NCauc.. level (e. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ~ Hatt. *ćek ~ Yen. *čVqV ~ Yen. large’ ~ Hatt. he accepts SCauc. (or rather its ECauc. *čxqV ‘to scratch. *=VCVR instead of *CVR). *bar ~ Hatt.~ Hatt. It should be noted that Hattic does not show traces of these =V-/=HV.or =HV-. *grĭ ‘old. Yen. but it is clear that the structure of some types of verbal roots was seriously rebuilt in the Proto-NCauc.-centric. fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] SCauc. *x(w)Vr ‘old. *Hōk ‘to look. In most cases S. run’ > STib. Very often NCauc. *ćəw ~ Burush. a sonorant or a consonant cluster. Starostin projects such a “spacer” onto the Proto-SCauc. Standardly Hattic retains the shape of SCauc. huku-r ‘to see’ [13] SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak. CVCV > Hatt. since the actual SCauc. which serves as a spacer between ECauc.“spacers”. I adopt Starostin’s reconstructions of individual roots. g. ripe’ > NCauc. sub-branch?) adds an initial =V. *H[o]kV ~ STib. hel ‘to grow. CVCV > Hatt.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 339 The situation with SCauc.

~ Basque *ecan ~ Hatt. CVR: NCauc.2 (dubious grammatical comparisons). to lick’ > . EME. *=ĕẮ ‘to put’ > NCauc.1 (reliable root comparisons) is continued in section 6. eš ‘to put’ [4] SCauc. *ʒha-H ~ Yen. *sī. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > NCauc. lip. e/i. hide’ > NCauc. √ SCauc. *ʔes. *=ătV ‘to put. *dhăH ~ Yen. f/p/w. *=V ‘to eat. u. *=igwVł ~ STib. k. *=VV ~ STib. word.~ Burush. alip. The same concerns the numeration with character stroke (’) in section 5. (a)nti ‘to stand. š/s. =V-CVR > Hatt.1 Roots with reliable SCauc. 5. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ ~ Hatt. aliw) ‘tongue. t. → Comments and references. alef (alep. put’ [55] SCauc. Kassian [UF 41 SCauc. VCV > Hatt. *qo ~ Hatt. √ Proposed Sino-Caucasian etymology. The numeration in section 5. *ćhi-H ~ Hatt. =V-CV > Hatt. l. CV: SCauc. han ‘to open’ [8] SCauc. tu ‘to eat’ [59] 5 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons Entries are arranged in the following alphabetic order: a. ti ‘to lie.~ Hatt. *ānp ‘tongue.1 (reliable grammatical comparisons). h. *=ǟḳĂw ~ STib. *koj (~ -l) ~ Basque *gal. see’ > NCauc. *kʷēn ~ Yen. n. Hattic data. *di(j) ~ Hatt. her ‘to hide’ [12] SCauc. VC: SCauc. stay’ > NCauc. kun ‘to see’ [21] SCauc. = Hittite equivalent in bilingual or quasi-bilingual texts. *=ătV-r ~ STib. to say?’ = Hitt. drink’ > NCauc. m. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose. *Khu ~ Hatt. *śi/*ṣi/*ṣu ~ Hatt. *=mV(r) ‘to stand. cognates 1.340 A. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look. ku ‘to seize’ ‘to seize’ [19] SCauc. *=iĂ ~ Yen. *=VmVr ~ STib. z.2 (dubious root comparisons). stay’ [28] SCauc. VCV: SCauc. leave’ > NCauc. The entries have the following structure: No. VCV > Hatt. *=agwV ~ STib. which is continued in 6.

age. 3. *ʔen-ŋa appears the closest parallel (*ŋ > n seems regular for Hattic). cf. *hin-čV ‘today’. *hin. Arin áĺap. na loc. pronouns/adverbs. hini ‘now’. an-bɔksɨ 5 ‘tomorrow’ = Ket anɔkś 5. als’ = Hitt. Yen. If so. and STib. 85).should go back to SCauc.‘today’. Yen.in compounds > Yug an-es5.‘morning’). E. it is possible that part of the WCauc. 1985.̃ -). √ Yen. Yen. these WCauc. or abl. ‘as. *nə. ‘sobald. *h[ä]nV ‘now’ > Nakh *hin-ca/*hin-ʒa ‘now’. *ānpV ‘lip’ > Tsez. Yug en. The Hattic meaning corresponds to Yen. 2. Yug -ɛ:h. Иванов. imp. *n[ǝ] ‘time or place of. mān. further to NCauc. → Double nn in the Hattic form may point to an old cluster. № 1 (Hatt.. although the vocalic correspondence is not very clear. despite semantic difference and vocalic alternation.6 ‘tomorrow’ (an. . na ‘year(?). morphemes go back to WCauc. that’. WCauc. *ipu (~ -ɨ-. stem *h[ä]nV ‘now’. № 2 compares Hattic anna with some WCauc. suffix. aš ‘to come (here)’. Kachin (H) šiŋ-lep ‘tongue’. *ʔa. when’. čəna ‘to extend in time’. when’ > Chin. *amp. to lick’ > Tib. and so forth. henni. 21 (Hatt. as opposed to NCauc. → An exclusive Hattic–Yenisseian isogloss. 1994. aša ‘komm (herein)!’ = Hitt. then. Lezgh. at that time (alors)’ (Vogt.‘here (là). forms listed above originates from the same NCauc.‘now’. speech. Tsez. Lushai niaʔ ‘at the time of.). -na ‘the place of or where. alup. Lezgh.(~ ḳ-). STib.‘to let come. According to NCED. *ʔen ‘now’ > Ket ēn. anna ‘when’. Dargwa *han. + WCauc. covering a large spectrum of demonstrative meanings. Yen. elep. Kachin (H) na. to swear’). *ʔēč. instrument of or for’. Abkhaz aná ‘there’.in the compounds listed is ‘when’. . *nV ‘(a demonstrative stem)’.‘when’. *. *(a)č:ʷV ‘word. *nV ‘this. *ʔen-ŋa > Kott. Arin iŋni ‘today’. apparently the basic meaning of an. The Ablaut form *ʔan. -b) ‘tongue’ > Kott. *-č. ehu.+ *pVk. Ubykh aná. stage of life. Untenably Браун.+ ‘God. ani ‘that’. *ƛep ‘tongue.6 ‘morning’ (an. STib. *ʔalVp (~ -ĺ-. and’ (?). 1963. to say. g. √ SCauc. gźab ‘to lick’. Hurr. *hn ‘now’ > NCauc. not ‘now’. infix -an. 1985.(a former class-prefix?) exactly matches the Hattic onset. Since their temporal semantics is not paralleled by the corresponding ECauc. when’. + Yen. Similarly Иванов. Urart. → Yen. sky’). 而 *nə particle by verbalizing. eaŋa ‘now’. Tib. adverbial/pronominal forms of the shape an-. let enter’ > Ket ɛ:te. and yet.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 341 NCauc.‘now’. -r1-.

).).342 A. 楗 *garʔ ‘door bar. Basque *ecan ‘to lie down. *ān. cf. Burm. *ḳul (~ -o-). to stop (of rain)’. quiet (of weather)’ > Ket ɛt4 / ɛŕ4. *ḳulV. √ SCauc. *=āčĂn ‘to go. lock’ > Chin. Lushai kalʔ ‘to be locked or fasten’. *ʔes. Hurr. WCauc. Lezgh. *čāŋ. śi-ćei. *ʡo:Vn-.. onset was *xḳ-. day?’ = Hitt. 1994. Kassian [UF 41 Браун. 霽 *ćjs ‘clearing sky’. Yug ɛ:h.‘to pull. *V ‘to lay eggs. lead’ (NCauc. and Basque attestations. 4. DUTU. *ləḳʷə. to clear. *ḳuł /*łḳu ‘lock. compensate. Similarly Иванов. Yug χέīn ‘holiday’ etc. . qä-diń ‘holiday’. key’ > Av. to put down’.‘to pull. god. Yen. + STib. Lezgh. 6. *kălH ‘bolt. lock’. *Ćj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ > Chin. √ SCauc. Incorrectly Иванов. -ɨ) ‘sky. soul. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock. Kott. *=ĕẮ ‘to put’ > NCauc. WCauc. half-clear (of sky). hešmi ‘clear. *ʡămsa (~ -ə. *ʔia. √ SCauc. № 11: to NCauc. *ćăŋ ‘to bring. reimburse’. Sun-goddess.-And. *halu in redupl. → Note the vocalic correspondence in the first syllable between Hattic and Yen. 1985.-And. → The Hattic meaning corresponds to Yen. ćajh ‘to stop. *ća (~ *č-) ‘to go.‘to give’. *=V:Vn(~ -:-). eštan. Perhaps with an initial reduction *ǯin ‘bright day’ in Ket dīń ‘bright day’. № 17 (Hatt. breath. *=iĂ ‘to give.‘to put’ > Ket ɛśa6. *=HuǯV-n ( ~ --) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ > Av. ones. Yen. to lead’ < SCauc.‘to compensate.. aštan ‘sun. *ʔēǯ. STib. Note that the Hattic vowel of the first syllable corresponds to the STib. cloud. *=Hǯ(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > NCauc. bolt. *āŋ. WCauc. *=āčŋ. hattalwaš GIŠ-ru. drag’). *aŋ ‘clear (of sky).-And. iš (and maybe et. rest (tr. Lak ḳula. eš.‘clear. bolt’ > NCauc. 1985. walk’ < NCauc. *ʡắmsɨ ‘soul. 5. Lezgh. ‘засов’ = Hitt. bright’. not to the NCauc. forms. as opposed to NCauc. bolt’. god’ < SCauc. *=i. 21: to WCauc. halu-halu ‘wooden bolt. STib. dai-. Yug ɛsiɛ-saŋ6. it) ‘to put’ = Hitt. to put’ > Av. Burush. breath . sky’. The loss of *-n in Hattic is unclear in this case. arrange’ + Yen. to put (with preverbs)’. + NCauc. as raining or sound. → The comparison is reliable if the SCauc. as weather’.

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7. han ‘sea’ = Hitt. aruna-. √ SCauc. *xnɦ (-ŭ) > NCauc. *xnɦ ‘water’ > Nakh *χi, Av.-And. *λ:inʔi, Tsez. *λ:, Lak š:in, Dargwa *xin, Lezgh. *λ:än:, Khin. xu. STib. *χĭw(s) ‘water, moisture’ > Tib. hus ‘moisture, humidity’, Kachin khoʔ 2 ‘to spill’, Lushai huʔ ‘wet’, Kiranti *kù ‘water’. Yen. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ > Ket āńbɔk1, Kott. en, *ēn. Burushaski *hán-chil ‘water from a wound ; watery (tea, soup)’. Basque *u-hain ‘wave’. → Phonetically Hattic exactly matches the Yen. forms. 8. han ‘to open’ = Hitt. haš- ‘to open’, and da- ‘to take’(?!). √ NCauc. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ > Av.-And. *=aχʷVn; Tsez. *=[ã]ʁ:-. 9. harki-mah ‘to be(come) wide’ = Hitt. palhi- eš-. √ SCauc. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > NCauc. *ɦăr[w]Ĕ ‘wide’ > Av.-And. *a-b-, Tsez. *e-, Lak u-t:a-, Dargwa *-aʕu-, Lezgh. *hIarɨ-, WCauc. *bə(ʷ)V. STib. *qʷāŋH ‘wide, broad’ > Chin. 廣 *kʷāŋʔ ‘wide, broad, large’, Kachin (ə)wuŋ2-waŋ2, ‘to be wide, ample’, Lushai vāŋ ‘to be broad, wide’, etc. Yen. *χiG-Vĺ (~ *χiχ-Vĺ) ‘wide, broad’ > Ket qīĺ, Yug xe:ĺ /xejĺ 3, Kott. hīgal. → Yen. shows the ĺ-suffix. The second element mah in the Hattic stem is probably the same mah which is observed in kazue-mah < kazue ‘cup, bowl’, hikkir-mah ‘?’, her-mah ‘?’. 10. hel, hil ‘to strew, pour, scatter’ = Hitt. išhuwai-. √ STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ > Chin. 澣 gʷārʔ (~ w-?) ‘to wash’, Tib. skjur-ba ‘to throw, throw into water, cast’, Lushai vorʔ ‘to scatter, throw up, toss’. → STib. *q(h)ʷ- originates from SCauc. *qw, Gw-, χw-, ʁw- and so on (SCC, 89–93), while *-r- < SCauc. *-l- and *-r-. 11. hel, hil ‘to grow, ripen’ = Hitt. mai-. √ SCauc. *x(w)Vr ‘old, ripe’ > NCauc. *=ĭrwĂ ‘to ripen’ > Av.-And. *=i-, Tsez. *=i-, Lak =ija-, Dargwa *=iur-, Lezgh. *ʔi(r)ʷV, WCauc. *ṭəʁʷa- (~ -Gʷ-). STib. *grĭ ‘old, large’ > Chin. 耆 *grij ‘old’, 祁 *grij ‘great, large’, Tib. bgre

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[UF 41

‘to grow old’, Burm. krih ‘to be old; be big’. → The correspondence Hatt. l ~ SCauc. *r is strange, cf., however, Yen. *r/r1 as reflexes of SCauc. *r with unknown rules of distribution (Yen. *r1 yields l-like phonemes in the majority of daughter languages). 12. her (also hert?) ‘to hide, conceal’ = Hitt. munnai-. √ SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > NCauc. *=igwVł ‘to lose, get lost; to steal’ > Av.-And. *golV (~ -a-) ‘thief’, Tsez. *gʷVl- ‘thief’, Lezgh. *ʔik:ʷäl- ‘to lose; to get lost; hidden, secret’, Khin. dugun- ‘to lose’. STib. *koj (~ -l) ‘to hide’ > Burm. kwaj ‘to conceal, keep out of sight’, Kachin məkoi1 ‘hide, conceal’. Basque *gal- ‘to lose, corrupt, spoil’. → Sccet.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. stem with *gw, but in fact we cannot distinguish *gw and *xgw without Yen. cognates. For SCauc. *ł ~ Hatt. r, cf. SCauc. *ł > Yen. *r/r1 with unknown rules of distribution. The Hattic meaning is closer to STib., rather than to NCauc. Иванов, 1985, № 7 compares Hatt. her(t?) with an isolated WCauc. form: Ubykh qarda- ‘être assis, caché’ (Vogt, 1963, 164). 13. hukur ‘to see, look, notice’ = Hitt. auš-. √ SCauc. *Hōk ‘to look, search’ > NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look, search’ > Tsez. *hak- (~ ħ-), Lak uI=či-, Lezgh. *ʔakV-/*ʔokV-. STib. *ku (~ g-) ‘to seek, choose, understand’ > Chin. 求 *gu ‘to seek, ask for’, Tib. sko, bsko ‘to choose’, go ‘to know, understand’, Burm. (Naxi) *kh[ua] ‘hear’. Yen. *b-[]k- (~ w-) ‘to find’ > Ket bʌ:ɣə4, bʌɣ4, Yug bʌ:hk, Kott. bapukŋ. → The (verbal) suffix -rV is rather common in SCauc. languages, especially in the NCauc. sub-branch. In synchronic Hattic the r-onset is prohibited for any morphemes (both root and auxiliary) and huku-r seems the only verbal stem known to us, where we can suspect an r-suffix. Some nominal stems, however, contain a similar fossilized morpheme: zeha-r ‘building wood’ [64]. On the hypothetical Hatt. **tafa-r ‘to rule’ see tafarna [52]. Girbal, 1986 compares the Hattic stem with Georgian ur- ‘to look’—an isolated Georg. root, which theoretically may be related to Kartv. ur- ‘ear; to hear’, see Schmidt, 1962, 141.

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14. kaiš ‘horn (anatomic 18)’ = Hitt. SI. √ SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > NCauc. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock, plait; horn’ > Nakh *ḳu ‘forelock, tuft of hair; mountain top’, Av.-And. *ḳʷi (~ *ḳiʷ) ‘forelock’, Lezgh. *ḳalč/*kalč ‘horn; plait, woman’s hair’. STib. *khaj ‘horn, a pair of horns’ > Chin. 觭 khaj ‘one horn turning up and one down’, Lushai ki ‘horn’. Burush. *ɣuy ‘hair’. → The loss of l in combination with an affricate is regular for all SCauc. subbranches except the NCauc. one (SCC, 87 f.). Hattic probably shows an interesting development *l >  here. 15. kap ‘moon’ = Hitt. DSÎN. √ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ > Ket qīp, pl. qi:ń3, Yug xep, pl. xejfɨn1. → For the meaning of the Hattic term see HHB2, 173, 412 f., 416 ff., 464 fn. 948 and Soysal, 2004, 364. An important Hattic–Yen. isogloss. The second Yenisseian word for ‘moon’ is *(ʔV)suj (Kott., Arin, Pump.), which probably possesses an external etymology (SCauc. *wŋŏ ‘moon’), whereas *q[e]p (~ χ-) seems an inner Yenisseian innovation. 16. kaš, kiš ‘head’, ‘Kopf, Haupt’ = Hitt. haršan-, SAG.DU √ Yen. *ʔaKsV- (~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ > Kott. axšei, further see Yenet.dbf #11 and Старостин, 1995, 180 with possible Ket–Yug cognates and the general discussion. → An exclusive Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Yen. *ʔa- appears to be a fossilized class prefix, causing a secondary reduction of the root vowel, as, e. g., in Yen. *saq- ~ *ʔa-sq- ‘guilty’ (< SCauc. *cVrqV). An alternative, semantically more persuasive etymology is SCauc. *q ‘head’ (NCauc. [only WCauc. *SqIa ‘head’] ~ Yen. *c[ɨ]ʔG- ‘head’ ~ Burush. *-ćáɣanes ‘back of head’), if one assumes a consonant metathesis in the Hattic root. Cf. Sum. SAG̃ ‘head’ (an unclear coincidence?). 17. katte ‘king’, katta-h ‘queen’ = Hitt. LUGAL, MUNUS.LUGAL. √ Yen. *kaʔt (~ g-, -c) ‘old (attr.)’ > Ket kaʔt, pl. kateŋ5, Yug kaʔt, pl. kateŋ5. → An exclusive Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Hattic shows a very common semantic
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18

O. Soysal, pers. comm.

*=Vḳ-/*ḳV-b. *=oḳʷ.‘to fall down. STib. WCauc.. Chirikba.-And. Lezgh. to hide.(~ χ-) ‘to close (door)’ > Ket qeńgej6. *ḳə ‘to catch. Lushai hup (huʔ) ‘to cover. Lepcha kap ‘to cover over.)’. Burm. epp-. Kassian [UF 41 shift ‘old’ > ‘elder’. 424 compares Hatt. conceal. to envelop. guard’. Lezgh. to gather. conceal.-And. bkab ‘to cover’. An alternative cognate of the Hattic verb is NCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put (together). Tsez. Av. to take. *=iqwV ‘to hold. collect’. hold. Tib. -əw) ‘to take out. also SCauc. a cover (of a car)’. catch’ (> Av. 19. *Gāp ‘to cover’ > Chin. grab’. √ SCauc. WCauc. *ḳew. *qepVn. *ʔeḳʷɨ. establish’. fall’ > Nakh *=ēḳ. to lie. Tsez. to put’. . ku ‘to seize’ = Hitt. Tsez. Semantically the Hattic verb is close to the WCauc. to lie. conceal’. put over’.) here that is implausible since forms like KAPV (/PAKV) ‘hat’ are clear wandering words. Kiranti *ʔkp ‘cover’. Hattic shows a common semantic development ‘to cover/wrap’ > ‘to protect’. Yug di-χέfɨnābdi ʔ ‘ich mache es zu’. Interesting. Cf.. extract’ > Chin. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ (reconstructed as *HápE in Sccet. accumulate’ (?). take. imper. χέfɨne. gab ‘to hide’. to choose. *HapE ‘hat. to (be) put together’. katte with Abkhaz–Abaza compound *qa-da ‘chief (adj. to fall down. Lak l-i=i. *ʔiqɨ-. khuh ‘to take out (e.‘to put in. pahš-.. *gāp ‘to thatch. 蓋 *kāts (< *kāps) ‘to cover.dbf adds NCauc.dbf)> STib. whose elements are unclear. to graze’ ~ STib. Hurr. *Khu (~ -ua. Lak. forms reveal more than one proto-root (‘to take’ and ‘to put.-And. 18. Dargwa *=aḳ-/*=iḳ.346 A. *ŋ[u]a ‘gamester. boiled rice out of a pot)’.-Urart. to wrap round as garment’. cf. *ɦĭxŋwV ‘to graze. guard’ > NCauc. to take’ > NCauc. but phonetically unsatisfactory (k ~ *ɦ). → Sccet. kip ‘to protect’ = Hitt. Dargwa *=ujk:-.B ‘to fall.‘to put’. Kachin məgap2 ‘to cover’. to lie’). 逑 *gu ‘to assemble. Lezgh. cap’ (Av. attestations. bku ‘to extract (to make an extract of a drug by drawing out the juice)’.‘to put’. Yen. *=ik:ʷ-. 1996. and STib. Khin. *ɦĭfV ‘to guard. Tib. Dargwa. to cover’. crumble’.‘to steal. → It seems that the NCauc.‘to put together.. *=oχ:-. l-ɨ=ḳ‘to hide. g. √ SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put.

√ STib. guard’ > NCauc. escort (vel sim. 1994. Yen. *-Vg-. but this comparison does not explain the Hattic u-vocalism. lustre. → A Hattic–STib. 1985. form: faku (paku. *ḳə). STib. Tsez. 1996. forms rather than to the NCauc. Lezgh.‘to be angry (at). ones. dazzling’. Браун. khrolkhrol ‘bright. → Morphologically the Hattic form is close to the STib. 21. pay attention to’. and trans. beneiden (vel sim. Tib. 救 *kus ‘to help. 1985. *kʷēn (~ gʷ-) ‘to glance at. WCauc. *r goes back to SCauc. *:Iʷa). Dargwa *gʷ-/*=irg(ʷ)-. glistening. shining’. (H) gəri ‘to regard as undesirable’. + WCauc. Lushai *ku ‘help’. *re ‘to dislike’ > Kachin nri4 ‘to be annoyed. √ SCauc. and Chirikba. Yug di-ba-ŋ-s-ɔ. 20. preserve’. ku (or aku) ‘soldier. √ STib.)’. *=[e]gʷ. (H) məkhu friend. object to’.(~ -ʁ:-) ‘to graze. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve. Иванов. ‘neidisch sein. *=oχ. 23. guard. to envy’. see’ > NCauc. STib. ʷ-)). friend. le or ale ‘to envy (vel sim. *:Iʷa (~ʷ-.(found in some compounds like ‘mirror’) with the possible meaning ‘to look/see’. to regard’ > Chin. Attested only in pl. kun ‘to see’ = Hitt. attestations. *=agwV ‘to see’ > Nakh *gu-/*=ag-. *HŭqwĂ ‘to graze.-And. 22. 21 (Hatt. 睊 *kʷēn ‘to glance at’.A. *r or *l).)’ = Hitt. preserve’ > Tsez. protect’. Иванов. ja-xa-ldi ‘I see’. displeased’. khrol-po ‘sparkling. Kiranti *ku ‘look after’. Lushai khon ‘to regard. aršaniya. 孌 *ronʔ ‘to be beautiful. handsome’. save. companion’ > Chin.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 347 WCauc. waaku). ku ‘help’. ləkhu ‘to guard. Pump. *qo (~ χ-) ‘to see’ > Ket d-ba-ŋ-sɔ-ʁɔ.)’ or rather ‘subject(s of the king)’. Burm. 421 (Hattic + WCauc. brilliance’. *rołH ‘light’ > Chin. auš-. An epithet of the Sun-goddess = Hitt. Lak k:ʷa=k:ʷa-. Lushai hreʔ ‘to dislike. *ʔak:ʷä-. Burm. → Semantically the Hatt. Kachin khuʔ 2 ‘to become friends’. root is closer to the STib. *kŭ ‘to help . № 21 compares Hatt. feed’. relieve’. lalukkima-. Lezgh. √ SCauc. № 23.)’. 仇 *gu ‘mate. *χIʷV ‘to graze (intr. *ʔoχIʷɨ ‘to guard. companion’. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look. . *leli in leliyah or leliyahu ‘source of light. Av. isogloss (STib. kun with unclear Adyghe–Kabardian *ʁʷə.

The same suffixal chain -ya-ah is seen in the quasi-synonymous kašparuyah ‘source of light’ [33] (= Hitt. Yen. messenger’. sky’). which forms nomina agentis. shining’. √ SCauc. Khin. *Łli ‘skin. to walk uncertainly’.348 A.-And. bright. to be able’. *ƛăjV ‘year. in the daytime. however. 走 *ćōʔ ‘to run. √ STib.KAM). *ʔolʁwA ‘to think’.‘to run (away)’. WCauc. thu ‘to be able.dbf #570 tentatively includes the STib. present. pers. *ćhōʔ ‘to run. can’. 25. drive’. (H) lu. Tib. season’. consider’) and unites this STib. MU(. day’ > Av. STib. comm. 祀 *lhəʔ ‘sacrificial cycle. Lak liI=ča‘to run’. *ʔoʔĺ ‘hull. suffusion’. *Łŏli ‘colour. isogloss. *ƛăjV ‘time. Soysal. hide’ > Ket tutɨŋ5 /tutiŋ5. √ SCauc. stem with NCauc.E. be affected. 喻 *los ‘to understand . year’. today’. Kachin khra1 ‘time. is not clear. gallop’. make run. to paint’. 1985. merged in some languages. day’. Kachin lu2-na3 ‘to can’. colour’ (> NCauc. lu ‘to be able’. stem into SCauc. Basque *lar¯u ‘skin’) which seems lame semantically. (comparing it with yah ‘heaven. . LÚluizzi-l ‘runner. *:ʷa ‘to run. leš ‘year’ = Hitt. > Chin. season’ > NCauc. können?’ = Hitt. blo ‘mind. 24. WCauc.‘to run (away)’. Alternatively it is possible to single out the morpheme yah here: thus Иванов. *hilčwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > Tsez. → The element -š is apparently a suffix known from some other Hattic nominal stems. and female suffix -ah [125’]. enlighten’ (if not to STib. Sccet. Kiranti *l[o] ‘time’. STib. ‘скороход’ = Hitt. liš. ‘to think’ and ‘to be able’. *tut. *ƛaji. *hišʷä. Apparently two different proto-roots. *jw ‘to understand.‘to flee. → The Hattic stem shows the well-attested “masculine” suffix -l. → An exclusive Hattic–STib. season’ > Chin. Lezgh. → Apparently the Hattic stem contains the suffix -ya. LÚKAŠ4. 26. Yen. *lw ‘to be able’ > Tib. *V ‘year. be experienceable’. -za tarh-. The vocalic correspondence between Hattic and STib. *lH ‘year. Kassian [UF 41 hrwanh ‘to be clear. year. čä=p. Sccet. *=[ũ]č. *ćhoʔ.(*ƛaHi-) ‘year. to instruct. Kiranti *lù ‘to feel.‘to run away’.dbf #705 adds here Chin. № 15 (proposing *yah ‘bright’) and O. lalukkima-)—another epithet of the Sun-goddess. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > NCauc. lo ‘year’. ‘imstande sein. intellect.

