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Band 41
2009







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2010




















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Inhalt


Artikel
Bojowald, Stefan
Noch einmal zum Personennamen t 6 ® 6 w©w in Urk. IV, 11, 9 ..........................1
Bretschneider, Joachim / Van Vyve, Anne-Sophie / Jans, Greta
War of the lords. The battle of chronology. Trying to recognize historical
iconography in the 3
rd
millennium glyptic art in seals of Ishqi-Mari
and from Beydar..............................................................................................5
De Backer, Fabrice
Evolution of War Chariot Tactics in the Ancient Near East..........................29
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Der ugaritische Parallelismus mn || dbb (KTU 1.4 I 38–40) und die
Unterscheidung zwischen dbb I, dbb II, dbb III................................................ 47
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Ugaritisch ©nn „(Komposit-)Bogenschütze“, qšt „Kompositbogen“,
„Bogen“ und q‰®t / ƒÝ „Pfeil“. Beobachtungen zu KTU 1.17 VI 13–14.
18b–25a .............................................................................................................. 51
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Präventiv-Beschwörung gegen Schlangen, Skorpione und Hexerei
zum Schutz des Präfekten Urt‘nu (KTU 1.178 = RS 92.2014) ........................ 65
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Urbild und Abbild in der Schlangenbeschwörung KTU
3
1.100.
Epigraphie, Kolometrie, Redaktion und Ritual .............................................75
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
Die keilalphabetischen Briefe aus Ugarit (I). KTU 2.72, 2.76, 2.86, 2.87,
2.88, 2.89 und 2.90........................................................................................... 109
Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald
‰md I „Paar“ und ‰md II „Axt, Doppelaxt“ nach KTU 4.169; 4.363;
4.136; 1.65 ..................................................................................................165
Faist, Betina I. / Justel, Josué-Javier / Vita, Juan-Pablo
Bibliografía de los estudios de Emar (4) .....................................................181
iv Inhalt [UF 41
Galil, Gershon
The Hebrew Inscription from Khirbet Qeiyafa / Ne˜a®im.
Script, Language, Literature and History ....................................................193
Gillmann, Nicolas
Quelques remarques additionnelles sur le siege de Lachish........................243
Halayqa, Issam K. H.
A Supplementary Ugaritic Word List for J. Tropper’s
Kleines Wörterbuch des Ugaritischen (2008)................................................. 263
Halayqa, Issam K. H.
Two Middle Bronze Age Scarabs from Jabal El-Tawaƒin
(Southern Hebron).......................................................................................303
Kassian, A.
Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language .........................................................309
Keetman, Jan
Die Triade der Laterale und ihre Veränderungen
in den älteren semitischen Sprachen............................................................449
Matoïan, Valérie / Vita, Juan-Pablo
Les textiles à Ougarit. Perspectives de la recherche....................................469
Mazzini, Giovanni
On the Problematic Term syr/d in the New Old Aramaic Inscription
from Zincirli ................................................................................................505
Melchiorri, Valentina
Le tophet de Sulci (S. Antioco, Sardaigne).
État des études et perspectives de la recherche ...........................................509
Murphy, Kelly J.
Myth, Reality, and the Goddess Anat. Anat’s Violence and
Independence in the Ba®al Cycle .................................................................525
Nahshoni, Pirhiya / Ziffer, Irit
Caphtor, the throne of his dwelling, Memphis, the land of his
inheritance. The Pattern book of a Philistine offering stand from
a shrine at Nahal Patish. (With an appendix on the technology
of the stand by Elisheva Kamaisky) ............................................................543
Natan-Yulzary, Shirly
Divine Justice or Poetic Justice? The Transgression and Punishment
of the Goddess ®Anat in the ¬Aqhat Story. A Literary Perspective...............581
Shea, William H.
The Qeiyafa Ostracon. Separation of Powers in Ancient Israel ..................601
2009] Inhalt v
Staubli, Thomas
Bull leaping and other images and rites of the Southern Levant
in the sign of Scorpius .................................................................................611
Strawn, Brent
kwšrwt in Psalm 68: 7, Again. A (Small) Test Case in Relating Ugarit to
the Hebrew Bible.........................................................................................631
Sturm, Thomas Fr.
Rabb°tum – ein Ort der Textilmanufaktur für den aA Fernhandel
von Assyrien nach Zentralanatolien (ca. 1930–1730 v.Chr.) ......................649
Zadok, Ran
Philistian Notes............................................................................................659
Buchbesprechungen und Buchanzeigen
W. BERTELMANN u. a. (Hrsg.): Alt-Jerusalem. Jerusalem und Umgebung
im 19. Jahrhundert in Bildern aus der Sammlung von Conrad Schick
und R. HARDIMAN / H. SPEELMAN: Auf den Spuren Abrahams.
Das Heilige Land in alten handkolorierten Photographien
(Wolfgang. Zwickel) ...................................................................................689
Sophie DÉMARE-LAFONT / A. LEMAIRE (Hrsg.): Trois millénaires de
formulaires juridiques (Oswald Loretz) ......................................................690
Manfried DIETRICH / Walter MAYER: Der hurritische Brief des Dušratta
von M÷tt°nni an Amen`otep III. Text – Grammatik – Kopie. Englische
Übersetzung des Textes von Desmond Durkin-Meisterernst. ......................691
Jo Ann HACKETT: A Basic Introduction to Biblical Hebrew (Oswald Loretz) 692
Detlev JERICKE: Regionaler Kult und lokaler Kult. Studien zur Kult- und
Religionsgeschichte Israels und Judas im 9. und 8. Jahrhundert v. Chr.
(Oswald Loretz)...........................................................................................693
Valérie MATOÏAN (Hrsg.): Le Mobilier du Palais Royal d’Ougarit
(Alexander Ahrens) .....................................................................................694
Maciej POPKO: Arinna. Eine heilige Stadt der Hethiter (Manfred Hutter).......697
Carole ROCHE (Hrsg.): D’Ougarit à Jérusalem. Recueil d’études épigra-
phiques et archéologiques offert à Pierre Bordreuil (Oswald Loretz)........701
Benjamin D. SOMMER: The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel
(Oswald Loretz)...........................................................................................701
Rita STRAUSS: Reinigungsrituale aus Kizzuwatna. Ein Beitrag zur Erfor-
schung hethitischer Ritualtradition und Kulturgeschichte (Piotr Taracha).703
Josef TROPPER / Juan-Pablo VITA: Das Kanaano-Akkadische der
Amarnazeit (Matthias Müller) .....................................................................708
W. H. VAN SOLDT (Hrsg.): Society and Administration in Ancient Ugarit.
Papers read at a symposium in Leiden, 13–14 December 2007
(Oswald Loretz)...........................................................................................713
vi Inhalt [UF 41
Jordi VIDAL (ed.): Studies on War in the Ancient Near East. Collected
Essays on Military History (Fabrice de Backer)..........................................713
Abkürzungsverzeichnis.....................................................................719
Indizes
A Stellen .........................................................................................................735
B Wörter .........................................................................................................737
C Namen .........................................................................................................742
D Sachen.........................................................................................................745
Anschriften der Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter ...................................749




Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language


A. Kassian, Moscow
1



1 On the Hattic language (Hattic vocalism, consonantism, nominal and
verbal morphosyntax).............................................................................311
1.1 Hattic vocalism...............................................................................312
1.2 Hattic consonantism.......................................................................312
1.3 Hattic morphosyntax. Nominal wordform (main slots)..................313
1.4 Hattic morphosyntax. Verbal wordform (main slots) .....................313
1.5 ........................................................................................................314
2 Previously proposed West Caucasian attribution....................................314
2.1 General remarks..............................................................................316
2.2 Structural features and morphosyntax ............................................317
2.3 Hattic–WCauc. root etymologies ...................................................319
2.4 Conclusions ....................................................................................320
3 Previously proposed Kartvelian attribution............................................321
4 Sino-Caucasian hypothesis.....................................................................321
4.1 Sino-Caucasian (or Dene-Sino-Caucasian) macrofamily...............321
4.2 Phonetic correspondences...............................................................322
4.2.1 Vocalism (a very preliminary schema) ................................324
4.2.2 Consonantism......................................................................324
–––––––––––––––––––––––
1
I am grateful to Oğuz Soysal (Chicago), who has taken pains to read my MS through
and made a number of valuable remarks, additions and corrections to the Hattic data. My
warm thanks go to the participants of the Moscow Nostratic Seminar (Center for Compa-
rative Linguistics of the Institute of Oriental Cultures and Antiquity, Russian State Uni-
versity for the Humanities) for their criticism and general discussion (Vladimir Dybo,
Anna Dybo, Alexander Militarev, Albert Davletshin and others), I am especially indebted
to George Starostin for his help in the compilation of actual lexicostatistical trees of the
Sino-Caucasian macrofamily. The tabarna-problem has been ardently discussed with
Ilya Yakubovich (Chicago/ Moscow). I am grateful to Mark Iserlis (Tel Aviv University)
for his help in archaeological matters. Naturally, all the infelicities are the author’s only.
In the present paper I quote Hattic forms after HWHT unless otherwise mentioned.
All forms from Sino-Caucasian languages are generally given after the Tower of Babel
Project databases (Abadet.dbf, Caucet.dbf, Sccet.dbf, Stibet.dbf, Yenet.dbf, Basqet.dbf,
Buruet.dbf—see the list of references) unless otherwise mentioned. I adopt S. Starostin’s
reconstruction of the Proto-West Caucasian phonological system which is somewhat
different from Chirikba’s one (see Starostin, 1997/ 2007 for the final discussion). Some
Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh forms are quoted from Карданов, 1957; Шагиров,
1977; Шаов, 1975; Vogt, 1963—standardly without special references.
310 A. Kassian [UF 41
4.2.2.1 Labials ...................................................................327
4.2.2.2 Dentals..................................................................329
4.2.2.3 Alveolar, post-alveolar and palatal affricates.........331
4.2.2.4 Other front consonants...........................................332
4.2.2.5 Laterals ..................................................................333
4.2.2.6 Velar and uvular consonants ..................................334
4.2.2.7 Laryngeals .............................................................334
4.2.2.8 Clusters with *w ....................................................335
4.2.2.9 xK(w)-clusters........................................................336
4.2.2.10 ST-clusters............................................................336
4.2.2.11. lC- and rC-clusters................................................337
4.2.2.12 NC-clusters ..........................................................337
4.2.2.13 Clusters with laryngeals.......................................338
4.3 Root structure .................................................................................338
5 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons...............................................340
5.1 Roots with reliable SCauc. cognates ..............................................340
5.2 Loans, dubia, and roots without etymology....................................368
6 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons .....................397
6.1 Auxiliary morphemes with reliable SCauc. cognates .....................397
6.2 Some auxiliary morphemes with dubious or improbable SCauc.
cognates ..........................................................................................400
7 Contacts with neighboring languages.....................................................402
8 Conclusion..............................................................................................404
8.1 Linguistic affiliation .......................................................................404
8.2 Geographical problem....................................................................416
9 Phonetic symbols. Language name abbreviations. References ..............433
9.1 Phonetic symbols (selectively) .......................................................433
9.2 Language name abbreviations ........................................................434
9.3 References ......................................................................................435
Abbreviations....................................................................................................446

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 311
1 On the Hattic language (Hattic vocalism, consonantism,
nominal and verbal morphosyntax)
Hattic is an ancient unwritten language spoken in Central Anatolia at the begin-
ning of the 2
nd
millennium BC and in all likelihood earlier. We have to suppose
that Hattians were Anatolian autochthons before the Hittite-Luwian migrations
in this region (more about the sociolinguistic situation see Goedegebuure,
2008).
2
The Hattic language is known only in Hittite cuneiform transmission
(ca. 1650–1200 BC), with the exception of some personal names from Old As-
syrian Cappadocian colonies (the early 2
nd
millennium BC).


