*nŭ ‘to tread. Иванов. Untenably Браун. *ṉus ‘to tread. STib. *pə-χ´ʷA-śʷə ‘woman’./ *=eč-. Dargwa *bik: ‘cattle herd’. proto-form. *bi:i ‘cattle-shed’. move’ (a preverb + root *ʷa ‘to walk’ < NCauc. trample’. √ SCauc. → Браун. Note Hatt. trace’ (> Chin. 1994. nu ‘to come. Although Hattic shows assimilated n. É(-ir). female’.for *-n.-And. pel?. *bēŁ ‘cattle-shed’ > Av. *λɨnɦV (~ -λ-) ‘woman. come’) which is not persuasive either phonetically or morphologically. (a)nti ‘to stand. *=rƛŬ ‘to go. (a)nti with the isolated Ubykh nt°á ‘door’ which is certainly less probable. *=HuŬn ‘to go. 29. Tib./ =ilc:-. the comparison seems reliable. 1985. where *pə. *ʔec:ʷär-. weel. stand up’ > Nakh *-ātt-. to bring? (trans. № 29 compares Hatt. gźes ‘to sit. pub’. *ćhiH (~ h-) ‘to be at. in. . female’ > Dargwa *x:unul ‘woman’. uwa-.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 349 The shape of the Hattic stem (u-epenthesis between *l and obstruent cluster) resembles the Yen.before labialized h. → Hatt.is a fossilized class prefix and -śʷə is a diminutive suffix). containing an unclear element bayna and the root wǝ ‘to enter. walk.). Av. Lezgh.-And. nu with Abkhaz– Abaza *nə-ʷa. Dargwa *=ic:Vr.)’ = Hitt. + WCauc. enter’). *=arč. Tsez. nimhu-t (or nimhu-tu). *=i:. on’. perhaps also verbal ‘to dwell’. 19 (Hatt. Lak p:al ‘cattle-shed’. nimhu-š ‘woman’ √ NCauc. 在 *hʔ ‘to be at.‘to walk. *mt > nt seems regular. and Chirikba. Lezgh. stay. 1996. -m. *=mV(r) ‘to stand./ *ħi(r):-. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. *=VmVr ‘to stand. 421 compare Hatt. *ṉuʔ. to stay’ = Hitt. Lak =iza-n. Tsez. √ NCauc. √ STib. 1985. ‘(be)hausen’ = Hitt. pil?) ‘house’. sit. go’ (< WCauc. 21. also pail?. wait’. *buƛu A (~ -ə) ‘cattle-shed. pai-. fael. a mark’). 1994. Kachin kənu4 ‘a pattern of carving or embroidery’. *λ:ɨn:(ol) ‘woman.for expected **l-. Lushai hnu ‘to print. fel. stay’ > NCauc. Not better Иванов. fil (waael. wiil. go (intr. → -t(u)/-š(u) is a “female” suffix. 蹂 *ṉu. № 58: to Ubykh bayna-wǝ ‘to move off/away’. stay’ > Chin. ar-. 30. 28. 27.

house’) which is certainly unjustified. welfare. morning’ > Chin.are not rare in nominal stems. perayu. ae/i (as for the rare SCauc. waarayu) ‘priest’ = Hitt. fara-ya (paraya. *Iʷəna ‘house’ (< NCauc. Kiranti *brə(-n/-t) ‘speech. splendour. *par/*rap ‘lightning’. LÚSANGA. *GwinʡV (~ -ħ-. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50]. Burm. Lak. brilliance’ > NCauc. Tib.). numerous’. . blazing. *baltí ‘veranda. √ STib.). Also in a compound with *ăj ‘fire’: *ăj-pārē ‘lightning’ (Av. dpar ‘glory.-And. prauŋ ‘to be brilliant. 報 *pūʔs ‘to respond. wealth. Yen. → An interesting Hattic–STib. word’. Tsez. while -(a)h is a female suffix [125’]. happiness’. 81 ff. *bŭlV (~ -ɨ-) ‘house’ ~ STib. STib. Burush. An epithet of the Sun-goddess = Hitt. waarai. numerous’ > Chin. *[p]ārē ‘lightning . *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak. waar) ‘thousand’ = Hitt. 1985. Lezgh. Lushai bar ‘very. -ʕ-) ‘village. abundance. lustre’. *ĺ. isogloss. Burm. parayu. √ SCauc.(~ -r1-) ‘to pray’ > Ket baĺbɛt 6. pray’ > STib. taha-ya ‘barber’). *o vs. Иванов. → For Hattic nomina agentis in -ya cf. Lezgh. much’. *baŕ.-And. ‘to make a prayer’). outside room’) is more tempting semantically. word’.‘source of light’. thunder’. 32. word’. baĺvɛt 6. shining’ in kašparuyah (ka-aš-paru-ya-h) ‘source of light’ or ‘luminous’. 炳 *praŋʔ ‘bright. far (par. note that its standard reflexes are STib. *p(r)wH ‘to speak’ > Chin. *[b]ōk ‘dwelling’ ~ Burush. *blV ‘house’ (> NCauc. etc. Lushai pau ‘speech. *pɨr ‘lightning. *piri ‘lightning’. The connection to SCauc. Yug barbɛ 5 (lit.350 A. LĪM. *bhăr ‘abundant. Semantically the Hattic root exactly matches Yen. rich. *bar ‘speech.. although their meaning and function remain vague. *pārē ‘lightning’ > Av. → In all likelihood one should analyze the Hattic stem as follows: ka-aš-paruya-h. 31. Prefixes ka-aš. *k and Yen. Kassian [UF 41 → The comparison is reliable both phonetically and semantically. *prɨăŋH ‘bright. Hatt. *paru ‘bright. announce’. Dargwa *paIr ‘lightning’. clear’. lalukkima. prawh ‘to speak’. but not phonetically in view of the vocalic irregularity SCauc. √ SCauc. SCC. 33. 繁 *bar ‘abundant’. Ket baĺbe-ś 6 ‘cross’ (“object of prayer”). cluster *l. glorious’. The suffix -ya forms nomina agentis (like para-ya ‘priest’. № 62 analyzes the Hattic stem as fe-l and compares it with WCauc. 蕃 *bar ‘to be prosperous. Lak par ‘lightning.

rather than to NCauc. *muš:ə A. 111 ff.‘sour. Tsez. 鹼 *ćham (~ ch-.).as an occasional loan translation from Hattic with the meaning ‘to be(come) like an apple/apricot’—for the precise translation ‘to be sour/bitter’ see Soysal. one (SCC. Lushai (KC) *tśhum ‘sour. Lak marč. STib. proto-form. Kiranti *mùt ‘to blow’. lalukkima-)—another epithet of the Sun-goddess. salty’ > NCauc. Tsez. √ SCauc. *mlćwV ‘wind’ > Av. *čača-lu ‘sour’. šammalliya-. Kachin (Ben) mut ‘to blow’.see HWHT. *muč. also heu. lye’. WCauc. Lak uri. pit.are attested almost exclusively in the texts translated from Hattic (CHD Š. verbs šammalešš-.-And. šammalešš-. Hattic shows the same consonant metathesis as the NCauc. salty’. 238). Since we know the Hattic word šafat ‘apple-tree’/‘apricot-tree’ [83’] and Hittite word šamalu with the same meaning. 35. Hatt. *ćhémil ‘poison’. while Hittite shows an opposite direction šamalu ‘apple/ apricot’ → šammalešš-/šammalliya. For an alternative analysis of -yah (‘bright’ or ‘heaven’) see leliyah ‘source of light’ [23] Semantically Hattic is closer to STib.). which is probably derived from this verb. Dargwa *ana ‘vinegar’. salty’. i. Burush. 2004. Lushai (KC) *hmut. Lezgh.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 351 The same suffixal chain -ya-ah is found in the quasi-synonym leliyah ‘source of light’ (= Hitt. sŭŋ-mut ‘wind’. mŭt ‘to blow. → The Hattic stem contains the “masculine” suffix -l.‘sour. STib. wit (perhaps also pet. *mŭt ‘to blow’ > Burm. 1989 and Soysal. *ɦmVjwĂ ‘sour’ > Nakh *musṭi-n ‘sour’. *ɦwjmV/*ɦmjwV ‘sour. pize-l. bitter’. angry’ is also discussed). which must be explained by the calqued nature of the Hittite verbs. Lezgh. wind’ > NCauc. waazil) ‘wind’ = Hitt.‘to be(come) sour/bitter’.‘wind’. Lepcha măt. √ SCauc. 88–92 (in the latter paper an additional semantic development to ‘to be crabby. → Hitt.. 34. -e-) ‘buck. of apple/apricot’ is typologically normal (for the prefix ša. wet. the only sensible solution is to treat Hitt. e. fet/fit) ‘to be(come) sour/bitter’ = Hitt. pezi-l. Cf. witanu ‘cheese’ [75’]. huwant. hmut ‘to blow’. šammalliya. branches except the NCauc. *močʷi (/*mičʷi). Kachin ǯum2 ‘salt’. šammalešš-. šammalliya.‘rain’ (sic!). 87 f. The loss of l in combination with an affricate is regular for all SCauc. to breathe at’. *mlćwV ‘to blow. *ʡimʷV-r/ ʡirʷV-m. sour’. Khin. Note that the derivation in Hattic wet (*fet) ‘to be sour’ → ša-fat ‘a k. pizi-l (errors: pzael. mi ‘sour’. . *[ǯh]ɨam ‘salt’ > Chin. *ʷV ‘to get sour.

*pəλ:ʷa ‘wind. proto-form than to the STib. look’ = Hitt. clusters r + affricate in Hattic. jackal’ + ‘wolf’). WCauc. feštap. *bVgV-bVV ‘jackal. Av. but it seems strange in the case of borrowing of the name of the well-known beast (we assume that the Hattians were Anatolian autochthons and therefore were familiar with leopards). branch (see SCC. Yen. isogloss. 88). PÌRIG. *bħĕrĭ (~ -ĕ) ‘wolf’ > Nakh *bɦor ‘wolf’. 421 (to WCauc.‘rain(?)’ (found in compound). Tsez. *pe(ʔ)s-tap (~ -b) ‘wolverine’ > Kott. to blow’ with WCauc.-And. Dargwa *be ‘wolf’. 1985. *λwłʔV ‘wind. compound : NCauc. but not quite reliable in view of too general semantics. Not plausibly Иванов. √ STib. and Chirikba. 1985. *bħĕr (~ -ĕ) ‘a k. № 33. to get to know. to blow’ (< NCauc. loanword in view of the root structure and semantic difference: the shift ‘wolf’ < > ‘leopard’ is possible in the case of long separate language development. In the case of paraš one should suggest a retention of sonorant in the SCauc. Untenably Браун. Lak bar ‘wolf’. If so. where the Hattic element zil is compared with unclear Kabardian ə. The Hattic word cannot be a NCauc. to think’ > Chin. to perceive. one.TUR. of predator’ > NCauc. Arin ṕhjástap. → SCauc. Basque *oćo ‘wolf’. pheštap. *mVn ‘to perceive. The Hattic root can be paraš (with an occasional reduction paraš > praš in the prefixed form) or praš. an a-anaptyxis in the old cluster is paralleled by an u-anaptyxis in the old lx-cluster as illustrated by puluku ‘leaves’ [39] < SCauc. fēštap. 聞 *mən ‘to hear. pnu ‘to observe. praš or paraš ‘leopard’ (attested form: ha-praš-un) = Hitt. prefix *pə-). Kassian [UF 41 Vocalically the Hattic word is closer to the NCauc. 37. to smell’.352 A. . which is an exclusive feature of the STib. ušk-. *bɔə A ‘wolf’. *bVga ‘fox. 20: to WCauc. 1994. 36. hyena’ (a Proto-WCauc. → The Hattic root was probably **pVnu with a reduction of the medial vowel in prefixed forms. *boo ‘wolf’. 1996. In the case of praš Hattic shows development *CVRC > CRVC. An interesting Hattic–STib. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’. 58. Kiranti *min ‘to think’. № 63. → A rather interesting case. *bA ~ *p:A ‘to see’). Unconvincingly Иванов.

*p:əǴə (~ b-) ‘leaf. also ‘leopardman (a cult functionary)’ (OS+) is very similar to Hattic except for the root structure CVRC. Dargwa *heul(i) ‘burdock’. 68 ff. root is not connected with SCauc. *mŋ ‘to die’ > Chin. + WCauc. dying’. (LB) *mhaŋ ‘corpse’.–Yen. 1985. *mor (~ -u-) ‘grain’ > Burm. leaf(?)’ > Av. 12. of weed’ → For an anaptyxis between l and velar in the Hattic stem cf. phak ‘leaf (of tree)’. Burm. Kiranti *phk ‘leaf’. Lushai maŋ ‘to die’. Yug boŋ. wuun) or funa (puna.–Hattic stem is widespread in Eurasia as a Wanderwort with the meaning ‘leopard’. * > Grk. 11. see Николаев. of berry’.+) as well as Iranian forms like Sogd. *HmérV ‘a k. → Hattic fulašne should be analyzed as a compound fula-šne. but the exact source of borrowing can hardly be established. *bilágur ‘a k.from the phonetic viewpoint speak for the NCauc. of zo (rice)’. to open (of leaves)’. Lezgh. *HabuḳV ‘burdock’. Kachin maŋ1 ‘a corpse. № 8. greenery’ = Hitt. Grk. *ʕemu(a) ‘burdock’. carcass’. foliage. 薨 *smŋ ‘to die (of king)’. 40. 39. bread offering’ √ STib. dead’ > STib. tree. fun (pun. praš ‘leopard’ [37]. √ SCauc. Lepcha jă-mór-zo ‘a spec.in paršna-. pwrδnk.’ probably originate from some Anatolian Post-Hittite language. puluku ‘leaves. → An interesting Hattic–STib. but semantically corresponds to the Hattic stem. leopard. Persian pārs ‘leopard. pars ‘tiger. Lepcha mak ‘to die (said of man. munʔ ‘bread’. *HmoŋV ‘to die. origin (with regular NCauc. *boŋ ‘dead man’ > Ket bōŋ. dispute). where šne [89’] means ‘offering’ (cf. fire. Tsez. *phak (~ bh-) ‘leaf’ > Burm.‘leopard’. δ. tefu-šne ‘libation’ [57]). animal. 33). lahhurnuzziyant-. of rice’. mortals’ = Hitt. √ SCauc. isogloss.). etc. wuuna) ‘mortality. *palIʷ ‘burdock’. 1994. πόρδᾰλις ‘leopard’ (Hom.-And. dandukeššar. parš. In all probability the STib. panther’ and numerous Turkic forms brs. Yen. ? WCauc. Kachin phaʔ 2-lap 2 ‘tea. paršana. 20 (Hatt. STib. Lushai hmor-hāŋ ‘name of a sp. Burush. Untenably Браун. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > NCauc. Hitt. *fula ‘bread’ in fula-šne ‘bread.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 353 This NCauc. *ʕapālwĔ (~ ɦ-) ‘burdock . . used in ritual action. 38. παρδ-/ πορδ.in πάρδᾰλις. tea-leaf’.

√ STib. and Браун. STib. *-t/-ṭ /-d as well as from SCauc. g.354 A. sbud ‘bellows’. Despite the fact of the onomatopoeic nature of the SCauc. bŭt > Chin. Cf. swallow’ = Hitt. blow up . Yug duap-pē. blowing’. puur) ‘country . utniyant-. 弗 *pət ‘gust of wind’. . Since there is no another evidence for Hattic–Proto-Dargwa contacts. √ SCauc. self’. mwat-sip ‘to be thirsty’. *-t can originate from SCauc. The STib. Tib. šam ~ šaman ‘to hear’. *puʔ. proto-form shows a frequent reduction of the medial vowel and the common suffix -Vŋ. It is interesting that in the Dargwa group a similar root is observed: ProtoDargwa *puš(a) ‘bellows. śifu. which is known from some other verbal stems (e. *p:Vwa (~ b-) ‘to breathe. the Hattic terminus technicus exactly matches the STib. Burm. pur. *phu ‘to blow’. 43. swallow’ > Chin. → STib. 20. → An exclusive Hattic–STib. *-t/-ṭ /-d as well as to SCauc. to swell. 邦 *prōŋ ‘country. 41. Tsez. who compare the Hattic root with WCauc. people. *-c/- and *-ć/- /-) and semantically. *[p]ūH ‘to blow’ > NCauc. to blow’. KUR(-e). pɨ ‘air. state’. parai-. puš-an ‘to blow on. № 66. phəwʔ ‘bellows’. root. *Prŋ ‘country’ > Chin. Kachin əphot2 ‘to blow in puffs’. HWHT. prań ‘country’. Yen. Av. √ STib. to whistle’. mid ‘to swallow’. Tib. blowing’ > Nakh *hu(:)p ‘to blow. utne. *mt ‘to eat. Burm. WCauc. *ʁʷV ‘person . bladder. to swell’). population’ = Hitt. soul? . also p(a)šun ‘breath? . further cf. bubble. Lushai phuʔ ‘to blow out of the mouth’. *pūHV ‘to blow. bladder’ (< NCauc. Burush. forms both phonetically (STib. lung?’ [71’]. *pV(j) ‘to blow’ > Ket ugij. Kott. *-t can go back to SCauc. isogloss. puš or puše ‘to devour. 1994.‘to blow’. 秣 *mhāt ‘to feed grain to horses’. breath’.‘to blow. ed-. I suspect that we deal with a chance coincidence here. ? Burm. 1985. *-c/- and *-ć/- /-.And. → The Hattic form apparently contains the suffix -an. 210). *päršwA (~ -l-) ‘bubble.. *wV ‘person. 42. Khin. ãbud ‘to blow’. Kassian [UF 41 Unpersuasively Иванов. fur (wuur. fan (a fire or burning materials)’ = Hitt. *bŭ. *pɨ-ƛʷ. persons’ and WCauc.

. STib.‘earth. → An interesting Hattic–Yen. raŋ ‘breast’. ground. igi ‘inside’. *ć. *š:VlV ‘silt. egi. *ć/  /  and *č/  / ǯ. ški-l. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ > Ket tʌga5 /tʌɣa5. Kachin (H) ǯau ‘to rule’. Pump. also Sum. šai-l/tai-l ‘lord.(eš-). breast’. heart’ > NCauc. of the sea)’ = Hitt. STib. Yen. Cf. earth. g. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ > Nakh *doḳ. → A Hattic–STib. direct’. √ SCauc. Av. *čHäłu/*čäłHu ‘dirt. fute. *ǵʷə. *rĕḳw ‘breast. WCauc. cf. Yug tʌga5. šaki-l. ŠAG ‘heart’ (an unclear coincidence?). Lak š:aIlu/š:aI.‘often’ > Ket bōt. dust’. dust. Basque *śorho also speaks for the *čäłHu variant. rule. floor’. field. Lushai eŋ ‘breast’. √ Yen. Also found in the compounds like zihar-tail ’Holz-Meister’ (= carpenter). ćəwh ‘to govern. ung. proto-form *čHäłu with reference to the pharyngealization in Lak š:aIlu as an indicator of NCauc. se-t. fur-šail ‘Land(es)-Herr’. Lak daḳ. *č:il ‘earth . Lezgh. Burush. minister’. Dargwa *ʔurḳi. o ‘lord. master’.dbf proposes the NCauc. Basque *śolho ‘meadow. 46. also without the “masculine” l-suffix : aški ‘heart’ = Hitt. slime’. tíke. Khin. braŋ ‘chest. . wuuti. Note the simplification *łH > hh in Hattic. ćawh ‘king.-And. ground’. *čHäłu/*čäłHu ‘dirt. talugi.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 355 44. si-t ‘lady?’. 47. Burm. Lezgh.‘earth. → SCauc. Hurr. royalty’. *rɔḳʷə A. Burm.points to the protoform *čäłHu (for the phonetic development see NCED. Probably the same stem without the “masculine” l-suffix šai(u) ‘lord’ and with the “feminine” t/š-suffix še-t. huzza-šai ‘Herd-Meister’ (= smith). *ćH ‘to govern. initial *r. *jirḳʷ.-And. belief’. As a matter of fact Lak has doublets š:aIlu ~ š:aI-. Tib. 45. bottom (e. puti) ‘(to be) long’ in temporal meaning (usually in the collocation “long years”) = Hitt. tekan. *H. *ʔrŋ/*ʔrk ‘breast’ > Chin. where š:aI. aški-l. √ SCauc. 69–70). earth. queen. re. Av. ŠÀ(-ir). *bot. isogloss. master’. 宰 *cʔ (~ ć-) ‘steward .can originate from SCauc. → Caucet. dust. ground’. lord’ > Chin. field (prepared for sowing)’. sand’ > Nakh *č(ɦ)il (~ -ī-) ‘ashes. 臆 *ʔ(r)ək ‘bosom’. isogloss. futi (wuute. šahhu/tahhu ‘ground. *dak ‘hope.> Hattic š-. ground’ > NCauc. *roḳʷo. Tib. √ STib. Tsez.

356 A. isogloss. to tear’.may originate from SCauc.‘gatehouse. *ʔasV ‘to be silent. although the binding vowel change u > a remains unclear.‘to be quiet. see SCC. *smen ‘to listen (to)’. 2004. a similar situation with Hatt. 2002 1. etc. silent’. data. portal’ is a reduplicated formation *kas(k)-kas(k)-tipa with the suffix -tipa (known as -šepa / -zipa from other Hittite stems). Yen.dbf. but the basic meaning of the plain stem is ‘to shave’ (see Yenet. listen (> to talk)’ > Av. *qhaṣ ‘to rub’. Werner.‘to scrape. Tsez. *iχ:an. Girbal. šam(a) (and perhaps sam-an) ‘to hear. para-ya ‘priest’. ha-čīp ‘to cover’. 1986. possessing reliable Nostratic and Afro-Asiatic cognates (Kartet.‘to hear’.’ among the Yenisseian languages. *ǯ.). → A Hattic–Yen. to listen’.‘ear’) is not probable. Dargwa *=urs. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 19 . scrape. štip (probably not tip19) ‘gate’ = Hitt. -dup ‘to close’.> -RC-. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent.20 Burush. but proceeding from general reasons we must treat it as a mere accidental coincidence (cf. Hattic shows a very common semantic shift ‘cover’ > ‘door’. √ Yen. 50.‘to scratch. to peel.I.‘to scrape’. šam(an) with Kartv. form may originate from virtual SCauc. Kott.–NCauc. 162 compares Hatt. 167). tumil ‘rain’ [62]). *χ:Vč. make notches. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ > Ket dɔ:3. Yug i:hp4 ‘to cover. **sVmV (with regular morphonological processes in the Proto-NCauc. *čxqV ‘to scratch.(/ =us-) ‘to say. rub’ > Av. *čVqV/*qVčV ‘to scratch. Kott. however. The Hatt. but I think that we deal with a compound wordforming here: kašku ‘gate building’ [29’] + štip ‘gate’. rub. tell’.)’ √ NCauc.-And. hāran-čex ‘to hack.dbf. Lezgh. 1998. scrape’ > NCauc. taha-ya ‘barber’. 20 In many compounds this verbal root has the meaning ‘to split. Klimov. close’. → For Hattic nomina agentis in -ya cf.‘to hear’ < Afro-Asiatic *sim. *čãχ:. *sem.-And. 1 f. listen (vel sim. The Hattic meaning exSoysal. → The Proto-NCauc. verbal stem: reduction of the medial vowel and metathesis -CR. Afaset. *ǯīp ‘to cover. Lezgh. *sVs(Vn). KÁ. ‘Barbier (ein Kultdiener)’ = Hitt. 370 proposes that the Hattic loanword in Hittite Ékaškaštipa. šemû ‘to hear’ (< Semitic *šVmaʕ. to tear’. Kassian [UF 41 48. Yug ou3 // o:. *ć/  and *č/  / ǯ. hack.dbf #836 . √ SCauc. due to the scantiness of the NCauc. LÚŠU.(~ -ʁ-) ‘to write’. Yen. to plug. 205). 163. to close’ > Ket -dɔp ‘to plug’. Dargwa *=išq. This comparison is exact both phonetically and semantically. comparison is somewhat doubtful. bevel’. A borrowing of such a basic term from Akkad. to fidget. 49.

takiha-l ‘lion. *ćūm ‘honour. *[]mbi ‘superpower’ > NCauc. the title of the Hittite reigning queen = Hitt. pity’. Av. 18 ff.-And. (both scholars advocate non-IE. but *sṭ. UR. STib. leopard’ > NCauc. lit. and Melchert. We know several dozens of Hattic loanwords in Hittite21 (especially concern––––––––––––––––––––––– 21 For the list see now Goedegebuure. tabarna. to scrape’ (< NCauc. → Widely discussed Hattic words. tafarna (tabarna. → The suffix -(e)ha in take-ha remains without clear parallels among known Hattic stems (it can hardly be identified with the feminine -(a)h [125’] as in katta-h ‘queen’.And. UR. Yakubovich. bćom ‘pride. Dargwa *um ‘pity’. lit. Tib. *ir:V ‘lynx. 1985.SAG(-i-). Sccet. gćom. daughter languages except the NCauc. (kjah)-sać ‘leopard’. arrogance’. snow leopard’. haughtiness. Sccet. √ SCauc. gzig ‘leopard. takeha. ounce. god . Hattic origin of tabarna) vs.MAH. heathen deity. Lak ini ‘tiger. ‘Herrscherin’. *ch-. *:VbV ‘mercy. The simplification *nK > K seems regular for Hattic as well as for the other SCauc. *ǟnV ‘lynx. *hrĕgwē ‘comb’) which is not persuasive either phonetically or morphologically. Burm. № 50 compares Hattic ta-ha-ya with WCauc. *mbi ‘god. 51. etc. 146 f. leopard’. see now Soysal. also with the “masculine” l-suffix takeha-l. Иванов.). and EDHIL w. previous lit. scil. Av. *sṭnV ‘panther. priest’. lit. proto-form as *nV (~ sṭ-). tawaarna) ‘lord’. panther’ > Nakh *ō ‘ounce. hero’ = Hitt. Kiranti *sík-ba ‘tiger. *chi(ə)k ‘leopard’ > Tib. 宗 *ćūŋ ‘to honour. The theory of borrowing such regal terms from Luwian or Hittite into Hattic (and Palaic) is not very probable proceeding from general reasons. 52.and ftawananna. mercy. porcupine’. 229 ff. the title of the Hittite king . labarna-. . authority’ > Chin. (for the Anatolian origin of tabarna and tawananna). grace’. go to pay court. takiha. 2003a. mercy’ > Nakh *ēbV ‘idol. Despite this fact the comparison is reliable both phonetically and semantically. proto-form as *čqV (~ -xq-) which seems unjustified. 2008. w. (f) tawananna ‘lady’. master’. root. √ SCauc.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 357 actly matches the Yen. Kachin čum ‘authority’. Dargwa *ir ‘panther’.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. leopard’. ancestor. 2009. 2005 w.is more preferable in view of STib.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. Lak imi ‘grace. branch. *V ‘to comb . w. STib. snow leopard’.

). He quotes four PN-s—Wa-dapra-. Kassian [UF 41 ing cultic and regal terminology).)./daβara/ or /δaβara/ ‘power’ as a starting point of t/labarna which seems ad hoc also. The formal difficulties associated with the Hittito-Luwian origin of the term tabarna are more serious. Λαπαρας (PN Λαπαρας is known from some other Grk. 146). 2007.. but a Luw. 18 ff. 229 ff.‘mighty’ (cf.24 Note that Yakubovich is compelled to postulate two unique Luwian phonemes (/δ/. The third name Wašatapra may be either Luwian or not. *stā. 2003. Waša-tapra. 2003a. Wa-lapra. from which the adjective tabar-na. The comparison with Germ. Slightly differently Yakubovich (2002. e. sad. 23 Note that Luw. equally well it can be.‘mighty’ has been derived (as per Melchert. A dapara are unknown. tabri ‘atri––––––––––––––––––––––– The only candidate is the widespread cultural term zinar [118’] ‘lyre’ which could indeed be identified as a Luw. loanword (for the discussion see sub v. (to IE *stā-. First. e. adjective dobrъ ‘good’ (ЭССЯ 5. origin and morphology of Lyc. 2003a. substantive **tabara. sources. An analysis of tawananna accepted by Melchert.‘to rule’ as a “backformation” are totally unprovable. adjective **tabra. Wala-pra.358 A. see Neumann.per se does not look like a “normal” Anatolian verbal stem. 2009. Hurrian: cf. Hurr. 2) The Luwian morphological pattern of nomen actoris in -na (tabar. 36). prefix wa-. tabar. morphologically doubtless Cappadocian PN Šupi-pra. Garelli. There are two ways to analyze Cappadocian Wa-dapra-. downcast’ (Orel.‘to rule’ lacks IE etymology.‘one who rules’) is unique. they can be Hattic names with the frequent Hatt.22 If the term tabarna functioned in Hattic as a Hittito-Luwian Exotismus referring just to the Hittite king (like Καῖσαρ refers to the Roman emperors in Ancient Greek texts)./daβara/ or /δaβara/ ‘power’. and I really doubt whether this form can prove anything.is inexplicable within Luwian (as was correctly noted by Yakubovich himself: 2009. But the meaning..‘to stand’) is not persuasive either. g. A postulation of a hypothetical Luw. The second and more probable solution is to divide these forms as Wada-pra-. 1963.—and attributes them to Luwian. Wa-lapra-. but not a single Hittite–Luwian loanword in Hattic is revealed up to now.. 1) The Luwian athematic verb tabar. 22 .‘to rule’ > tabar-na. 45) is untenable both semantically and morphologically23. the previous paragraph).). Wa-lapra-. and an explanation of athematic tabar. since waša seems unetymologizable within Luwian . who proposes not an adjective. 216). 18 ff. 68) or with Slav.(for their second element cf. g. As a matter of fact the first element of Wa-dapra-. /β/) in order to explain the forms in question. it is strange that we find this term in Hattic archaic formulaic passages. adjective *đapraz ‘heavy. Šupi-lapra. 24 Yakubovich inserts an “epenthesis” between labial and r because of the Lyc. A personal name dapara = Grk. Further Yakubovich refers to early second millennium Cappadocian onomastics in an attempt to find some evidence for Luwian **tabara.

tafarna can hardly be explained if one assumes a loan nature of this lexeme in Hattic.(see Yakubovich. the fourth name Šupi-lapra.> Luw. 18 ff. /δaβar/ with a unique phoneme /δ/. In any case.‘to rule’. Of course. injunction’. To sum up the onomastic discussion. as proposed in Valério. (not Luw. also hypothetical Linear A -du-pu2-re ‘master’. which was being transcribed 25 . whose origin and meaning are vague. t. The same concerns the idea that [δ]—when conjectural [δ]apra became a Mediterranean wandering onomastic root—could preserve its unique phonetic characteristics in the course of millennium and continue to be spelled either as l or as d in non-cuneiform traditions (cf. With some difficulties in Cappadocian personal names we can reveal morphemes tapra and lapra. A hypothetical one-example scenario proposed by Melchert. derivates). 230 fn. 2009.27 ––––––––––––––––––––––– The Carian city and Zeus shrine Labraunda. 27 Yakubovich. Λαπαρας). 4) The alternation tabarna ~ labarna can hardly be explained within HittitoLuwian phonology. l-. we know an opposite occasional process Anat. λαβύρινθος . *T. not **tabarna.< Luw.) never show t/l-alternation.‘order. Finally. for Hitt. da-pu/pu2-ri-to. 3) The Luwian verbal stem tabar. which was rendered by t. postulates the new Luwian phoneme /β/ for this case (/daβarna/). On the contrary. tabar.with derivates as well as their Hittite counterparts (tabarija.seems Hittite. 2003a.in Luw.-Luw.in Luwian loanwords in Hittite is not supported by any positive evidence and looks too complicated and factitious (note that the CLuw. 247). 5) /f/ (waa) in Hatt. l.25 or even to the more archaic term λαβύρινθος = Myc. tabar. known from some ancient Greek authors like Herodotus or Strabo (Λάβραυνδα.26 On the other hand tapra can be identified with Luw. 2002). etc. one can attempt to connect lapra to the Mediterranean morpheme λαβρ-. since the element šupi well attested in Cappadocian onomastics can be rather assuredly identified with Hitt. 26 For the latter cf. Yakubovich’s examples: Myc. also possible Hurr. for which see below. stable spelling labarna clearly contradicts Melchert’s phonetic theory). but by l in the title labarna and the onomastic element lapra.= Grk.!) adj. dapu/pu2-ri-to. 2007. Λάβρανδα) or the epithet of Zeus in Cyprus Λαβράνιος. 29. Note that we do not have any positive evidence that tapra and labra represent a single morpheme.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 359 but de divinités’ (GLH. A PN dapara = Grk. advocating the Luwian origin of Hattic tafarna. while t/labarna is uniformly spelled as labarna in CLuw. texts. but it is not obligatory due to the absence of a vowel between labial and r in tapra (cf.‘to rule’ (with various Hitt. which is known in some divine epithets of the first millennium BC or later. cognate of tapra above). postulating of Luw. Lyc. can hardly be justified from my point of view. šuppi‘clear’.

alef ‘tongue’) and the personal name Hitt. on which positive evidence Yakubovich’s theory is based. lick’. Despite the fact that tawananna never occurs with the spelling waa or pa.360 A. where it competes with the proper variant tabarna (see Soysal. Dhatipinu ‘(a female deity of the Hattic– Hittite pantheon)’—see Soysal. BA was being used by Hittite scribes merely as an occasional graphical indicator of loanwords (Hurrian. *cp ‘bitter’) and probably kurkupal [39’] ~ kurkufen-na [40’] (if nna < lna). allappahh. 2010 .‘id.‘id.by l. timber’). PN ta/i5-ta/i4-mi must be read as ala-ali-mi (see Hawkins. *wēχV ‘stick .in tafarna as a feminine morpheme and attempted to replace it by the masculine la. 181 claims that the Hittites can render initial t. 2005. ta/i5ta/i4-mi.after the model Dhalipinu ‘(a male deity of the Hattic–Hittite pantheon)’ vs. 21. . even if we accept these examples. 2005. 28 Despite Yakubovich.in tafa-r-na is a rather common SCauc. ta. for statistics).). 2008.‘to lap. suffix known from some other Hattic stems. One can propose that the Hittites and the Luwians understood ta. but attested in Hittite texts.yields Luw. I suppose that we can regard Hattic tafarna and tawananna as paronymous words and single out the Hattic root tafa/tawa-. but as far as I can judge. A morpheme -r. There is an alternative phonetic explanation of the lambdacized form labarna.. whose SCauc. His examples are: Hitt. HLuw. Thirdly. but with different conclusions. Note that even if we discard tawananna from the comparison. allappahh. The function of the sign BA in the Hittite cuneiform tradition is the task of further research.‘to spite’ ~ CLuw. l-. I do not understand. but note that the Hittite term used in archaic rites of Hattic origin also resembles Hatt. The conditions of this phonetic change are unknown. Firstly. tuwarna‘to break’ ~ Luwism :lawarriya. but the correspondence Hitt. 29 Melchert. Rieken / Yakubovich. fn. incense(-resin)’ ~ Luwoid? lu(y)essar ‘incense(-wood)’ and Hitt. Hattic. Meanwhile the lambdacized form labarna. la. Kassian [UF 41 Almost all these difficulties are avoided if we treat tafarna and tawananna as proper Hattic stems. etc.’. malalimi ~ HLuw. not **alabarna. which is unknown to Hattic.‘id. the form in question is labarna. Yakubovich. 2003b. Certainly the queen title tawananna (never attested in a lambdacized form) has not been affected by such etymologization. The nominal suffix -na is also attested in Hattic: cf. tappa.’ (maybe < IE *lap. may be a result of false etymologization. Secondly. 289–90 .28 Further and less obligatory examples are: Hitt. zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] (~ STib. 2009a). Akkadian.’) and nominal (zeha-r ‘building wood’ [64] ~ NCauc. *T.29 On the ground of this phonetic ––––––––––––––––––––––– as the sign BA by the Hittites in the Hittite word and as WAA by the Hittites in the Hattic word. 2005. tuhhuessar ‘smoke-substance. *Hōk ‘id. 24.’ can hardly be rejected.in Luwian loanwords. etymology (see above) is exact both phonetically and semantically. both verbal (huku-r ‘to see’ [13] < SCauc.‘to take’ ~ CLuw. it does not seriously affect my conclusions. 199 ff. it is unclear to me why Hitt. 191 ff. since we know that in some cases Anat.is a Luwian loanword. Luwian.