Fig. 1. Anatolia, the second half of the 3
rd
—the first half of the 2
nd
millennia BC.
The map reflects only known linguistic units
–––––––––––––––––––––––
2
The Alaca Höyük royal tombs as well as the corresponding sites in the “Hatti Heart-
land” of the 3
rd
millennium BC—Kalınkaya, Resuloğlu and others, see, e. g., Zimmer-
mann, 2009, Yildirim/ Zimmermann, 2006—require Hattic attribution. It is not clear to
me on what evidence some scholars (e. g., Bryce, 2005, 14) attribute the Alaca Höyük
tombs to the Hittito-Luwians. We know that the Hattians had institution of kingship, de-
veloped pantheon and were metal-workers—it fits the Alaca Höyük culture very well.
But we cannot say the same about the prehistoric Hittito-Luwian tribes known to us. The
traditional (pre-C
14
) dating places Alaca Höyük tombs in the second half of the 3
rd
mil-
lennium BC, although Ü. Yalçin in “New investigations on the royal tomb of Alacahö-
yük” (paper presented on May 27 at the “Meeting on the Results of Archaeometry”—ses-
sion of the 32
nd
International Symposium of Excavations, Surveys and Archaeometry, or-
ganized by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Republic of Turkey, May 24–28, 2010,
Istanbul) reported that the recent C-14 analysis of a wooden fragment from the old 1930s
excavations gave the date from 2 500 to 10 000 BC [sic!], but this result is not very re-
liable (I am grateful to Thomas Zimmermann, Ankara, for this reference).
312 A. Kassian [UF 41
The modern state of research in the Hattic language is reflected in the
publications of O. Soysal, especially in his brilliant monograph HWHT. Now we
can postulate ca. 300 Hattic roots and stems; the meanings of ca. 200 of them
are established with different degrees of reliability (for the list of Hattic lexemes
see Soysal, HWHT, 274 ff.).
For a short sketch of the Hattic grammar, which is based mostly on HWHT,
see Касьян, 2010.
1.1 Hattic vocalism
i

u
e (?)



a
Signs of the E-series can reflect the phoneme /e/ or be a mere graphical
phenomenon, since there are a lot of examples where I- and E-signs freely alter-
nate.
1.2 Hattic consonantism
p t

k

ʦ č/ θ
f s

h
m n


w l, r j
Consonants can be graphically geminated and non-geminated in the intervocalic
position (a-ta vs. at-ta), but it seems that this graphical phenomenon is signifi-
cantly less regular than the same opposition in Hittite (where Hitt. -t- < IE *d,
*dh; Hitt. -tt- < IE *t). It is very likely that Hattic had two or more consonant se-
ries (e. g., voiceless ~ voiced, lax ~ tense or ejective ~ aspirate ~ plain), but this
opposition differed phonetically from the analogous opposition in Hittite and
Hittite scribes met with difficulties in transferring their graphical method onto
Hattic texts.
/f/ is postulated for the ligatures wa
a
, we
e
, wi
i
, wu
u
, wu
ú
, pu
u
, wi

, wu
pu
and
for the cases where we see an alternation of W- and P-signs. Such an alternation
is very frequent in known Hattic texts. Since the Hattic corpus is too small, it is
unclear whether every p may alternate with w or w-ligature (and vice versa:
whether every w may alternate with p and w-ligature). From the formal view-
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 313
point we should postulate only two labial phonemes in Hattic—/m/ and /f/—and
eliminate /p/ and /w/ from the table above. In the etymological studies below I
am impelled to treat p, w and f as one phoneme.
/ʦ/ is expressed by the signs of Z-series.
/s/ is written by the signs of Š-series. Sporadical usage of S-signs (OS+) may
reflect the second sibilant (e. g., /š/), but the available data are too scant.
In some morphemes (both root and auxiliary) we see a free alternation of T-
and Š-signs. I postulate something like /č/ for these cases, but, e. g., interdental
fricative /θ/ is, of course, an equivalent solution here.
/h/—velar or post-velar (e. g., laryngeal) fricative, expressed by the Ḫ-signs.
In Akkadian Ḫ-series reflects a phoneme, which originates from the Semitic
voiceless uvular fricative *χ; in Hittite graphical h covers velar/uvular spirant
(Patri, 2009, 107 ff.).
1.3 Hattic morphosyntax. Nominal wordform (main slots)
–5
particles
–4
(?)
–3
locative
preposition
–2
possessive
pronoun
–1
number
0
root
1
case
2
particles
ma/ fa a, i fe, ha, ka,
zi
u
le, še/ te
ai?
up (uf?)
if(a)
fa/ fi
aš/ iš
√ šu/ tu
n
i

1.4 Hattic morphosyntax. Verbal wordform (main slots)
–9
negation
–8
“opta-
tive”
–7
subject
–6
?
–5
direct
object
–4
locus
–3
locus
–2
locus
–1
?
0
root
1
tense,
mode,
aspect
2
particles
taš/
šaš/
teš/
šeš
ta/ te fa
u, un
a?
ai, e, i
tu/ šu h, k,
m, n
p, š, t,
w(a),
wa
a

ta, za,
še, te,
tu
h(a),
haš,
kaš,
zaš?,
pi, wa
k(a),
zi
f(a) √ u
e
a
ma, fa,
pi
(=fi?),
aš/ at

314 A. Kassian [UF 41
1.5 The genetic attribution of Hattic is debatable. There are two main
theories, advocated by various scholars: West Caucasian and Kartvelian.
3

2 Previously proposed West Caucasian attribution
The West Caucasian family consists of a relatively small number of languages:
1) Abkhaz, Abaza; 2) Adyghe, Kabardian; 3) Ubykh.
The modern West Caucasian reconstruction was made by S. Starostin (see
NCED, Caucet.dbf, Abadet.dbf), later it was verified and partly modified by
V. Chirikba (Chirikba, 1996). Some important details were more explicitly stated
in Starostin, 1997/ 2007.
According to the glottochronological procedure, the North Caucasian proto-
language split into East Caucasian and West Caucasian branches ca. 3800 BC. In
its turn West Caucasian split into Abkhaz-Abaza, Ubykh and Adyghe-Kabardian
ca. 640 BC.
The following tree of the NCauc. family (fig. 2) is based on 50-wordlists of
the majority of modern NCauc. languages. The 50-wordlist includes the 50 most
stable items from the “classical” Swadesh 100-wordlist. The procedure consists
of the subsequent reconstruction of corresponding wordlists for intermediate
proto-languages and screening of synonyms at every stage.
4
The primary
lexicographic data which were used can mostly be found in the database section
of the Tower of Babel Project. The tree has been compiled by the author as part
of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s
languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” project, supported by the
Santa Fe Institute). The tree on fig. 2 is preliminary, maybe some nodes will be
corrected as a result of further researches, but it gives the general frame of the
NCauc. family.
The next tree (fig. 3) represents the WCauc. branch. The tree is based on
“classic” 100-wordlists and compiled according the “standard” procedure.
5

–––––––––––––––––––––––
3
Sometimes more exotic attributions are proposed. E. g., Fähnrich, 1980 tries to show
the specific relationship between Hattic and Cassite or Hurrian, but I must accede to Soy-
sal’s criticism of Fähnrich’s comparisons (see HWHT, 34 ff.).
4
For this kind of glottochronological procedure see detailed in Starostin G., 2010. For
the general principles of the Swadesh wordlist compilation process now see Kassian et
al., 2010.
5
For this kind of glottochronological procedure see Starostin, 1989/ 1999.
2
0
0
9
]

H
a
t
t
i
c

a
s

a

S
i
n
o
-
C
a
u
c
a
s
i
a
n

L
a
n
g
u
a
g
e

3
1
5


Fig. 2. Glottochronological tree of the North Caucasian family (50-item wordlist-based)
Fig. 3. Glottochronological tree of the West Caucasian branch (100-item wordlist-based)
316 A. Kassian [UF 41
For the first time the structural similarity between Hattic and West Caucasian
languages was noted by E. Forrer (1921, 25; 1922, 229). Later J. von Mészáros
(1934, 27 ff.) gave the list of grammatical and lexical isoglosses between Hattic
and Ubykh. Further the idea of the West Caucasian attribution of Hattic was sup-
ported by I. Dunaevskaja (Дунаевская, 1960; Дунаевская, 1961, 134 f.—gram-
matical features), I. Diakonoff (Дьяконов, 1967, 172 ff.—Hattic affixes),
Vl. Ardzinba (Ардзинба, 1979—grammatical features), Vjač. Ivanov (in a num-
ber of publications; see Иванов, 1985 for the summed up list of Hattic roots and
auxiliary morphemes with WCauc. cognates), Viach. Chirikba (Chirikba, 1996,
406—Hattic roots and affixes, structural features), and Jan Braun (Браун,
1994—Hattic roots; Браун, 2002—Hattic local prefixes). It must be noted that
after the outdated von Mészáros’ list of cognates it was Ivanov, who for the first
time made an attempt to prove the West Caucasian hypothesis by a scientific ap-
proach. Despite the fact that I do not agree with the West Caucasian attribution
of Hattic, Ivanov’s publications definitely got the problem of Hattic etymology
off the ground and serve as a good start point for subsequent studies.
The following difficulties arise when one attempts to compare Hattic with
WCauc. languages.
2.1 General remarks
2.1.1 Attested Hattic chronologically is more ancient than the late Proto-
WCauc. language by almost 1000 years. Therefore it is possible to compare Hat-
tic forms only with the WCauc. forms, which can be assuredly reconstructed for
the Proto-WCauc. level.
An example. Chirikba, 1996, 414 compares Hattic zi- (a nominal prefix with
ablative semantics, e. g., ‘from top-down’) with Abkhaz–Abaza *(a- ‘under’,
*(ǝ- ‘from down’. As a matter of fact Abkhaz–Abaza *(a-/ *(ǝ- has doubtless
cognates in the other WCauc. languages: Adyghe–Kabardian *ca- ‘under’,
Ubykh -(a ‘bottom, lower part’, etc., so we must reconstruct WCauc. *\V ‘bot-
tom, lower part ; under (preverb)’ here (< NCauc. *H\ŏnŭ ‘bottom’), and
immediately the comparison with Hattic zi- becomes phonetically unlikely (for
regular NCauc. *\ ~ Hatt. l see below).
2.1.2 As is known, the first Indo-Europeanists of the XVIII c. used to pro-
pose etymological comparisons like follows (e. g., Russian–German): pri-nes-i
‘bring!’ (2 sg.) ~ bringen Sie or u-bi-l ‘he has killed’ ~ übel and so on. Un-
fortunately some of the authors mentioned above get caught in the same pitfall.
An example. The Hattic well-attested lexeme š(a)haf ‘god’ has a regular
plural form fa-šhaf ‘deities’. Von Mészáros, 1934, 32, Иванов, 1985, № 37 and
Chirikba, 1996, 425 compare fa-šhaf with the Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh
compounds of WCauc. *wa ‘sky; god’ + *šʷəχʷa ‘grey; powder’: Adyghe–Ka-
bardian *wa-šχʷa ‘sky’ (< ‘grey sky’), Ubykh wa-šχʷa ‘thunder and lightning’
6

–––––––––––––––––––––––
6
Not ‘god’, see Шагиров, 1977 2, 89 f.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 317
(< ‘heavenly blasting powder’). Such a comparison can hardly be accepted.
2.1.3 There is an old comparison of Slav. *medv-ědь ‘bear’ (< ‘one who
eats honey’) and OInd. madhv-ád- ‘Süßes essend’ (said of birds in Rig-Veda).
But despite the exact phonetic regularity it is hard to reconstruct such a
compound for the Proto-IE level, since tatpuruṣa madhv-ád- is formed after a
synchronically regular and very productive model and there are not any reasons
to suspect a Proto-Indic stem here rather than an occasional word-forming in a
poetic text. We see the same situation with some previously proposed Hattic–
WCauc. etymologies.
An example. Hatt. verb tuh ‘to take’ is compared by Chirikba, 1996, 419
with Abkhaz *tǝ-χǝ ‘to take from inside’, where *tǝ is a standard locative pre-
verb and *χǝ means ‘to take’ (< WCauc. *xǝ ‘to take’). This comparison is not
reliable, since Hattic is almost 3000 years distant from the split of the Common
Abkhaz–Abaza proto-language (see fig. 3 above) and we know that local prever-
bation is a living and productive model of forming verbal stems in the modern
Abkhaz–Abaza dialects.
2.1.4 A great part of previously proposed comparisons must be rejected now
with certainty, since they were based on erroneous and out-of-date interpretation
of the Hattic data. On the other hand, sometimes scholars operate with incorrect
WCauc. forms.
Examples. Дьяконов, 1967, 173 compares Hatt. fa-/ fi- (plural of the nomina-
tive and oblique cases) with Abkhaz -wa (a plural marker of the animate class),
but in reality Abkhaz -wa forms the names of races (both in singular and plural),
see Hewitt, 1979, 149. In his turn Браун, 1994, 20 compares Hatt. malhip ‘good,
favorable’ with Adyghe mǝλkʷ ‘property, fortune’, which in fact is a recent
Arabic loanword (Arab. mulk ‘ownership, property’, see Шагиров, 1977 1,
272).
2.2 Structural features and morphosyntax
2.2.1 All the authors mentioned above note the similarity between the Hattic
polysynthetic verbal wordform, where prefixation prevails, and the same pheno-
menon in WCauc. languages (cf., e. g., Abzakh verbal scheme in Paris, 1989,
196 ff.). As a matter of fact, the reconstruction of Proto-WCauc. morphosyntax
is the task of future research, today we can operate with modern Abkhaz–
Adyghe paradigms only.
2.2.2 Second, it is clear that the Hattic verbal wordform does not coincide
directly with attested WCauc. schemas. We can speak about typological similari-
ty only and suggest monophonemic comparisons between some Hattic and
WCauc. affixes.
2.2.3 Third, polysynthetic verbal morphosyntax is characteristic of some
other branches of Sino-Caucasian macrofamily, not only of the WCauc. sub-
branch. See Решетников, 1999 for the Proto-Yenisseian verbal reconstruction,
318 A. Kassian [UF 41
Berger, 1998 1, 104 for the Burushaski verbal wordform (Hunza-Nager dialect)
and, e. g., Holton, 2000, 163 ff. for Tanacross, which possesses verb structure
typical of Na-Dene languages. Yenisseian, Burushaski and Na-Dene schemas are
also rather similar to the known Hattic verbal wordforms, therefore we cannot
speak about exclusive Hattic–WCauc. connection in this case. On the contrary,
we must suppose that polysynthetic verbal morphosyntax with prefixation was
characteristic of the Sino-Caucasian proto-language (this feature was almost
completely destroyed in the Sino-Tibetan family due to contacts with isolating
Austric languages,
7
and was seriously rebuilt in the East Caucasian sub-
branch
8
).
2.2.4 Fourth, we cannot say that the most part of Hattic auxiliary mor-
phemes finds its counterparts in WCauc. languages. On the contrary, the authors
mentioned above operate with individual affixal comparisons and fail to
reconstruct hypothetical Proto-Hattic–WCauc. sets of grammatical morphemes.
9

An appreciable part of Hattic–WCauc. affixal comparisons, which were pre-
viously proposed, must be rejected now, since they are based on the incorrect
interpretation of the Hattic grammatical system. On the other hand, the majority
of reliable Hattic–WCauc. affixal comparisons possesses cognates in East Cau-
casian sub-branch of the NCauc. family or in other families of SCauc. macro-
family, and it is impossible to speak about exclusive Hattic–WCauc. isoglosses
in these cases.
An example. The Hattic genitive marker -n is standardly compared with
WCauc. *-nə (ergative and general indirect case; possessive case; transforma-
tive case). As a matter of fact WCauc. *-nə goes back to the Common NCauc.
genitive suffix *-nV: Nakh *-n (genitive; adjective and participial suffix; infini-
tive), Av.-And. *-nV (ablative; translative), Lak -n (dative I, lative, infinitive),
Lezgh. *-n (genitive; elative; temporal ; suff. of adjectives and participles;
–––––––––––––––––––––––
7
See Benedict, 1972 for morphological relicts in the languages of the Sino-Tibetan
family.
8
See Bengtson, 2008, 97 ff. for similar conclusions about this ECauc. innovation. Cf.,
e. g., Чикобава, 1960 for the rests of the verbal prefixal polysynthetism in the ECauc.
languages. Quite differently Chirikba, forthc. a and forthc. b, who claims that Proto-
North Caucasian was an analytic language, while Pre-Proto-West Caucasian developed
into an isolating (Chinese-like) formation, but I do not understand on which positive evi-
dence Chirikba’s syntactical theory is based.
9
Chirikba, 1996, 412 ff. and Браун, 2002 make attempts to etymologize the system of
Hattic local prefixes integratedly. In reality the only reliable exclusive Hatt.–WCauc. iso-
gloss in their lists is the Hatt. verbal local prefix ta- ~ WCauc. preverb *tV- ‘in; super’.
On the contrary, Common NCauc. etymologies for Hatt. ha- and ka- are not less probable
than Narrow WCauc. ones. The meaning and function of Hattic ni- / nu- are unknown
(see HWHT, 232 f.). Verbal li- does not exist. Nominal zi- / za- and fe- cannot be com-
pared with WCauc. *\V- and *Łʷa- on phonetical grounds. The morpheme šta- is found
only in the totally opaque compound ištarrazil ‘earth’ [22’] ; the same concerns the mor-
pheme kil, which has been arbitrarily singled out from kiluh ‘runner-spy’ [33’] by
J. Braun.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 319
terminative; ergative).
2.2.5 Chirikba, 1996, 407 ff. lists structural parallels between Hattic and
WCauc. languages, but unfortunately almost all of them do not seem persuasive.
a) The grammatical system of Hattic is debatable. It is an open question
whether Hattic was a nominative-accusative, ergative (e. g., Taracha, 1988) or
active language (for split activity theory see Goedegebuure, 2010). Although an
ergative pattern seems most probable for Hattic, it cannot prove genetic relation-
ship, but rather represent an areal feature (cf., e. g., the neighboring Hurrian lan-
guage).
b) The Hattic case system is not so “rudimentary” from the typological view-
point (cf. the schema above).
c) The role of word formation compounding in Hattic is comparable rather
with East Cauc. languages and some other Sino-Caucasian languages
10
than with
WCauc. dialects.
d) For verbal polysynthetism with prevailing prefixation see above, 2.2.3.
e) Unmarked nominal plural forms which are sometimes attested in Hattic
texts is the same case as verbal polysynthetism—it is not an exclusive Hattic–
WCauc. isogloss. The phenomenon of unmarking plural in nouns is known from
other Sino-Caucasian languages: for the Yenisseian family see Castrén, 1858,
16 ff., Топоров/ Цивьян, 1968, 235 ff. ; for Na-Dene Holton, 2000, 157 ff. (the
Tanacross language).
f) The restriction on initial r- is a common areal feature, known at that epoch
from East Caucasian languages to Ancient Greek dialects.
g) Some listed Hattic phonetic features cannot be included in the compari-
son, since the Hittite cuneiform gives no reliable data for such an analysis and,
second, we know too little about the Hattic morphonology and phonetic sandhi.
2.3 Hattic–WCauc. root etymologies
As is known, the normal Proto-NCauc. nominal root had the shape CVCV,
where C is a consonant or a combination of consonants; the standard Proto-
NCauc. verbal root looked like =VCV(R), where “=” is a class marker, C—an
obstruent consonant or a combination of consonants, R—a sonorant (see NCED,
82 ff.). These structures were seriously rebuilt in the WCauc. proto-language,
where the prevailing shape of nominal and verbal roots became CV.
In its turn the standard Hattic root (both nominal and verbal) is CVC, where
C can be a combination of consonants.
Thus, there are three hypothetical ways to compare Hattic with Proto-
WCauc.
2.3.1 We may assume that the reduction of the root structure in Proto-
WCauc. language took place after Hattic had set apart. But in this case we must
compare Hattic directly with the NCauc. proto-language, not with the WCauc.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
10
E. g., with Yenisseian (see Цивьян, 1968).
320 A. Kassian [UF 41
proto-language as it is today reconstructed on the basis of known WCauc. dia-
lects.
2.3.2 We can divide Hattic roots into C- or CV- root nucleus with some
consonant extensions of unknown nature. This method is accepted in a number
of Vjač. Ivanov’s and J. Braun’s etymologies (e. g., Иванов, 1985, № 11, 20, 22,
50, 58, and so on; Браун, 1994), but it is clear that it is the way to nowhere.
2.3.3 Finally we can compare Hattic roots with compounds or inflected
forms from the modern WCauc. dialects. Of course, with such approach we
immediately get caught in bringen-Sie- or madhvad-pitfalls, for which see
2.1.2–2.1.3 above.
An example. Иванов, 1985, № 45 compares Hatt. šul ‘to let, to let in’ with
Ubykh ca-wǝ-la ‘to let, release exhaustively’, where ca- is a preverb used with
verbs of motion (Vogt, 1963, 104), wǝ is a frequent verbal root ‘to enter, go’
(< WCauc. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. *=orƛŬ ‘to go, walk, enter’), while -la is a
regular exhaustive suffix.
2.4 Conclusions
2.4.1 Hattic cannot be directly compared with WCauc. due to the fundamental
difference in root structure. Grammatical Hatt.–WCauc. isoglosses are also
rather weak.
2.4.2 Indeed, Hattic possesses a number of monoconsonantal roots which
can be compared with WCauc. data, but in almost all these cases proposed
WCauc. roots have reliable NCauc. cognates, therefore such comparisons cannot
prove an exclusive Hattic–WCauc. relationship.
An example. Браун, 1994, 19 compares Hatt. root zuwa- in suffixed zuwa-tu
‘wife’ with WCauc. *pə-zV ‘female; bitch’ (Abkhaz–Abaza *pəsə, Adyghe–
Kabardian *bzə, Ubykh bza, with the frequent Proto-WCauc. prefix *pǝ-). In
reality WCauc. *-zV is not an isolated form, but goes back to NCauc. *¢

wŏjV
(~ -I-) ‘woman, female’ (further to SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’), and
the direct Hattic–NCauc. or Hattic–SCauc. comparison is self-suggesting.
2.4.3. Even if we undertake a monophonemic etymologization of Hattic
CVC-roots, the genetic relationship to the WCauc. sub-branch cannot be proved,
since the regularity of phonemic correspondences in monophonemic compari-
sons must be established by a solid corpus of cognates that is not the case.
2.4.4. A great part of Hattic–WCauc. isoglosses which were previously
proposed need to be left out, since they are based on incorrect and out-of-date
Hattic data.
2.4.5. It is worth noting, however, a small number of probable WCauc. loan-
words in Hattic, for which see Section 7 below.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 321
3 Previously proposed Kartvelian attribution
Girbal, 1986, 160–163 proposes four Hattic–Kartvelian root etymologies, two of
them are striking: Hatt. tumil ‘rain’ ~ Kartv. *¢wim- ‘to rain’ and Hatt. šam(a)
‘to hear (vel sim.)’ ~ Kartv. *sem- ‘to hear’. Of course, genetic relationship can-
not be established by a couple of comparisons (even if they belong to the
Swadesh wordlist), and we must treat these etymologies as chance coincidences.
Note that Hatt. tumil and šam(a) possess reliable SCauc. cognates. Gabeskiria,
1998 attempted to add some new Kartvelian cognates of Hattic lexemes, but
without much success—for the criticism of Gabeskiria’s studies see HWHT,
33 f.
4 Sino-Caucasian hypothesis
Although the WCauc. attribution of Hattic is improbable, it is very likely that
Hattic represents a separate branch of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily. Below I
list a number of Hattic root and auxiliary morphemes with probable SCauc. cog-
nates. It is important that the percentage of the so called basic vocabulary in my
list is relatively high. Of course, the regularity of the assumed phonemic corre-
spondences between Hattic and Proto-SCauc. cannot be proved due to the
scantiness of Hattic lexical data, but it should be noted that :
a) the main part of the proposed phonemic correspondences are trivial (e. g.,
SCauc. *p ~ Hatt. f, SCauc. *( ~ Hatt. t, SCauc. *č ~ Hatt. t~š (/č/?), SCauc. *ƛ ~
Hatt. l, SCauc. *k ~ Hatt. k and so on);
b) some special types of phonetic developments (e. g., consonant cluster
simplification) are very typical of the other daughter proto-languages of the
SCauc. macrofamily, and therefore can be regarded as common innovations.
4.1 Sino-Caucasian (or Dene-Sino-Caucasian) macrofamily
For the first time the genetic relationship between three proto-families—North
Caucasian, Yenisseian and Sino-Tibetan—was partially substantiated on the
ground of regular phonetic correspondences in Старостин, 1982/ 2007. Some
other papers by the same author, dedicated to the Sino-Caucasian problem, can
be found in Старостин, 2007 (both in Russian and English). For the preliminary
comparative phonetics of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily see SCC (this work
was not finished and therefore remains unpublished). The highly preliminary
Sino-Caucasian etymological dictionary is available as Sccet.dbf.
As in the case of the NCauc. family (fig. 2) the following preliminary Sino-
Caucasian tree is based on 50-wordlists (see com. on fig. 2 above for detail). The
tree has been compiled by G. Starostin (pers. comm.) as part of the ongoing re-
search on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s languages (within
the “Evolution of Human Language” project, supported by the Santa Fe Insti-
322 A. Kassian [UF 41
tute): fig. 4.
11