The fact that tabarna/labarna was the throne name of the first Hittite king (the founder of the dynasty) is unhelpful. 31 For the Greek substrate suffixes -υρ and -ινθ see Beekes. 239). there are no clear examples for the suffix -ιρ (cf. mother’.. βαλλιρός / βάλε30 .. thereupon the Hittites borrowed labarna from Luwian and began to use it equally with the proper form tabarna. 2009. Yakubovich is right that in the case of the morphological reanalysis of a loanword this process is standardly based on the grammatical patterns of the target language. however. the linguistic fate of Lat. As for the second element of tawa-nanna. ked. First. 110: Hsch. verb could be the WSem. I cannot exclude that the Hattic stem tafa-r with the probable meaning ‘to have honour/authority/power’ might have been borrowed into Hittite– Luwian dialects as tabar. da-pu/pu2-ri-to. HJ.. or pit dug in the ground’. 231) criticism of Soysal’s morphological scenario. Of course both explanations (morphological and phonetical) of the t/l-alternations in Hittite are not self-evident. 263.. cf. probably Arab. Yakubovich. see DUL. λαβύρινθος has been recently briefly proposed by Яцемирский. An assumed compound ‘honoured/powerful mother’ as a queen title fits Hattic matriarchal culture very well. 251).. e. German family names Kaiser. etc. tabar.2). 2008. Yakubovich’s (2009.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 361 phenomenon the only consistent scenario is the following one: Hattic tafarna was borrowed into Hittite and Palaic as tabarna and into Luwian as *tabarna > labarna (labarna is the only variant known from Luwian texts). But the second scenario is not less probable: tafarna was a Hattic regal term. Off. force to walk’ (Ugar. Except for λάβιρος.. which has been adopted by Hittite king as a throne name. The second hypothetical source of the Luw. But reanalysis according to the grammatical patterns of the source language is also sometimes observed. from my point of view the derivation of tabarna/labarna from Luw. the name of the USA company “Keds” has been borrowed into Russian as sg. SCauc. A rather satisfactory etymology of Myc. (note that the most part of the throne names of the Old Hittite kingdom was Hattic and only two or three of them permit Luwian attribution.‘to rule’ looks like a modern folk etymology.‘to rule’ together with other Hattic terms of government and kingship. Thus. 2007 (§C. g. The nature and the origin of the Mediterranean scarcely attested onomastic element laB(a)r/TaB(a)r remain vague. 2009.30 but they seem much more probable than Melchert’s one (for which see above). λάβιρος · βόθυνος ‘hole.31 ––––––––––––––––––––––– Cf. *nǟnV ‘female breast. since both solutions are equal..= Grk. g. Hebr. see Goedegebuure. verbal root *dbr ‘to lead. pl. we can assume that originally tabarna/labarna was a proper name and thereupon became a regal title in Anatolia (cf.. typologically cf. On the other hand. kedy ‘sneaker(s)’. Herzog etc.. Caesar). in all likelihood nanna reflects the universally spread nursery word ‘mother’. trench. Aram. E. where -s has been understood as the English plural ending and loped off. 165.

isogloss. √ STib. huzza-šai ‘smith’ (hearth-master).e.] ‘a kind of carp’ and κίσιρνις [Hsch.+) ~ Pergaean λάφνη (Hsch.7): Myc. Ὀδυσσεύς ~ Ὀλυσσεύς. 1985. Such an analysis is rather factitious from my point of view. δάφνη (Hom. fur-šail ‘lord of the land’ (land-master) etc. 53.). to be confused’ > Chin. old woman. the virtual collocation ta-far-na lacks the expected plural suffix fa. comm. The connection between Hattic tafa ‘fear’ and tufi ––––––––––––––––––––––– ρος / βαλῖνος [Arist.). 慴 *tep ‘to fear’. the lateral affricate).32 Third. tawa. First. also δίσκος (Hom. Although the elements of the Adyghe compound nǝ-wa are not entirely clear. i.] ‘a bird’ ~ κίσσιρις · εἶδος ὀρνέου [Suid. Tordylium officinale’ and maybe μυστλη ~ μιστύλη ‘crust of bread scooped out to the form of a spoon’ (the examples by S. As for the fluctuation d~l in the Pre-Greek (scil. . Soysal (pers. tafa with Adyghe and Kabardian nǝ-wa. granny’ (< NCauc. tafarna as ‘(lord of) thousand na-s’. κᾰλᾰμίνθη ‘name of “a good-smelling plant”’. ныожъ. Иванов. → A Hattic–STib.) points.5. tree’ ~ βδαροί (Hsch.. rtab ‘to be confused.) ‘tree’. *nǟnV ‘female breast. 2007 (§B. nanna with WCauc. 2005 (following H. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear. 32 O. g. fright’ = Hitt. Second.+) ~ λίσκος (Hsch. e. without possessive proclitics zihar-tail ‘carpenter’ (wood-master). nǝ-wa-ź (ныо. Yatsemirsky.-S. Yatsemirsky.) ‘wood . tafa (tauwaa) ‘fear. e. other Furnée’s examples in Beekes. № 53 analyzes Hattic tawananna as a compound tawa-nanna. pers. the examples by S.found in the similar collocation far-fa-šhaf/tafar-fa-šhaf ‘thousand deities’ (from šhaf ‘god’). d-series) was rendering of some special phoneme of the “Minoan” language (e. 慹 *tep. Kassian [UF 41 Quite differently Soysal. Schuster’s idea): ta-far-na from the Hattic roots far ‘thousand’ [31] and na ‘?’. pers. comparing Hatt. frightened. ἄβλαροι (Hsch. stupefied’. weridema-.) ‘sweet bay (Laurus nobilis)’. Cf. It is possible that the primary function of the Linear B voiced series (i. in fur-un-katte ‘king of the land’ (land-GEN king) for *fur-un-te-katte (land-GEN POSS-king). *tip ‘scared stiff. *nanV ‘mother. comm. mummy. “Minoan”) vocabulary. to be in a hurry’.) ‘quoit’. ka-da-mi-ta ~ Grk.is improbable both phonetically and morphologically. cf. the elliptical construction ‘(lord of) …’ appears unparalleled by known Hattic data. g. Ivanov’s etymology of Hatt. however. mother’). the root na is not attested elsewhere in Hattic (except for Soysal’s theoretical ta-wanan-na ‘(lady of) wanan na-s’) which makes this monoconsonantal analysis doubtful. especially the doublets like τόρδῡλον ~ τόρδιλον ‘hartwort. Tib. comm. but one can draw here a parallel with the Pre-Greek suffixes -ιλ / -υλ or -ινθ / -υνθ which are well-attested in their both variants: cf. to the fact that auxiliary morphemes can sometimes be dropped out in Hattic compound proper names like. this phenomenon does not seem an exclusive feature of λαβύρινθος.. But I suspect that in the case of possessive exponent omission we deal with the general principle of the Hattic compound word-forming.].362 A. наужъ) ‘old woman’ and Hatt.

№ 52 compares the Hattic compound tafa-tufi ‘fear (and) horror’ with WCauc. *thiajʔ. *trājʔ. *tajH ‘big. 處 *thaʔ ‘dwell. put down’ > Ket dij ‘to put. lay on’. t-m ‘to be great. phonetically. 55. position’. Lepcha tho-m ‘to place’. Lepcha tí. Chirikba. set’. *ti ‘great. Yen. Иванов. *=ătV ‘to put. 21 (Hatt. be available’.)’. STib. *=ătV-r ‘to let. Laz). much’ > Chin. Tib. only: Georg. a reduplicated stem in Adyghe–Kabardian *d-da / *dá-də ‘most.) √ SCauc.) and te-te. ki-. 哆 *thajʔ. *=HVwĀn) which is impossible phonetically. much. *di(j) ‘to lie down. also zi? ‘to lie. 署 *ḏa(ʔ)s ‘to place. *V ‘to lay eggs. Yug tɨjiŋ. Girbal. 428 (Hatt. make. *tɨʔj. to stand. very’. . *did. form tete with Kartv.‘to leave’. Lak =ita.). Burush. te-ti (fem.‘to let. gda ‘to be. let. *jatär. Dargwa *=atVr. + WCauc. + WCauc. place.‘to do. WCauc. Burm. to stay’ > Nakh *=it. large. 20. 1994. Adyghe–Kabardian *ətə. very much’.-And. Kabard. 1986 compares the Hattic fem. to lay?’ = Hitt.. ti. -te suffix denoting plurality. √ SCauc. Kiranti *dV ‘big’. *dHV ‘to grow. gtad ‘to lean upon. to get cold. freeze’ > Abkhaz–Abaza *ə-ta ‘cold (adj. place’. 1996. Megrel. -tij. load’. → Hattic matches Yen. for which see Hatt. at all’). be there’. ti with WCauc. Similarly Браун. STib. *dA ‘big. taj ‘very’. eš ‘to put’ [4]). thah ‘to put. Khin. stad ‘to put on. and Chirikba.‘to get cold’ with a further semantic development into ‘fear’ in some WCauc. 54. leave’ > NCauc. big’ > NCauc. which can be a WCauc. loanword (cf. stay. Burm.‘big’ (South Kartv. Lezgh.). 多 *tāj ‘much. place’ > Chin. Kachin da3 ‘to put. *ə ‘cold . to be’ (Abkhaz -ta-/-t(ə)-.‘to leave’. big’ in te-li (masc. *thrājʔ ‘be great’. and Yen. deliver up’. forms. load’.‘to leave’. e. 421 compares Hatt. *dhăH (/*thăH) ‘to put. *-´t. -tɨj. to put (with preverbs)’. *tV ‘to be inside. Lushai teʔ (< *teiʔ ?) ‘much. Kachin theʔ 2 ‘and’. 1985. *=it. *ƛ:ʷA ‘to sleep’ (< NCauc. təiʔ sign of the plural. 1996. ś-tə ‘frightened’. Yug di/diʔ ‘to put. at.. place’. at all. 1994.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 363 ‘fear’ [102’] is unclear. > WCauc.‘to leave. many’. → Phonetically the Hattic form is close to the STib. leave. g. to stay.‘to be there. Av. etc. te. big’. place’. set up’. *te.‘to grow’ > Ket tɨjiŋ5. The comparison in not persuasive. leave’. attestations. Lushai daʔ ‘to put. Doubtfully Браун. most. to be there’. Yen.

Lezgh. shell’ > Nakh *ʡōr ‘skin. as stones. moist’. *šɔrV (~ š:-) ‘lamb’s skin (for making hats). *ć/  /  and *č/  / ǯ. *ʔa-č. offering’ = Hitt. Lezgh. Yug tʌlap5 / tʌla:p3. ãćha ‘to make. √ SCauc. as stone-wall. wede-. Lushai čiau ‘wet and dirty’. STib. prepare’. ãćhu ‘to ladle or scoop (water)’. Av.‘to grow up (of children)’ seems accidental.(~ -o-) ‘to splash . tʌlafɨn5. Kachin (H) ča ‘to pile or lay. *=[ṭ]wV ‘water’). mould’. of Tsez. *č:ar(a) ‘(milk) skin.364 A. skin. a k. *=ačʷ. *ṣo ‘to wash’. ćəw ‘to be wet. *=ṭwV ‘to pour.‘to found (metal)’.‘to flow. The phonetic similarity with Hurr. and Yen. to build.-And. juice. Kachin ǯo3 ‘to pour into’. to jump. pl. isogloss (for the semantics cf. to soak’. pour. išpantuzzi-. forms. *ćH > Chin. shell.‘to bathe. Cf. as scaffold’. pl. to vomit’. Tsez. . Burm. sour cream. to vomit’ > Nakh *l-ēbč. to scoop’ > Tib. pour. *štɦrV ‘crust. čo2 ‘spoon’. *čɦrV ‘skin. Yug atčej / ačej. tera-h (probably not štera-h) ‘leather covering. tab/w. sap’. *čVwV ‘to pour. to build. teh. *ʔäča. STib. teh.‘to vomit’. *təʔlap. liquid’. *ćəw (-t) ‘water. √ SCauc. ones. Phonetically and morphologically the Hattic stem is close to the STib. tih ‘to build’ = Hitt. 事 *rəʔs ‘affair’. while semantically—to the NCauc.)’ → A Hattic–STib. wet’ > NCauc. Yen. to rinse. *=ǟwčĂ ‘to emit. to throw’. peel’. strew. further to SCauc. 57. also Hurr. 1995/2007.can originate from SCauc. Kiranti Limbu cwaʔl ‘water’ Yen. 仕 *rəʔ ‘to work. wet. tʌĺaŋ5. to be scattered about’. *ʔeč. ? Lushai sa (sak) ‘to build or erect (as house etc. ǯar ‘sour cream’. whose similarity with the Hattic root can be a chance coincidence (Старостин. → Hattic tefu-šne should be analyzed as a compound. WCauc. incrustation. KUŠNÍG.BÀR. 58. *tefu ‘to pour’ in tefu-šne ‘libation. shell’ > NCauc. office’. 632 connects the Hurrian term to NCauc. Khin. fula-šne ‘bread offering’ [38]).‘to to pour. Burush. Kassian [UF 41 56. Lak =i=či. Tsez. and Burush. the Kachin and probably Lushai cognates). Tib. *ć. malt[eššar].‘to pour’ > Ket átij. √ STib. *ǯʷə ‘to vomit’.(~ -r-) ‘bread crust’ > Ket tʌla:3. to wash. bćud ‘moisture. fly. fell-cloak’ = Hitt. cream. to bathe. serve. ćhu ‘water’. where šne [89’] means ‘offering’ (cf. shoes’. to flow. envelope.

*tA. Burush. 22 (Hatt. beistehen?’ = Hitt. Kiranti *ʒo (? /*ʒə) ‘to eat’. Tsez. zan ‘fodder. hold. 61.> t. *:a. Arin šau ‘Speise’.‘to take. who arbitrarily singled out the Hattic root u[f] and compared it with WCauc.‘to eat’. while NCauc. to take away. For the Hattic suffix -(a)h see HWHT. Lezgh. carry’. ‘hintreten. *ʔačʷɨ. Despite this fact. *ČQV ‘to step. *sī. *ɦĭfV ‘to guard. shows a further semantic development.(~ -o-) ‘to carry’.-And. graze’). tiya-. Pump. 60.-And. 419 compares tuh with Abkhaz–Abaza *tǝ-xǝ ‘to take from inside’ (where *tǝ is a locative preverb and *xǝ means ‘to take’) which is unconvincing. drink’ > NCauc. Yen. collect. *=a. Untenably Браун. *=ač. № 59. ãu ‘to seize’. ? har(k)-.‘to find’. 1996.in Hattic. the comparison seems reliable. gzan ‘to eat. 59. Chirikba. Lezgh. Burush. WCauc. Lushai fa ‘rice’. 216. *fV ‘to eat’ (possibly < NCauc. too. √ SCauc. šig ‘Speise’. ed-. *ṣu). Burm. porridge’. → Note the similarity between the Hattic and STib. the same process as in Yen. 1985. Иванов. *śi/*ṣi/*ṣu ‘to eat’. tuk ‘to step’. *ʒhaH ‘to eat’ > Tib. Kachin ša3 ‘to eat’. Improbably Иванов. 1985. № 48 compares the Hattic root with WCauc. faʔ ‘to feed with the mouth’.‘to give’ (< NCauc. √ SCauc. *=ăčw > Av. šat2 ‘boiled rice. STib. *=Vt ‘to give’) which is unconvincing. to eat’ > Av. *ʔVV (~ -:-) ‘to drink’. Basque *eući ‘to take. *čʷV ‘to take. to keep?’ = Hitt. Иванов.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 365 → Note the simplification *štɦ. coverlet’ which is less satisfactory both semantically and phonetically. to take’. *=VV ‘to drink. 1994. to bring’. ćah ‘to eat’. seize. 1985. tu ‘to eat’ = Hitt.‘to eat’ > Ket sī ‘to eat’. № 41 compares terah with NCauc. rice for eating’. Tib. sogo ‘to eat’. Yen.‘to gather. √ SCauc. Tsez. Yug sī ‘to eat’. to gulp. *ĭrqā ‘carpet. envelope’. *=V ‘to eat.‘to drink’. STib. Kott. devour’. *ĆŏH ‘to seize’ > Chin. *=ắčw ‘to take’ > NCauc. Dargwa *=uč. → The Hattic u-vocalism is unclear (cf. run’ > . (-za) da-. grasp’. *=aš(:). + Abaza). za ‘to eat’. 取 *ćhoʔ ‘to take’. tuh ‘to take. roots. and Hattic retain the primary meaning ‘leather covering.

timber’ > Tsez. winter’. √ NCauc. Yen. *sir1. Tsez. šam ‘to hear’ [48]. which is rather common in SCauc. Tib. 秋 *ćhiw ‘autumn’. Lak s:u-t ‘autumn’. Kott. *c:ibirV ‘autumn . šilpaŋ. 1998. beam. isogloss. GIŠ-ru. Girbal. Иванов. timber’ = Hitt. → The nasalization *-w. only: Georg. spring’. 蹟. Yen. *ćek (~ -) ‘to tread. timber’ → Hattic stem contains the suffix -(V)r. to move’. Kott. 63. pole. tumil. 41).-And. Arin šil. heyu-. forms.‘summer’ > Ket śīĺi1. *čɔʔq. *oχ:an (~ *Vχ:ʷan) ‘perch. see Kartet. trample’.in the Hattic form is not quite clear. √ Yen.366 A. see SCC. with a secondary assimilation tumin (also šumin?) ‘rain’ = Hitt. tenbir.‘root’ > Kott. to walk.. Lezgh. → A Hattic–Yen. winter (rainy season)’ > Nakh *sṭab(ʡ)V/ *bʡastV ‘autumn . *cowɨl: ‘autumn’. čāganthagākŋ ‘to run’. 312). but in all likelihood we deal with a chance coincidence here—the same case as Hatt. (ã)ćhags ‘to tread. Lezgh. to rain’) which is unconvincing. ēmbiŕaŋ. Khin. zehar. Dargwa *c:eχ:eni ‘beam.‘to run’ > Ket tɔq-tət5 ‘to run’.in tʷá-x ‘hail’ (x goes back to WCauc. Yug čat-tat5 ‘to trot’. It could be possible both phonetically and semantically (if we single out the frequent suffix -l from the Hattic stem). *t[e]mb-Vĺ. small piece of wood’. *thēmpul. № 56 analyzes the Hattic stem as tu-mil and compares the first element with unclear Ubykh tʷá. Yug sīr. 1985. 1986. (Sal. piece of wood. šurki-. *əxʷə ‘to urinate. √ SCauc. → Note the vocalic similarity between the Hattic and Proto-Yen. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > NCauc. STib. *wim-a‘rain’ (South Kartv. Klimov.dbf. Basque *asaro ‘November. > Chin. 跡 *ćek ‘footprints. Av. -ʁ) ‘chip. cuwa-ž ‘autumn’. Megrel. Note an occasional retention of *m in Yen. WCauc. *wēχV ‘stick. trample’ > Chin. *s:ɨbə(rV) A ‘autumn’. zihar ‘(building) wood. log. chip . čaganthak ‘running’.) autumn’. 162 compares tumil with Kartv. *ć:ə (~ *ə) ‘autumn . *cōjwlɦV ‘autumn. lan- . wood. Arin ēmbirgaŋ. tup (probably not štup) ‘root’ = Hitt. *wim. The nominal ĺ-suffix is not rare in Yen. *iχ: (~ -ɨ-. but the comparison cannot be rejected.‘to rain’. Laz. 62. crossbeam’.> -m. (for such a “non-disappearing” *m in Yen. Kassian [UF 41 STib. winter’. Such a dissimilation uw > um is a good parallel to a similar phenomenon of Hittite morphonology. and regular cluster simplification in Hatt. 64. thempul.

mauš-. zehar with the Adyghe–Kabardian compound *č:-ɣə ‘tree’ < WCauc. drop’. √ STib. ćhip ‘poison’. *n. isogloss. *ɦmVjwĂ ‘sour’ + *=wVn ‘to be sufficient. For Hattic secondary z < t before i see the phonetic section above. *cp (~ ć-) ‘bitter.is the most natural solution here. The proto-form with the initial *t-/ ṭ. *A ‘male. *də(ʔ)q. 1994. + WCauc. kurkufenna ‘wooden stand (vel sim. look. Kachin ǯap2 ‘to be hot. zipina with the WCauc.) in rituals’ [40’] vs. 423. cf.and (in the case of Yen. *s-/ś-/š-.(~ *dək. especially in the NCauc. № 72. → An important Hattic–Yen..can originate from SCauc. pungent’ > Burm.?) ‘to fall’ > Ket dʌkŋ 5. The original meaning of Adyghe–Kabardian *č:-ɣə was probably ‘acorn’ (see Caucet. Untenably Браун.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 367 guages. *Hă(r)ǯwī (~ -ē) ‘a k. testiculus’ (< NCauc. Although the Hattic suffix -na is not entirely clear.. Иванов. 66. For -(V)r cf. 20 (Hatt. → An interesting Hattic–STib. 1985. zipina ‘sour’ (substantivized?) = Hitt. proto-form *łVkVrV / *rVkVłV. 1996. Yug dʌkŋ. *=[a]rkVr ‘to fall’ and STib. who compare Hatt. male’). branch. The Hattic word might have been borrowed into Hurrian as a cultic term. g. sour’ (< NCauc. huku-r ‘to see.). and double metathesis in STib. məǯap3 ‘red pepper’. isogloss. Yen. Иванов. ćap ‘to be hot. peppery’. of pastry used in rites)’ (GLH. EMṢU. . pungent. 65. and Chirikba. (Bogh. proposing the SCauc. of tree’ (< NCauc. which is possible only theoretically: we must suppose assimilation ł-r > r-r in NCauc. e. 1985. 1985. Lushai thīp ‘to smart. enough’) smart is not persuasive phonetically. For the suffix -na cf. *lĭwŁĔ / *Łĭwl ‘man. 305). the analysis zipi-na seems natural. *:ʷə ‘a k. *də(ʔ)q. of tree’) + WCauc. № 81 compares Hatt. *d. *ʔ-tone) from SCauc. be bitter (as egg-fruit)’. compound *ʷV-ʷV ‘to get sour. *l-/ł-. zik with an unclear Ubykh double-morphemic form. Hatt. √ Yen.) NINDAzippinni ‘(a k. Semantically unpersuasively Иванов.dbf). pungent’. *t-/ ṭ-. *k(h)rīl (~ -ł) ‘to fall. zik ‘to fall’ = Hitt. Sccet. kurkupal ‘peg’ [39’] (if -nna < -lna) and maybe tafarna ‘lord’ [52]. Hurr. notice’ [13]. № 73 compares Hatt.dbf #865 with doubts connects Yen.‘to fall’ to NCauc.

forms with NCauc. STib. and Браун. 5. an ‘to come (here?)’. *čəʔ-ŋ ‘rock’ > Ket tɨʔś. root as *wV ‘stone’) which seems theoretically possible. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’. Lak c:u. + WCauc. čʌʔŋ. *pə-zV ‘female. Synchronically *-s in Yen. Probably *hejVŋ developed from Early Proto-Yen. 29). 2’. *ʔwVʔwVŋ < *ʔVʔwVŋ (SCC. *=VʔwVn ‘to go’ > Nakh *ʡo-. 1985. Yug ejiŋ1 . № 83 (Hatt. pah. Yen. female’ > Nakh *psṭuw ‘wife. ana ‘come (here?)!’ = Hitt. Urart. Similarly Иванов.-And. HUR. (Sal) grandmother’. Lak na-.dbf #140 unites Yen. ziš ‘mountain’ = Hitt. Av. Tsez. ah and/or fah (waah. *=VʔVn-. *né. 雌 *ćhej ‘female’. *wV ‘small stone’ (reconstructing the SCauc. un-. > Chin. set in order.-And. Hurr. paradigm is the result of a secondary morphological reanalysis. *=ʔ-.2 Loans. pl. *sʷə(mə)V ‘woman’).–Burush. *wjV (~ sṭ-. šeŋ.‘to come’. -ŋ) ‘to go’. ehu. princess’. to command’. Sccet.SAG. *pə-zV). *wŏjV (~ --) ‘woman. but probably the Yen. *:ʷijV ‘female’. and Burush. Arin kes. STib. dai-.‘to walk (go)’. wah) ‘to set.‘female’. + East Cauc. + incorrectly WCauc. *ʔʷă (s-. → Hattic -tu is the “female” suffix -t(u)/-š(u). Kott. pl. zuwa-tu ‘wife’ or rather ‘concubine’ = Hitt.368 A. dubia. *čɨʔs may be a singulative suffix (cf. šīš. *ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone. cf. . √ SCauc. √ SCauc. *hejVŋ ‘to go’ > Ket ējeŋ1 / ɛjeŋ5 . but not very apt either semantically or phonetically. DAM. pl. Kott. *=Vʔwŋ ‘to go. imp. Burush. mountain’ > Yen. → A Hattic–Yen. isogloss. hejaŋ. travel’ > NCauc. bitch’. tʌʔŋ / tʌŋa:n3. Basque *e-oHa-n ‘to go’. (ein)ordnen. 68. Kassian [UF 41 67. WCauc. and roots without etymology 1’. čʌŋa:n3 ‘rock’. Basque *a-ćo ‘old woman. Av. pl. 19 (Hatt. 1994. √ SCauc. ‘setzen. Burush. nun. Yug čɨʔs. befehlen” = Hitt. the protoform of plural). watarnahh-. kit. ~ --) ‘female’ > NCauc. Pump. *čɨʔs ‘stone’.

*mōr[Ł]V ‘male’ > NCauc. ehu. 1983.‘to drink’. 1985. Chirikba. 7. № 82 unconvincingly analyzes Hatt. Lezgh. hamuruwa ‘beam. ašti or šti ‘bird’ = Hitt. one can see a compound haipina-mul here. note the retention of *m. 1996. haiweenamul) ‘manhood. Иванов. *aw ‘to come’(?) in awa ‘come here!’ = Hitt. root *pʷa (~ p:-. which is unparalleled by the Sino-Caucasian daughter proto-languages. although the initial m.‘to drink’). quote the Abkhaz–Abaza compound *qʷǝ(m)bǝlǝra ‘beam over the hearth. *=āmʒŬ.ÙR. For its first part cf. Hattic shows the phonetic development *ʔw > . Chirikba. toaster’.and the “masculine” suffix -(i)l. *mōrŁV ‘male (subst. ‘(Dach)balken’ = Hitt. In this case the second part -mul may correspond to: SCauc. comparing zu with WCauc.‘to drink’ corresponds to ECauc. GIŠ. timber’). the well-attested noun haippin with an unknown meaning (probably abstract. 6’. 4’. On the other hand. LÚhakazue-l ‘drinker. courage’ = Hitt. male. ʷ) ‘wood. STib. hero’. Phonetically unsatisfactory.in Hattic -mul in the non-initial position. MUŠEN. WCauc. denoting some wooden instruments. LÚ-tar. *=āmśd ‘milk. male child. 1996a. → The stem is apparently derived from the Hatt. 1999. 164–165. used in compounds. haifenamul (haipinamul. № 5 compares Hatt.in an inherited root is unlikely. > Chin. 7’. ‘кравчий’ = Hitt. derived from fin ‘child. Dargwa *marga ‘male’. rafter’. noun kazue ‘bowl’ [32’] (< Semitic) with the frequent prefix ha. Иванов. then perhaps ha-muru-a with the nominal prefix ha-. -) ‘birch . 1985. *zwA. 423. hakazuel as ha-ga-zu-el. ‘to milk’. Ардзинба. see Soysal. *morƛ:ɨl/*uorƛ:ɨl ‘man. 牡 *m(h)(r)ūʔ ‘male animal’. LÚeguttarra.)’ > Nakh *mār ‘husband’. further to SCauc. 170. It is self-suggesting to single out the “masculine” suffix -l: haipinamu-l. According to Caucet. going back to NCauc. to milk’. hamuruwa with the WCauc. pišnatar. timber’ (< NCauc. which theoretically can be the source of borrowing .dbf. cross-beam’. brave man. If so. 3’.(< egu. 5’.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 369 → If the comparison is correct. 59. *mħĕrqwĕ (~ -ʕ-. virility. *zwA. → Morphologically opaque. son’). In their turn. → If genuine Hattic. fn.

1997. timber (in construction of house. WCauc. AN. Nuzi) amrû ‘beam. know’.’ see an extended discussion in Martirosyan. 10’. → The same word is found in Hittite (habalki ‘iron’) and Hurrian (habalgi/ abalgi ‘iron’). (D)hanfašuit ‘Throne-goddess. *ʔalga(n). → An unclear compound. → Cf. borrowed probably via Hurrian intermediation. 399 f. On similar Grk. throne’ = Hitt.‘to say.. *ga. CAD A2. abalgi ‘iron’ < Hatt. Turk. 78) probably via Hurrian with the same loss of h. Hurr. 17. *gʷVl-. parzillu ‘iron’. SCauc. *ħānħV ‘fat’. Ugar. MAss. *xg[w] instead of *g[w] and treat -ti in the Hattic form as a suffix of unclear nature. LÚhantipšufa ‘cook’ = Hitt. to pronounce solemnly’. *hana in hanal. hapalki ‘iron’ = Hitt. Lezgh.33 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 33 Cf. If genuine Hattic. where in all likelihood it should be regarded as a Hattic loanword. GIŠDAG. habalginnu ‘a k. reconstruct SCauc. *köper ‘id. **palki ‘iron (ore?)’ was borrowed as Luw. bridge’. Dargwa *=[a]lgwVn. fn. Arm. *=alg[w]Ăn > NCauc. LÚMUHALDIM. 8’.BAR. The comparison is possible. if we reject the STib. The Hattic terminus technicus was borrowed as Akkadian (OB. cf.. see below sub kinawar ‘copper’ [34’] for detail (for the first time the idea about the . parallels. hapalki ‘id. Lak =uk:i-. Dubious STib. 12’. 351ff. ship)’ (CDA. 2010. dam.370 A. Valério / Yakubovich. hanti (hant?) ‘to summon up?’ =? Hitt. kul. look. *khān (~ *gh-) ‘to see. forthc. γέφῡρα (~ β-.-And. Kassian [UF 41 of the Hattic term. δ-) ‘dyke. kamurǰ ‘bridge’.) that reflects the same term. of metal’ (Reiter. brḏl ‘iron’. etc. → Apparently a compound: hanfa-šuit.’ [12’]. GIŠhalmaššuitta-. *=alg[w]Ăn ‘to speak’ > Av.‘to summon up’. then probably ha-palki from the hypothetical root *palk. who tentatively propose that Hatt. parza ‘iron ore’ and subsequently the Luwian form was adopted by neighboring Semitic dialects: Akkad. hanail. Further cf. 15 . 9’. hanau ‘food?’ → Cf. galliš.as observed in Hurr. NCauc. 11’.

dbf (following Vjač. 35 For meaning shifts in names of metals cf. 174 f. hapalki. It should be noted. The theory of the Hattic origin of the Luwian term seems rather vague. Starostin. in all likelihood we deal with a late reanalysis here (ha-palki). Ivanov’s theory about a particular relationship between Hattic and WCauc. On the other hand.‘iron’ (on this stem see HED K. Hatt. blue copper carbonate’. 224 ff. from my point of view). pa/pa3-ra-ku. pa/pa3-ra-ku is. lapis lazuli. labialized lateral affri––––––––––––––––––––––– relationship between Hatt. cf. (Luwoid) kiklu(b)-/kikli(b). z can be theoretically explained within the Proto-Luwian process IE *ḱ > Anat. ‘metal + red’ (reconstructed on the basis of Adyghe–Kabardian *ʁʷapλá ‘id. is virtual Luw. *kinnar (see below sub zinar ‘lyre’ [118’]). Grk. favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. ku-wa-no. but Казанскене / Казанский. palatalized labialized lateral fricative *ʷ > Hatt. also Hatt. however. 1975. In any event. hapalki is quite unclear (clusters like /lkV/. the only idea we can discuss is the loan of WCauc. are totally unsupported by other data. but this etymology is rather hypothetical likewise. barraqtu ‘emerald’. lit. Another problem case is Myc. κύᾰνος ‘dark-blue enamel. 1986. compound *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’. *maʷV with the WCauc. *Iʷə-pəə ‘(red) copper’. βαρακίς · γλαύκινον ἱμάτιον ‘bluish-grey cloth’.rendering *Iʷ.and -lk. palatalized uvular fricative *Iʷə > ki and WCauc. Despite the fact that the morphological and phonetical relationship of Myc. . *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ was independently borrowed as Hitt. GIŠkišhit‘chair. since the West Caucasian origin of the Hattic term seems very probable. Note that aside from parza.35 WCauc. lhip). 66 propose the meaning ‘iron’. pa/pa3-ra-ku and Hatt. hapalki to the Proto-WCauc. 1997 / 2007. kešhi without the assibilation.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 371 On the other hand. Indeed the development ki > Luw. ‘smaragd. where the palatalized lateral fricative * is rendered by Hatt. not as ra-kV) Kazansky’s idea has been accepted by some scholars. 34 On the phonetic shape of the reconstructed WCauc. if we accept Yakubovich’s theory about the borrowing from Hattic into Luwian. that WCauc.34 Since the proposed phonetical correspondences between Hattic and ProtoWCauc.rendering the lateral affricate --)”. however. *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ > Hattic/Hittite/Hurrian. the only case where we can suspect ki > Luw. etc. which is phonetically a more probable candidate for the source of borrowing of hapalki despite semantic difference: WCauc. ha-palki and the Semitic words was proposed in Ancillotti. **zinar ‘lyre’ < WSem. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar’. but the change l > r is unmotivated (the late toponymic evidence with the fluctuation l~r can hardly prove anything here. *ḱ > Luw. χap/walki (with χVw. lki (cf. and discussion) with alternative rendering of “exotic” phonemes: WCauc. Hitt. *Iʷə-ʷV see esp. kinawar ‘copper’ [34’] ~ Grk. /rkV/ must be rendered as kV in Linear B. 711–712 (the discussion with Chirikba).) connects Hatt. z. lit. see Melena. w. 1987. ‘metal + blue’: “it seems very tempting to relate *Iʷə-ʷV to the attested Hatti name for ‘iron’. malhip ‘good. but without phonetic explanation due to the lack of the Luwian link).’).). Caucet. throne’ < Hurr. kuwanna(n) ‘copper (ore)’ ~ Myc. Luw. Akkad. whose old conjunctural translation is ‘silver’. An alternative and more probable interpretation of Myc. lit. z in a loanword. bluish-grey’ (Hsch. connecting pa-ra-ku to Hatt. languages have another form.