The tree gives the general frame of the SCauc. macrofamily, but it must be
stressed that the tree cannot be regarded as a final solution. During the continu-
ing studies of SCauc. daughter families this schema will probably be improved.
Three main proto-languages are the basis of the SCauc. reconstruction:
North Caucasian, Sino-Tibetan and Yenisseian. They possess relatively well-
done comparative grammars (especially phonetics) and etymological dictionaies.
NCauc. family—Caucet.dbf, which has been published as NCED (w. lit.). STib.
family—Stibet.dbf, based on Peiros/ Starostin, 1996 (w. lit.), but seriously im-
proved. Yen. family—Старостин, 1982/ 2007 and Yenet.dbf, based on Старос-
тин, 1995 and Werner, 2002 with additions and corrections.
The Proto-Na-Dene reconstruction is not done (or not published) yet, there-
fore I do not use Na-Dene data in my paper. Isolated Burushaski and Basque
also do not provide considerable help due to natural reasons.
4.2 Phonetic correspondences
Below I quote phonetic charts from SCC, 24 ff. and add the Hattic column with
suggested Hattic counterparts. As it was said above, unfortunately S. Starostin
did not manage to finish SCC—in particular it concerns the phonetic charts,
whose cells are sometimes incomplete or, on the contrary, redundant. Despite
this fact, the tables are quoted as they have been compiled by S. Starostin with
the exception of few cells important to us, which I corrected,—these cells are
marked by footnotes.
The correspondences are illustrated by the Hattic examples taken from sec-
tions 5.1 and 6.1.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
11
Position of the Hurro-Urartian proto-language is not quite clear. Pace the work Diako-
noff / Starostin, 1986, where Hurro-Urartian is traditionally included into the ECauc.
stock of the NCauc. family, it is very likely that this cluster represents a separate branch
of the SCauc. macro-family (at the beginning of the 2000s S. Starostin himself tended to
lean towards the same conclusion). Because of many lacunae in the Hurrian 50-wordlist
it is impossible to process Hurrian using the formal algorithm (Hurrian is not included in
the tree on fig. 4), but it is clear that Hurro-Urartian belongs to the NCauc.–Yen. branch,
not to the STib.–Na-Dene one, and some isoglosses may prove the specific relationship
between the Hurro-Urartian and Yen.–Burush. stocks. See Kassian, 2010 for some
details. The Na-Dene branch on fig. 4 does not include the Haida language.
2
0
0
9
]

H
a
t
t
i
c

a
s

a

S
i
n
o
-
C
a
u
c
a
s
i
a
n

L
a
n
g
u
a
g
e

3
2
3

Fig. 4. Glottochronological tree of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily (50-item wordlist-based)
324 A. Kassian [UF 41
4.2.1 Vocalism (a very preliminary schema)
SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*i i, e e, i (ɨ) i i
*e e, i a, ǝ a, e (ä), ǝ a, e
i / e,
(ae, a)
*ä ä a, i, e e (ä), ǝ i, a, e a, (i / e)
*ɨ ɨ, ǝ ɨ, i i, ɨ i i / e
*ǝ ǝ, ɨ a, ǝ, e a, ǝ, o o, a a, i / e
*a a e, a, ǝ
a (ɔ), e (ä),
ǝ
a, e (i) a, (u)
*u o, u u, o o (ɔ), u u, o
*o o, u ǝ, a u, ǝ, o a, o (u)
u
Consonant cluster simplifications may cause a preceding vowel change:
SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1]
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]
Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63]

4.2.2 Consonantism
Below for Hattic I use cuneiform notation: š for /s/, z for /ʦ/, t~š for /č/.

SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*p p ph, -p p ph-, p
*ṗ ṗ, b p-, -p b p
*b b p, ph, -p p b
f / p/ w
*m m m b- / p- / w-, m m f- / p- / w-, m
*w w (µ) w/ 0 0-, w/ 0 b-, 0(u)
w-, -u-, -f-,
(-m-)
*t t th, -t d th
*ṭ ṭ t, -t d t, ṭ (ḍ)
*d d t, th, -t t t, ṭ (ḍ)
t, z (_i)
*n n n d-, n n n
*r r r ʔ- / t-, r, r
1
d-, r š-, -r-, (-l-)
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 325
SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*c c ch/ s, -t s s
*¢ ( C, -t c, s ś- ~ ṣ-, s
t-, z- (_i / e), z-,
-š-
*ʒ ʒ ch, ʒh ʒ, s s
*s s s ( / ch), -0 s, d-(Vʔ) d-, s š-
*z z ʒ ,
*ć ć ć, ,h, -t ǯ-, s s/ ś, ć/ (, -ź
*¢ ( ć, ,h, ś, -t s, c ć(h), ,/ ʒ

, -ź
t-, -t-, -z- (_i)
*j , ć, -t ǯ-, s
12
,- / ʒ

-, s/ ś( / ṣ)
*ś ś s ( / ch), -0 s, d-(Vʔ) d-, ś/ ṣ(V)
*ź ? ź ǯ
*č č ć, ,h č-( / ǯ-), s ś/ ṣ, ć/ (, -ź
*¢ ( ć, ,h č, ǯ ś/ ṣ, ć/ (, -ź
š-~t-, t-, z- (_i),
-š-
*ǯ ǯ ć, , ǯ ć/ (, , št
*š š ś-, -0 s, d-(Vʔ) s/ ś/ ṣ š
*ŕ r rj
1
, r ŕ d-, r
*ń n ń-, ŋ ń, n n
*j j j j, 0 j, 0 -0-
*ƛ ƛ r(..L), -k j-, χ lt-, lt / l
*\ \
ƛ, l, r(..L),
-k/ -ŋ
j-, l, ĺ lt-, lt / l
*Ł Ł ƛ, l, -k r, r
1
lt-, lt / l
l
*λ λ l, ƛ j-, l, ĺ lt- (lṭ-), ld
*ł ł l-, -ł, -l d-, l, r
1
, r
13
l r, (l)
*l l r d-, l ~ r, r
1
l l
–––––––––––––––––––––––
12
Updated cell.
13
Updated cell.
326 A. Kassian [UF 41
SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*k k k-, -k g, -k- k(h)
*ḳ ḳ kh, gh, -k g-, -k, -g- k
k
*g g k-, -k k g
*x x χ-, -0 x, χ ~ G h h
*ɣ ɣ g q ~ χ
*ŋ n ŋ b-, ŋ 0-, ŋ f-, n
*q q
qh-, G-, x-,
ɣ- ; -k/ -ŋ
q-, q/ G q(h), ɣ
*q q Gh-, q; -k, -ŋ q-, q/ G q(h), ɣ
k
*G G
q, qh-,
[G(h)-], k/ -ŋ
x-/χ-, q/G q(h), ɣ
*χ χ χ, ɣ, qhʷ-, -0 χ, x h h
*ʁ ʁ G-, q-, , -j / -w χ, G 0/ ɣ
*ʔ ʔ
0 (ʔ) ; ʔw >
ʔʷ- ~ ɣ-
ʔ-, j ; ʔw >
h/ x
0/ h/ j
*ʡ ʡ 0; ʡw > χ(ʷ)-
ʔ-, j, 0; ʡw >
h/x
0/ h/ j
*ʕ ʕ 0; ʕw > ʔʷ- ʔ ; ʔw > h/x 0/ h/ j
*h h
0; hw > ʔʷ
(/ ɣ-, w-)
ʔ-, j ; hw >
h/ x
0/ h/ j 0
*ɦ ɦ
0; ɦw > j-,
w- (/ʔʷ-)
ʔ-, j, χ
14
0/h/j h, (0)
*ħ ħ 0; ħw > ?
ʔ-, j ; ħw >
h/ x
0/ h/ j (0)
*xm ? f m w-
*xŋ ? x ŋ
*ŋw m ŋ b-, ŋ ˙m-, -n/ -m
*xŋw f ŋ b-, ŋ h-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
14
Updated cell.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 327
SCauc. NCauc. STib. Yen. Burush. Hattic
*xg g k~q, -ŋ, -k q, x, χ g k, h
*xk χ k-,-k q-, q/ G (ʔχ) h-,-q-,-ɣ
*xḳ ḳ
k-, kh- ~ gh-
~ qh-, -k
q, G, χ qh, ɣ, -q k, h
*xq q k, g, -k q, χ, x
15
qh, ɣ, -q h
*xqw qw k, g, -k x, g k, g k
*xq q gh, (k) q, χ, x qh, ɣ h
*xqw qw k, kh x, g k, g k
*xG G, (ʁ) g, kh q, χ, x qh, ɣ, q
*xG*w Gw ghw, kw k k, g
*sd ʒ c(h) t c (~ ch, (h)
*st c ch/ s, -t(s), -s t c
*sṭ ( ch/ s t c ( ~ () t
*śd ʒ ś ~ ,h ? ch
*śt c ć ? ?
*śṭ ( ć, Ćh t ?
*šd ǯ ć t ć(h), ,
*št č , t ? t-, -z- (_i)
*šṭ ( ? t ćh


4.2.2.1 Labials
SCauc. *p, *ṗ, *b merge in Hatt. f / p/ w—in all likelihood more than one pho-
neme, but can hardly be distinguished due to the imperfect and inconsistent
cuneiform transcription:
SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1]
SCauc. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > kip ‘to protect’ [18]
SCauc. *[p]ārē ‘lightning; brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33]
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]
SCauc. *[p]ūHV ‘to blow’ (STib. *bŭt) > puš-an ‘to blow on’ [43]
–––––––––––––––––––––––
15
Updated cell.
328 A. Kassian [UF 41
SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak, pray’ > fara-ya ‘priest’ [32]
NCauc. *bēŁV ‘cattle-shed’ ~ fael ‘house’ [30]
STib. *bhăr ‘abundant, numerous’ ~ far ‘thousand’ [31]
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]
SCauc. *[¢

]ombi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’, tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52]
Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63]
Yen. *bot- ‘often’ ~ fute ‘long (in temporal meaning)’ [44]
Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover; to plug; to close’ ~ štip ‘gate’ [49]
STib. *Pr-Vŋ ‘country’ ~ fur ‘country; population’ [41]
STib. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear, to be confused’ ~ tafa ‘fear’ [53]
STib. *cVp (~ ć-) ‘bitter, pungent’ ~ zipi-na ‘sour’ [66]
Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ ~ kap ‘moon’ [15]

The situation with Hatt. f / p/ w resembles the Yenisseian reflexes of SCauc. labial
stops, for which see Старостин, 1982/ 2007, 149 f. Yen. *p yields p/ p
h
/ p
f
/ h in
known languages, while Yen. *b > b/ p/ v. An exact parallel to Hattic are early
records of Kottish, Arin and Pumpokol, were f, p
h
, p
f
, p and even b freely alter-
nate.