Kun Chang. 1985/ 2007. which can be tentatively reconstructed on the basis of Ubykh wə-sʷá ‘id. hatti in Hitt. hir ‘to allocate.. Grk. Kassian [UF 41 cate *ʷV > klu(b). lit. but the fricativization SCauc. to administer’ = Hitt. Hdt. SCauc. *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ also (as per Старостин. hatti-li ‘in Hattian language (adv. Arin ḱit. which corresponds to Lat. *kʷo-χ:al (~ -ol). → Cf. → The connection is possible. Tsez. *kwnVṭV (/ *ḳwnVtV) > Nakh *ḳanat ‘young man. also as an appellative ‘hardened iron. Lezgh. √ SCauc. kārum Hattuš). sleeve’ > NCauc. Thai *hlek ‘iron’. but its semantically more preferable source seems WCauc. *kʷinṭa ‘husband . 304. shout’ > Nakh *ʡaχ-. Balto-Slav. → Semantically very tempting (cf. this term may independently originate from WCauc. person’ > Ket kɛʔt (also as self-designation of Kets). Yen. Arin karam-pat ‘elbow’. manus ‘hand’. *χĕłHe (~-a) ‘sleeve’ > Av.-And. Hattic (adj. *=aχ-. 14’. h seems irregular (the same concerns the simplification of the NT-cluster).Pr. *Iʷə-pəə ‘(red) copper’ (‘metal + red’). maniyahhis a factitive verb from the unattested nominal stem *mani-. etc. who was famous for the preparation of steel). her. assign. see Старостин.-And. *k > Hatt.)’ Exoethnonym ‘Hattians’ used by the Hittites (as well as the Old Assyrians: cf. № 49). χαλκός (Myc. Av. μάρη ‘hand’. pronounce’. ‘metal + white’. *Iʷə-λʷV ‘copper. *χäla (~ -l:-). to entrust..372 A. √ SCauc. *[k]wn[ṭ]V ‘man’ > NCauc. *xɨre ‘arm’ > Ket ĺ. . *HarχU ‘to sound. Lak ka-χ:a. male’. *HarχÚ ‘to speak. tapariya-. especially the Ket ethnonym).’.‘to cry out’. Yen. etc. *χłHé ‘arm. *Iʷə-λʷV ‘(white) copper’ (‘metal + white’)—spread all around Eurasia: cf. Av.‘iron’. also as an enclitic particle of direct speech = Hitt. 1972. shout’ > NCauc. Kott. Then the word penetrated (via Hittito-Luwians?) into Ancient Greek as Χάλυψ / Χάλυβος—the Chalybes (a tribe in north Anatolia. to hand over. 15’. bronze’. -wa(r). 304 (№ 49).. *geleǵ. halzai. steel’ (A. if we assume for the Hattic verb the same meaning shift as attested in the Hittite counterpart maniyahh-: Hitt. hu ‘to exclaim. terms discussed above—*IʷəʷV ‘iron’ (‘metal + blue’). kit.-And. boy. perhaps a self-designation of Hattians. assign. 13’. As for Grk. Pump. ĺi1 ‘arm’. ka-ko) ‘copper’.). *keʔt ‘man. maniyahh-. 1985/2007. hit.). Eventually one or more of the three WCauc. hero’.

)?’. Kott. 1996. Untenably Браун. Kabardian ʡa. also Yen. Chirikba. cf. 17’. *huxV. root with WCauc. As is truly noted by proponents of the Hattic–WCauc. 1985.(~ x-) ‘many’ ~ STib. *ha-n. SCauc. 謂 *wəts ‘to say. Probably an onomatopoeic expressive root with an unclear loss of the final cluster *rχ in Hattic.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 373 *=eχ.‘to call’ Basque *ean ‘to say’. g. 2002. speak’. *=xV (~ *xHV) ‘word’ (> STib. however. Burm. cognates. hut ‘to get free. *χʷV ‘to shout’. 267 f. *Ia.D)INANNA. Lezgh.). *raχa-.. *qäʔG ‘word’). № 8. Браун.> Hatt. nini(n)k.‘to set in motion’. Yen. *jṓn ‘all’. 21 and Chirikba.(~ -ʁ:-).. . № 9 (see below sub zinar [118’]). hu ‘to speak. cognates). 曰 *wat. but can be included into SCauc. STib. Ubykh a-). *jonHV > Yen. 云 *wən. Yug dūɣ. shout’ > Ket dūɣə1. sich bewegen?’ =? Hitt.‘to cry. *k(h)a ‘word’. Improbably Иванов. GIŠ(. Adyghe ʡʷa vs. talk’. theory (e.‘to say’. *hun ‘big?’ in hun-zinar ‘a k. *h-.is known to Hattic. but synchronic y.lacks East Cauc. 1994. which is used both as a verbal root ‘to say. 1996.GAL. that the Abkhaz–Abaza enclitic -ħʷa is the result of a secondary late development in Abkhaz–Abaza. the Hatt.). root is not supported by Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh data. 1985. WCauc. so I suppose that we deal with a chance coincidence here. ‘loskommen. since the particle status of this WCauc. ‘großes? Ištar-Instrument’ = Hitt. 20 (Hatt. *χʷV ‘to speak’ > Chin. *j. 16’. which is probably secondary due to contamination with some other labialized roots (see Abadet. of lyre’. 422). WCauc. + WCauc. move (intr. showing labialization in some daughter languages (Abkhaz–Abaza ħʷa. → Cf. Yen. The comparison with Hattic is possible only if we assume SCauc. It is very likely. 1994. hu also functions as an enclitic particle of the direct speech that strikingly corresponds to the aforementioned Abkhaz–Abaza ħʷa. Alternatively Иванов. *Ia. enough’ (without SCauc. *qo ( ~ *χ-) ‘full. Kachin hɔ ‘to preach’ (an irregular onset in Chin. Burush. hujei ‘shouting’ (a dprefix in Ket–Yug?). 422 compare the Hatt. Heine/Kuteva. Cf. *jw ‘all’ ~ Burush. Typologically such a grammaticalization process ‘to say’ > a quotative exponent is not rare. *ʔōn. tell’ and as an enclitic quotation marker.dbf).

QĀTAMMA. ‘(schwarze) Erde. tittah-zilat ‘throne’ < ‘great’ + ‘seat’. and adv. sand’ ––––––––––––––––––––––– 36 See Kassian / Yakubovich.tagn-. → -l is probably the “masculine” suffix while the rest of the stem seems to be a compound of the pattern “adjective + substantive”. *mV ‘he. inta. *ʔi ‘this’ ~ STib.can be a compound of two SCauc. der Irdische(?)’ = Hitt. A unique case of SCauc. *sel. imallin ‘this (demonstrative pronoun)’. Lushai sual ‘bad. *i. *šVł (~ -) ‘bad . earthly(?)’. dankui. Yug sel/sejl1.‘that’] and SCauc. GIŠ(. → The anlaut spelling iš-pí. be in trouble to others through ill health. 22’. → The element -llin is unclear. *ippi ‘small?’ in ippi-zinar ‘a k. to assault’ > STib. ‘(eben)so. daganzipa-. *wV ‘he. she’ ~ NCauc. in this way’. Erdboden. therefore one can divide it as ištarCazi-l ‘dark earth’ with an unknown sandhi. terrestrial. Yen. imallen. ištarrazi-l ‘(dark/black) earth. demonstrative stems: SCauc. finger’ which is not likely phonetically (see sub zinar [118’]). . conj. to criminally assault (a woman).‘earth’ cf. Double -rr.(~ -r-) ‘bad’ > Ket śēĺ.D)INANNA. comparing ippi with Adyghe–Kabardian ʡa-pa ‘hand.TUR. 20’. *mV ‘(demonstrative pronoun)’] 19’. *mV ‘this.can merely be a graphical representation of /SP-/. ita.‘this’. in dieser Weise’ = Hitt. demonstr. Kachin gəšun3 ‘to coerce.should point to an old cluster. *ś(r)uał > Chin.374 A. *ʔi ‘this’ [> NCauc. hand-lyre’). soil. idaluš UN-aš. wicked. but ima. 21’. 篡 *chrōns ‘take by force. of lyre’. extort. *ʔĭ ‘this’ ~ Burush. sinful. → Иванов. g. Kassian [UF 41 18’. also adv. stem’ [> Yen. SP-cluster? On the other hand. to sufficiently poison (a pool)’. Note that STib. kiniššan. 1985. ‘so. “kleines? Ištar-Instrument” = Hitt. it is natural to single out the “masculine” suffix -l from the Hattic stem: išpe-l. *jmćV ‘earth. naughty. išpel ‘evil man’ = !? Hitt. e. take by force’. *ua should point to an old labial consonant. № 13 translates ippi as ‘finger’ or ‘hand’ (ippi-zinar ‘fingerlyre.36 Cf. SCauc.. usurp’ (< *t-srōns?). ka. 2002 for this orthographic rule in the Hittite cuneiform. that’ ~ STib. SCauc. like. śēĺi1. For the second element -Cazi. ‘in that way(?)’ = Hitt.

ʔere. Burm. if the Abaza glottalization is secondary). 23’. Lezgh. DUD. 1994. As an alternative solution Soysal. Arab. *ĂwnV ‘dark’). *ća ‘great. Yen. -ʒ-) ‘damp sand’ ~ Basque *hauć ‘ashes’].dbf. comparing it with the Abkhaz–Abaza preverb *ṭa. *ʔa-j[a]k (~ x-. good’. Both solutions do not seem probable. benefit’. to lead’. comparing Hatt. Kachin (H) tiŋ-ǯa ‘great’. Hebr.dbf).2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 375 [> NCauc.(or *ə-ta-. etc. *ṗə-źA ‘clean.(~ x-.originates from the Abkhaz– Abaza verbal stem *ə-ṭa. yah ‘sky’ = Hitt. *xQw-claster). Abadet. ajakan. yah ‘sky’ with WCauc. to put.dbf. ćhe ‘great’. ʔarḍ. *=äƛĔw ‘to lie.‘on the ground’. see Semet. → Cf. Иванов.. Basque *onća ‘well. STib. the same phonetic process r +  > rr in Hittite. *ʔič:V. *(mV)-rəʁa ‘sun’ (< NCauc. pl. ajak. Иванов. Иванов. 365 proposes quite a different analysis: is-ta-araz-il ‘earth’ from *araz ‘earth’.SIG5. Kott. 56 and Chirikba. 112 attempts to connect Hatt. *wirĂ ‘sun’) which is improbable phonetically. Ugar. izzi ‘favorable. Athabaskan) *jā ‘sky’.‘to lie’ < NCauc. 1985. *ʷə ‘good’ (maybe < NCauc. 24’. -g) ‘thunder’ > Ket ēkŋ1 / ɛkkiń5 / ɛkŋ5. 414 unpersuasively single out an element (i)šta-. also in Dizzištanu ‘god of the Good Day’ < izzi ‘good’ + eštan ‘sun. 1985. . Yug ekŋ1. nebiš. + WCauc. Браун.‘good’. erṣetu. 2002. where *ə goes back to Common WCauc. *VndV (~ -m-) ‘black. arzili. № 40 analyzes it as išta-razil and compares išta with WCauc. *-g should originate from SCauc. 20 (Hatt. big’ > Tib. → Not quite reliable in view of too general semantics. comparing ištar with NCauc. 1985.‘tin’. A more plausible cognate could be Na-Dene (Eyak.)’. Soysal. № 80 compares Hatt. № 15 compares Hatt. *hõže (~ -ž:-) ‘well. *mĭʒV ‘sweet’). √ SCauc. 1994. Браун. all right’. is-ta-arazil to Hitt. The comparison is phonetically acceptable (Yen. 20. In this case cf. big’ > NCauc. but semantically too far. day?’ [5] = Hitt. 2006. good’). *jōmćV ‘earth. good. dark’. *ʡV(n)ǯV ‘good’ > Tsez. *ʷa ‘black’ (< NCauc. alternatively he segments it as ištar-azil. 2004. ćah ‘to be big (compared to smth. Probably *ṭa. *ʡV(n)ǯV ‘good. 1996. sand’ ~ Yen. izzi with WCauc. *ə. *araz with Proto-Semitic *ʔar‘earth’ (Akkad. see Caucet. ýrṣ. Untenably Браун. *ʔeʔǯ.

ŠE. kade—NCauc. kait ‘grain’ is a Hurrian loanword. 158 f. 28 propose a NCauc. t and NCauc.. perhaps Hurr. however. *VχwV (~ Ł-) ‘rake’]. Suid.dbf).].can hardly be related here. Hsch. karm.. *k:ʷač:ə (~ -c:-)). pick?’ (DUL. etymology for Hurr. *o ~ Hatt. *qečV. The Hattic word has been borrowed from some West Semitic form going back to WSem. № 18.‘roast barley’ (κοδομεία ‘barley-roasting’ [Poll. lit. see GLH. As fairly noted in Haas/Thiel. of vessel’. see CDA.]) or Hsch. ku-re-ku ‘a k.And. obscure Lyc.]. corn.-And. 149). scrape’ (derived from hah(ha)r(a). kait ‘grain. > Hitt. Phot. (see Semet.. hahhariya. further probably to Akkad. In view of this I tend to suppose that Hatt. The correspondences NCauc. κοδομεῖον / κοδομήϊον ‘vessel for roasting barley’ [Poll. Cf. A χθθα. -εύτρια. Ugar. Mehri karmaym ‘mountain’. Николаев. cf. *kwərV ‘a k. grain-crop’ (also deified) = Hitt. 61 proposes a borrowing Proto-Av. karm ‘vineyard’. + WCauc. w. yay. ai. ‘grain heap’. Diakonoff/Starostin. → Can be a reduplicated stem (kar-kar). Similarly Chirikba. 133) should not be separated from this Hattic stem. Arab.‘rake’). karam ‘wine’. Not to NCauc. NCauc. 37 .dbf. In fact karkar is very similar to Av. κοδομεύω ‘to roast barley’ [Hsch.‘to rake. 23. *Łədwi/*ŁəŁədwi ‘corn’ which seems convincing. *q:Vrχ:V—the second element of the Av. Despite Иванов.‘rake’ cannot be kept apart from these forms either. ‘ruin mound’. 1986. karkar ‘to rake. mound’ (Bab. 1985.‘vine. Poll. 28’. as proposed by Иванов.376 A. Aram. grapevine’ etc. also deified : Dkade-na. karmu ‘heap. → Cf.-And. 135 f. Kassian [UF 41 25’. ––––––––––––––––––––––– The migratory way of this term might be longer. kade ‘grain. 1985. and discussion. ya.37 27’. Cf. halki-. Harsusi kermaym ‘mountain’ with the external Afro-Asiatic cognates. Dargwa *q:Iʷač:. ay ‘to give’ = Hitt.). . barley’ (= Sum. piya-. 2007. WCauc. scrape’ = Hitt. compound *:iχ:ʷVq:Vrχ:V ‘rake’ [where the first *:iχ:ʷV goes back to NCauc.. seem irregular. 1996 (Hatt. 455).]. for which see Afaset. 26’. krm ‘vineyard’. M/NAss. *qHwōǯĀ ‘corn. *karm: Ugar. 1978. of instrument. καδρεμα · σίτου φρυγμός. Neumann. Probably a Wanderwort of unknown origin. 1976. wheat’ (> Tsez. also in LÚfintu-kkaram ‘cupbearer’ → A long ago recognized cultural term. κοδομεύς ‘one who roasts barley’ [Hsch. Pre-Greek κοδο. hah(ha)r(a). Hitt. krk. *ǯ ~ Hatt.

LAM. (see AHw. to drag. 1994. 459). kazza ‘blood red?. A Wanderwort (‘red mineral’)? Soysal. red?’ =? Hitt. Abkhaz–Abaza *qV.‘to pull. kāsu ‘goblet. 1996. portal’ see štip ‘gate’ [49]. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar’. magical?’ = Hitt. LÚkiluh ‘courier-spy’. 454 . racer’ from the Sem. kab(a)li ‘copper’ to this Hattic term.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 377 29’. 164–165.) ḳal ‘light. *=HīqV(r) ‘to pull. fn. which probably contains the root χa (á-χara) ‘to pull. rapid’ (see DUL. take out. HALOT). Hence it might be a WSem. LÚNÍ. katakumi ‘witchcraft. ks ‘id. messenger’. 32’. 33’. → Resembles WSem. 1995 /2007. → For the new translation ‘gate-building’ (not ‘Moon god’. drag’ with the frequent preverb ḳǝl. assuming the development knwr > knpr > kpr. cf. (Bibl.) kaz(z)i/kaši ‘goblet’ (Catsanicos. Cf. *gaǯinV ‘jar. 242 f. 2004. fast riding animal. I am not sure that both unmotivated loss of medial -n. also Hurr.’ etc. cup’. URUDU. Hebr. (D)kašku ‘(deified) gate building. 2004. drag’ originates from NCauc. KI. ḳl ‘courier. → Without doubt the Hattic word relates to Grk.ZU LÚKAŠ4. jug’ by Старостин. (Bogh.38 30’. . loanword with the (Hattic?) h-suffix. kap ‘moon’ [15] above) see Soysal. 22 proposes a typical bringen-Sie-etymology: Abkhaz a-ḳl-χra ‘to take off. 365 tentatively connects Ancient Greek Κύπρος and Hurr. cup’ → A long ago recognized Semitic loanword: Akkad. gatehouse’ = Hitt. sorcery . DUL. alwanzena-. kinawar ‘copper’ = Hitt. which is tentatively compared with NCauc. nimble. kazue ‘goblet. but the origin of toponym Κύπρος ––––––––––––––––––––––– 38 For the Hattic loanword in Hittite Ékaškaštipa. root *ḳll ‘to be quick. 34’. Браун. ‘Läufer-Kundschafter’ = Hitt. 1999. rapid (said of messengers).and change l~r can be so easily accepted. išharweškiya-.). carry away’. 7). something speedy. forms with similar semantics: Ugar. Ugar. but in reality should represent the same areal cultural term (further see Soysal.‘gatehouse.E. 700. 370. 632. carry’. → An unclear compound? 31’.

see also Reiter. bronze’ probably does not exist.) suppose that Alašiya was not an autonym.+) and perhaps from Lin. κύπρῐνος ‘1. 2008. *kʷɨbu A ‘lead’. ALAŠ ‘copper. but an exonym derived from a metal name.was a self-designation of the Cyprus natives. κύπριος ‘of copper’ and so on. was unknown in the Near East. Neu. lit. There are three similar shapes of designations of a “default” metal (copper. The earliest dependable evidence for copper export from Cyprus to Levant as well as to Crete dates back to the early 2nd millennium BC (Knapp. made from the flower of Cyprus. 1997.-And. Some authors (Neu. 4 w. of metal’: Av. 1997. kab(a)li ‘copper’. Kassian [UF 41 requires some additional comments. The similar shift from toponym to metal designation is attested in Latin : cuprium [aes] > cuprum (probably under the Greek influence). 2008. At the same time—especially after the discovery of the Hurrian word kab(a)li ‘copper’—some authors (e. prev. kupr. 356) and starting from this time the island was always associated with copper in the Near East.). 39 . bronze or iron) attested in the Ancient Near East as wandering stems.39 In fact. see Reiter.378 A. 1997. however. I suppose. g.) made an attempt to interpret Κύπρος as “copperland”. cognates (Caucet. see discussion in Knapp. 4) and Tsezian–Avaro-Andian *kʷibV-l‘a k. In Classical and Hellenistic Greek this stem possesses some derivates with the general meaning ‘of Cyprus’: Κύπριος ‘Cyprian’. 76). This stem. Hurrian.. kupr. 2. that the real situation is more complex. lit. whose name continues the aforementioned Hurrian term. 2. but lacks external NCauc. 303 ff. prev. 295 w.. (Andian only) *kʷibV ‘iron’. 1997. B texts (ku-pi-ri-jo/a. 1996).and Egyptian-speaking peoples from the late 3rd to the 1st millennia BC (Knapp. The island name Κύπρος ‘Cyprus’ is known from the most archaic Greek authors (Hom.was a word of the “Minoan” language with whatever meaning used by the Cretans as an exonym referring to the Cyprians and later adopted in this function by the Greeks. and connect Alašiya to cuneiform alaš ‘copper’ or ‘bronze’ attested in a Nuzi vocabulary. Sum. however. KPL in the northern area. whose language is unknown to us. lit. 1. 1997. 166 w. 76 ff. which is well attested both in Tsezian and Andian sub-groups. 2008. Ebla ga-ba-lum ‘copper’ (Neu. Semitic-. Tsez. where the name of Cyprus sounded as Alašiya (Alasiya)—a toponym/ethnonym widely used among Hittite-. It is presented in Hurr. This Greek and Latin development ‘Cyprian’ > ‘copper’ took place very late (the beginning of the 1st millennium AD?) and cannot clarify the inner sense of the island name in question. Two easiest etymological hypotheses about Κύπρος can be proposed : 1.dbf reconstructs its virtual ––––––––––––––––––––––– The earliest exploitation of Cyprus’s copper deposits took place during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC (Knapp. however. made of copper’.

-And. Krebernik. Isolated Modern Svan berež ‘iron’ seems continuing this ancient stem. przl. maybe OEng. Argobba bräd ‘iron’.– Av.– Av. If Hurr. 41 The split of the Chechen-Ingush proto-language occurred ca. Tigre brät ‘iron’.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 379 NCauc. bərat ‘iron’. bræs ‘bronze (also brass?)’ and some others) and.-Arabic isogloss is unrelated to the African terms (the ––––––––––––––––––––––– According to glottochronology.+) ‘bronze’.–Av. who. Bezhta / Gunzib kobo-li-. where these forms are united under Proto-Sem. kabali as inherited etymological cognates.-And. zubar (ME) ‘copper’ (also ‘bronze’?). kabali and Tsez. *kwiwV (~ -ē-. plausibly adds a number of European attestations (Latin ferrum ‘iron’. Ugar. who connects NCauc. The bulk of the Semitic forms was analyzed by Rendsburg. however.‘iron (ore?)’ (attested in derivates. and Phoen. the foreign oblique marker can have been interpreted by Hurrians as a native suffix. kabali > Tsez. see Hinz/Koch. protoform as *kwiwV (~ -ē-. Chechen borzanan ‘of bronze’ (the word is unattested in the Batsbi language.. uncertain: /a/ vs. and in the Ethiopian branch—Geez bərt ‘copper.. 2100 BC (see fig. Godoberi kubi-la-. the virtual Proto-Nakh form could be *borza-n41). Sum. bräd ‘iron’. Arab. Karata kuba-l-). burt. ZABAR.dbf). 1273. brḏl. but I am not sure that it is justified for such a cultural term. (OB+) bi/ertu ‘Band.40 2.-And. 1987.. guesses about the connection of PRZ-forms with Semitic forms of the shape BRT ‘iron’ or ‘a metal artefact’: Akkad. OB+). -ali was reanalyzed as an oblique exponent.can be reconstructed at the Proto-Tsez. 2 above). brass’. siparru (OAkk. -b-) and Hurr. the early 2st millennium AD. *bi/urt-. however. forms remains. Additionally the following Nakh forms must be included into this nest: Chechen and Ingush borza ‘bronze’. DUL. in its turn the Tsez. 3. 1982. -b-)). 212 ff. I suppose. *kʷibV-l-. flèche’.‘anneau en fer qu’on passe dans la narine du chameau.-And. Akkad. that we deal with a wandering stem here. ZUBAR (ED IIIb+) ‘bronze’. also Старостин. zabar (ME). and Tsez.-And. brzl.) and various Semitic forms with the meaning ‘iron’: Akkad. /barzillu/. 2006. parzillu (OA. The relationship between Hurr.–Av. ESA frzn (CAD P. brät ‘iron’. 83. The vocalic correspondence between Hurr. see Semet. /ʷi/ which makes the idea of a direct borrowing somewhat suspicious.dbf. ZPR in the southern area: Elam. burat. on the other hand. Luw. where Hurr. *kʷibV is uncertain: -(a)l-i is a Hurrian suffix.–Av. CAD S. 1995 / 2007. 296 ff. ePSD. 1310 . so the oblique stem *kʷibV-l. et qui tient lieu du frein’. kabali was borrowed < Tsez. forthc. root *kʷibV forms the oblique stem in -l among the modern Tsezic and Andian languages (e. although its geographical distribution is rather suspicious and probably the Akkad. *kʷibV-l-. Amharic bərt ‘metal basin’. Fessel’. PRZ in the central and northern areas. 1969). the split of the Tsezian–Avaro-Andian proto-language occurred ca. Harari brät ‘iron’. The opposite scenario looks similar: Hurr. Cf. Gurage brät.‘hache. Aram.-And. if < *fersum. 236 . level. on the one hand. Arab. firzil. g. for this stem see Valério/Yakubovich. Amor. pace Militarev (Semet. parza. Artzi. 632.–Av. 40 . known from some other nominal stems . Hebr.

*uV-LV ‘nut. There is no any positive evidence.). Reiter. walnut’. The only scenario one can suspect is the borrowing of one of the aforementioned stems into “Minoan” language with the meaning ‘copper’. Other shapes like KNBR (Hatt. but somewhere (e. BIRT-forms with the meaning ‘iron’ are also attested among various Cushitic (and Omotic?) subgroups (see Afaset. small stone’. *ʷaʷal ‘nut. *wāw(-łV) ‘grain. and I tend to suppose that bVr (bir) ‘a default metal’ cannot be projected onto the Proto-Afro-Asiatic level. somewhere they can be explained as Ethiopian loans.‘metal’. remains unetymologizable within Luwian or Indo-European (although the l-suffix can be easily explained within the Luwian morphology) and.dbf sub *bir.) are more marginal. Takács. w. The modern state of Afro-Asiatic research. KA. ‘copper’. Sumerian BAR ‘metal’ seems representing the same term.. kitat and? kišat or mere tat/šat ‘to be(come) arrogant’ = Hitt. lit. g. Κύπρος. secondly. ‘bronze’ ‘iron’. hail’ > NCauc. Kassian [UF 41 Ethiopian words can probably be a Coptic loan. Back on Semitic PRZ: Valério/Yakubovich. Luw. Cushitic. egg’ > Av. The stem bVr (standardly bir) itself with the meanings ‘metal’. kuka in the compound zifi-kuka ‘posterity. . descendant’ √ SCauc. Dargwa *IʷaI ‘grain’. None of these sound combinations directly matches Grk. it is rather unlikely phonetically that Ugaritic. seed. sub bjꜣ (with a more accurate analysis and discussion). 294 f. descendants’ (< *zifin-kuka with regular simplification nk > k). however. does not permit to discriminate between interlingual borrowings and inherited cognates.‘metal’ and Takács.-And. EDE 2. 36’.dbf sub *bir. but rather is an African wandering root (the factual absence of this root in the Semitic branch supports such a solution). 1997. parzillu which further was adopted by other Semitic languages where we find PRZL-forms. supporting such a scenario so far. parza-. ‘silver’ is attested in the all African Afro-Asiatic branches (Egyptian.and claim that it was the Luwian stem that served as the source for Akkad. Tsez. see Afaset. egg. 123 ff. EDE 2. Takács. in South Cushitic) they are probably derived by native T-suffixes from the stem bir. 124). κιννάβαρι above) or KBR (Sum. 123 ff. In any case. where zifin [121’] means ‘grandchild. EDE 2. parza. šullai-. forthc.BAR = /zabar/ ‘a metal’/‘bronze’. walnut. where the word underwent some phonetic changes and later became adopted by the Greeks as a name of copper-exporting land. however. *wāwV(-łV) ‘seed. Chadic. propose the meaning ‘iron (ore?)’ for Luw. Phoenician and other Semitic forms originate from the Akkadian word. kinawar ‘copper’ ~ Grk.380 A. grain. however. Omotic). 35’.

Yen. *kej. Ugar. dialects. *=HiqwĀ(n) ‘to bear. *Hrāgw ‘to stay. throne’. Yug xɔksl 5 /xɔksɨl 5. fried eggs. kurkufenna (also kurkupun?) ‘wooden stand (vel sim. 460). kunkuhu. SCauc.)’ = Hitt. hušuwant.). *olo ‘egg . STib. kussû-m. testiculus’. 37’. kurtapi ‘foliage?’ =? Hitt. *kōk ‘grain’ > Chin. 42’. *=argwV-n ‘to stay’ ~ STib. . Burm. xoxdámon. e. Cf. leave’ > NCauc. GU. place’ ~ Yen. Note that it is the only Hattic word. of rice’. g. kussiu-m ‘chair.) in rituals’ = Hitt. 41’. *rak ‘to lay.ZA ‘chair. A metathesis in Hattic? 39’. 38’. GIŠarimpa-. -m. *qoK. kušim ‘throne’ → A long ago recognized Semitic loanword : Akkad. DUL.(~ q-. kuka was ‘seed’. the stem contains the suffix -na (-al-na > -enna). to stand?’ = Hitt.(~ χ-) ‘hail’ > Ket qɔgdəm 5. give birth’ ~ STib. ar-. not from WSem.eš-. *Ki(j) (~ -e(j)) ‘bear. to be born’ > NCauc. g-) ‘to bear. throne’ etc. probably reflecting the Akkadian mimation. kukkuhu (also kunkun?) ‘to be alive (intr. *-´k ‘children’. → From kurkupal ‘peg’ [39’]? If so. (see. → Probably the meaning of Hatt. stool. (GIŠ)GAG. kauk ‘a k. In its turn the Sem. kusim. → Morphologically opaque. in view of Hatt. Nagel’ = Hitt. word has probably been borrowed from Sum. Lushai kok ‘grain’. → Cf. Pump. kurkufenna [40’]. *=Hixqw ‘to bear. → Cf. kur ‘to stay . SCauc. GIŠhappuriya-. kurkupal ‘peg’. to keep alive (trans. to be born’ ~ Burush. 40’. ksÿ ‘seat. give birth’ ~ Yen.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 381 Lezgh.. *ʔākV. 穀 *kōk ‘grain’. which should be treated as a borrowing from the Akkadian language. ‘Pflock.‘to stay’. throne’.

*wēnλwē ‘luck. *=VVn ‘to wash. 46’. malhip ‘good. and so?’. to weep’ ~ STib. cf. 426 follows Ivanov and adds Abkhaz *gʷə-ta ‘centre.‘heart’ + -ta ‘place of’). 49’. temper. As was noted by Chirikba. utensil?’ = Hitt. form possesses reliable external etymology: NCauc. UNŪTEMEŠ. assuming KT > T in Hattic: Yen. Gemüt’. lianu or elianu ‘implement?. № 22. *koqtV (~ g-) ‘the inside. luck’. brazier’. hašša-. conjunction ‘then?. favorable’ = Hitt. 446). very similar to WCauc. kuzan. tete-kuzzan ‘big hearth’ = Hitt. 47’. № 22. *maʷV ‘good. *-hált.‘to wash’).)’ → Cf. loanword. → It is tempting to compare Hatt. stem. 45’. kut with the following Yen. lki. etymologies for ku. 1996. SIG5-in. *=Vŋ ‘to wash’ (> NCauc. mane. comparison seems dubious. lhip. Yug kɔxtɨ6 ‘das Innere’ (Werner. representing WCauc. stem has an atypical shape and should be rather analyzed as *koqtV with an unclear dental suffix. *ƛēŋ (~ -ā-) ‘to wash (by pouring water over). proposing some unconvincing WCauc. The meaning shift ‘to pour’ > ‘to drink’ is typologically possible. 2002 1. ‘dann?.and NCauc. disposition’ > Ket kōqt ‘das Innere. GUNNI. hapalki [12’] for Hatt. where the palatalized labialized lateral *ʷ is rendered by Hatt. Further Ivanov’s cognates (WCauc. Probably a WCauc. 79 unjustifiedly segments the Hattic stem as ku-zan. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’) are not provable. linen cloth’ = Hitt. *ǵʷə ‘heart’ < NCauc. pour. → Иванов. The WCauc. Chirikba. also huzza ‘hearth. good’. aššu. Hatt. conjunction ‘and’. to spill’ ~ Burush. *ăj ‘fire’ for -zan. 44’. 441. kut ‘soul’ = Hitt. SCauc. mai(u) ‘a valuable cloth. SIG5-ant-. → Morphologically opaque. therefore the Hattic–Yen. 1985. GADA. . so daß?’ 48’. *. aššiyant-.382 A. ma. kuzzan. As a matter of fact the Yen. ZI. 1985. 428. Kassian [UF 41 43’. 1996. core’ (*gʷə. also fa. The etymology was proposed by Иванов. lin ‘to drink? (vel sim.

dím ‘gold or silver smith’ ––––––––––––––––––––––– 42 Adyghe mǝλkʷ ‘property. #4). Yen. Of course. imp. Akkad. the stem is a WSem. 50’. chanter. Hebr. Hatt. slash’ = Hitt. ox’. not PÁR. also fu ‘mother. mulk ‘ownership. 272). further cf. mistress (vel sim. GU4. (ED IIIa+) MUḪALDIM ‘cook’ (probably borrowed as Akkad. comparison is possible if we suppose a shortening (the loss of the final consonant) in the Yen. 2009. dai. mṣltm ‘cymbals’ from Sem. mä ‘take!’ in various Mongolic and Turkic languages. allegro forms. as proposed by Vl. one can single out the element -dim (< dím ‘to fashion. + Arabic loanword in Adyghe42). Arin ma ‘tribute’ [the meaning is probably corrupted]). 332 . if one assumes a m-prefixed form (unattested elsewhere) of Common Sem. milluw?) or lup?? ‘bull. alpu ‘bull. fortune’ < Arab. → If the first sign has the phonetic value MAŠ. 51’. 54’.in an expressive lexeme. clown?’ = Hitt. Yug ma. performer)’. Bibl. ýlp ‘(head of) cattle. LÚALAN. also mit?.‘to take (for oneself)’. mǝṣiltajim. 22 quotes a strange Abkhaz form. hašša-. → Cf. piš? ‘to take (for oneself)’. 1994. where. *ʔalp ‘cattle’: Akkad. (SED 2. muhal is rather similar to Sum. mar or kamar ‘to slit.should point to a non-inherited word. 1977 1. mṣl ‘cymbal player’. com. meš.ZU9. 20 (Hatt. LÚmaššel (or LÚparšel) ‘cult performer. Ugar. Purely theoretically can be a Semitic loanword. miš. me.43 Браун. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ (> Ket maʔ /ma. (RS) māṣilu ‘(a musician. loanword: Ugar. mu. millaw?. mis. CAD M1. property’ (Шагиров. ox’ = Hitt.(!) ‘to put’. iškalla-. The Hattic-Yen. Vjač. 586 . ma. lady. and Иванов. 52’.)’ 55’. create’). milup (also milip?. HALOT). standardly forming craftsman names like kug. nuhatimmu ‘cook’ with serious phonetic corruption). miša ‘take (for yourself )!’ = Hitt. comm. 1994. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ can be an areal form.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 383 Untenably Браун. cf. → Initial m. ṣll ‘to clink. 8) advocates a Semitic origin of the Hattic term. 43 On the other hand. bullock’ etc. muh and muhal ‘hearth’ = Hitt. Yen. an exceptional case of preserving m. Ivanov (pers. -za da. . Emelianov (pers. tinkle’ (see DUL. 53’. → Morphologically opaque.). Ugar.

→ The Hattic stem contains the “masculine” suffix -l. *nHǟṭV ‘forehead. The following attestations are known: le-ntel. √ NCauc. *wĭmV ‘witness. fruit?’ 58’. *wĕm ( ~ -x-) ‘eye. → Can hardly be compared with SCauc. *muna in redupl. The root may be nte. muna-muna ‘foundation. Dargwa *ʔant:a. Lezgh. pedestal’ = Hitt. ha-le-lmah. nif (and nf ) or nifaš. *hondV (~ ħ-). *näṭ(a) ‘forehead . 62’. etc. ntel ‘shape. *maṭa ‘forehead’. 56’.‘face. *mjk ‘eye’ ~ Yen. ‘sitzen. *ʔəqa. form. body. Kassian [UF 41 (kug ‘silver’). ente or (with the reduction of the medial vowel in prefixed forms) nite. 421 proposes a monophonemic comparison with WCauc.dím ‘wood carver’ (iš ‘wood’).(> ni-) ‘his’. *naṭa ‘forehead’. lay. eyebrow. etc. WCauc. nfaš ‘to sit’. *ʔĕndū ‘forehead’ > Av. however. nimah and via a contact dissimilation lmah ‘eye(s)’ = Hitt. 61’. the idea of Hattic–Sumerian lexical contacts is unsupported by other data and cannot be discussed in earnest. witness’ (> NCauc. 59’. relating to tree. *sǝ ‘to sit’ which is nor persuasive.dím ‘bow maker’ (pana ‘bow’). true’ ~ STib. also pa?) ‘podium. šamana-. Meaning shifts ‘face’ < > ‘forehead’ and ‘face’ < > ‘body(-frame)’ are wellattested cross-linguistically. face’ > Tsez. Or alternatively to NCauc. paššu-. cheek’).-And. 1996. At the present stage of research. iš. zi-ntil(-) = Hitt. fa (waa. → Chirikba. šakuwa. Lak niIṭa ‘face’. eyelash’. stand’ = Hitt. sich setzen’ = Hitt. eš-. ešri-. waa) ‘to put. 60’. *-moq. body-frame’. pana.cannot be explained as the possessive prefix le/li.384 A. muš or muša ‘smth. Note that the Hattic onset ni. 57’. . base. bed stone’ = Hitt. dai-.( ~ -χ-) ‘to be visible’ ~ Burush. fa (pa. since the known attestations explicitly contain this possessive morpheme: li-nimah.

451). Dwaašil. *faš(i) in Dwaašul. Lezgh. 68’. *ḳŭnʡV ‘handle’). Mong. Dwaašiul ‘(deified) fecundity. big bird’ > Nakh *mɦāqqVl ‘kite’. *bAlka. 67’.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 385 63’. → Probably onomatopoeic. waawaah-šul ‘in eagle-fashion’ = Hitt.+]. -qq-. Dargwa *barɣʷi. grandfather’. πέλεκῠς ‘two-edged axe. wakku-pakku ‘hammer’ = Hitt. battleaxe’ [Hom. → Onomatopoeic? 65’. WCauc. . conjunction ‘and. -gg-) ‘spindle’ are certainly unrelated here. paraśú. Unlikely Иванов. atta-. so. *ḳʷə ‘handle’ (< NCauc. WCauc. then’. A universal nursery stem PaPa ‘father’/‘mother’. waawaaya. *uħālGV ‘a bird of prey. waal-waal or waal-waal-at ‘(verbum dicendi)’ =? Hitt. NCauc. 1985.dbf). Lak waIrq:u ‘magpie’. Turk. ‘axe. → If one assumes the reduction of the medial vowel and strange simplification lK > K.‘axe’ (> OInd. GIŠNÍG. *paluka. Dargwa *waIrq:. *bəʁIa ‘eagle. kite’. mema-. fafaya (waappaya. Striking similarity between NCauc.m. Hatt. (OB+) pilakku (~ -a-. *babaj ‘father. → Cf. namma. *babVju ‘father’. irregular correspondences between NCauc. *babajV ‘father. pakku-paku. *fal in redupl. *baba (~ p:) ‘grandfather’. BALAK ‘spindle’ and Akkad. of aromatic woody plant or its product’ = Hitt. the same as NCauc. ? aššu. 66’.GUL.‘good’. NCauc. Lak burg. conjunction = Hitt. NB: Sum. *babajV and Hatt. *blVgwi ‘hammer’ (> Nakh *barVg. 69’. Lezgh *p:ul[k] . iyatar tametar ‘fecundity and abundance’. -ma. 64’. haranili. and Altaic *pằluk῾V ‘hammer’ (> Tung. GIŠparnulli-. *fafah ‘eagle’ in wapah-šul. see Altet. -(y)a. for Iranian data see Абаев 1. papaiya?) ‘father’ = Hitt. plenty’ = Hitt. abundance. parnulli ‘a k. Cf. fala. Grk. Tsez.‘magpie’. where the Hattic root is compared with WCauc. grandfather’ > Nakh *babV (~ -ā-) ‘grandfather’. *faku in redupl. № 61. faku can represent a proto-Wanderwort of unknown origin. fama. nu. daughter languages in the cultural word). *haluka. fafaya may speak for a contact nature of the Hattic stem. IE *peleu. battle-axe’ [RV+].

while the root *sA goes back to NCauc. LÚSAGI. On the other hand. 2) WCauc. however. comparing it with the WCauc. *puʔb ‘son’. > Hatt. *=HrjśĒ ‘thick. + WCauc. vapour’). Since the Hattic morphological system has no counterparts of the WCauc. pašun. *Poj (~ -u-) ‘to bear. *beʔjiŋ ‘light’ + Yen. to breathe’ (Nakh *sa ‘soul’. → Unfortunately the meaning of the Hattic stem cannot be established with certainty. and Chirikba. STib. wiin. 1994. . 424 (Hatt. 2009. ween) ‘child. there are some WCauc. Иванов. Cf. ‘Weinschenk. spirit’. Kassian [UF 41 → Note the “masculine” suffix -l in the Hattic stem. *pHV ‘son. 20. fan’ [43].. SCauc. *pəsA). See Браун. pintu-kkaram ‘cupbearer’. 73’. 1994. one can guess only about the borrowing WCauc. Ugar. thick’ from the noun *pəśə. = Hitt. in this case.(a former class exponent?). fašun? ‘breath? . daughter’ (> WCauc. from which Yen. and STib. e. Abkhaz–Abaza adjective *pəśə-la ‘fat.). Браун.and the common NCauc. child’).).is a frequent WCauc. *pəsA ‘soul. dense. bīnu. nephew’) were derived. 72’. Cf. paštae. *bin ‘son’ (Akkad. god’. 19. bn etc. + WCauc. prefix *pǝ. containing the same prefix *pə. *pa ‘son’. → A compound of karam ‘wine’ [27’]. prefix. soul? .‘to get tired’. pen. If f(a)šun indeed meant ‘breath /soul/lung’. *s:uh. breath . *puʔn ‘daughter’. Иванов. fin. ZI. 70’. fen (pin. № 44 treats the Hattic root as šul. 1985. puš-an ‘to blow on.-ɨ) ‘sky. suffix *pǝ-). but the borrowing of such a basic term from Semitic is very unlikely proceeding from general reasons. where *pə. to get tired . son’ = Hitt. (Ket) beńśiŋ5 ‘lung’. form of a very similar phonetic shape: 1) WCauc. *ʡămsa (~ -ə. g. Ivanov. Lak s:iħ ‘breath. bludgeon (vel sim. usually explained as a late compound of Yen. Not probable. it is possible to see an old Semitic loanword here (as per Vjač. dbon ‘grandson. DUMU. it finds an interesting parallel in Yen. 1996. *pəśʷA ‘to breathe. 1996. to die’. soul. Av.-And. pšun. cloud . also Hatt. *seŋ ‘liver’. On the other hand.)’ 71’. 424 (Hatt.‘fat’ (< NCauc. fat’ with the frequent WCauc. 8): Sem. *fintu ‘?’ in LÚwiintu-kkaram. and Chirikba. pšatae (pšattai) ‘cudgel. lung?’ =? Hitt. which is. root *sĭHwV ‘breath. → Cf. which is analyzed as pə-sA.386 A. Mundschenk’. *PVn (> Tib.

*-ih-.-And. to act’. Note the similarity between WCauc. WCauc. iya-. 1994. 1985. 20 (Hatt. Urart.). № 4. Lak =a-. *ʔaʔa(r)-. kid) out (on a flat surface for sacrifice)’ = Hitt. palzahai-. 77’. Kott. to divide. puli. → Untenably Браун. kiš-.. pip ‘stone’ = Hitt. bgjid ‘to make. *=Vw-. and Chirikba. to do. *wǯ. *wə). STib. Yen. → Probably derived from wet. Tib. to work’. GA. № 67 quotes enigmatic Proto-East Caucasian *uintV ‘sour milk’ without references. make’ > Ket bɛ:ŕi 4. 1996. 78’. witanu ‘cheese’ = Hitt. 1985.(~ b-) ‘to do. Yen. Lezgh. cf. Khin. Tsez. ‘Feuer(stelle/-stätte)’ = Hitt. eš-. and Hattic forms. act’. Иванов. u/or. putu or put? ‘to stretch (a sheep. wij ‘to divide. √ SCauc. . *=ăhwV(r) ‘to do’ > Nakh *=a-. → Cf. → Phonetically unclear. 419 (Hatt. 79’. to manufacture. Yug bɛ:h. Av. 76’. STib. pupišet ‘fire…’.‘to make.KIN. A suffixation in Hattic? 80’. to distribute’. Cf. Kiranti *b(h)ó(-ks) ‘to be’. forthc. NA4. happen’ = Hitt.IZI[…] or rather KA. pule.IZI ‘mouth of fire’ = ‘fire pit/location’: see Süel/Soysal. Burm. 75’. do. INIM. + WCauc. paw ‘to appear’. distribute’ > Chin. Arin ša-pi-te ‘I make’. =ar.AG. *wə. + WCauc. pu ‘to do’ = Hitt. wit ‘to be(come) sour/bitter’ [34]. Dargwa */-i-r-. 為 *waj ‘to make. *qʷ[i]ăj (~ ʔʷ-) ‘to make. pwuuli? ‘to become.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 387 74’. put and putu? ‘to be’ = Hitt. *phɨw (~ -i-) ‘to appear’ > Burm. *=ăhwV ‘to do’ > NCauc. lamb.. ba-paj-aŋ. some STib. Иванов. Kachin po1 ‘to appear’.

Dargwa *hinc ‘apple’. Hebr. persimmon’. fluctuation t~š reflects a lateral. Burm. medlar’ > Nakh *ħamc (~ -ā-) ‘medlar’. šafat (šāwaat) or mere fat ‘apple-tree’ or ‘apricot-tree’ = Hitt. SIG5-ahh-.44 Theoretically Hatt. GIŠHAŠHUR ‘apple(-tree)’ or ‘apricot(-tree)’. ŝʕr ‘to be stormy’ (CAD Š2. while Tabasaran wič ‘apple’ is the result of a late phonetic development with the labialization of the initial laryngeal < *ħäwč < Proto-Lezgh. Иванов. On the other hand. Hurr. *ʷa ‘apple’). + an Abkhaz–Abaza compound). DU. 20 (Hatt. Av. *ćh(r)iH (~ h-) > Chin. 1191) probably relates to Arab. *bVc:ʷV ‘medlar’ here. šaip (or even aip) ‘to make good’ = Hitt. *ʕämćō ‘apple. one can suspect a borrowing from WCauc. It seems more probable that šafat was derived from the verb wet ‘to be(come) sour/bitter’ [34]. (D)taru ‘Storm-god’ (the standard spelling is ša-a-ru and ta/da-aru) = Hitt. WCauc. 1985. *mićíl/*bićíl ‘pomegranate’. . Zizyphus jujuba’. Untenably Браун. air. cf. idalu-. 柿 *hrəʔ ‘Diospyros. *ʔẽš: A ‘apple’. 84’. ʕ. 1994. → Cf.see HWHT. (D)šaru. *ʔimči ‘apple’. HALOT). Lak hiwč ‘apple’. Basque *mahanć ‘grape’. for the prefix ša.+) ‘wind (also mythologized or even deified). Lezgh. with b-prefix *bVc:ʷV ‘medlar’. Tsez. *ħämč. ćhih ‘the jujube. evil’ = Hitt. proto-form is quite unclear. *ħämč ‘apple’. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 44 Deir Alla šr ‘heavy rain’ (HJ. but the Hattic ša-prefix remains unexplained in this case. DIM. *ʕämćṓ ‘a k. 83’.. hinz-uri ‘apple’/‘apricot’.) ŝaʕar ‘heavy gale’. SCauc. but this divine name might be a Semitic loanword : Sem. As a matter of fact. 82’. Untenably Браун. and therefore cannot be compared with Hattic fat in any way. 133 ff. mɨč ‘apple’. Burush. šrr ‘to pour’. while the Hatt. № 6 compares Hatt. Ivanov’s Avar weč ‘apple’ probably does not exist (the correct form is ʕeč). 20 (to WCauc. Despite the semantic similarity. (Bibl. breath’. ŝəʕārā ‘high wind’. of fruit’ > NCauc. → It looks strange.388 A.-And. plene writing can reflect WSem. the phonetic relationship between the Hattic stem and the SCauc. šah (also tah?) ‘bad. STib. *ŝaʕar > Akkad. 1994. HUL-lu-. Kassian [UF 41 81’. fat with some modern East Caucasian forms. Khin. 238. šāru (OAkk.

87’. 871. 2001. ṯr. of stone?)’. Cf. + WCauc. 1977 2. *māčVj ‘boot. 89 f. *ṯawr. *wa ‘sky. of stone?’. šahap. mesṭi etc. (see Абаев 2. 19. šhaw. If the etymology is correct. alhari. #241). 88’.)’ → Found in compounds fula-šne ‘bread offering’ and tefu-šne ‘libation’. 126. Ugar. mucro nasi’ and Arab. der den Göttern zugeeignet ist’.) occurred after the regular anlaut denasalization *m. the consonant metathesis in Hattic (the same process as in Proto-Lezgh. jackal’. *maču(jV) (~ -o-). zn is inexplicable. Hebr. 425 support old Mészáros’ comparison of the Hatt. 81 and Schwemer.. Burush.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 389 An alternative connection to Sem. šēpā ‘scapus (caligae). Differently and untenably Браун. *chwōlĕ (~ -ă) ‘fox. Lezgh. ox’ (Akkad. šūru. (Anat. but SCauc. Turk. plural form fa-šhaf ‘deities’ with the Adyghe– Kabardian and Ubykh compounds of WCauc. Av. *šep in redupl. 89’. DINGIR(-u-). Ubykh wa-šχʷa ‘thunder and lightning’ < *‘heavenly blasting powder’ (the Ubykh word does not mean ‘god’.). 86’. *ŝayṗ ‘foot’ (Akkad.-And. → Similar to some Semitic forms with footwear semantics: Syr. mest. 1985. tahafaiu-šni or faiu-šni ‘etwas Nützliches’. → SCauc. 1996.). чувяк’. and Chirikba. šhaf. 20 (Hatt. Klinger. *chwōl ‘fox’ (> NCauc. #269 for the discussion.‘bull.‘soft morocco footwear. Georg. shoe’ (> Nakh *māčVj. *Cri ‘leopard’. *hal ‘fox’) is interesting. see SED 1. 112). KUŠE. STib. . šahaf (šhap. StBoT 37. Certainly unconvincing. On the other hand.‘chaque côté de la chaussure’.> *p-. powder’: Adyghe–Kabardian *wa-šχʷa ‘sky’. also fapu-šne or pu-šne ‘etwas Nützliches’.A.‘(a k. a Wanderwort. 1994. Untenably Браун. šep somewhat resembles NCauc. for which cf. which can goes back to Sem. šhezni ‘fox’ = Hitt. šōr etc. 85’. shoes’ = Hitt. 1994. *šʷVm(a)) and Osset. seems less apt phonetically. šezzit ‘a k. KA5. para-šni ‘ein Gegenstand. see Шагиров. → Иванов. god’ + *šʷəχʷa ‘grey. Hatt. šabāt.SIR. šēpu ‘foot’ ~ Soqotri ŝab. šahaw) ‘god’ = Hitt. *l ~ Hatt. *(a)šne ‘offering (vel sim. see SED 2. № 37.) mest. ‘ein unheilvoller Stein?’ =? Hitt. 147 fn. šep-šep ‘footwear. fn. ŝaf ‘foot’ and other MSA).

walk. enter’).. LÚtagulrunail ‘tent-man’. OB+). tarna-. (in ein Gebäude) zulassen’ = Hitt. HEG T. Kassian [UF 41 90’. 104). LÚ GIŠZA. e. lock?’ = Hitt.‘raw’. The same root talf. KBo 24. e. № 51 compares the Hattic root with NCauc. . *=rƛŬ ‘to go. to let in’.is a preverb used with verbs of motion (Vogt. 93’.with a t-suffix. ṭḥl. walk. verbal root *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ (< NCauc.NITA. → Morphologically opaque. 91’. *ṭiḥāl ‘spleen’ (Ugar. GU4. talfit (talwiit) ‘(a wooden part of building). ‘lassen. → Resembles some Semitic forms: Akkad.GIG ‘liver’ or huišu.is contained in the Hattic loanword in Hittite: hattalu. 248). Hebr. go’ (< WCauc. wǝ is a frequent verbal root ‘to enter. g. DUL. 1985. fresh’.LAM. Hardly justified. Both comparisons are unprovable. tahalai[n…] ‘liver’ 45 = UZUNÍG. 1985. *daro ‘tree. 11). Untenably Браун.45 Vs. šul ‘to let. ‘Zeltmann’ = Hitt. conifer’ or *ṭwēlʔe (~ -ʡ-) ‘stick. where the Hattic nominal prefix ha. ṭǝḥōl etc. ṣuppu ‘white sheep’ (OA+. 1994. *=rƛŬ ‘to go. Иванов. № 49 compares the Hattic stem with NCauc.. see SED 1. release exhaustively’. enter’).‘bolt. 94’.390 A. comparing Hatt. where a.should be singled out (ha-talu-). № 45 segments it as š-u-l from the hypothetical root *-u-. 22 : to the WCauc. 787). Иванов. 92’.according to the known Hittite contexts (cf. lock’. beam. → Formally resembles Sem. → The meaning ‘lock’ seems to be the best candidate for (GIŠ)huimpa. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 45 I prefer the traditional translation ‘liver’ (see. (GIŠ)huimpa-. 22 ‘further they spray the temple top to bottom from the huimpa’). 728) interprets it as an adjective ‘raw... 1985. *HläV ‘liver’ that is not persuasive. whereas Soysal (HWHT. which is attested in modern languages with different preverbs. g. pBibl. 1963. šuf (šup.GAR. while -la is a regular exhaustive suffix. The Hattic stem should be analyzed as talfi. Ugar. cross-beam’. šuw) ‘ox’ = Hitt. š-u-l with Ubykh a-wǝ-la ‘to let. → Иванов. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. ṣp ‘white sheep’ (AHw. 1113.

98’.TAR. with the NH variant LÚtaršipala-. newa-. tataet or mere taet ‘new’ = Hitt. √ Burush. strike’ = Hitt. 4-aš šarhuliuš.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 391 95’. fright’ = Hitt. stone block’ = Hitt. ziuz ‘rock. LÚ GIŠGIDRU. nahšaratt-. → The connection is plausible. LÚGAD. → Cf. herald’ = Hitt. This Hattic root can probably be revealed in the Hittite term LÚtaršipiyala‘charioteer’ (OS. tariš ‘horse?’ =? ANŠE. 99’. walhant-. 102’. tur ‘to hit. 104’. LÚtanišawa ‘sceptre-bearer. NA4piruna-. GIBIL. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 46 The Luwian verb :tarši. uddaniya-. herald’ [95’]. tuntu ‘to bewitch’ = Hitt. tufi (tupi. 101’.KUR. 100’. 226 f. tiuz. teatanna ‘hit?.RA. for the list of attestations46). although the nature of the element (i)pi(ala) is unclear. 97’. 98). tuwii) ‘fear. see HEG S. → Morphologically opaque. tuhul ‘four pillar construction (an element of house)’ = Hitt. if one assumes a metathesis of obstruents in Hattic or Burushaski. *ćhard ‘stallion’ (see the data in Berger. LÚtanišawa ‘sceptre-bearer. 1998 3. broken?’ =? Hitt. → The same stem as tafa ‘fear’ [53]? 103’. LÚtušhafadun tanišawe ‘(ein Angestellter bei Hofe)’ = Hitt. also known as a Cappadocian PN: taršipiala/taršipiali . 96’.with an unknown meaning seems unrelated here. . walh-. ziš ‘mountain’. → Cf.

107’. Kachin npun1 ‘a spring’. (H) kəpun ‘to spring. *ʁador(V). pond’. stream’ (> Nakh *ʡadurV. 20 (Hatt. Kachin (H) numra ‘water’. tuwahši ‘wall?’ =? Hitt. perhaps also relative pronoun ‘what’.392 A. 110’. cognates of WCauc. East Cauc. Dargwa *ħeru-ḳ > *ħerḳʷ ‘river’. but one can think about its connection to NCauc. Yug ur. SCauc. 1996. Yen. Dargwa *q:I(ʷ)art:) with an irregular drop of the medial consonant in WCauc. *ri(a)j ‘water’ > Burm. *Iʷarǝ are not clear (Caucet. 106’.here. ur or uri ‘spring. overripe. ūl.(and *ħ-) in Hattic is unknown. pond’. just as’. hu. one could expect Hatt.dbf lack this WCauc. ‘kantig?’ =? Hitt. TÚGkureššar. juice of overripe fruits. . wave. Lezgh. 426 compares Hatt. **hVr)—cf. Although the fate of SCauc. panh ‘to jet. kutt-.‘wet. 108’. Alternatively Chirikba. Lak aItara. *ħwir ‘water. *Iʷarǝ ‘stream.in Hattic remains unexplained. LÚtuttušhiyal ‘(ein Angestellter bei Hofe)’ = Hitt. urana ‘angular?’. rij ‘water’. stream.And. STib. gush forth’. Pump. torrent’ (Abkhaz–Abaza *ʕʷarǝ. ‘wie (es ist)’. Arin kul. becoming wet. *xur1 ‘water’ > Ket ūĺ. but the loss of *P. Kott. pond’ > Av. 1994.-And. GIM-an. well’). ? kuit. pond’. 濆 *bər ‘gush forth’. *hur. whirlpool’. lake’ > NCauc. Lak baIr ‘lake. ‘was’ = Hitt. spring. *ħwirɨ ‘lake. *ʡʷir ‘lake. h. Burush. for general reasons one could expect Hatt. Adyghe–Kabardian *warǝ) which is phonetically not better. PÚ. jet’ (> Chin. ul. *[Pŭ]r ‘to gush forth. Kassian [UF 41 105’. uk conjunction ‘as. Av. proto-forms). 109’. Untenably Браун.dbf and Abadet. 瀵 *pərs ‘source. *ʔin-ħʷVrV ‘lake. Yen. initial *ħw. Burm. upala ‘cut of cloth’ = Hitt. On the other hand cf. gush forth’. + Abkhaz).in this case (virtual Hatt. tatrant-. well’ = Hitt. *ʁHwadVrV ‘river. ur with WCauc. *x-. LÚduddušhiyalla-. STib. → Cf.

if the Kottish meaning is indeed ‘wild animal’. *sēr1e ‘deer’ > Ket śɛĺ 4. Kott. UDU(-u). etymology was rejected in NCED. Unconvincingly Иванов. Алексеенко. uri ‘strong. com. 334 f. 334 f. Cf. e. pers. plur. zar with Abkhaz–Abaza *ə. CLuw. in the Russian speech of the modern Kets (Albert Davletshin. later this NCauc. Yug sɛ:hr. 78 ff.dbf: ‘wild animal’) which appears an erroneous translation of the answer of the Russian speaking informant. while previously the Kets had represented a hunter-gatherer society. *a-ra). it should be noted that we are not aware of any evidence that reindeer breeding was inherent for Yenisseian tribes. → Resembles Hittite ura/i. *wasa ‘price’ is regarded as an Indo-European loanword (Старостин. 1994. which originates from WCauc. ura-zza..‘to make great’. 48 The connection of Nakh *ʔustiʁ.. 1858. 2009. 1996. zar ‘sheep’ = Hitt. sálat. *šele. which lacks NCauc.. 65 ff. Semantically satisfactory. 213 translates the Kottish words as German ‘Wild’ (repeated in Werner.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 393 111’. √ Yen. bride price. 112’. 1934. sheep’ which is morphologically impossible. form is tentatively compared with NCauc. *wasa ‘price . but the status of the element *mu. is very doubtful .‘great’.48 Chirikba. 426) unpersuasively compares Hatt.dbf #697 *sVr (?). *ə-śə. Although the meaning shift ‘sheep’ > ‘deer’ seems natural in the case of the Yenisseian culture. collect. 1985.. *wasa ‘price. g. 1967. small’. 99 f. № 69. *źʷə (the Adyghe–Kabardian cognate is *źa-jə ‘young. . advocates the contrary direction of borrowing : WCauc. it may reveal another semantic process in the Yenisseian family. plural form fa-zar with WCauc.). in Старостин. ure. Браун. 1996.‘great’ which seems an accidental coincidence. g.to WCauc. *musVrV ‘goat (wild or domestic)’.is unclear. Starostin. Sccet. HLuw.). innarawant-. etc. sheep’ accepted. vigorous’ = Hitt. 183 and Yenet. used only as an element of compounds) < NCauc. 426 compares the Hatt.‘great’. e. > IE which is not likely in my opinion). u-ra/i. ura-nnu.. who compares Hatt. *šeĺe. Pump. 2002 2. Second. forceful.47 Arin sin. parallels. 1988 / 2007. where the Yen. Traditionally WCauc.). *hn ‘goat’. → Not quite reliable comparison.‘ram’ (Chechen üstaʁ ‘ram (one and more years)’. Although the Abkhaz–Abaza collective plural ––––––––––––––––––––––– 47 Castrén. 20 (supported by Chirikba. At least about Kets we know that reindeer breeding was borrowed by them from the neighboring Selkups and Nenets in the immediate past (Долгих.‘goatling’ (sg. zar with unclear Nakh *ʔustiʁ. 1988/2007. since the Russ. adjective дикий (‘wild’) is substantivized in the meaning ‘dear (both wild and domesticated)’ among many Russian dialects of Siberia. šeli.