SCauc. nasal *-m- in the medial position is retained:
NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’ ~ šam(a) ‘to hear’ [48]

Labial m > n before a dental consonant is without doubt a late (synchronic?)
process in Hattic:
SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28]

But in the initial position SCauc. *m- coincides with SCauc. labial stops and
yields Hatt. f-/ p-/ w-:
SCauc. *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34]
SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35]
STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’ ~ pnu ‘to look’ [36]
STib. *mor ‘grain’ ~ fula ‘bread’ [38]
SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die, dead’ > fun(a) ‘mortality’ [40]
STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’ ~ puš ‘to devour’ [42]

The process of denasalization in the initial position is paralleled by the Yenis-
seian branch, where SCauc. *m- > Yen. *b-/ p-/ w- (for the distribution see SCC,
37 f.).
16
Synchronically Hattic possesses a number of stems with initial m-:
–––––––––––––––––––––––
16
Roots in m-, attested in the synchronic Yen. languages, are Russian, Nenets, etc. loan-
words. The second source of m- in the Yen. languages is the late distant assimilation Yen.
*bVN- / *wVN > mVN which occurs in some auxiliary morphemes.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 329
ma/ fa ‘and’ [47’], mai(u) ‘a valuable cloth’ [48’], malhip ‘good, favorable’
[49’], mar or kamar ‘to slit, slash’ [50’], maššel or paršel ‘cult performer,
chanter, clown
?
’ [51’], milup or lup
??
‘bull, ox’ [52’], miš ‘to take (for oneself)’
[53’], mu/ fu ‘mother, lady, mistress (vel sim.)’ [54’], muh(al) ‘hearth’ [55’],
muna-muna ‘foundation, base, bed stone’ [56’], muš ‘smth. relating to tree,
fruit
?
’ [57’]. None of these roots possesses a reliable SCauc. etymology, and cul-
tural terms clearly prevail in the list, so we can threat all these words as loans. At
least for two of the mentioned stems the source of borrowing can be established:
malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. *ma\ʷV ‘good, luck’ (with lhip for the
palatalized labialized lateral *\ʷ); maššel ‘cult performer, chanter, clown
?
’ [51’]
< WSem. mṣl (māṣilu) ‘cymbal player’.
An interesting case is Hatt. miš ‘to take (for oneself)’ [53’], belonging to the
basic vocabulary. Its SCauc. cognate may be Yen. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ (the compari-
son is possible if we suppose the loss of the final consonant in Yen. allegro
forms)—an exceptional case of preserving m- in Proto-Yen.
On the other hand, Hattic possesses a few grammatical prefixes in m- (for the
list see HWHT, 230 f.). This fact, however, does not contradict our theory, since
the situation, when auxiliary morphemes violate common phonotactical rules, is
not so rare in the word languages. Second, some of these prefixes have variants
with initial f- (see HWHT, 165, 230 f.), the same concerns conjunction ma ‘and’
[47’] and noun mu ‘mother, lady, mistress (vel sim.)’ [54’], which alternate with
variants fa and fu respectively (note that mu/ fu ‘mother, lady, mistress (vel
sim.)’ [54’] is attested only as the second element of compounds).
In addition cf. Hatt.
D
fazulla, which is probably the same deity as
D
mezulla,
known from Hittite texts (HWHT, 911 w. lit.).

SCauc. *w is generally retained in Hattic:
SCauc. *wV ‘thou’ > we ‘thou’ (2
nd
person sg. personal pronoun), u- ‘thy’
(2
nd
person sg. possessive pronoun) [77]
SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour; wet’ > tefu ‘to pour’ [57]
STib. *lòw ‘to be able’ ~ lu ‘to be able’ [25]
SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > ku ‘to seize’ [19]

In one case we see the dissimilative nasalization *-uw- > -um- (that resembles
similar phonotactical process in Hittite):
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > *tuwil > tumil ‘rain’ [62]

4.2.2.2 Dentals
SCauc. *t, *ṭ, *d were merged in Hatt. t (~ tt). Cf. :
SCauc. *=ătV ‘to put, leave’ > ti ‘to lie, put’ [55]
SCauc. *dVHV ‘to grow; big’ > te ‘big’ [54]

330 A. Kassian [UF 41
Also with an unidentified dental :
STib. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear, to be confused’ ~ tafa ‘fear’ [53]
Yen. *kaʔt (~ g-, -c) ‘old (attr.)’ ~ katte ‘king’ [17]
Yen. *bot- ‘often’ ~ fute ‘long’ in temporal meaning [44]
Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63]

An important case is Hatt. z for SCauc. dental stop:
Yen. *də(ʔ)q- (~ *dək-) ‘to fall’ ~ zik (< *tik) ‘to fall’ [65]

It seems that /ti/ became /ʦi/ (graphical zi) in Hattic, since the sequence ti is
relatively rare in texts known to us (in contrast to zi) and sometimes ti-forms
have by-forms in zi (e. g., tiuz ~ ziuz ‘rock’). The same assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ is
observed in the reflexes of SCauc. affricates, which standardly yield the stop
phoneme /t/, but affricate /ʦ/ before /i/, see 4.2.2.3 below. Together with the dis-
similation /u/ > /um/ this process of assibilation finds its direct parallel in the
Proto-Hittite historical phonology.

SCauc. nasal *n is a stable phoneme:
SCauc. *hVnV ‘now’ > anna ‘when’ [2]
SCauc. *=HVǯV(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5]
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]
NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8]
SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21]
STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’ ~ pnu ‘to look’ [36]
STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’ ~ nu ‘to come, go’ [29]
NCauc. *-nV, genitive ~ -n, genitive [74]

In one case we see *n > m before a labialized guttural :
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > *limhu-t > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]

SCauc. non-initial *-r- standardly yields Hatt. r:
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]
STib. *bhăr ‘abundant, numerous’ ~ far ‘thousand’ [31]
SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak, pray’ > fara-ya ‘priest’ [32]
SCauc. *[p]ārē ‘lightning; brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33]
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]
STib. *Pr-Vŋ ‘country’ ~ fur ‘country; population’ [41]
SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’
[58]

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 331
There is one example for SCauc. *-r- > Hatt. -l-:
SCauc. *xq(w)VrV ‘old, ripe’ > hel ‘to ripen’ [11].
The closest analogy is Proto-Yen., were SCauc. *-r- > Yen. *r/ r
1
with unknown
distribution, while Yen. *r
1
gives l-reflexes in most attested languages (Старос-
тин, 1982/ 2007, 156).

Initial r- is strongly prohibited for Hattic root and auxiliary morphemes (an ex-
ception is the fossilized r-suffix, etymologically singled out in some nominal
and verbal stems). I suppose that SCauc. *r- > Hattic š-.
SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ > šaki- ‘heart’ [47].
The comparison seems reliable despite the fact that the standard way to elimi-
nate initial *r- in SCauc. daughter-languages is > t-/ d-.

4.2.2.3 Alveolar, post-alveolar and palatal affricates
Reflexes of SCauc. voiceless alveolar (*c, *() and palatal (*č, *() affricates are
similar: Hattic stop or affricate in the initial position and Hattic sibilant -š- in
other positions. This process of fricativization in the medial and final position
runs parallel with Proto-Yen., cf., e. g., SCauc. *č > Yen. *č-, *s.

SCauc. voiceless alveolar affricates *c, *( yield Hatt. t- in the initial position and
Hatt. -š- in other positions.
Initially:
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62]
SCauc. *=V¢V ‘to eat, drink’ > tu ‘to eat’ [59]

Non-initially:
SCauc. *=ĕ¢Ắ ‘to put’ > eš (~ et?) ‘to put’ [4]
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]
STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’ ~ puš ‘to devour’ [42]
SCauc. *[p]ūHV ‘to blow’ (STib. *bŭt) > puš-an ‘to blow on’ [43]

Some roots show Hattic z, which is in all likelihood a secondary “Hittite” assibi-
lation /ti/ > /ʦi/, see 4.2.2.2 above:
NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick; timber’ ~ zeha-r, ziha-r ‘wood’ [64]
STib. *cVp (~ ć-) ‘bitter, pungent’ ~ zipi-na ‘sour’ [66]

In one case Hatt. z-reflex of SCauc. *( remains without explanation. Despite this
irregularity the comparison can hardly be rejected:
SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68]
332 A. Kassian [UF 41
The SCauc. voiceless palatal affricates *č, *( yield Hatt. t~š (/č/) or t- in the ini-
tial position and Hatt. -š- in other positions. Of course Hattic t- may cover /č/
here, since it is possible that spelling variants with š- are merely unattested for
some morphemes.
Initially:
SCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth, sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45]
STib. *ćIH ‘to govern; lord’ ~ šai-l ~ tai-l ‘lord’ [46]
SCauc. *čVxqV ‘to scratch, scrape; to shave’ > taha-ya ‘barber’ [50]
SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour; wet’ > tefu ‘to pour’ [57]
SCauc. *=ắčwV (STib. *ĆŏH) ‘to take’ > tuh ‘to take’ [60]
STib. *ćòH ‘to work; to build’ ~ teh ‘to build’ [56]
SCauc. *ČVQV ‘to step, run’ > tuk ‘to step’ [61]

Non-initially:
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]
Yen. *ʔēč- (< SCauc. *() ‘to let come, let enter’ ~ aš ‘to come (here)’ [3]

In one case a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ is observed:
SCauc. *¢ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone, mountain’ > *tiš > ziš ‘mountain’ [67]

SCauc. voiced palatal affricate *ǯ > Hatt. št in both initial and medial positions:
SCauc. *=HVǯV(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5]
Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover; to plug; to close’ ~ štip ‘gate’ [49]

As opposed to the aforementioned affricative phonemes, the SCauc. post-alveo-
lar voiceless affricates *ć, *( yield Hatt. t in all positions:
SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28]
SCauc. *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34]
SCauc. *[¢

]ombi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’, tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52]

In one case we see a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ :
SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ > *peti-l > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35]

4.2.2.4 Other front consonants
SCauc. *s, *š are retained as Hatt. š (/s/):
NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’ ~ šam(a) ‘to hear’ [48]
SCauc. *¢ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone, mountain’ > ziš ‘mountain’ [67]
NCauc. *-š:w, plural stem marker ~ aš-/ iš-, plural of the accusative case [70]
Yen. *ʔa-KsV- (~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ ~ kaš ‘head’ [16]

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 333
SCauc. *j was lost in the intervocalic position:
SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68]

4.2.2.5 Laterals
SCauc. lateral affricates *ƛ, *\, *Ł merge in Hatt. l :
17

SCauc. *ƛăjV ‘time, year, season’ > liš ‘year’ [24]
SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1]
NCauc. *bēŁV ‘cattle-shed’ ~ fael ‘house’ [30]
STib. *lòw ‘to be able’ ~ lu ‘to be able’ [25]
STib. *rołH ‘light’ ~ leli ‘light’ [23]

One case of the occasional distant assimilation must be noted:
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > *limhu-t > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]

SCauc. *l > Hatt. l :
SCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26]
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62]
STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10]
STib. *re ‘to dislike’ ~ le ‘to envy’ [22]
STib. *mor ‘grain’ ~ fula ‘bread’ [38]

SCauc. *ł yields Hatt. l as well as r. Cf. similar situation in Proto-Yen., where
SCauc. *ł > Yen. *l ~ *r
1
~ *r with unknown distribution.
SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12]
? SCauc. *χVłHé ‘arm, sleeve’ > her, hir ‘to allocate, assign; to entrust ; to
hand over, assign; to administer’ [14’]
SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock, bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt, lock’ [6]
STib. *rołH ‘light’ ~ leli ‘light’ [23]

4.2.2.6 Velar and uvular consonants
SCauc. velar and uvular voiceless stops *k, *ḳ, *q, *q merge in Hatt. k.
Velar stops:
SCauc. *HōkV ‘to look, search’ > hukur ‘to see’ [13]
SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ > šaki- ‘heart’ [47]
SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > ku ‘to seize’ [19]
–––––––––––––––––––––––
17
It is interesting but not surprising that Hattic renders lateral obstruents by lh/ lk in the
borrowings from Proto-West Caucasian: Hatt. malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] < WCauc.
*ma\ʷV ‘good, luck’ ; Hatt. hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] < WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ or rather
*«Iʷə-pə\ə ‘copper’.
334 A. Kassian [UF 41
Yen. *ʔa-KsV- (~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ ~ kaš ‘head’ [16]
Yen. *kaʔt (~ g-, -c) ‘old (attr.)’ ~ katte ‘king’ [17]

Uvular stops:
SCauc. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > kip ‘to protect’ [18]
SCauc. *sṭänqV ‘panther, leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51]
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]
STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10]
SCauc. *ČVQV ‘to step, run’ > tuk ‘to step’ [61]
Yen. *də(ʔ)q- (~ *dək-) ‘to fall’ ~ zik ‘to fall’ [65]
Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ ~ kap ‘moon’ [15]

SCauc. velar and uvular voiceless fricatives *x, *χ yield Hatt. h:
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]
NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick; timber’ > zeha-r, ziha-r ‘wood’ [64]
NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8]

SCauc. initial nasal *ŋ- > *m- > Hatt. f- (the development is exactly paralleled
by Proto-Yen.):
SCauc. *ŋV ‘I’ > fa- ‘I’, 1
st
person sg. subject [75]

In other positions SCauc. nasal *ŋ > Hatt. n:
SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘die, dead’ > fun(a) ‘mortality’ [40]

4.2.2.7 Laryngeals
SCauc. *h drops:
SCauc. *hVnV ‘now’ > anna ‘when’ [2]

SCauc. *ɦ standardly yields Hatt. h:
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]

But SCauc. *ɦ drops in initial / final clusters, see 4.2.2.13 below.