118’. Old Aram. GIŠ(. zari with the Proto-Nakh compound *sṭ-aḳ ‘person. cry out’ = Hitt. (see HALOT. 113’. under (preverb)’ < WCauc..394 A. zi ‘?’ (maybe ‘small’) in the compound zi-fin ‘grandchild. zari-l. Ivanov. *ʔḳ:V ‘prince’ (without references). 115’. cheep. 8 ff. 520 .-And. zinir ‘a k. yell. *-r. of lyre’. of harp’ is debatable (cf. *V ‘bottom. The most ancient attestations of kin(n)ar come from West Semitic languages: Eblaite gi-na-rúm = Sum. knr. 114’. and Chirikba. *Hŏnŭ ‘bottom’) and enigmatic Proto-East Cauc. kalleš-. 116’. lyre’. throne?’ = Hitt. etc. 1985. knr ‘lyre’. 21. of lyre’. zari. Akkad. person’) which is not persuasive. HJ. etc. GIŠŠÚ. № 74) are unconvincing: Kabardian a-t ‘support. plur. From this source the term was borrowed as Akkad. Hebr. dandukeššar. zel. *-r-. BALAG.1. DUL. 1985. son’ [72’]) 117’. *ǝrǝ ‘to chirp. 422 compare Hatt. Kassian [UF 41 suffix *-ra has obvious East Cauc. stand. Av. lyre’ (“Ištar-instrument”). . tilat. zannaru (almost exclusively in OB/NB lex. but not obligatory in view of too general semantics. zar(aš) with WCauc.A.‘bottom. howl’ which is theoretically possible. also as a command ‘Music!’ = Hitt. *ćwĭjo ‘man. man’ (< NCauc. parallels (Nakh plur. 1996.). → Иванов.) kinnōr ‘staff-zither’. male’ + *HĭrḳwĔ ‘man. Ugar. The connection between this term and the more widespread Near Eastern cultural word kin(n)ar ‘a k. human being’ = Hitt. 2006 w. zil ‘to cry?. wai-. → Браун. prop’ (probably from the root a. of musical instrument. 2009. for kin(n)ar see Franklin. zinar. (Bibl.). 1994.). zar or zaraš ‘to exclaim. peep’ and Abkhaz–Abaza *arǝ/*ǝrǝ ‘to shout. zare-l. Иванов. 1999. wail?’ =? Hitt. → Both Ivanov’s comparisons (Иванов. kinaru ‘harp.D)INANNA. 450 f. halzai-. zilas) ‘chair. lists only) ‘a k. lit. zelaš.2 above). ‘mortal. zar with Abkhaz–Abaza *a-ra ‘goatlings’ seems a bringen-Sie-etymology (see 2. descendant’ (see fin ‘child. lit. → Borrowed as Hittite zinar ‘a k. squeak. lower part. № 70 compares Hatt. w. Armenian ǰnar ‘harp’. under (preverb)’ < NCauc. zilat (perhaps also dilat. the comparison of Hatt.

(LXX) κῐνύρα [ῠ] ‘a stringed instrument played with the hand’. zinar might have been reinterpreted as the Adyghe– Kabardian absolutive case ending *-r. 427) compares Hatt. 2009. Franceschetti. k‘nar ‘a musical instrument played by plucking’.. bow and wind instruments (in compounds)’).51 Иванов. 1996. RS) kinnāru ‘a k. of stringed instrument’. 8 ff. where IE *ḱ > Anat. 50 49 . 1985. zinar continues the same wandering word. and so forth. Hitt. Second. of lute’.) cognates. also Myc. form **zinar is the only example where borrowed ki is rendered by Luw. for which see sub hapalki [12’] above. LÚkinar-talla. 313–316. ––––––––––––––––––––––– Cf. Despite Иванов. the only neighboring language. zinar appears to be the only clear Luw. First. g. e. zinar might be recognized as a Luwian loanword (similarly Ivanov. etymology are unclear.) the scholar adopts a migratory nature of the Adyghe–Kabardian stem. prefix *pǝ. zi. is Luwian.49 Arm.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 395 (Mari. possibly OInd. 52 For the proto-meaning of *p:ǝna cf. we do not find any traces of virtual Luw. (as well as NCauc.(a former class marker?) and loss of final -r. b) the suffix -r is not productive in Hattic. One can suppose.. zehar ‘wood’ [64]. (very late) kiṁnarā ‘a k. 2008.‘singer.53 it is obvious that genetic relationship cannot be proven by such cultural terms.– WCauc. Some facts. 53 But in his recent paper (Иванов. of lyre’. № 75 (supported by Chirikba. kinds of stringed. parza ‘iron ore’. *ḱ > Luw. Hurr. **zinar (as well as **kinar) in the known Luwian lexicon. ki-nu-ra ‘player of kinura’(?). 2009. which can be suspected of a similar phonetical process. zinar with Adyghe–Kabardian *p:ǝna ‘non-percussion musical instrument (in general)’52 (Adyghe pǝna. Paris / Batouka 1 / 1.54 A contrary direction of borrowing (Proto-WCauc. Middle Tamil kiṇṇaram ‘a k. Grk. however. 51 Maybe except for even more dubious Luw.) LÚkinnaruhuli ‘musician’. it is found in a couple of fossilized stems only (hukur ‘to see’ [13]. the virtual Luw. perhaps tafarna ‘lord’ [52]). whose internal structure and WCauc. however. comparison is one of the main Ivanov’s arguments for Hatt. but the change ki > zi remains unexplained within Hattic. Of course. it is very likely that Hatt. z. 54 The final consonant of Hatt.50 In fact. Although this Hatt. musician’. Egyp. Hence Hatt. 631 (‘musical instrument (in general)’). (Bogh. that Adyghe–Kabardian *p:ǝna reflects the same Wanderwort with the very frequent WCauc. Kabardian pšǝna ‘accordion . (New Kingdom) knnr ‘lyre’. genetic relationship. 1999). > Hattic zinar) is not probable: a) both Adyghe–Kabardian *p:ǝna and Adyghe–Kabardian absolutive case ending *-r lack WCauc. Hattic does not show any evidence for such a palatalization. contradict this hypothesis. Third.– WCauc. loanword in Hattic (for tafarna [52] see above).

but Adyghe -šxʷa ‘big’ (< Adyghe–Kabardian *-čxʷa < WCauc. LÚ GIŠBANŠUR. № 13 with Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡapa-p:ǝna ‘a k. compounds like WCauc. *ṗ > Adyghe–Kabardian *p (probably the secondary dissimilative deglottalization **ʡa. of hand musical instrument’ ((Old) Adyghe ʡapa-pǝn. hašša. ziwiin) ‘grandchild. zipen. → A compound of zifin ‘grandchild’ [121’] + kuka ‘seed?’ [36’] with the regular simplification nk > k. *Haṗ ‘paw. compounds hun-zinar ‘great? lyre’ (see hun [16’] above) with the standard Old Adyghe compound pǝna-šxʷa ‘a k. assuming reverse order of the elements in the Hattic form.dbf. finger’ can hardly be separated from Ubykh ā-ṗá ‘hand’ and the other WCauc. ziweekuka) ‘posterity. *ṗV ‘extremity’ (< NCauc. ‘стольник’ = Hitt. 120’. son’ [72’]. but unpersuasive phonetically. of big musical instrument’. finger’—goes back to WCauc. zizintu. The comparison of Hatt. № 9 compares the Hatt.hanzašša-. 121’. seed?’. ippi and Adyghe–Kabardian ʡa-pa is witty. Kassian [UF 41 Futher Иванов. ÉRIN. ‘Nachfolger? . of lyre or accordion’). 122’. ––––––––––––––––––––––– Pace Caucet.dbf and Abadet. 124’.GÉŠPU ‘Truppen der Körperstärke’. bosom. Samen?’ = Hitt. zuh ‘clothing. *čʷəχʷa ‘big. of knife?’ =? GÍR.MEŠ UZU. descendant’ → A compound of zi ‘?’ [116’] + fin ‘child. 1985. TÚG.396 A. garments’ without references. *Ia (~ *:Ia) ‘hand’ (< NCauc. armpit’)55. zulufe (LÚzuluwee) ‘table man’. *a-ṗV ‘foot’. → Иванов. The second known Hattic compound ippi-zinar ‘small? lyre’ is compared by Иванов. *HəqwV ‘big’) cannot be compared with Hatt. Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa ‘hand. zizentu ‘posterity?. descendants’. zifi-kuka (zipikuka. Abkhaz–Abaza *na-ṗə ‘hand’. zipah ‘a k. zifin (zipin. 1985. 119’. *w[ǟ]łʔ ‘arm. strong’ < NCauc. despite the irregular development WCauc. 1985. *čoqajV ‘clothing.—the first part of Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa ‘hand. where Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa. hun in any way. 123’. Further to WCauc. 55 .ṗa > *ʡa-pa as in some other similar cases). extremity’). garments’ = Hitt. Kabardian ʡapa-pšǝna ‘a k. № 78 quotes enigmatic NCauc. ‘Enkel (und) Urenkel’ = Hitt.

Решетников. 70. Lak -. *xa-. nominal and verbal (slot –2) morpheme with locative. *-š(:) ‘plural direct stem marker’. *-q:I ‘in filled series’. -a. WCauc.-And. 402 f. Lezgh. preverb ‘super.vs. locative case > Ket -ka/-ga/-ɣa ‘locative’. 34 ff. Khin. Hurr. ad series > Nakh *-x ‘inessive I. Yen. close to’. cf. aš-/iš-. 168. *-χV ‘ad series’. . 72. → Note that WCauc. Kott. Av. inessive I. *-š:w.(Старостин Г. -u. Браун. Alternatively to NCauc. -i. languages cannot be established. to’ √ NCauc. *-. (adj.-And. *k-. 55 propose some alternative WCauc. super series’. -χ ‘inessive 1 (“about”)’.-Urart. cognates 69.).1 Auxiliary morphemes with reliable SCauc..-And. 1985. Perhaps two original morphemes (*-k. 71. 55 (Hattic + WCauc.‘lative preverb (towards the speaker)’. 1996 and Браун. Yug -kej/-gej ‘locative’ (Werner. 2002.). *-o. languages. *-χV.). WCauc. Lezgh. Alternatively to WCauc. 2002 1. Av. *-ka. *-V. ka-. ha-. imperative > Nakh *-V.). *ḱʷə-/*ǵʷə. Lezgh. 1995. Yen. Kott. -. 471 f. *-g-). *-V. the diachronic comparison between the verbal preverb and the nominal locative suffix seems reliable. inter’ (thus Иванов. -i. *-qV ‘ad close/vertical series’.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 397 6 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons 6. *-k ‘lateral series’. *q:Ia. Urart. 2002. → Chirikba. 1996. -kā ‘prelative’. ad. languages have imperative in - as opposed to Hattic and East Cauc. -kai. Lezgh. Dargwa *-ʁI (~ -ʕ-) ‘ad series’. nominal and verbal (slot –3) morpheme with locative and dative meaning ‘in. but rather hard to distinguish. 55. 413). imperative (slot 1) √ NCauc. -ga ‘dative’ (Castrén.preverb ‘super. Khin. Although synchronically the meanings of the preverbs in the described Yen.) comparative’. verbal preverb > Ket–Yug k(i)-. h. ablative and dative semantics √ NCauc. Chirikba. Thus Браун. Tsez. cognates for the Hatt. Khin. 1858. -ko-li ‘lative’. *-V.) comparative’. 2002. -aš ‘plural suffix’. WCauc. Tsez. -ä. 33. cf. *-. *-š ‘oblique stem plural’. Tsez. some locative series > Nakh *-go ‘ad series’. plural stem marker > Nakh *-ši ‘plural’. Tsez. Av. *-k-/*-g-. -a. Dargwa *-V. (adj. 1999. plural of the accusative case √ NCauc. morpheme. *-GV ‘ad close / in series’ > Nakh *-ʁ ‘terminative (causative) case. *-g (= *-k?) ‘elative. *-χ ‘ad series’.

卬 *ŋhāŋ ‘I. as opposed to the possessive proclitic pronoun še-/te. me’. plural > Nakh *-bi. *-n ‘genitive. Lak -n ‘dative I. infinitive’. elative. ŋaŋ-ma ‘self. lative. STib. Lezgh. fa-/fi-.(*ʔab-) / *aŋ ‘my’ (attr.> *m. 1st pers. Lepcha kă ‘I’. Yen. its’). 74.(both in nouns and verbs).> *P-. an-še. *-du ‘he’. fem. le. Yen. *-nV.in the proclitic possessive forms can be explained as *l. *-dǝ ‘she’.. we’. we’ > Chin.‘I. ending -n (for details see Soysal. 1985. *-bV (~ -i. transformative case’. m-inšo. -be-r. -n. 462 f. ŋa ‘I. 1999. 1999. *-bV. Burm. verbal morpheme (slot –7). possessive case. √ WCauc. 2010) √ NCauc. + WCauc. possessive proclitic pronoun of the 3rd person sing.> *d-.as ProtoYen. terminative. *n ‘I’ (1st pers. *-nV ‘ablative. sing. The enclitic status of the Yen. *a. pronoun) > Lak na. Решетников. poss.with the regular anlaut development *l. 76.). Basque *ni ‘I’. sg.(Abkhaz-Abaza only). Khin. Dative semantics standardly is expressed by prepositions like ha.‘his’. -aŋ (Решетников. pronominal prefix. ŋed ‘I. 1st p. subject. ŋa ‘I’. (d)ŋos ‘I. → Иванов. pronoun of the 3rd person sing. Av.-And.etc. -a). Kott. *da ‘his’.). 348. Tsez. → Alternatively Hatt. Yen. Kachin ŋai1 ‘I’. 461 ff. ŋan ‘we’ (C). plural marker *-ŋ. we’. 75. own’. 我 *ŋhājʔ ‘my. + optionally gen. of adjectives and participles. poss. adjective and participial suffix . subject ‘I’ √ SCauc. class marker ‘her’ and fem.-And. Burush. *l. *di ‘her’. Kott. fa-.). *-nə ‘ergative and general indirect case.) > Ket āp. marker of the genitive case. Arin b(i)-. → In all likelihood Hattic shows the same development of initial *ŋ. Kassian [UF 41 73. if one assumes the phonetic development . sing.. subject (see Старостин Г. Yug ap. sg. ergative’. infinitive’. me’. plural of the nominative and oblique cases √ NCauc. *-b-. *d. *ŋā. Dargwa *-bi. 吾 *ŋhā ‘I. 148. WCauc. Tib. 29 (Hatt. Dargwa *nu (not a very reliable isogloss). *ŋV ‘I’ > NCauc. 1995. genitive > Nakh *-n ‘genitive. Lushai ŋei ‘self’. 153. *b. Kiranti *ʔòŋ/*gòŋ ‘I’. temporal. 言 *ŋhan ‘I. -e. *-b-. object > Ket b-. 357. suff. does: *ŋ. self’.may correspond to the Yen. Lezgh. we.‘her. proclitic fa-/fi. we’. we’. subject markers is obviously secondary. Av.‘I’. (the possessor is probably animate masculine. *ba-/*-aŋ 1st person sg. translative’.398 A.

stem). optative √ NCauc. sing. 175. 413.). sǝ-tʷ ‘my father’ ~ sa-w-ǝ (> sō-ǝ) ‘my horses’. pr. 1996.preverb ‘in. úe. Of course. te-. see Hewitt. [*-da] ‘conditional’. 1985. Arin au. V. persons’. 223).2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 399 *ŋ. 78.56 77. Lezgh. au. Yen. conditional’. pr. past conditional.‘thou’ (obl. *uo-n ‘thou’ (2nd p. comm. we ‘thou’. ǝ-tʷ ‘our father’ ~ a-w-ǝ (> ō-ǝ) ‘our horses’ etc. Браун. Av.-And. Yug u. but this Ubykh feature seems unparalleled within WCauc. *mə ‘thou’ (2nd p. morphosyntactically the Ubykh chain POSS-PL-ROOT is identical to the Hattic possessive constructions like te-fa-katti ‘its kings’ (3SG. *wA ‘thou’ (2nd p.‘thy’ (2nd person sg. 33 . *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ > Ket ū. cf. desiderative’. verbal morpheme with locative semantics ‘in(to)’ (slot –4) √ WCauc. verbal morpheme (slot –8). pr.-And. we ‘thou’ (2nd person sg.POSS-PL-king). conditional.‘desiderative. Dybo (pers. *uō ‘thou’ (2nd p. 173 (followed by Chirikba. Burush. *-dV. .) proposed to compare Hatt. → Proposed by Иванов.> *m. *tV. A. *da-ħVnV ‘concessive.with Ubykh w-. real conditional’.)’. u. Chirikba.> *P-. Kott. ta-. WCauc. Hurr. In reality Abkhaz -wa forms the names of races (both in the singular and plural). temporal gerund . Tsez. Tsez. 1963. desiderative’ > Av. 1967. subject) √ SCauc. pr. Lak wi. Lezgh. 149. 415) incorrectly compares Hattic fa-/fi. WCauc.‘your’ (2nd person pl. 189. 2002. Pump. *-da ‘desiderative. *-da.with Abkhaz -wa (plural marker in the animate class). *mi-n ‘thou’ (2nd p. wɨ ‘thou’ (2nd p. *u-n ‘thou’. Khin. pronoun). super’. *-dV ‘conditional.) > Nakh *waj ‘we (incl. possessive pronoun). Дьяконов.). this Abkhaz morpheme goes back to the Common WCauc root *wV ‘person . possessive pronoun). family and therefore can hardly serve as a reliable comparandum. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 56 As was truly noted by Chirikba.). u-‘thou’ (2nd person sg. 79. 55. pr. 1979. nominal proclitic marker of plural. which appears only in combination with proclitic possessive pronouns: ɣa-ǝ ‘his horse’ ~ ɣa-w-ǝ (> ɣō-ǝ) ‘his horses’. 1996.). fa. u-p. personal pronoun). future. *wV ‘thou’ > NCauc. people. (Vogt.

. Lak luw. ka-la. Dargwa *-ɣ(u). 37 (followed by Chirikba. *-: ‘below. Phonetically the comparison of Hatt. → Possible. *:i-. unclear nominal morpheme perhaps with the locative meaning (‘on. Lezgh. la-. 228) √ NCauc. “causative prefix ka-”. 34) postulates the Hatt. As a matter of fact.. below. 415) compares it with WCauc. locative suffix (Sub series)’.-And. 1996. cognates. also maybe in the name of goddess Dzintuhi. 55. 1985.-And. and compares it with the Abkhaz–Abaza– Ubykh causative prefix *ʁa-. masdar’. 126’. -ija ‘instrumental. nominal suffix. 2002.. at’). *-Hi. -(a)h. For alternative locative preverbal cognates in WCauc. infinitive’.‘sub series’. anim. 127’. Lezgh. further see HWHT. cognates I do not list here all Hattic auxiliary morphemes lacking SCauc. infinitive’. 414. Tsez. which in its turn is borrowed from Semitic (Akkad. *ƛɨ-. goes back to NCauc. hakazuel ‘drinker. Kassian [UF 41 6. frequently stands with the locative morpheme ka-: ka-la(HWHT. *ʁ is unpersuasive also. -i(j) ‘ergative/genitive. *-:i ‘locative suffix (series Sub)’. *-i (-Vj) ‘deverbative nominal. instrumental’. k with WCauc.. Av. Dargwa *-Hi ‘ergative. infinitive’. noun kazue ‘bowl’ [32’]. toaster’ [6’] is derived from the Hatt. Khin. locative suffix (series Sub)’.2 Some auxiliary morphemes with dubious or improbable SCauc.and Proto-Nakh *ḳa-l(e). probably forming femininum (found in katta-h ‘queen’ [17]. dat. hakazuel ‘drinker. dative(?) > Av. below’. In particular the list does not include phantom morphemes57 and morphemes. 208. but for ver––––––––––––––––––––––– An example. dat. found in Hatt. whose meaning and function are unknown or were incorrectly understood by previous etymologists. toaster’ (according to Ivanov: ha-ga-zu-el from the root zu ‘to drink’ which is not attested elsewhere). locative case √ NCauc. (Ubykh and /or Abkhaz–Abaza) see Chirikba. 1985. Браун. 1996. below’. *-jV ‘dat. *-V(j) ‘erg. kāsu ‘bowl’ with reliable Semitic cognates). *i ‘below. -i. *-ƛ ‘down. -l. *pə-ʷA ‘daughter’ etc. it seems that Soysal’s -ah2 is the same femininum suffix) → Иванов. down’ (an adverbial stem) > Nakh *ḳa-l(e) ‘down. Ivanov (Иванов. but not obligatory. *ʷA ‘woman’ (found in stems like WCauc. Tsez. 57 .400 A.‘down. Note that Chirikba and Braun propose their etymologies not for nominal la-.. in two epithets of the Sun-goddess ka-aš-paru-ya-h ‘source of light’ [33] and leli-ya-h ‘source of light’ [23]. 125’. deverbative nominal suffix’. down . *qwnV ‘woman’) which looks very factitious. → Note the similarity between Hatt. Lak -j-nu.

but in reality the status and function of this morpheme is opaque √ WCauc. Improbable semantically and morphologically. anim. Lezgh. but the Ubykh morpheme has reliable cognates in Abkhaz–Abaza *la-/*lə. privately’. oneself (3rd–4th class)’ > Lak cu ‘self. particle of the negative of assertion). Ubykh . in front of’. verbal prohibitive morpheme (slot –9) √ NCauc. Tsez.~ šaš. Lezgh. Av. obj. *ǝ. Slot –6 √ SCauc. tu. WCauc. *[č]V (~ št-) ‘self’ > NCauc. taš. Tib. nominal morpheme with ablative semantics (e. *d-. t-. * /*. comparison phonetically impossible. *-.‘from down’.< WCauc. fe. Basque *es ‘not’ (the basic particle of the negative of assertion). oneself’. nose’). *č[ŭ] ‘self. morpheme is unclear. nominal prefix with allative/illative semantics → Chirikba. to smbd. za. oneself’. Adyghe–Kabardian *a. pronoun)’. WCauc. 131’. STib. could be an exponent of the plural(?) direct object in the verbal wordforms (slot –5). 1996. Браун.‘in filled series’ which makes the Hatt. śedag.verbal morpheme (slot –4) with some locative semantics → Cf.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 401 bal **li. g. oneself’ > Chin. sing. *čʷə.‘in(to) the mass. 私 *səj ‘private.with the Ubykh preverb wa. verbal morpheme. *-i. 129’. lower part. *śəj ‘private. The phonetic correspondence SCauc. *pʷA ‘nose’ (< NCauc.‘under’.‘preverb inter’ < NCauc.(uncritically following old Forrer’s analysis). → The origin of the second element (-š) of the Hatt. only. *V ‘bottom. negative particle > SCauc. *č:V (the basic Proto-NCauc. which does not exist. *-ič(ʷ) ‘self. marker (reconstructed for Abkhaz–Abaza level only).with WCauc. fe-. zi-.‘under’. fe. 132’. /č/ seems slightly strange. *pŭrV ‘part of face under the nose. 414 compares Hatt. 56 compares Hatt. * /* ~ Hatt. *-ƛ. 2002. Dargwa *če-/ču. ‘from topdown’). 128’.‘(one)self (reflex. *Łʷa.~ šeš-. * /*. śe. negative particle > Nakh *ca ‘not’ (used as a separate word).‘for oneself (prefix of the subject version)’. 130’. which has an additional meaning ‘front’ in some WCauc. under (preverb)’ (> Abkhaz–Abaza *a. śa-sdag ‘for oneself only.–WCauc.~ šu-. languages and may function as a preverb ‘before.and teš.. oneself (reflexive pronoun)’.-And.’. amidst smth. theoretically can be the indirect object reflexive exponent (‘for oneself’).

kāsu-m ‘goblet. timber (in construction of house. As opposed to the Indo-European languages of Anatolia. West Semitic loanwords: karam ‘wine’ [27’] < WSem. The first Hatt. 414. phonetic isogloss is assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/.–Hitt. corn’ [26’]. (OB.). Kassian [UF 41 -a ‘bottom. throne’ (further to Ugar. throne’ etc. but I claim that there is no positive evidence that these terms represent inherited Luwian or Hittite forms. 7 Contacts with neighboring languages As is well known.)’ [52] together with the parallel female title tawananna ‘lady’ [52]. which theoretically might have been borrowed from an unattested Central or North Anatolian Luwian diaect. of lyre’ [118’]. māṣilu ‘(a musician. Nuzi) amrû ‘beam. maššel ‘cult performer. originating from NCauc. clown?’ [51’] < Ugar.) and into Palaic. Ugar. w previous lit. performer)’. see 4.). hamuruwa ‘beam. habalgi/abalgi ‘iron’. kussû-m. The second one is dissimilation /u/ > /um/. zipina ‘sour’ [66] >? Hurr. cup’ [32’] < Akkad. An Akkadian loanword : kusim. for which see 4.2. The comparison was proposed by Браун. 1996.2. 2008. 146 f. barley’ > Hatt. and maybe Hatt. ksÿ ‘seat.’ etc. kait ‘grain. mṣl ‘cymbal player’. regal and technical terms into Hittite (see Goedegebuure. rafter’ [7’] > Akkad. where Hattic -m probably reflects Akkadian mimation.) NINDAzippinni ‘(a k. hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] > Hurr.402 A. . but not into known Luwian. Hattic has a number of borrowings from Semitic languages. cup’. ks ‘id. kade ‘grain. chanter.2. Hurrian shows rather sparse traces of linguistic contacts with Hattic which is somewhat surprising.2–3 above. Cf. Ugaritic Akkad. vine’. Hatt. *Hŏnŭ ‘bottom’. kussiu-m ‘chair. An Akkadian or West Semitic loanword: kazue ‘goblet. 2002. Hattic was a donor of several dozens of cultic. (Bogh. *karm ‘vineyard. The second candidate the is widely discussed Hattic word tafarna ‘lord (vel sim. etc. not Akkadian loanwords prevail in the list. kušim ‘throne’ [42’] < Akkad.2. Hatt. Besides lexical borrowings one should note two phonetic processes shared by Hattic and Hittite. of pastry used in rites)’. It is noteworthy that West Semitic. lower part’. On the contrary. not a single doubtless Anatolian loanwords in Hattic is revealed up to now: the most appropriate candidate here is Hattic zinar ‘a k. ship)’ probably via Hurrian. but phonetically unacceptable.1 above. 55 and Chirikba. In the opposite direction: Hurr.

ṣp ‘white sheep’ in all likelihood is accidental also. (Bibl. of metal’ and (OB.‘to hear’ and Hatt. ŝʕr ‘to be stormy’ (further to Akkad. Despite Vjač.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 403 ? LÚkiluh ‘courier-spy’ [33’] < Ugar. of lyre’ [118’] > Adyghe–Kabardian *p-:ǝna ‘non-percussion musical instrument (in general)’. mucro nasi’ and Arab. *ʔalp ‘cattle’ and fin ‘child. Hebr. šāru ‘wind. zannaru (almost exclusively in OB/NB lex. ṣuppu ‘white sheep’.)’ [48] ~ Sem. rafter’ [7’] above). šēpā ‘scapus (caligae). No good examples of the contrary direction of borrowing (Hattic > Semitic) are known. ŝaf ‘foot’). the Semitic origin of the two following Hattic words does not seem probable for some reasons: milup ‘bull. Nuzi) amrû ‘beam’ were borrowed probably via the Hurrian intermediation (see hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] and hamuruwa ‘beam. but from some Luwian dialect. languages belong to the syntactic SOV type and the same feature should be reconstructed for the WCauc. In one case we must suspect a borrowing of a Hattic term into WCauc. messenger’. favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. listen (vel sim. proto-language. *bin ‘son’. *maʷV ‘good. since all known WCauc. breath’). ? šep ‘footwear’ [87’] < Syr. *pəśʷA ‘to breathe’.: zinar ‘a k.) habalginnu ‘a k.‘chaque côté de la chaussure’ (further probably to Akkad. A very important fact is the presence of lexical contacts between Hattic and the Proto-West Caucasian language. ? pašu-n ‘breath?’ [71’] < WCauc. Ivanov. lists only) ‘a k. which may be supported also by some archaeological evidence. ? hamuruwa ‘beam. A phonetic similarity between Hatt. šuf ‘ox’ [91’] ~ Akkad. šam(a) ‘to hear. šabāt.) ḳal ‘light. (D)taru ‘Storm-god’ [84’] < Hebr. ox’ [52’] ~ Sem. contacts add new . *ṭiḥāl ‘spleen’. *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ or rather *Iʷə-pəə ‘copper’. *šVmaʕ. contacts. Although I generally agree with P. (D) ? šaru. ? tahalai[n…] ‘liver?’ [92’] < WSem. rapid (said of messengers)’ with the (Hattic?) h-suffix. rafter’ [7’] < Abkhaz–Abaza *qʷǝ(m)bǝlǝra ‘crossbeam’. (Bibl. loanwords: hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] < WCauc. Goedegebuure’s (2008) schema of Hattic–Luwian–Hittite interferences at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC (with some remarks). (MAss. son’ [72’] ~ Sem. nimble. malhip ‘good. šēpu ‘foot’ ~ Soqotri ŝab. Ugar. of lyre’ might have been borrowed not from Hattic. ḳl ‘courier. ŝəʕārā ‘high wind’. Akkad. Hattic–WCauc. is rather interesting. luck’. Akkad. air. Vs.) ŝaʕar ‘heavy gale’. The fact of Hattic–WCauc. At least two Hattic stems can be assuredly recognized as WCauc.