The only example of SCauc. *ħ is:
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]

An example for SCauc. *ħw > 0 could be:
SCauc. *ħwir¡ ‘water, lake’ > ur(i) ‘spring, well’ [109’], if the comparison is
correct.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 335
SCauc. *H (an unidentified laryngeal) > Hatt. h:
SCauc. *HōkV ‘to look, search’ > hukur ‘to see’ [13]
SCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth, sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45]
STib. *ćòH ‘to work; to build’ ~ teh ‘to build’ [56]
SCauc. *=ắčwV (STib. *ĆŏH) ‘to take’ > tuh ‘to take’ [60]

SCauc. *H (an unidentified laryngeal) > Hatt. 0:
SCauc. *=HVǯV(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5]
SCauc. *dVHV ‘to grow; big’ > te ‘big’ [54]
STib. *ćIH ‘to govern; lord’ ~ šai-l ~ tai-l ‘lord’ [46]
SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die, dead’ > fun ‘mortality’ [40]

4.2.2.8 Clusters with *w
SCauc. labialized consonants (treated as Cw-clusters by S. Starostin) lose the la-
bial element in Hattic. They yield reflexes which coincide with their non-labial-
ized counterparts:
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]
SCauc. *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34]
SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35]
NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick; timber’ ~ zeha-r, ziha-r ‘wood’ [64]
SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68]
SCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ >

luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26]
NCauc. *-š:w, plural stem marker ~ aš-/ iš-, plural of the accusative case [70]

The same with velars/ uvulars:
SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ > šaki- ‘heart’ [47]
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]
NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8]
STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10]
SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12]

In a few cases Hattic shows unmotivated u-vocalism:
SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21]
SCauc. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve, guard’ > (a)ku ‘escort’ [20]
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]
Of course one can try to explain it by the influence of an old labialized conso-
nant. As a matter of fact five examples above, where labialized velars/ uvulars
completely lose their labial element without vowel change, speak against such a
supposition.

336 A. Kassian [UF 41
4.2.2.9 xK(w)-clusters
SCauc. clusters of the type *xK(w) (where K—velar/ uvular) yield Hatt. k or h
without evident rule of distribution.

SCauc. *xgw > Hatt. h, k:
SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12]
SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21]

SCauc. *xḳ > Hatt. h, k:
SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock, bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt, lock’ [6]
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]

SCauc. *xq > Hatt. h:
SCauc. *čVxqV ‘to scratch, scrape; to shave’ > taha-ya ‘barber’ [50]

SCauc. *xqw > Hatt. k:
SCauc. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve, guard’ > (a)ku ‘escort’ [20]

SCauc. *xq > Hatt. h:
SCauc. *xq(w)VrV ‘old, ripe’ > hel, hil ‘to ripen’ [11]

SCauc. *xqw > Hatt. k:
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]

4.2.2.10 ST-clusters
SCauc. clusters of the ST-type yield Hatt. t, that coincides with the Proto-Yen.
reflex (SCauc. *ST > Yen. *t).
SCauc. *sṭ :
SCauc. *sṭänqV ‘panther, leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51]

SCauc. *št :
SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’
[58]

SCauc. *štw (with a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/):
SCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > *luiti-l > luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26]

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 337
4.2.2.11 lC- and rC-clusters
SCauc. *l is dropped in combination with post-alveolar and palatal affricates
(this process is normal for all SCauc. branches except NCauc., SCC, 87 f.):
SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35]
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]

For r in combination with *( see comm. on p(a)raš ‘leopard’ [37] (< SCauc.
*bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’).

Quite surprising is the fact of retention of SCauc. *l and *r in combinations with
velar/ uvular (note that all SCauc. branches except NCauc. standardly lose the
sonorant in such clusters).
SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39]
SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ > harki- ‘wide’ [9]

In combination with *ɦ SCauc. *l is retained:
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62]

But SCauc. *ł is lost in combination with some unidentified laryngeal :
SCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth, sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45]
Such a development is paralleled by STib., where SCauc. *łɦ, *łħ > *ɦ, *ħ >
STib. *0 (SCC, 19, 191). Note that Yen. has regular *r/ r
1
< SCauc. *lH/ łH
(SCC, 84).

4.2.2.12 NC-clusters
SCauc. nasal drops in combination with labial :
SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1]
SCauc. *[¢

]ombi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’, tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52]
Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63]
Such a simplification is standard for all SCauc. branches except NCauc., but
there is a significant number of examples, where Yen., STib. and Burush. retain
the nasal, see SCC, 39 ff., 48 ff.

Combination with post-alveolar affricate *m( > *mt > *nt :
SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28]
Note that the retention of the nasal in such a position is not typical of SCauc.
languages.

338 A. Kassian [UF 41
In combination with guttural the nasal drops (a standard development in SCauc.
branches except NCauc.):
SCauc. *sṭänqV ‘panther, leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51]

In combination with *ɦ Hattic retains the SCauc. nasal :
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]

4.2.2.13 Clusters with laryngeals
In the initial and final positions Hattic loses laryngeals in clusters:
SCauc. *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34]
SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’
[58]
SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ‘a k. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37]
SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die, dead’ > fun ‘mortality’ [40]
SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62]
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]

In the medial position laryngeals can be retained:
NCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman, female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27]
SCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth, sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45]
4.3 Root structure
For the general discussion see SCC, 1 ff. The standard shape of SCauc. nominal
root was CVCV (where C can be a cluster). Normally Hattic retains this structure
as CVCV or CVC (with unknown rules of the final vowel drop). Cf. the follow-
ing selective examples.

CVCV:
SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ > šaki- ‘heart’ [47].
SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock, bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt, lock’ [6]
SCauc. *[p]ārē ‘lightning; brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33]
SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’
[58]

CVC:
SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) ‘water; wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7]
SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14]

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 339
The situation with SCauc. verbal roots is more complicated, since the actual
SCauc. reconstruction in general is NCauc.-centric, but it is clear that the struc-
ture of some types of verbal roots was seriously rebuilt in the Proto-NCauc. lan-
guage.
I suppose that the main SCauc. verbal shapes were:
CVCV
CVC
VCV(R)
CV
where C can be an obstruent, a sonorant or a consonant cluster. Very often
NCauc. (or rather its ECauc. sub-branch?) adds an initial =V- or =HV-, which
serves as a spacer between ECauc. class exponents (“=”) and root. In most cases
S. Starostin projects such a “spacer” onto the Proto-SCauc. level (e. g., he ac-
cepts SCauc. *=VCVR instead of *CVR). Since the reconstruction of NCauc.
and SCauc. morphosyntax is the task of futher research and is not a goal of my
paper, I adopt Starostin’s reconstructions of individual roots. It should be noted
that Hattic does not show traces of these =V-/ =HV- “spacers”, thus conforming
in it with the STib., Yen., Burushaski and Basque branches.
Standardly Hattic retains the shape of SCauc. verbal proto-roots, but some-
times in a polysyllabic structure a final vowel may have been lost (as in the case
of nominal roots the rules of a final vowel drop are not clear).

SCauc. CVCV > Hatt. CVCV:
SCauc. *HōkV ‘to look, search’ > NCauc. *H[o]kV ~ STib. *ku ~ Yen. *b-
[o]k- ~ Hatt. huku-r ‘to see’ [13]
SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak, pray’ > STib. *p(r)IwH ~ Yen. *baŕ- ~ Burush.
*bar ~ Hatt. fara-ya ‘priest’ [32]
SCauc. *čVxqV ‘to scratch, scrape; to shave’ > NCauc. *čVqV ~ Yen.
*ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ~ Hatt. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50]
SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour; wet’ > NCauc. *=ǟwčĂ ~ STib. *ćəw ~ Burush.
*ṣao ~ Hatt. tefu ‘to pour’ [57]

SCauc. CVCV > Hatt. CVC:
SCauc. *xq(w)VrV ‘old, ripe’ > NCauc. *=ĭrqwĂ ‘to ripen’ ~ STib. *grĭ
‘old, large’ ~ Hatt. hel ‘to grow, ripen’ [11]
SCauc. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > STib. *Gāp ~ Yen. *qepVn- ~ Hatt. kip ‘to pro-
tect’ [18]
SCauc. *ČVQV ‘to step, run’ > STib. *ćek ~ Yen. *čɔʔq- ~ Hatt. tuk ‘to
step’ [61]

340 A. Kassian [UF 41
SCauc. =V-CVR > Hatt. CVR:
NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ ~ Hatt. han ‘to open’ [8]
SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > NCauc. *=igwVł ~
STib. *koj (~ -l) ~ Basque *gal- ~ Hatt. her ‘to hide’ [12]
SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > NCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ~ STib. *Khu ~ Hatt. ku ‘to
seize’ ‘to seize’ [19]
SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ > NCauc. *=agwV ~ STib. *kʷēn ~ Yen.
*qo ~ Hatt. kun ‘to see’ [21]

SCauc. VCV > Hatt. VCV:
SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ > NCauc. *=Vm¢

Vr ~ STib. *ćhi-oH ~
Hatt. (a)nti ‘to stand, stay’ [28]

SCauc. VCV > Hatt. VC:
SCauc. *=ĕ¢Ắ ‘to put’ > NCauc. *=i¢Ă ~ Yen. *ʔes- ~ Basque *ecan ~ Hatt.
eš ‘to put’ [4]

SCauc. =V-CV > Hatt. CV:
SCauc. *=ătV ‘to put, leave’ > NCauc. *=ătV-r ~ STib. *dhăH ~ Yen. *di(j)
~ Hatt. ti ‘to lie, put’ [55]
SCauc. *=V¢V ‘to eat, drink’ > NCauc. *=V¢

V ~ STib. *ʒha-H ~ Yen. *sī- ~
Burush. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ~ Hatt. tu ‘to eat’ [59]
5 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons
Entries are arranged in the following alphabetic order: a, e/ i, h, k, l, m, n, f/ p/ w,
š/ s, t, u, z. The numeration in section 5.1 (reliable root comparisons) is contin-
ued in section 6.1 (reliable grammatical comparisons). The same concerns the
numeration with character stroke (’) in section 5.2 (dubious root comparisons),
which is continued in 6.2 (dubious grammatical comparisons). The entries have
the following structure:
No. Hattic data.
= Hittite equivalent in bilingual or quasi-bilingual texts.
√ Proposed Sino-Caucasian etymology.
→ Comments and references.
5.1 Roots with reliable SCauc. cognates
1. alef (alep, alip, aliw) ‘tongue; word; to say
?

= Hitt. EME.
√ SCauc. *\ānpV ‘tongue; lip; to lick’ >
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 341
NCauc. *\ānpV ‘lip’ > Tsez. *\ipu (~ -ɨ-, - ̃ -), Lezgh. *\amp- (~ ḳ-).
STib. *ƛep ‘tongue, to lick’ > Tib. gźab ‘to lick’, Kachin (H) šiŋ-lep
‘tongue’.
Yen. *ʔalVp (~ -ĺ-, -r
1
-, -b) ‘tongue’ > Kott. alup, Arin áĺap, elep.
→ Yen. *ʔa- (a former class-prefix?) exactly matches the Hattic onset. The Hat-
tic meaning corresponds to Yen. and STib. as opposed to NCauc.
Similarly Иванов, 1985, № 1 (Hatt. + Yen.). Untenably Браун, 1994, 21
(Hatt. + WCauc. *(a)č:ʷV ‘word, speech; to say; to swear’).
2. anna ‘when’, ‘sobald, als’
= Hitt. mān.
√ SCauc. *hVnV ‘now’ >
NCauc. *h[ä]nV ‘now’ > Nakh *hin-ca/ *hin-ʒa ‘now’, Tsez. *hin-čV ‘to-
day’, Dargwa *han- ‘now’, Lezgh. *hin- ‘now’, WCauc. *nə- ‘today’; cf.
Hurr. henni, Urart. hini ‘now’.
STib. *n[ǝ] ‘time or place of, when’ > Chin. 而 *nə particle by verbalizing,
‘as, and yet, and’ (?), Tib. na ‘year(?); stage of life, age; when’, Kachin
(H) na, čəna ‘to extend in time’, na loc. or abl. suffix, Lushai niaʔ ‘at the
time of; when’, -na ‘the place of or where, instrument of or for’.
Yen. *ʔen ‘now’ > Ket ēn, Yug en. The Ablaut form *ʔan- in compounds >
Yug an-es
5,6
‘morning’ (an- + ‘God, sky’), an-bɔksɨ
5
‘tomorrow’ = Ket
anɔkś
5,6
‘tomorrow’ (an- + *pVk- ‘morning’); apparently the basic mean-
ing of an- in the compounds listed is ‘when’, not ‘now’. *ʔen-ŋa > Kott.
eaŋa ‘now’, Arin iŋni ‘today’.
→ Double nn in the Hattic form may point to an old cluster. If so, Yen. *ʔen-ŋa
appears the closest parallel (*ŋ > n seems regular for Hattic), despite se-
mantic difference and vocalic alternation.
Иванов, 1985, № 2 compares Hattic anna with some WCauc. adverbial / pro-
nominal forms of the shape an-, covering a large spectrum of demon-
strative meanings. E. g., Ubykh aná- ‘here (là); then, at that time (alors)’
(Vogt, 1963, 85), Abkhaz aná ‘there’, ani ‘that’, infix -an- ‘when’, and so
forth. According to NCED, these WCauc. morphemes go back to WCauc.
*nV ‘(a demonstrative stem)’, further to NCauc. *nV ‘this, that’. Since
their temporal semantics is not paralleled by the corresponding ECauc.
pronouns/ adverbs, it is possible that part of the WCauc. forms listed
above originates from the same NCauc. stem *h[ä]nV ‘now’.
3. aš ‘to come (here)’, imp. aša ‘komm (herein)!’
= Hitt. ehu.
√ Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let enter’ > Ket ɛ:te, Yug -ɛ:hl.
→ An exclusive Hattic–Yenisseian isogloss, although the vocalic correspon-
dence is not very clear. Yen. *-č- should go back to SCauc. *(.
342 A. Kassian [UF 41
Браун, 1994, 21: to WCauc. *ća (~ *č-) ‘to go, walk’ < NCauc. *=āčĂn ‘to
go, to lead’ < SCauc. *=āčAŋ- ‘to pull, lead’ (NCauc. + STib. *ćăŋ ‘to
bring, arrange’ + Yen. *čāŋ- ‘to pull, drag’). The loss of *-n in Hattic is
unclear in this case.
4. eš, iš (and maybe et, it) ‘to put’
= Hitt. dai-.
√ SCauc. *=ĕ¢Ắ ‘to put’ >
NCauc. *=i¢Ă ‘to give, compensate; to put’ > Av.-And. *=i(- ‘to compen-
sate, reimburse’, Lezgh. *ʔi(a- ‘to give’, WCauc. *(V ‘to lay eggs; to put
(with preverbs)’.
Yen. *ʔes- ‘to put’ > Ket ɛśa
6
, Yug ɛsiɛ-saŋ
6
, Kott. śi-ćei.
Basque *ecan ‘to lie down, rest (tr.), to put down’.
→ The Hattic meaning corresponds to Yen., WCauc. and Basque attestations.
5. eštan, aštan ‘sun, Sun-goddess; day
?

= Hitt.
D
UTU.
√ SCauc. *=HVǯV(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ >
NCauc. *=Huǯ

V-n ( ~ -j

-) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ > Av.-And. *=V(:Vn-
(~ -(:-), Lezgh. *ʡo(:Vn-; cf. Hurr. hešmi ‘clear, bright’.
STib. *Ćoj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ > Chin. 霽 *ćojs ‘clearing sky’, Burm.
ćajh ‘to stop, as raining or sound; to clear, as weather’.
Yen. *ʔēǯ- ‘clear, quiet (of weather)’ > Ket ɛt
4
/ ɛŕ
4
, Yug ɛ:hl. Perhaps with an
initial reduction *ǯin ‘bright day’ in Ket dīń ‘bright day’, qä-diń ‘holi-
day’, Yug χέ!īn ‘holiday’ etc.
Burush. *¢āŋ, *¢ān, *jaŋ ‘clear (of sky); half-clear (of sky); to stop (of
rain)’.
→ Note the vocalic correspondence in the first syllable between Hattic and Yen.,
as opposed to NCauc.
Incorrectly Иванов, 1985, № 11: to NCauc. *ʡămsa (~ -ə, -ɨ) ‘sky, cloud;
soul, breath; god’ < SCauc. *ʡắmsɨ ‘soul, breath; god, sky’.
6. *halu in redupl. halu-halu ‘wooden bolt, lock’, ‘засов’
= Hitt. hattalwaš GIŠ-ru.
√ SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock, bolt’ >
NCauc. *ḳułI/ *łIḳu ‘lock, bolt ; key’ > Av.-And. *ḳulV, Lak ḳula, Lezgh.
*ḳul (~ -o-), WCauc. *ləḳʷə.
STib. *kălH ‘bolt, lock’ > Chin. 楗 *garʔ ‘door bar, bolt’, Lushai kalʔ ‘to be
locked or fasten’.
→ The comparison is reliable if the SCauc. onset was *xḳ-. Note that the Hattic
vowel of the first syllable corresponds to the STib. forms, not to the
NCauc. ones.
Similarly Иванов, 1985, № 17 (Hatt. + NCauc.).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 343
7. han ‘sea’
= Hitt. aruna-.
√ SCauc. *xänɦI (-ŭ) >
NCauc. *xänɦI ‘water’ > Nakh *χi, Av.-And. *λ:inʔi, Tsez. *λ:i, Lak š:in,
Dargwa *xin, Lezgh. *λ:än:, Khin. xu.
STib. *χĭw(s) ‘water, moisture’ > Tib. hus ‘moisture, humidity’, Kachin
khoʔ
2
‘to spill’, Lushai huʔ ‘wet’, Kiranti *kù ‘water’.
Yen. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ > Ket āńbɔk
1
, Kott. en, *ēn.
Burushaski *hán-chil ‘water from a wound; watery (tea, soup)’.
Basque *u-hain ‘wave’.
→ Phonetically Hattic exactly matches the Yen. forms.
8. han ‘to open’
= Hitt. haš- ‘to open’, and da- ‘to take’(?!).
√ NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’ > Av.-And. *=aχʷVn; Tsez. *=[ã]ʁ:-.
9. harki-mah ‘to be(come) wide’
= Hitt. palhi- eš-.
√ SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ ‘wide’ >
NCauc. *ɦărq[w]Ĕ ‘wide’ > Av.-And. *qa-b-, Tsez. *qeq-, Lak u-t:a-, Dar-
gwa *-aʕu-, Lezgh. *hIarqɨ-, WCauc. *bə«(ʷ)V.
STib. *qʷāŋH ‘wide, broad’ > Chin. 廣 *kʷāŋʔ ‘wide, broad, large’, Kachin
(ə)wuŋ
2
-waŋ
2
, ‘to be wide, ample’, Lushai vāŋ ‘to be broad, wide’, etc.
Yen. *χiG-Vĺ (~ *χiχ-Vĺ) ‘wide, broad’ > Ket qīĺ, Yug xe:ĺ / xejĺ
3
, Kott. hīgal.
→ Yen. shows the ĺ-suffix.
The second element mah in the Hattic stem is probably the same mah which
is observed in kazue-mah < kazue ‘cup, bowl’, hikkir-mah ‘?’, her-mah
‘?’.
10. hel, hil ‘to strew, pour, scatter’
= Hitt. išhuwai-.
√ STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ > Chin. 澣 g

ʷārʔ (~ w-?) ‘to
wash’, Tib. skjur-ba ‘to throw, throw into water, cast’, Lushai vorʔ ‘to
scatter, throw up, toss’.
→ STib. *q(h)ʷ- originates from SCauc. *qw, Gw-, χw-, ʁw- and so on (SCC,
89–93), while *-r- < SCauc. *-l- and *-r-.
11. hel, hil ‘to grow, ripen’
= Hitt. mai-.
√ SCauc. *xq(w)VrV ‘old, ripe’ >
NCauc. *=ĭrqwĂ ‘to ripen’ > Av.-And. *=iq-, Tsez. *=iq-, Lak =ija-, Dar-
gwa *=iqur-, Lezgh. *ʔi(r)qʷV, WCauc. *ṭəʁʷa- (~ -Gʷ-).
STib. *grĭ ‘old, large’ > Chin. 耆 *grij ‘old’, 祁 *grij ‘great, large’, Tib. bgre
344 A. Kassian [UF 41
‘to grow old’, Burm. krih ‘to be old; be big’.
→ The correspondence Hatt. l ~ SCauc. *r is strange, cf., however, Yen. *r/ r
1
as
reflexes of SCauc. *r with unknown rules of distribution (Yen. *r
1
yields
l-like phonemes in the majority of daughter languages).
12. her (also hert?) ‘to hide, conceal’
= Hitt. munnai-.
√ SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwVłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ >
NCauc. *=igwVł ‘to lose, get lost ; to steal’ > Av.-And. *golV (~ -a-) ‘thief’,
Tsez. *gʷVl- ‘thief’, Lezgh. *ʔik:ʷäl- ‘to lose; to get lost ; hidden, secret’,
Khin. dugun- ‘to lose’.
STib. *koj (~ -l) ‘to hide’ > Burm. kwaj ‘to conceal, keep out of sight’, Ka-
chin məkoi
1
‘hide, conceal’.
Basque *gal- ‘to lose, corrupt, spoil’.
→ Sccet.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. stem with *gw, but in fact we cannot
distinguish *gw and *xgw without Yen. cognates. For SCauc. *ł ~ Hatt. r,
cf. SCauc. *ł > Yen. *r/ r
1
with unknown rules of distribution.
The Hattic meaning is closer to STib., rather than to NCauc.
Иванов, 1985, № 7 compares Hatt. her(t
?
) with an isolated WCauc. form:
Ubykh qarda- ‘être assis, caché’ (Vogt, 1963, 164).
13. hukur ‘to see, look, notice’
= Hitt. auš-.
√ SCauc. *HōkV ‘to look, search’ >
NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look, search’ > Tsez. *hak- (~ ħ-), Lak uI=či-, Lezgh.
*ʔakV-/ *ʔokV-.
STib. *ku (~ g-) ‘to seek, choose, understand’ > Chin. 求 *gu ‘to seek, ask
for’, Tib. sko, bsko ‘to choose’, go ‘to know, understand’, Burm. (Naxi)
*kh[ua] ‘hear’.
Yen. *b-[o]k- (~ w-) ‘to find’ > Ket bʌ:ɣə
4
, bʌɣ
4
, Yug bʌ:hk, Kott. bapukŋ.
→ The (verbal) suffix -rV is rather common in SCauc. languages, especially in
the NCauc. sub-branch. In synchronic Hattic the r-onset is prohibited for
any morphemes (both root and auxiliary) and huku-r seems the only ver-
bal stem known to us, where we can suspect an r-suffix. Some nominal
stems, however, contain a similar fossilized morpheme: zeha-r ‘building
wood’ [64]. On the hypothetical Hatt. **tafa-r ‘to rule’ see tafarna [52].
Girbal, 1986 compares the Hattic stem with Georgian qur- ‘to look’—an iso-
lated Georg. root, which theoretically may be related to Kartv. qur- ‘ear;
to hear’, see Schmidt, 1962, 141.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 345
14. kaiš ‘horn (anatomic
18
)’
= Hitt. SI.
√ SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ >
NCauc. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock, plait ; horn’ > Nakh *ḳu( ‘forelock, tuft of hair;
mountain top’, Av.-And. *ḳʷi( (~ *ḳi(ʷ) ‘forelock’, Lezgh. *ḳalč/ *kalč
‘horn; plait, woman’s hair’.
STib. *khaj ‘horn, a pair of horns’ > Chin. 觭 khaj ‘one horn turning up and
one down’, Lushai ki ‘horn’.
Burush. *ɣuy ‘hair’.
→ The loss of l in combination with an affricate is regular for all SCauc. sub-
branches except the NCauc. one (SCC, 87 f.). Hattic probably shows an
interesting development *l > j here.
15. kap ‘moon’
= Hitt.
D
SÎN.
√ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ > Ket qīp, pl. qi:ń
3
, Yug xep, pl. xejfɨn
1
.
→ For the meaning of the Hattic term see HHB2, 173, 412 f., 416 ff., 464
fn. 948 and Soysal, 2004, 364.
An important Hattic–Yen. isogloss. The second Yenisseian word for ‘moon’
is *(ʔV)suj (Kott., Arin, Pump.), which probably possesses an external
etymology (SCauc. *wòŋ¢ŏ ‘moon’), whereas *q[e]p (~ χ-) seems an in-
ner Yenisseian innovation.
16. kaš, kiš ‘head’, ‘Kopf, Haupt’
= Hitt. haršan-, SAG.DU
√ Yen. *ʔaKsV- (~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ > Kott. axšei, further see
Yenet.dbf #11 and Старостин, 1995, 180 with possible Ket–Yug cognates
and the general discussion.
→ An exclusive Hattic–Yen. isogloss.
Yen. *ʔa- appears to be a fossilized class prefix, causing a secondary reduc-
tion of the root vowel, as, e. g., in Yen. *saq- ~ *ʔa-sq- ‘guilty’ (< SCauc.
*cVrqV).
An alternative, semantically more persuasive etymology is SCauc. *¢VqV
‘head’ (NCauc. [only WCauc. *SqIa ‘head’] ~ Yen. *c[ɨ]ʔG- ‘head’ ~ Bu-
rush. *-ćáɣanes ‘back of head’), if one assumes a consonant metathesis
in the Hattic root. Cf. Sum. SAG̃ ‘head’ (an unclear coincidence?).
17. katte ‘king’, katta-h ‘queen’
= Hitt. LUGAL, MUNUS.LUGAL.
√ Yen. *kaʔt (~ g-, -c) ‘old (attr.)’ > Ket kaʔt, pl. kateŋ
5
, Yug kaʔt, pl. kateŋ
5
.
→ An exclusive Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Hattic shows a very common semantic
–––––––––––––––––––––––
18
O. Soysal, pers. comm.
346 A. Kassian [UF 41
shift ‘old’ > ‘elder’.
Chirikba, 1996, 424 compares Hatt. katte with Abkhaz–Abaza compound
*qa-da ‘chief (adj.)’, whose elements are unclear.
18. kip ‘to protect’
= Hitt. pahš-.
√ SCauc. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ (reconstructed as *qHápE in Sccet.dbf)>
STib. *Gāp ‘to cover’ > Chin. 蓋 *kāts (< *kāps) ‘to cover, conceal ; a cover
(of a car)’, *gāp ‘to thatch, to cover’, Tib. bkab ‘to cover’, gab ‘to hide’,
Kachin məgap
2
‘to cover’, Lushai hup (huʔ) ‘to cover, put over’, Lepcha
kap ‘to cover over, to envelop, to wrap round as garment’, Kiranti *ʔkop
‘cover’.
Yen. *qepVn- (~ χ-) ‘to close (door)’ > Ket qeńgej
6
, Yug di-χέfɨnābdi ʔ ‘ich
mache es zu’, imper. χέfɨne.
→ Sccet.dbf adds NCauc. *q