10 reliable Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons (note that we know in sum less than 200 Hattic words whose meaning is established). and STib.404 A.58 The similarity between Hatt. 58 . If malhip is really a borrowing < WCauc. Yug and to a lesser degree Kottish). The current verion of Yenet. according to the general comparative procedure (see Campbell/Poser. Thus. whose phonetic similarity with Grk. it belongs to the most basic and stable part of vocabulary (the Swadesh 100-wordlist). It means that in the general case the Yen. it suggests that Hattic–Proto-West Caucasian interferences were much more intensive than we can judge today from the available Hattic data. since. Kassian [UF 41 options in the sociolinguistic scenarios discussed by Goedegebuure. šaki ~ Sum. 1050 entries as opposed to 2300 entries in the NCauc. 70 reliable Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons and ca. Two points should be stressed before we start to discuss genealogical trees.dbf) and ca. 2800 (!) entries in the STib. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar (a bright red or brownish-red mineral form of mercuric sulphide)’ can hardly be fortuitous. i. The most part of Hattic etymologized lexemes belongs to the basic vocabulary. see Николаев. muh(al) ‘hearth’ [55’] and Sumerian muhal-dim ‘cook’ seems unsupported by additional positive evidence (except for a surprising isogloss Hatt. proto-language must show a smaller number of lexical isoglosses with Hattic than the NCauc. proto-languages do. the Sino-Tibetan ––––––––––––––––––––––– malhip seems the default Hattic word for ‘good’.1 Linguistic affiliation Above I list ca. In view of this one should note the Hattic term kinawar ‘copper’ [34’]. database (Stibet. *maʷV ‘good. so it may be treated as a common Hattic–Greek wandering word (‘red mineral’) of unknown origin. its proto-vocabulary is relatively small. Бурлак/Старостин. The system of Hattic–Sino-Caucasian phonetical correspondences is rather simple and logical. reconstruction is generally based on the three languages: Ket. The location of the Hattic branch within the Sino-Caucasian tree is a more difficult question. 8 Conclusion 8. Unfortunately kinawar is unetymologizable within Hattic. Ancient Greek dialects possess a number of North Caucasian loanwords. 2) I assume that some of the aforementioned Sino-Tibetan etymologies of Hattic lexemes may turn out false in the future. 1985 (some Nikolaev’s connections are highly questionable. luck’. but some seem probative). 7–24) I suppose that the hypothesis of Sino-Caucasian attribution of the Hattic language can be considered very probable. 2008. ŠAG ‘heart’) and should be regarded today as a chance coincidence.e.dbf).dbf includes ca. 4. first. 1) Due to the relict nature of the Yenisseian family (the Proto-Yen. database (Caucet. 2005.

te ‘great. *n[ǝ] ‘time or place of. *xnɦ ‘water’ ~ STib.(*ʔab-) / *aŋ ‘my’ (attr. *āŋ ‘clear (of sky)’. / \ / \ STib. much’ ~ . šaki. eštan ‘sun’ [5] ~ NCauc. *ʔrŋ/*ʔrk ‘breast’ ~ Yen. *tut.‘heart’ [47] ~ NCauc. *hilčwĒ ‘to run (away)’ ~ STib. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ ~ Burushaski *hán-chil ‘water from a wound. *ʔen ‘now’. *=HuǯV-n ( ~ --) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ ~ STib. *n ‘I’ ~ STib. *dA ‘big’) ~ STib.‘I’ ~ Basque *ni ‘I’. soup)’ ~ Basque *u-hin ‘wave’. when’ ~ Yen.–Yen. As mentioned in 4. *ɦăr[w]Ĕ ‘wide’ ~ STib. *ku ‘to seek. The root comparisons from 5. luizzi-l ‘runner. anna ‘when’ [2] ~ NCauc. (Chin. *dak ‘hope. the core lexicostatistical schema of Sino-Caucasian macrofamily looks as following : Sino-Caucasian / \ Sino-Tibetan–Na-Dene North Cauc. *ƛep ‘tongue. the reduction of root structure in Proto-Sino-Tibetan opens an additional space for external etymologization. (WCauc. to regard’ ~ Yen.‘to be(come) wide’ [9] ~ NCauc. *ćhōʔ. messenger’ [26] ~ NCauc. *χĭw(s) ‘water. A relatively high number of Hattic–SinoTibetan isoglosses (see below) should be explained by these factors.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 405 reconstruction as it is presented today is somewhat preliminary (work in this field is in progress) as opposed to the North Caucasian and Yenisseian ones.1. next. *Ćj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ ~ Yen. *ǯin ‘bright day’ ~ Burush. *b-[]k. *=agwV ‘to see’ ~ STib. alef ‘tongue’ [1] ~ NCauc. look’ [13] ~ NCauc.‘clear (of weather)’. *ŋā. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ ~ STib.‘to find’ kun ‘to see’ [21] ~ NCauc. *χiGV-ĺ ‘wide. *b. harki. *ʔēǯ.‘I’ [75] ~ NCauc. understand’ ~ Yen. *tajH ‘big. *h[ä]nV ‘now’ ~ STib. to lick’ ~ Yen. belief’. *ćhoʔ.: 15 etymologies. *qʷāŋH ‘wide. *a. we’ ~ Yen. Yenisseian The question is whether the Hattic language is closer to the Sino-Tibetan– Na-Dene branch or to the North Caucasian–Yenisseian one. Na-Dene North Cauc. broad’ ~ Yen.‘I. *ćōʔ ‘to run’) ~ Yen. The primary meaning of the proto-root was probably ‘to lick’. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ ~ Burush. broad’ hukur ‘to see. han ‘sea’ [7] ~ NCauc. moisture’ ~ Yen. *kʷēn ‘to glance at. *H[o]kV ‘to look. *ʔalVp ‘tongue’. big’ [54] ~ NCauc. hide’ fa. *ānpV ‘lip’ ~ STib.‘to flee.1 can be summarized in the following statistic chart. ~ NCauc. choose.) ~ Burush. and Yen. and STib. Hatt. search’ ~ STib. watery (tea. *qo ‘to see’.

tumil ‘rain’ [62] ~ NCauc. preserve’ ~ STib. season’ (a)nti ‘to stand .‘to . *sī. *=iĂ ‘to give. friend. *ćəw ‘water. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock. ku ‘to seize’ [19] ~ NCauc. put down’ ~ Burush. *=VmVr ‘to stand (up)’ ~ STib. *ćhémil ‘poison’. *ćūm ‘honour. to put’ ~ Yen. *ʕapālwĔ ‘burdock . eš ‘to put’ [4] ~ NCauc. escort (vel sim. *=ĭrwĂ ‘to ripen’ ~ STib. wet. large’ her ‘to hide’ [12] ~ NCauc. to scoop’ ~ Yen. *di(j) ‘to lie down. morning’ wet ‘to be sour/bitter’ [34] ~ NCauc. *HŭqwĂ ‘to graze. *[ǯh]ɨam ‘salt’ ~ Burush. of weed’ take-ha ‘lion’ [51] ~ NCauc. *chi(ə)k ‘leopard’. take’ ~ STib. *koj (~ -l) ‘to hide’ ~ Basque *gal. *ćhiH ‘to be at. set up’. place’ ~ Yen. hil ‘to grow. *=ătV-r ‘to let. companion’ liš ‘year’ [24] ~ NCauc. *ɣuy ‘hair’. to steal’ ~ STib. a pair of horns’ ~ Burush. ti ‘to lie. *ʒhaH ‘to eat’ ~ Yen. *lH ‘year. *bilágur ‘a k. *=ǟwčĂ ‘to emit.‘to lose’. *khaj ‘horn. *mlćwV ‘wind’ ~ STib. (Chin. *dhăH ‘to put. *ʔa-č. Kassian [UF 41 Yen. halu ‘bolt. *pārē ‘lightning’ ~ STib. *ǟnV ‘lynx. to stay’ ~ STib. *ćhej ‘female’) ~ Basque *a-ćo ‘old woman’. *=VV ‘to drink. shining’ [33] ~ NCauc. Hatt. and Yen. *ṣo ‘to wash’. day’ ~ STib. lock’ [6] ~ NCauc.‘to grow’. *phak ‘leaf’ ~ Burush. *ćhiw ‘autumn’) ~ Yen. *mbi ‘god. leaf(?)’ ~ STib. authority’ zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] ~ NCauc. stay’. sit. *wŏjV ‘woman. key’ ~ STib. autumn’. tefu ‘to pour’ [57] ~ NCauc. *ḳuł /*łḳu ‘lock. tafa-r-na ‘lord’ [52] ~ NCauc.‘to pour’ ~ Burush.)’ [20] ~ NCauc.: 15 etymologies. paru ‘bright. lock’. ripen’ [11] ~ NCauc. *grĭ ‘old.‘to eat’ ~ Burush. to stay’ [28] ~ NCauc.: 5 etymologies. *tɨʔj. *=igwVł ‘to lose. make. horn’ ~ STib. hel. *ƛăjV ‘year. *śi/*ṣi/*ṣu ‘to eat’. compensate. panther’ ~ STib. female’ ~ STib. tu ‘to eat’ [59] ~ NCauc. bolt. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put (together). pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] ~ NCauc. plait. to eat’ ~ STib. mercy’ ~ STib. ~ NCauc. and STib. *prɨăŋH ‘bright. *mŭt ‘to blow’ puluku ‘foliage’ [39] ~ NCauc. *kŭ ‘to help .406 A. Hatt. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ ~ STib. *kălH ‘bolt. *Khu (~ -ua. to gulp. to lay?’ [55] ~ NCauc. *-´t‘to do. -əw) ‘take out. *sir1. ~ NCauc. to vomit’ ~ STib. pour. leave. guard. *ɦmVjwĂ ‘sour’ ~ STib. kaiš ‘horn’ [14] ~ NCauc. (Chin.‘summer’ ~ Basque *asaro ‘November. extract’ (a)ku ‘soldier. *ʔes.

trace’ far ‘thousand’ [31] ~ STib. *re ‘to dislike’ leli ‘source of light’ [23] ~ STib.‘to run’. to think’ fula ‘bread’ [38] ~ STib. swallow’ [42] ~ STib. *čHäłu/*čäłHu ‘earth. *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow. *qhaṣ ‘to rub’. beam. *bhăr ‘abundant. *Prŋ ‘country’ puš ‘to devour. han ‘to open’ [8] ~ NCauc. *u-n ‘thou’. *mŋ ‘to die’ ~ Yen. swallow’ puš. *phu ‘to blow’). shell’ ~ Yen. *bħĕrĭ ‘wolf’ ~ Yen. lord’ . Hatt. zihar ‘(building) wood. p(a)raš ‘leopard’ [37] ~ NCauc. šai-l/tai-l ‘lord.‘to fan (a fire or burning materials)’ [42] ~ STib. rub’ ~ Yen. word’. *čɦrV ‘skin. *rołH ‘light’ lu ‘to be able’ [25] ~ STib. *mt ‘to eat.: 6 etymologies. fun ‘mortality’ [40] ~ STib. ~ NCauc. to fan’ (further to onomatopoeic NCauc. chip . listen’ zehar. *lw ‘to be able’ nu ‘to come. *bar ‘speech. *bŭ.)’ [22] ~ STib. rest (tr. timber’ [64] ~ NCauc. population’ [41] ~ STib. *wēχV ‘stick. *mVn ‘to perceive. *Gāp ‘to cover’ ~ Yen. numerous’ pnu ‘to observe. *pe(ʔ)s-tap ‘wolverine’ ~ Basque *oćo ‘wolf’.: 4 etymologies.: 16 etymologies. bŭt ‘to blow. *təʔrap‘bread crust’. *p(r)wH ‘to speak’ ~ Yen. ~ STib. hel ‘to strew. *pV(j) ‘to blow’ ~ Burush.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 407 put’ ~ Basque *ecan ‘to lie down. tuk ‘to step’ [61] ~ STib. *ćH ‘to govern . *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ ~ Burush. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman. master’ [46] ~ STib. *ćek ‘to tread. ground. kip ‘to protect’ [18] ~ STib. scatter’ (a)le ‘to envy (vel sim. female’ fel ‘house’ [30] ~ NCauc. pour’ [10] ~ STib. *qepVn. piece of wood. *nŭ ‘to tread. look’ [36] ~ STib. *boŋ ‘dead man’.) to put down’. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] ~ NCauc. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. *bēŁ ‘cattle-shed’ šahhu/tahhu ‘ground. listen’ [48] ~ NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent. blowing’ ~ Yen. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. and Yen. we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *čɔʔq.‘to close (door)’ fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] ~ STib.‘to pray’ ~ Burush. Hatt. go’ [29] ~ STib. *baŕ. timber’ Hatt. šam(a) ‘to hear. *čVqV/*qVčV ‘to scratch.‘woman’ [27] ~ NCauc. bottom’ [45] ~ NCauc. *q(h)ʷār ‘throw (into water). *mor ‘grain’ fur ‘country. ~ STib. trample’ ~ Yen. *pūHV ‘to blow. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ nimhu. field’.

*q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ A high number of exclusive Hattic–Sino-Tibetan isoglosses (16 entries) is noteworthy. *tĕp ‘fear. but can hardly prove some specific relationship. ENG all (omnis) ashes bark belly big. etymologies do not look obligatory. No. 5. 1. to be confused’ teh ‘to build’ [56] ~ STib. big’ [54] NCauc. 2.‘to grow’.‘to fall’ ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. For the general principles of the compilation process now see Kassian et al. *ćH ‘to work. 4. (WCauc. *=ăčw ‘to take. Hattic Sino-Caucasian 6. *re ‘to dislike’ or Hatt...59 The situation changes if one tries to analyze Hattic words from the Swadesh list.. *ʔēč. The table below includes the standard Swadesh 100-wordlist (as it is accepted. to close’ tup ‘root’ [63] ~ Yen. *tajH ‘big. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *rołH ‘light’ which are formally acceptable. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’ kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. Kassian [UF 41 tafa ‘fear’ [53] ~ STib. to build’ tuh ‘to take’ [60] ~ STib. *kaʔt ‘old (attr.: 9 etymologies. hold. *dA ‘big’) ~ STib. much’ ~ Yen. g. 3. grasp’). *ĆŏH ‘to seize’ (further to NCauc. aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] ~ Yen. ~ Yen. . seize. in various publications by S.‘often’ štip ‘gate’ [49] ~ Yen. leli ‘source of light’ [23] ~ STib.‘to let come. 2007) with 10 additional words from S. Starostin.408 A. e. *tɨʔj.–STib.)’ fute ‘long (in temporal meaning)’ [44] ~ Yen. g. *bot.. to plug. e. *ʔa-KsV. let enter’ kaš ‘head’ [16] ~ Yen. even through some of these Hatt. 12—13 for detail). pungent’ Hatt. *də(ʔ)q. Yakhontov’s 100-wordlist. 2010. zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] ~ STib. large — — — — te ‘great. 59 bird ašti or šti ‘bird’ [3’] ––––––––––––––––––––––– Cf. taken from the second part of the Swadesh 200-wordlist (see Бурлак/Старостин 2005.‘temple (part of head)’ katte ‘king’ [17] ~ Yen. Yakhontov’s items are marked by the “+” sign. see Старостин. *t[e]mb-Vĺ. carry’ ~ Basque *eući ‘to take. Hatt. (a)le ‘to envy (vel sim.‘root’ zik ‘to fall’ [65] ~ Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover. *cp ‘bitter.)’ [22] ~ STib.

) cloud cold to come — — — — — — — — Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Hattic Sino-Caucasian 409 aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] an ‘to come (here?)’ [2’] Yen. soil . *=VV ‘to drink . 21. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ‘to eat’. terrestrial. egg eye fat feather — nimah. ištarrazi-l ‘(dark / black) earth. 17. 15.‘to eat’ ~ Burush. *sī. 18. to eat tu ‘to eat’ [59] NCauc. 12. ground. 20. lmah ‘eye(s)’ [58’] — — . puš ‘to devour. *ʔēč. sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow . to eat’ ~ STib. *čHäłu / *čäłHu ‘earth. let enter’ 16. 10. šahhu / tahhu ‘ground’ [45] NCauc. 7. *ʒhaH ‘to eat’ ~ Yen. earthly(?)’ [22’] 22. ENG to bite black blood bone breast to burn (trans. swallow’ Cf. field’.‘to let come. 19. STib.)’ [46’] — — Cf.2009] No. swallow’ [42] 23. 25. *mt ‘to eat. 13. 11. 8. 26. 24. to die dog to drink dry ear earth — — ? lin ‘to drink? (vel sim. to gulp. Cf. 14. 9.

heart šaki.‘temple (part of head)’ NCauc. 37. listen’ [48] Yen.) ~ Burush. 36. 33. *n ‘I’ ~ STib. 45. *khaj ‘horn. *ŋā. fire fish to fly foot full to give to go good green hair hand head to hear ENG — — — — — A. 34. *a. *bilágur ‘a k. 31. 32. 44. 35. listen’ NCauc. I fa. *ʕapālwĔ ‘burdock .‘I’ [75] 43. *b. a pair of horns’ ~ Burush. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock. belief’. *ʔrŋ / *ʔrk ‘breast’ ~ Yen.(*ʔab-) / *aŋ ‘my’ (attr. 27. 38.‘heart’ [47] 41. *phak ‘leaf’ ~ Burush. 39. we’ ~ Yen. plait .‘I. leaf(?)’ ~ STib. *ʔa-KsV. *dak ‘hope. *nŭ ‘to tread. 28. *ɣuy ‘hair’.410 No.‘I’ ~ Basque *ni ‘I’. horn kaiš ‘horn’ [14] 42. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ ~ Burush. NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent. 30. 29. favorable’ [49’] — — — kaš ‘head’ [16] šam(a) ‘to hear. NCauc. trace’ (a WCauc. horn’ ~ STib. go’ [29] malhip ‘good. of weed’ . Kassian Hattic Sino-Caucasian [UF 41 yay ‘to give’ [25’] nu ‘to come. STib. 46. loan) 40. to kill knee to know leaf — — — puluku ‘foliage’ [39] NCauc. *jĕ-rḳwĭ ‘heart’ ~ STib.

*ćhiw ‘autumn’) ~ Yen. 55. (a Sem. kazza ‘blood red?. red Cf. the prohibitive morpheme taš. make. 58. leave . *di(j) ‘to lie down. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ ~ STib. red?’ [31’] . 59.~ šaš-. *dhăH ‘to put. to stay’ ~ STib. teš. NCauc.‘summer’ ~ Basque *asaro ‘November . *-´t. 64. 60. 50. *sir1. 52. to lay?’ [55] Sino-Caucasian 411 NCauc. 62. (Chin. 65. autumn’. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ Yen. 63. place’ ~ Yen. 66. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. 61. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’. ENG to lie Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Hattic ti ‘to lie . 49. 51.2009] No. liver long louse man (male) man (person) many. set up’. *=ătV-r ‘to let. 56. 67.~ šeš— tumil ‘rain’ [62] Yen. put down’ ~ Burush. a lot of meat moon mountain mouth nail name neck new night nose not one rain ? tahalai[n…] ‘liver?’ [92’] — — — — — — kap ‘moon’ [15] ziš ‘mountain’ [67] — — — — tataet or taet ‘new’ [97’] — — Cf. loan??) 48. 57. 47. 53. 54.‘to do.

412 No. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. ENG road root round sand to say to see — tup ‘root’ [63] — —

A. Kassian Hattic Sino-Caucasian

[UF 41

Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’

Cf. hu ‘to exclaim, pronounce’ [15’] hukur ‘to see, look’ [13] NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look, search’ ~ STib. *ku ‘to seek, choose, understand’ ~ Yen. *b-[]k- ‘to find’ NCauc. *=agwV ‘to see’ ~ STib. *kʷēn ‘to glance at ; to regard’ ~ Yen. *qo ‘to see’. STib. *mVn ‘to perceive ; to think’

kun ‘to see’ [21]

Cf. pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] 74. 75. 76. seed to sit skin — nif or nifaš ‘to sit’ [59’] Cf. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] — — — (a)nti ‘to stand ; to stay’ [28]

NCauc. *čɦrV ‘skin, shell’ ~ Yen. *təʔrap- ‘bread crust’.

77. 78. 79. 80.

to sleep small, little smoke to stand

NCauc. *=VmVr ‘to stand (up)’ ~ STib. *ćhiH ‘be at, sit, stay’.

81. 82. 83.

star stone sun

— pip ‘stone’ [74’] eštan ‘sun’ [5] NCauc. *=HuǯV-n ( ~ --) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ ~ STib. *Ćj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ ~ Yen. *ʔēǯ- ‘clear (of weather)’, *ǯin ‘bright day’ ~ Burush. *āŋ ‘clear (of sky)’.

84.

to swim

2009] No. 85. 86. 87. 88. tail that this tongue ENG — —

Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Hattic Sino-Caucasian

413

imallen, imallin ‘this’ [18’] alef ‘tongue’ [1] NCauc. *ānpV ‘lip’ ~ STib. *ƛep ‘tongue, to lick’ ~ Yen. *ʔalVp ‘tongue’.

89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98.

tooth tree two warm water we what white who woman

— — — — — — — — — nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman, female’ (not a default NCauc. root for ‘woman’)

99. 100.

yellow you (thou)

— we ‘thou’ [77] NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n ‘thou’.

101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108.

far + heavy + near + salt + short + snake + thin + wind + worm +

— — — — — — — pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] — NCauc. *mlćwV ‘wind’ ~ STib. *mŭt ‘to blow’

109.

414 No. 110. ENG year +

A. Kassian Hattic li-š ‘year’ [24] Sino-Caucasian

[UF 41

NCauc. *ƛăjV ‘year, day’ ~ STib. *lH ‘year, season’

The exclusive lexical isoglosses between Hattic and the North Caucasian-Yenisseian branch and between Hattic and the Sino-Tibetan branch can be summarized as follows: Hatt. ~ NCauc.—Yen. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. *čɦrV ‘skin, shell’ ~ Yen. *təʔrap‘bread crust’. we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n ‘thou’. Hatt. ~ Yen. aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] ~ Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let enter’ kaš ‘head’ [16] ~ Yen. *ʔa-KsV- ‘temple (part of head)’ ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’ tup ‘root’ [63] ~ Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ Hatt. ~ NCauc. šahhu/tahhu ‘ground, bottom’ [45] ~ NCauc. *čHäłu/*čäłHu ‘earth, ground, sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow; field’. šam(a) ‘to hear, listen’ [48] ~ NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’ nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] ~ NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman, female’ Hatt. ~ STib. puš ‘to devour, swallow’ [42] ~ STib. *mt ‘to eat, swallow’ nu ‘to come, go’ [29] ~ STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’ pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] ~ STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’ As one can see, the exclusive Hatt.–STib. isoglosses are rather weak. Generally speaking, Hatt. puš ‘to devour, swallow’ and pnu ‘to observe, look’ should be excluded from the Hattic list of Swadesh’s lexemes. In turn, Hatt. nu ‘to come, go’ [29] does not coincide semantically with its STib. counterpart. On the contrary, the Yenisseian and North Caucasian proto-languages possess a number of reliable cognates of Hattic basic lexemes. The most striking of them are Hatt. we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n ‘thou’, Hatt. ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’ and Hatt. kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’.

2) Retention of initial laterals and *n-.: ––––––––––––––––––––––– Loss: anna ‘when’ [2] ~ Yen.-NCauc.‘wide’ [9] ~ Yen. Cf.60 Loss of a sonorant in the combinations *l + sibilant affricate. see the list above). / \ Hattic Yenisseian The Schema (b) might be more realistic in view of some specific phonetic processes that Hattic shares with Proto-Yenisseian (see 4. *dHV . Initial *ŋ. eštan ‘sun’ [5] ~ Yen. Hattic–Yen. *tɨʔj.> P-. / | \ North Cauc. features). A possible exception: ur(i) ‘spring.(*m. *ʔēǯ-. *hn . Of course in some points Hattic (the first half of the 2nd millennium BC) is more archaic then Proto-Yenisseian (its split: the first half of the 1st millennium BC). Etymological ST-clusters > t. Loss and retention of laryngeal phonemes in the same roots.–Yen. and so on. may also speak in favour of the theory of the common HatticYenisseian proto-language. *ɦrwĔ. well’ [109’] ~ Yen.2 above for detail): 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) Denasalization of initial m. fun ‘mortality’ [40] ~ Yen. *boŋ < SCauc. 60 .2.> P-). Fricativization of sibilant affricates in the non-initial position. te ‘big’ [54] ~ Yen. lexical comparisons (6 entries only. han ‘sea’ [7] ~ Yen. *HmoŋV . *=Hǯ(-n) .–Na-Dene North Cauc. Hattic shows: 1) Retention of *w. praš ‘leopard’ [37] ~ Yen. *bħĕr . *xäń < SCauc. *ǯin < SCauc. shared both by Hattic and Proto-Yenisseian. Retention: harki. lake’. *pe(ʔ)s-tap < SCauc. *xnɦ. Hattic Yenisseian (a) (b) Sino-Caucasian / \ STib.< SCauc. *xur1 ‘water’ < SCauc. *m + sibilant affricate.–Na-Dene North Cauc. *n/*m + velar/uvular stop (common STib. / \ North Cauc. *ʔen < SCauc. Some particular cases of semantic development.–Yen. In such a situation two trees are possible: Sino-Caucasian / \ STib. 3) Retention of sonorants in the combinations *r/*l + velar/uvular.–Yen.> *m. *n/*m + labial stop.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 415 I believe that the statistic data above speak for a specific Hattic–North Caucasian–Yenisseian relationship. *χiGV-ĺ ‘wide’ < SCauc. As opposed to Proto-Yenisseian. but the supposition of a specific Hattic– North Caucasian relationship is not likely due to a minimal number of exclusive Hatt. *ħwir ‘water.

*jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ vs. (proto-)languages. We can suspect here either the development ‘heart’ > ‘breast’ separately in the Yen. prev.2 Geographical problem 8. proto-language possesses the richest phonetic system among known SCauc. languages allow us to suppose that during millennia the Sino-Caucasian tribes were being gradually forced out of their habitats or assimilated by neighboring peoples. 8.‘bread crust’. Burushaski. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ (cf. Approximate borders of the Yenisseian family in the XVII c. rub’. AD are shown. *čVqV ‘to scratch. These examples are opposed to the following etymologies. AD are given after Pakendorf. 8 for detail). *čɦrV ‘skin. fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] ~ Yen. Yen. Na-Dene. STib. *baŕ.‘heart’ [47] ~ NCauc. Kassian [UF 41 alef ‘tongue’ [1] ~ Yen. NCauc. STib. 62 We cannot argue about the Hurrian and Hattic phonemic inventories due to their simplified cuneiform transmission. where Hattic meanings coincide with North Caucasian : šaki.2. Semantic shift ‘heart’ < > ‘breast’ is typologically rather common. 2007. see fig. . *ānpV ‘lip’. han ‘sea’ [7] ~ Yen. *ʔalVp ‘tongue’ vs.2 The NCauc. *xnɦ ‘water’. lit. Historically attested areas of the Sino-Caucasian languages are illustrated by the map (prepared with the help of Yuri Koryakov): fig.416 A. NCauc. The only thing I can do here is to outline some points of future discussion and propose one of the possible scenarios of the Sino-Caucasian expansion. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ vs. For the North Caucasian. Yen. shell’ vs. *p(r)wH ‘speak’ taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] ~ Yen. *ʔrŋ/*ʔrk ‘breast’). *təʔrap. 4 w.61 8. proto-language and Hattic. proto-languages or the development ‘breast’ > ‘heart’ separately in the NCauc.‘to pray’ vs.1 Location of the Sino-Caucasian homeland and ways of prehistoric migrations of Sino-Caucasian tribes are uninvestigated questions. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ vs.62 Such a phonetic simplification should ––––––––––––––––––––––– 61 As far as I can judge.2. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. Sino-Tibetan. Can be explained as a subsequent semantic specification in Proto-Yenisseian. Territorial coverage and high dispersion of the known SCauc. and STib. 5. Yenisseian. their main confrontations occurred with various Nostratic tribes (the split of the North branch of the Nostratic proto-language dates back to the first half of the 11th millennium BC. NCauc. Basque and Burushaski families borders of the late XX c. Basque and Na-Dene show more trivial systems. Sino-Tibetan.

with which SCauc. 194 claims that Meshoko pottery is close to the Chalcolithic Eastern Anatolian tradition.2. 6) demonstrates that in the 7th–4th millennia BC the way from the Near East to Europe came through West Anatolia into Balkans. These facts could indicate that the NCauc. 8.. . Sino-Tibetan.. even those with a penchant for emphasizing autonomous evolutionary processes”. 2002): fig. Yenisseian. The Meshoko culture is rather associated with northern/northwestern steppe regions and Balkans (it concerns pottery. Maykop-related cultures may be divided into three successive phases: Chalcolithic Meshoko (4500–3850 BC). 2007b. Bellwood/Oxenham. Kohl.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 417 be explained by the influence of non-SCauc. Chernykh (fig. 189 w.3 The map of successive stages in the distribution of copper and bronze artefacts by E. 13. see now Lyonnet. As noted in Kohl. 7. On the other hand. Ivanova. 170. and Basque demonstrate clear morphological relations with neighboring non-SCauc. 1994. made of obsidian imported from Transcaucasia (Мунчаев. Kohl. It correlates with the routes of agricultural expansion. lit. 2007. The same considerations may be applied to morphology. 2007.). 73. g. 243. 1994. It is important that according to Трифонов. Burushaski. proto-language had minimal contacts with non-SCauc. 29 f. 2001.4 One of the clues to the reconstruction of the sociolinguistic situation in prehistoric Near East could be the Maykop archeological culture (Early Bronze Age). languages.: “the general spread of the Neolithic foodproducing economy from Anatolia into southeastern Europe is accepted by all scholars. 2009 Northwest Caucasus was uninhabited during Neolith. 2008. 2007. homeland to the modern NCauc. 2007. Maykop (that includes the great Maykop kurgan and related complexes. some other artefacts and metal. for details see Мунчаев. e. For the periodization and dating see Lyonnet. area. similarly in Trifonov. cf. 17 ff. dialects and a relatively short migratory way from the SCauc. 2009. lit. some connections with southern regions can be traced also: Трифонов.. Bar-Yosef. 2007a. 135 w. 3850–3300 BC) and its successor Novosvobodnaya culture (3300–2500 BC).2. 2003. tribes contacted pending their movements. Diamond /Bellwood. 10 ff. which went into Europe through West Anatolia and into Asia through Iran. which was imported from Balkans). languages. 8. only in Chalcolithic time that region was reoccupied by Meshoko people. but not through North Caucasus into steppes. also Meshoko lithic tools. but not through North Caucasus (see.

Kassian [UF 41 Fig.418 A. Historically attested areas of the Sino-Caucasian languages . 5.

III = mid-4th to first half of the 3rd millennium BC .2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 419 Fig. V = XVI / XV centuries BC to the IX / VIII centuries BC (from Chernykh 1992. 6. 1014.. IV = mid-3rd millennium BC to the XVIII / XVII centuries BC . Distribution of copper and bronze artefacts. . 2). II = 5th to first half of the 4th millennium BC . I = 7th to 6th millennium BC .63 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 63 A similar map of the exploitation of copper ores and naturally occurring copper metal in the 11th–7th millennia BC can be found in Roberts et al. 2009.

Kohl. with approximate radiocarbon dates (from Diamond / Bellwood. on the other hand. The Amuq F period is now treated as contemporary to Maykop culture: 3850–3000 BC (Lyonnet. Lyonnet. the samples from Level XII yielded a date of 3837 + 72 years BC (…) Aurenche and Hours (…). 1977. 7. But. 50–55.” 64 . 2009. 51: “Unfortunately. The modern cal.64 see Андреева. 169. the Meshoko culture (see above). Four C14 dates were run from the site of Tepe Gawra (…). e. 1977. 148). Bellwood / Oxenham. For the dating see Rothman. 73) or rather to the Early Uruk period. while ––––––––––––––––––––––– Gawra XII represents the transitional phase between the late Ubaid and early Uruk epochs. i. there is some evidence of northern /northwestern sources of the Maykop culture. Using the Clark calibration. e. only one C14 date exists for Levels XII to VIII of Gawra. Traditionally Amuq F pottery is derived from the earlier Tepe Gawra (northern Mesopotamia) ware (Gawra XII–IX. according to which the Maykop culture originates from the south (i. This dating makes questionable the traditional view. 2007. got dates of 4920–4450 BC for XII. i.420 A. 13 . Kassian [UF 41 Fig. Мунчаев. and an attempt to run bone dates failed. The new OxCal calibrations should yield a date of somewhere between 4700–4400 BC. using another calibration. from Anatolia and/or Mesopotamia). Agricultural homelands and spreads of Neolithic / Formative cultures. — Traces of Balkans–North Caucasus trade routes are known already from the pre-Maykop phase. to the transitional period between late Ubaid and early Uruk times (Kohl. 2002. 2007a. 1994.) The phenomenon of a sudden emergence of the Maykop culture is more important to us. Indeed it is obvious that some kind of Maykop pottery is rather close to the pottery of the Amuq F cultures of southern Anatolia and northern Syria (Андреева. 2007b. 17 ff. C-14 dating moves the Maykop culture from the 3rd millennium BC (a traditional dating) to the beginning of the 4th millennium BC. 243). — Early Maykop complexes are located rather in the northwest area. e. 53–54). 2008. 2003.

lit. from the transitional phase between late Ubaid and early Uruk of Tepe Gawra—Gawra XII (Rothman. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 65 Note that the traditional argument for the southern origin of the Maykop culture—slow potter’s wheel. 65 It is very important to us that for the 4th–3rd millennia BC we should assume some migrations and/or trade routes from the Maykop region to the south into Anatolia. 1994. probably the second half of the 4th millennium BC) allow us to trace the north to south movement of Maykop-related people before the expansion of the Kura-Araxes culture at the end of the 4th millennium BC. lit. Avilova. 17. 142–144 . ou l’introduction du décor peigné en Mésopotamie sont. 230). Varna necropolis). — Kurgan burials are not typical of Near Eastern traditions. 74–75 . Lyonnet. See above about post-Maykop kurgans in northwestern Iran. Anatolia and Mesopotamia: Maykop-related Se Girdan kurgans. Akhundov. 2007. then during the second half of the 4th millennium BC and the Middle Bronze Age they spread into Transcaucasia. Kura-Araxes culture..2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 421 the later Novosvobodnaya culture spreads into southeast (Мунчаев. see Kohl. Kohl. e. belonging to the Leilatepe culture (the first half of the 4th millennium BC). 59). Charvát. 2007a. (contra Трифонов. pre-Maykop kurgans are known from Central Ciscaucasia. — The so-called “problem of gold”. — The sudden emergence of the metal-rich Maykop culture chronologically correlates with “the collapse of the earlier Southeast European hearth of metallurgical activity or the so-called Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province” (Kohl. But such a technology is also attested from the beginning of the Late Tripolye period (Tripolye C1: 4000–3300 BC . Royal Cemetery at Ur and so on (cf. 2002. 2009. 54 . 1996. see Chernykh. 242 w. Ахундов/Махмудова. for the general discussion about possible north(west) roots of the Maykop culture. 1994. Mesopotamia and so on. (esp. Kohl. 2002. 2007. Lyonnet. 85. This may allow us to trace prehistoric movements of peoples who used and valued gold. Kohl. 2009. Indeed slow potter’s wheel is known. 2009. 150 supposes that some Mesopotamian pottery styles can be borrowed from Maykop (“(…) l’apparition de la céramique grise polie et lissée. 171– 173). Gold-rich complexes are known from Chalcolithic Balkans (the second half of the 5th millennium BC. 219)—does not seem reliable. 245 w. 2007. lit. 2007b. Some resembling Maykop tradition burial mounds. Troy II–III. On the other hand. 2007b. have been recently discovered in southern Caucasus—northwestern Azerbaijan and central Georgia (Kohl. 178–179 . 59) that is earlier than the Maykop culture. some materials of which show clear parallels with Maikop remains (Мунчаев. 78–79 for details. 150). used by both the Maykop and Novosvobodnaya people (Мунчаев. then from the Early Bronze Age Maykop culture (3850–3500 BC). 2007). 2007. Tepe Gawra X. Lyonnet. 2009). Lower Volga and Lower Don. 2008. An alternative solution is the supposition that it was a local Maykop invention. Zbenovich. g. Kuban area. Kohl. Hattic Alaca Höyük. 244. . 2007. 57 ff. Later a number of Maykop-like kurgans in northwestern Iran (the so-called Se Girdan tumuli. 41–43. 1992. 75–86) w. 2000). See Kohl. 1994..

2008.5 Fig. An idea that some tribes could create a Chalcolithic culture with poor copper metallurgy in South Caucasus. 2007). Jemdet Nasr—and even as far away as Early Dynastic Ur”. also concerning rulership or religion sphere (like lithic sceptres). 96 attempts to adapt the traditional concept of south to north intrusion for the new chronology: “While migrating from Mesopotamia to the north a group of North Ubaid tribes did not stop for a long time in South Caucasus. but in reality they are bull nose rings. Akhundov. The trees are based on 50wordlists (see com. 1994. 2007. Later Early Bronze Culture (scil. Further see Ivanova.2. 2009 for details.. about the stylistic uniformity between Maikop and Late Uruk applied art. 72) statement: “(…) the various analogies for the gold ornaments and for some of the bronze tools. whose cults are associated with a bull. and discussion. for C-14 dates of the settlement Beyuk Kesik). but continued their way and with their already transformed chalcolithic culture settled in North Caucasus. 2007. Трифонов. later (the 3rd–2nd millennia BC) analogous þ-objects are known from the Mesopotamian iconography. Nostratic and Sino-Caucasian (DeneSino-Caucasian. From my point of view. The most striking Maykop–Leilatepe isogloss is kurgan burials to which some particular parallels. where they serve as a symbol of some deities. 8. Museibli. Material culture of Early Bronze Age was also created under the influence of these chalcolithic traditions”. found in some Novosvobodnaya burials from the second half of the 4th millennium BC on. 209 similar paired þ-rings were found in Hattic Alaca Höyük burials (as is well known. can be added. see Museibli. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 66 The South Caucasian Chalcolithic Leilatepe culture is synchronic to the early Maykope phase (the 1st half of the 4th millennium BC. 2000.—A. According to Мунчаев. For metallurgical isoglosses see Chernykh’s (1992. 92 ff. supported by the Santa Fe Institute). such a scenario is not very realistic. très probablement d’origine caucasienne”). on fig.) appeared on the basis of these chalcolithic traditions.422 A. the Maykop culture. to sites of the late fourth and third millennia BC—Uruk. 22 w. .66 Cf. which are traditionally interpreted as cheekpieces (psalia). 259 w. 18. where during some decades they mastered highly developed bronze metallurgy seems strange. An appropriate particular example of such north to south influence are paired þ-shaped bronze objects. Kassian [UF 41 eux. lit. As such a mediator between Syro-Mesopotamian Ubaid-Uruk tradition and the Maykop culture the South Caucasian the Leilatepe culture can be considered (for the Leilatepe culture see Museibli. 8 represents the rather preliminary glottochronological trees of three Eurasian macrofamilies: Afro-Asiatic. 2 above for detail). 2007. 2007. Ахундов /Махмудова. lit. but excluding the Haida language). K. Starostin as part of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” project. then immediately made a quick march to the North Caucasus. Therefore I suppose that the most natural scenario is the opposite one: borrowing of some prestigious elements of the Maykop culture by the Leilatepe people or even the intrusions of the Maykop people into the Chalcolithic Transcaucasia in the 1st half of the 4th millenium (what could mean a somewhat vassal status of the Leilatepe region). lead us to ancient Mesopotamia. They have been compiled by G. another striking Maykop–Alaca parallel is theriomorphic standards). see Канторович и др.

In terms of this I believe that among known proto-languages the only linguistic candidate for the Maykop culture is the North Caucasian linguistic family. e. Diakonoff. 69 Cf. Middle Bronze Age). Сафронов. The archaeological data support movements of the Kura-Araxes people from north to south /southwest during the late 4th to the middle of the 3rd millennia BC (see Kohl. on fig. 1994. into Central Anatolia looks too fantastical from the linguistic viewpoint.69 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 67 Cf. (despite some linguistic investigations by A. 68 On the Sino-Caucasian attribution of Hurro-Urartian see com. the Proto-Hurrians (Proto-HurroUrartians) could be identified with the Kura-Araxes (Early Trans-Caucasian) culture (the middle of the 4th [or even earlier] to the middle of the 3rd millennia 68 BC) at least at its late phases. 2006. or Hurr. 2004. g. as per. Gimbutas’ theories) either. for a very short list of Semitic loanwords in Proto-Kartvelian (some of them penetrated into Kartvelian via the ECauc. Militarev).67 The Proto-Kartvelians (the split of the proto-language in the end of the 4rd millennium BC) are rather assuredly associated with the ProtoColchidean (Protokolkhskaya) culture (from the end of the 4th millennium BC. (b) metallurgical terminology is not reconstructed for Proto-Semitic—the same concerns other Afro-Asiatic families. As has been proposed by various scholars.. The Maykop people cannot be Indo-Europeans (despite some M. 1990. e. Burney. also much more cautiously Kohl.. 2007a. g. who is inclined to the same linguistic attribution of the Maykop culture. g. The Maykop people cannot be identified with the Proto-Kartvelians. Сафронов. . intermediation). see Микеладзе.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 423 The Maykop people can hardly be Semitic speakers (despite. 2007 (cf. e. 297. 252). 1997. On tentative Hurro-Urartian attribution of the KuraAraxes culture see. also Anthony. 4 above. the north borders of the Kura-Araxes culture seem to correspond roughly to the historically attested area of Hurro-Urartian dialects. 2007. 817 f.). since there are no linguistic traces of close contacts of Kartvelian tribes with Semitic in prehistoric epochs. 22 ff. Semitic tribes moved so far to the north. Starostin. since we are not aware of any Indo-European cultural dominance in the Anatolian and/or Mesopotamian regions of Early/Middle Bronze Age. Buccellati/Kelly-Buccellati. Kelly-Buccellati. 2009.. 1989): (a) there is no evidence that in the late 5th / early 4th millennia BC. such as Proto-Berber. Not to mention that the idea of separate migrations of Hittites (through North Caucasus) and Luwians (through Bosporus). 1989. Proto-Cushitic. etc.

Glottochronological trees of the Sino-Caucasian. Nostratic and Afro-Asiatic macrofamilies (50-item wordlist-based) . Kassian [UF 41 Fig.424 A. 8.

29 f.. *lŏʒ ‘a bright metal’. Near Eastern regions) is not very likely due to Occam’s razor. g. offers a solid list of Indo-European–NCauc. Starostin. As the emergence of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province is connected with the expansion of food-producing economy and copper metallurgy of northern Mesopotamia and Anatolia into southeastern Europe during the late 7th–6th millennia BC (Kohl. 99).‘silver’ was probably borrowed from NCauc. above.. but the first homeland of the NCauc. the source language demonstrates some innovative phonetic developments as compared with the reconstructed NCauc. . 1985/2007 for the reconstruction of Proto-NCauc. 1985 / 2007. 1988/2007. 334. the source of these loanwords was not the NCauc. where the only one Narrow IE term *a-es ‘copper > bronze > iron’ is reconstructable. *ɦĕrVcwĭ ‘silver’ and secondarily contaminated with IE *H.. proto-language per se : firstly. It is hard to guess about the localization of the homeland of the Basque–NCauc. proto-language into the Basque and NCauc.dbf and Старостин. *riƛ(w)e ‘brass . IE *H-ent/ *Har-ent.2. 1988 / 2007. secondly and more importantly. Therefore some Chalcolithic cultures of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province of the 5th millennium BC should be associated with the early phase of the NCauc. g. See Старостин. light’ (see Caucet. 2009. with the Proto-IE language. g.). see 8. 70 . Note that none of them possesses Basque cognates.6 The split of the Basque–NCauc.2. the most part of which must be explained as loanwords in IE.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 425 8. Старостин. see now Caucet. blue metal > iron’. 2007. *ṭtV(wV) ‘silver . there are at least six underived Proto-NCauc. lexical parallels (including some Indo-Hittite–NCauc. 304 originally meant ‘blue’. gold’. homeland (e. g.71 or with a similar situation of Proto-Semitic. proto-language (South Anatolia or Balkans.dbf sub *nHǟw ‘blue .‘white. e. As was correctly stated by S. Старостин.dbf. An important linguistic problem to be discussed here are the contacts between Proto-Indo-Hittite and Proto-NCauc. proto-language. Starostin 2009. some Anatolian metallurgical sites of that epoch like Çatal-Höyük could hypothetically trace the migratory way of the Proto-NCauc. branches glottochronologically occurred in the first half of the 7th millennium BC. *ṭš(w)ɨ ‘lead’.). 302 ff. According to Caucet. 2009. e. gold’. 71 Other IE quasi-proto-terms either have the clear migratory character or are derived from color names which can be later independent developments. attested both in ECauc./ *Har. there are no borrowings in the opposite direction (IE > NCauc. (i. proto-language was probably situated in some part of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province (cf. The NCauc. word ‘iron(?)’ quoted in Старостин. and WCauc. e.7 below). people from the SCauc. Starostin (1988/2007. proto-language possessed a rather developed agricultural and stock-breeding terminology and probably the richest metallurgical terminology among other reconstructed proto-languages of comparable time depth. about Varna culture). branches) terms for various metals70 which sharply contrasts. isoglosses). 125 ff. gold’. 356 ff. homeland into Balkans. Another localization of the early NCauc. cultural vocabulary... ––––––––––––––––––––––– *ɦĕrVcwĭ ‘silver’.). E. According to these lists the NCauc. *rĕwcwi ‘red copper . 1985/2007.

but Indo-Hittite term. Such a scenario. a few riverside sites of Sredny Stog community (Dniepr–Don region. the first half of the 5th – the first half of the 4th millennia BC) could at a stretch satisfy these conditions. 2009). splits ca.). Off. ox’ etc. reconstructed IE cultural vocabulary might be theoretically present in the language of some steppe people: e. descendant *ɦɨ[n]čwĭ (~ -ĕ) ‘horse’. 246 ff. šūru. that IE *ewo. appears precluded due to a significant number of ProtoNarrow IE (or even Proto-Indo-Hittite) roots and stems denoting forest. dialect after the NCauc.. according to which the Neolithic / Chalcolithic homeland of the Proto-Indo-Hittites was situated in the Carpatho-Balkan region (cf. 3800 BC..‘bull. I share the opinion. Ugar. for the traditional list of Proto-Semitic loanwords in IE and Дьяконов.. I claim that this numeral penetrated into IE dialects after the split of the IE proto-language (Kassian. however. ‘monkey’ or ‘elephant / camel’. its NCauc. 1999.) seems to be borrowed from an ancient language of the NCauc. stock discussed above. Starostin. 315 f. The non-steppe homeland of the IndoEuropeans can also be proven by the fact. placing the IE homeland to the east of Dniepr. 1989 w. *l > r in some positions. cf. prev. probably Hurr. I will not discuss it here. while NCauc. Dolgopolsky. 2002. but the same scenario is likely: the word was borrowed into Proto-Greek from some Semitic dialect. Starostin assumes that these Indo-Hittite stems have been borrowed from a specific NCauc. SED 2. but the absence of proper steppe floral terms or specific terms of mobile pastoralism make such a supposition unlikely. various trees. 1982a and 1982b for the heavy criticism of these connections. 1988 / 2007. but these contacts date back to the Indo-Iranian epoch. but. it was a wandering word in that region (cf. 2007b (a draft published post mortem) attempts to breathe life into the IE–Semitic contact theory and proposes the solid list of items borrowed from IE into Semitic . The main argument for the Anatolian location of the IE homeland are lexical borrowings between Proto-IE and Proto-Semitic. Therefore I believe that the donor of discussed loanwords was an extinct member of Basque–NCauc. where Sem. ṯr. The second probable candidate is Narrow IE *tar-os ‘aurochs’ < Sem. see Mallory.‘7’ and Etruscan semφ). The most probable Proto-Semitic loanword in IE is the designation of ‘7’ (Blažek. see the discussion in EDHIL. 1999. but I am sure that these isoglosses either are chance coincidences or represent the common Nostratic–Afro-Asiatic heritage. Aram. Gimbutas’ Pontic-Caspian steppe model (the kurgan theory). proto-language split. 237 ff. g. 1985 .‘7’. 72 . g. e. šōr. not earlier (Proto-IE–ProtoUral. See. 1997 for an overview of the existing hypotheses. šitta.‘horse’ (which can be not a Narrow IE. Of course. *ṯawr. g. hills / mountains together with numerous agricultural and stockbreeding terms which is strikingly opposite to the absence of typical steppe vocabulary. 2006). 80. lit. ox’ (Akkad. Kartv. Diakonoff.426 A. Kassian [UF 41 proto-language (loss of *n in combination with affricates. e. thereupon spread into the Western IE dialects—cf. A sometimes proposed argument for the kurgan theory is the IE–Uralic lexical contacts.. 2009. 1994. twr ‘bull. *ṯ tended to shift to [t]. secondly. noted in Старостин. *šwid. the similar linguistic fate of designations of ‘lion’. ‘leopard / panther’. which are wandering words and cannot be reconstructed at the Proto-IE level. also Дыбо. 4000 BC.72 ––––––––––––––––––––––– The discussion about the Indo-European homeland is not a purpose of my paper . is not very realistic chronologically: according to glottochronology the split of Indo-Hittite dates back to ca.. firstly. stock that bordered on the Indo-Hittite area in the Chalcolithic Carpatho-Balkan region.). Various Anatolian / South Caucasian models reflect rather the Nostratic expansion than posterior Indo-Hittite migrations. isoglosses which belong mostly to the basic vocabulary represent the Nostratic heritage). Hebr. etc. Starostin. but in fact these isoglosses seem a mirage.. #241).

) should be revised from methodological positions of modern comparative linguistics and macro-comparativistics. Mailhammer. who sweep away Chalcolithic “Old Europe”. 1994. 77 f. 876–881 list some interlingual cultural borrowings between NCauc. Gimbutas’ mounted warriors from the steppes.. As shown in Старостин. contacts (which is impossible chronologically).–Proto-NCauc. and WCauc. but were later (during the 4th to the 2nd millennia BC) superseded and /or assimilated by various IE tribes. and Proto-Semitic or Proto-Cushitic and so on. e. lit. 2007. As noted in Starostin. also appear a myth—see the extended discussion in Kohl. forthc. 879 f. textile and metallurgy that exactly fits the Maykop culture (see Мунчаев. 2007. Hurrian and other inhabitants of the corresponding regions. but I suspect that the general idea of some Basque–North Caucasian substrate in Europe may turn out to be true. 73 Eight connections labeled as “Proto-Afrasian–Proto-North Caucasian isoglosses” by A. Today’s theories of the Proto-Basque substrate of western IE languages (cf. proto-language (ca.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 427 Basque-like tribes started moving towards Central and West Europe. tribes descended to the south. On the contrary. it will not contradict the theory of the Proto-North Caucasian–Proto-Indo-European contacts within the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province. Proto-NCauc. 2007. 310 f.. agriculture. stock-breeding. see above).73 ––––––––––––––––––––––– From the archaeological viewpoint. 819.. Proto-NCauc. and Proto-ECauc. On the contrary. 2007. 3800 BC). (scil. M. I want to stress that if we follow the model of the steppe homeland of the Proto-IndoEuropeans (which seems still mainstream among Indo-Europeanists).) could reflect not the Proto-Afroas. into Anatolia and Mesopotamia (where we find some Maykop-influenced cultures. About the west to east expansion of the Tripolye culture and its consecutive occupation of the steppe regions during the 5th–4th millennia BC see Manzura. 2005.). but later they have been forced back to their historical area in the North Caucasus or assimilated by Semitic. g. Maykop-related people) intrusion into Anatolia and Mesopotamia very well. Therefore these contacts must date back to the second half of the 4th–3rd millennia BC which chronologically fits the ECauc. Militarev / G. rounded the Black Sea and created the Early Maykop culture. whose dating (3850–3300 BC) exactly matches the glottochronological split of the NCauc. 224. Then (the second half of the 4th millennium BC) Proto-WCauc. people made their way from Balkans to the north. Starostin (Милитарев / Старостин. dialects and Afro-Asiatic languages. where they probably occupied some sizable areas. Милитарев/Старостин. the source language of North Caucasian borrowed elements in Proto-Kartvelian lexicon resembles rather Proto-Nakh or Proto-Hurro-Urartian (that corresponds to the later character of Proto-Colchidean culture). people knew horse-breeding. 2007a. w. 1985/2007. but the . the proposed list illustrates interlingual interferences after the splits of the main proto-languages. Proto-Kartvelian does not demonstrate reliable lexical traces of contacts with Proto-NCauc. It is important that the overwhelming number of these isoglosses cannot be treated as borrowings between Proto-NCauc. 126–144. 51. Kohl.

Unfortunately. Alternatively cf. stock of the NCauc. Novosvobodnaya culture). Mudrak (pers. and WCauc. as opposed to the more archaic West Caucasian stock. with the transition to sedentism and foodproducing economy (cal. this fact has led J. dialects were donors of some loanwords into Hattic (see above). 74 Some Nikolaev’s connections are highly questionable. It is interesting that some semantic developments in the Proto-WCauc. Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa ‘hand.–Proto-SCauc. some considerations according to which we cannot move Sino-Caucasian homeland too far away from the Fertile Crescent: a) Glottochronological splits of the main linguistic macro-family. however. West Caucasians?). Yakar (2008) to the supposition that Kaska were semi-nomadic communities. 198574) and even in Ancient Greek (Николаев. 2003 and vari––––––––––––––––––––––– Proto-Afras. *=āmʒŬ ‘to milk’ . WCauc. base *maħar.. . Kassian [UF 41 As is noted in 2. the WCauc. basic vocabulary can illustrate such a cultural shift towards a (mobile) pastoralism.). ECauc. 2007. *Haṗ ‘paw’.—coincide with the transition to the Neolithic in Levant area. whose homelands can be suspected of being located in the Near East—Afro-Asiatic (the late 11th millennium BC after the break-up of Omotic). […]”) < Nakh *marš ‘snot’.75 8. verb for ‘to drink (of humans)’ *zʷA goes back to NCauc. 1985). *-ṗV ‘human extremity’ (attested in compounds only: *λ´a-ṗV ‘foot’. Abkhaz–Abaza *na-ṗə. lit. 8 above for detail). which retains verbal prefixation as a basic morphological pattern. During the late 3rd – 2nd millennia BC. g.) proposes a number of additional plausible Proto-Nakh etymologies for the Hittite cultural vocabulary like. This process of morphological rebuilding should be explained by contacts with the Proto-Hurrians (probably the Kura-Araxes culture. but I am not aware of any reliable arguments pro or contra such a localization. feed’ . the Kaska tribes which started to bother the Hittites in the middle of the 2nd millennium BC should be considered as North Caucasians (scil. e. 4th–3rd millennia BC. Guerrero et al. who supposes that Kaska were the remnants of the indigenous Hattic population. finger’) originates from NCauc. and so on. For convenience I place the Sino-Caucasian homeland into the Syrian region. 75 For general reasons. Hitt. The WCauc. Singer. obl. i. Nostratic (the early 14th millennium BC with subsequent splits of the two main branches in the 12th and 11th millennia BC respectively) and Sino-Caucasian (the middle of the 11th millennium BC. *ɦĭfV ‘to graze. family demonstrates the shift from prefixal verbal morphology to suffixal systems.2.3 above. comm. O. 2008 w. 9–14). see fig.‘fat (n.428 A. the ECauc. Ubykh ā-ṗá ‘hand’. e.. C-14 dating of the Early Natufian phase: 12 450– 11 000 BC.2. Hittite (Николаев. There are. no reliable archaeological records of Kaska in the Late Bronze Age are revealed so far. mariš (“From the mou[th(?) …] evil saliva […] evil m. i. e. verb for ‘to eat (of humans)’ *fV goes back to NCauc. but some seem probative.7 One of the possible scenario of the Sino-Caucasian (Dene-Sino-Caucasian) expansion can be illustrated by the following maps (fig. who demonstrate the same shift from Proto-Sino-Caucasian prefixation to suffixation. Hitt. interferences. which interfered with the Late Maykop. See Diamond /Bellwood. muh(ha)rai ‘fleshy part of sacrificial animals’ < Nakh *moħ.)’.

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ous authors in Bocquet-Appel/Bar-Yosef, 2008 for general effect of Neolithic demographic transition and subsequent language diversity. b) A. Militarev/G. Starostin (Милитарев/Старостин, 2007, 879 f.) propose eight cultural lexical borrowings between Proto-Afro-Asiatic and Proto-SinoCaucasian (the title “Proto-Afrasian—Proto-North Caucasian isoglosses” in their paper is a misprint). c) As noted above (8.2.6), Anatolian metallurgical sites of the late 7th – 6th millennia BC (Çatal-Höyük and others) could hypothetically trace the migratory way of Proto-NCauc. people from the Sino-Caucasian Near Eastern homeland into Balkans. Phase 1. The break-up of the Sino-Tibetan–Na-Dene branch (the middle of the 11th millennium BC ; the Haida language is excluded).

Fig. 9. The Sino-Tibetan and Na-Dene migratory ways.

430

A. Kassian

[UF 41

Phase 2. The break-up of the North Caucasian–Basque and Yenisseian–Burushaski branches (the second half of the 9th millennium BC).

Fig. 10. The split between the North Caucasian–Basque and Yenisseian–Burushaski branches.

Phase 3. The split of the Yenisseian-Burushaski branch. I tentatively include Hurro-Urartian and Hattic languages into the Yenisseian–Burushaski stock, although the formal lexicostatistic evidence remains insufficient so far (see 4.1 and 8.1 above for detail). The Proto-Hurrians start moving towards the Caspian Sea, where later they create the Kura-Araxes culture (the first half of the 4th–3rd millennia BC). Theoretically some earlier (late Neolithic) cultures of that region can be identified with the Proto-Hurrians also. The Proto-Hattians dislocate into East Anatolia (cf. the Hattic Alaca Höyük royal tombs of the 3rd millennium BC), while the Proto-Burushaski-Yenisseians go their way to the east towards the Himalayas. According to glottochronology the Burushaski–Yenisseian proto-language splits at the middle of the 7th millennium BC, hence Karasuk culture (Late Bronze Age; ca. 1500–800 BC) certainly cannot be identified with the Burushaski–Yenisseian proto-language per se (cf. van Driem, 2001, 1186 ff.), but could represent the Yenisseian proto-language, which split in the middle of the 1st millennium BC (see the balanced discussion about Karasuk culture in Makarov /Batashev, 2004).76 Janhunen, 1998, 204 proposes the Yenisseian
–––––––––––––––––––––––
76

Some authors object to the Yenisseian attribution of the Karasuk culture. E. g., Legrand, 2006, 858: “It shows that this transformation [from the Andronovo culture into the Karasuk culture.—A. K.] did not result from the arrival of a new culture group, but from changes in the local economy and way of life that occurred in the particular geographic and climatic context of the Minusinsk Basin”. Cf. also Клейн, 2000, where the Karasuk culture is connected to the Proto-Tocharians (but Klejn’s Fatyanovo-Karasuk

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attribution of the Tashtyk culture (Minusinsk Basin, the first half of the 1st millennium AD) that seems doubtful; the Tashtyk culture rather represents early Turkic migrations into the region of Scythian Tagar culture.77 For that late epoch it is more natural to connect Yenisseians to the “forest” valik pottery (banded, чешуйчато-ленточная, обмазочно-валиковая, защипно-пальцевая), known from the Middle Yenisei to the Minusinsk Basin during the 1st millennium AD ; see Леонтьев/Леонтьев, 2009, 67, 76–83 w. lit.78

Fig. 11. The split of the Yenisseian–Burushaski branch (including Hurro-Urartian and Hattic). The Hattian, Hurro-Urartian, Burushaski and Yenisseian migratory ways. Scenario 1.

–––––––––––––––––––––––
conception seems rather dubious, however). 77 As far as I can judge from the data of Han and Tang chroniclers, the so-called Yenisei Kirghiz, with which the Tashtyk culture is traditionally associated, were Turkic in language, see Ligeti, 1950 (for Yenisei Kirghiz kaša ‘iron(??)’ see now Дыбо А., 2007, 97) 78 Note that, according to Леонтьев / Леонтьев, 2009, the Yenisseian valik pottery arises under the influence of the corresponding “Hun style”.

Fig. The Proto-Basques move into Europe. Phase 4. 13. 12. In the first half of the 7th millennium the Proto-Basques start . The split of the North Caucasian–Basque branch (scenario 1) and the migratory way of the Proto-Basques.432 A. The Proto-Basques and Proto-North Caucasians separate out (the first half of the 7th millennium BC). Fig. Kassian [UF 41 An alternative hypothetical scenario is separate migrations of Proto-Burushaski and Proto-Yenisseian people. Hurro-Urartian. An alternative scenario is to locate the Proto-North Caucasian–Basque homeland in the Balkans. Yenisseian and Burushaski migratory ways. Scenario 2. The Hattian.

fricatives and affricates (see NCED. Language name abbreviations. 14. for detail).1 Phonetic symbols (selectively) □´ □ □ / □˙  □: ʔ ʡ ʕ c č  G ɣ h palatalized consonant 1) a prosodic feature of the Proto-NCauc. SCC. References 9. 3 ff. The North Caucasian proto-language splits into the West Caucasian and East Caucasian branches in the first half of the 4th millennium BC that coincides with the North Caucasian Maykop culture. Fig. but later go their way towards the North Caucasus. The split of the North Caucasian–Basque branch (scenario 2) and the migratory way of the Proto-Basques and Proto-North Caucasians. 2) interdental fricative (in Semitic) ejective consonant tense or geminated consonant voiceless laryngeal (glottal) stop voiceless pharyngeal stop voiced pharyngeal fricative voiceless hissing affricate (the same as ʦ) voiceless hushing affricate the same as ŋ (in Sumerian) voiced uvular stop / affricate voiced velar fricative 1) voiceless glottal fricative . whereas Proto-North Caucasians stay in the Balkans (Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province of the 5th millennium BC). 9 Phonetic symbols. 90 f. 2) a velar of post-velar fricative (in cuneiform languages .2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 433 moving into Europe. . the simplified transcription of traditional ḫ) .

Hittite and Hurrian cuneiform. Khin. Hitt. Luw. Amor.2 Language name abbreviations Afroas. Chin. Hittite and Hurrian cuneiform. Kott. Hebr. the same as c / ʦ and ʒ) voiced hissing affricate voiced hushing affricate 9.) palatal resonant a lateral resonant (different from plain l . ECauc. Egyp. Bab. (Proto-)Afro-Asiatic Akkadian Amorite Arabic Armenian Aramaic (Proto-)Avaro-Andian Babylonian Burmese Burushaski Chinese Cuneiform Luwian (Proto-)East Caucasian Egyptian Elamic ESA Grk. the same as s) voiceless lateral fricative (in Semitic) voiceless hissing affricate (the same as c) voiceless interdental fricative voiceless velar fricative voiceless uvular fricative 1) voiced hissing fricative . Hurr. Burush. the same as ħ) voiced glottal fricative voiceless pharyngeal fricative unidentified laryngeal (used in reconstructions) after any vowel or consonant signifies pharyngealization (in NCauc. Av. 2) hissing affricate (in the Hattic. Epigraphic South Arabian Ancient Greek Hattic Hebrew Hittite Hieroglyphic Luwian Hurrian Indo-European (Proto-)Kartvelian Khinalug Kottish (Proto-)Lezghian Luwian Lycian A Middle Assyrian .434 A. Kassian [UF 41 ḥ ɦ ħ H I j ł L Ł λ ƛ ŋ q ʁ š ŝ ʦ θ x χ z ʒ ǯ voiceless pharyngeal fricative (in Semitic . Arab. Aram. HLuw. 2) voiceless hissing fricative (in the Hattic. IE Kartv. A MAss. Hatt.-And. Arm. Lyc. CLuw. Akkad. Burm. Elam. used in reconstructions) voiced lateral fricative voiced lateral affricate voiceless lateral fricative voiceless lateral affricate velar nasal resonant voiceless uvular stop / affricate voiced uvular fricative 1) voiceless hushing fricative . Lezgh.

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