HapE ‘hat, cap’ (Av.-And., Tsez., Lak, Dargwa,
Lezgh., WCauc.) here that is implausible since forms like KAPV (/ PAKV)
‘hat’ are clear wandering words.
Hattic shows a common semantic development ‘to cover/ wrap’ > ‘to pro-
tect’.
Cf. also SCauc. *ɦĭxŋwV ‘to graze; guard’ > NCauc. *ɦĭfV ‘to guard, to
graze’ ~ STib. *ŋ[u]a ‘gamester, guard’. Interesting, but phonetically un-
satisfactory (k ~ *ɦ).
19. ku ‘to seize’
= Hitt. epp-.
√ SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put ; to take’ >
NCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put (together), take; to lie, fall’ > Nakh *=ēḳ- ‘to fall
down; crumble’, Av.-And. *=Vḳ-/ *ḳV-b- ‘to put together; to lie; to fall
down; to take, collect’, Tsez. *=oḳʷ- B ‘to fall ; to gather, to (be) put to-
gether’, Lak l-i=(i- ‘to put in; establish’, Dargwa *=aḳ-/ *=iḳ- ‘to put’,
Lezgh. *ʔeḳʷɨ- ‘to steal, conceal ; to hide; to choose; to put’, Khin. l-ɨ=ḳ-
‘to hide, conceal’, WCauc. *ḳə ‘to catch, hold, grab’; cf. Hurr.-Urart.
*ḳew- ‘to put’.
STib. *Khu (~ -ua, -əw) ‘to take out, extract’ > Chin. 逑 *gu ‘to assemble,
accumulate’ (?), Tib. bku ‘to extract (to make an extract of a drug by
drawing out the juice)’, Burm. khuh ‘to take out (e. g., boiled rice out of a
pot)’.
→ It seems that the NCauc. forms reveal more than one proto-root (‘to take’ and
‘to put, to lie’). Semantically the Hattic verb is close to the WCauc. and
STib. attestations.
An alternative cognate of the Hattic verb is NCauc. *=iq

wV ‘to hold, catch’
(> Av.-And. *=ik:ʷ-, Tsez. *=oχ:-, Dargwa *=ujk:-, Lezgh. *ʔiqɨ-,
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 347
WCauc. *q:Iʷa (~qʷ-, qʷ-)), but this comparison does not explain the Hat-
tic u-vocalism.
Иванов, 1985, № 23, and Chirikba, 1996, 421 (Hattic + WCauc. *q:Iʷa).
Браун, 1994, 21 (Hatt. + WCauc. *ḳə).
20. ku (or aku) ‘soldier, escort (vel sim.)’ or rather ‘subject(s of the king)’.
Attested only in pl. form: faku (paku, wa
a
ku).
√ SCauc. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve, guard’ >
NCauc. *HŭqwĂ ‘to graze, guard, preserve’ > Tsez. *=oχ- (~ -ʁ:-) ‘to graze,
feed’, Lezgh. *ʔoχIʷɨ ‘to guard, preserve’, WCauc. *χIʷV ‘to graze (intr.
and trans.)’.
STib. *kŭ ‘to help; friend, companion’ > Chin. 仇 *gu ‘mate, companion’, 救
*kus ‘to help, save, relieve’, Burm. ku ‘help’, Kachin khuʔ
2
‘to become
friends’, (H) məkhu friend, ləkhu ‘to guard, protect’, Lushai *ku ‘help’,
Kiranti *ku ‘look after’.
→ Semantically the Hatt. root is closer to the STib. forms rather than to the
NCauc. ones.
21. kun ‘to see’
= Hitt. auš-.
√ SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look, see’ >
NCauc. *=agwV ‘to see’ > Nakh *gu-/ *=ag-, Av.-And. *-Vg-, Tsez.
*=[e]gʷ- A, Lak k:ʷa=k:ʷa-, Dargwa *gʷ-/ *=irg(ʷ)-, Lezgh. *ʔak:ʷä-.
STib. *kʷēn (~ gʷ-) ‘to glance at ; to regard’ > Chin. 睊 *kʷēn ‘to glance at’,
Lushai khon ‘to regard, pay attention to’.
Yen. *qo (~ χ-) ‘to see’ > Ket d-ba-ŋ-sɔ-ʁɔ, Yug di-ba-ŋ-s-ɔ, Pump. ja-xa-ldi
‘I see’.
→ Morphologically the Hattic form is close to the STib. attestations.
Иванов, 1985, № 21 compares Hatt. kun with unclear Adyghe–Kabardian
*ʁʷə- (found in some compounds like ‘mirror’) with the possible meaning
‘to look/ see’.
22. le or ale ‘to envy (vel sim.)’, ‘neidisch sein, beneiden (vel sim.)’
= Hitt. aršaniya- ‘to be angry (at); to envy’.
√ STib. *re ‘to dislike’ > Kachin nri
4
‘to be annoyed, displeased’, (H) gəri ‘to
regard as undesirable’, Lushai hreʔ ‘to dislike, object to’.
→ A Hattic–STib. isogloss (STib. *r goes back to SCauc. *r or *l).
23. *leli in leliyah or leliyahu ‘source of light; lustre, brilliance’. An epithet
of the Sun-goddess
= Hitt. lalukkima-.
√ STib. *rołH ‘light’ > Chin. 孌 *ronʔ ‘to be beautiful, handsome’, Tib. khrol-
khrol ‘bright, shining’, khrol-po ‘sparkling, glistening, dazzling’, Burm.
348 A. Kassian [UF 41
hrwanh ‘to be clear, bright, shining’.
→ Apparently the Hattic stem contains the suffix -ya, which forms nomina
agentis, and female suffix -ah [125’]. The same suffixal chain -ya-ah is
seen in the quasi-synonymous kašparuyah ‘source of light’ [33] (= Hitt.
lalukkima-)—another epithet of the Sun-goddess. Alternatively it is
possible to single out the morpheme yah here: thus Иванов, 1985, № 15
(proposing *yah ‘bright’) and O. Soysal, pers. comm. (comparing it with
yah ‘heaven, sky’).
The vocalic correspondence between Hattic and STib. is not clear, however.
Sccet.dbf #570 tentatively includes the STib. stem into SCauc. *Łùli ‘skin,
colour’ (> NCauc. *Łŏli ‘colour; to paint’, Yen. *ʔoʔĺ ‘hull, suffusion’,
Basque *lar¯u ‘skin’) which seems lame semantically.
24. liš, leš ‘year’
= Hitt. MU(.KAM).
√ SCauc. *ƛăjV ‘time, year, season’ >
NCauc. *ƛăjV ‘year, day’ > Av.-And. *ƛaji- (*ƛaHi-) ‘year; in the daytime;
today’, WCauc. *\V ‘year; day’.
STib. *lòH ‘year, season’ > Chin. 祀 *lhəʔ ‘sacrificial cycle, year’, Tib. lo
‘year’, Kachin khra
1
‘time, season’, Kiranti *l[o] ‘time’.
→ The element -š is apparently a suffix known from some other Hattic nominal
stems.
25. lu ‘to be able’, ‘imstande sein; können
?

= Hitt. -za tarh-.
√ STib. *lòw ‘to be able’ > Tib. blo ‘mind, intellect ; to be able’, Kachin lu
2
-na
3

‘to can’, (H) lu, thu ‘to be able, can’, Kiranti *lù ‘to feel, be affected, pre-
sent, be experienceable’.
→ An exclusive Hattic–STib. isogloss.
Sccet.dbf #705 adds here Chin. 喻 *los ‘to understand; to instruct, enlighten’
(if not to STib. *jòw ‘to understand, consider’) and unites this STib. stem
with NCauc. *ʔolʁwA ‘to think’. Apparently two different proto-roots, ‘to
think’ and ‘to be able’, merged in some languages.
26.

luizzi-l ‘runner, messenger’, ‘скороход’
= Hitt.

KAŠ
4
.E.
√ SCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ >
NCauc. *hilčwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > Tsez. *=[ũ]č- ‘to run (away)’, Lak liI=ča-
‘to run’, Lezgh. *hišʷä- ‘to run (away)’, Khin. čä=p- ‘to run away’,
WCauc. *c:ʷa ‘to run; to walk uncertainly’.
STib. > Chin. *ćhoʔ, *ćhōʔ ‘to run, drive’, 走 *ćōʔ ‘to run, make run, gallop’.
Yen. *tut- ‘to flee, hide’ > Ket tutɨŋ
5
/ tutiŋ
5
.
→ The Hattic stem shows the well-attested “masculine” suffix -l.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 349
The shape of the Hattic stem (u-epenthesis between *l and obstruent cluster)
resembles the Yen. proto-form.
27. nimhu-t (or nimhu-tu), nimhu-š ‘woman’
√ NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -λ-) ‘woman, female’ > Dargwa *x:unul ‘woman’,
Lezgh. *λ:ɨn:(ol) ‘woman; female’.
→ -t(u)/ -š(u) is a “female” suffix. Although Hattic shows assimilated n- for ex-
pected **l-, the comparison seems reliable. Note Hatt. -m- for *-n- before
labialized h.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 19 (Hatt. + WCauc. *pə-χ´ʷA-śʷə ‘woman’, where
*pə- is a fossilized class prefix and -śʷə is a diminutive suffix).
28. (a)nti ‘to stand; to stay’
= Hitt. ar-.
√ SCauc. *=Vm¢V(r) ‘to stand, stay’ >
NCauc. *=Vm¢

Vr ‘to stand, stand up’ > Nakh *-ātt-, Av.-And. *=i(:- /
*ħi(r)(:-, Tsez. *=arč- / *=eč-, Lak =iza-n, Dargwa *=ic:Vr- / =ilc:-,
Lezgh. *ʔec:ʷär-.
STib. *ćhioH (~ jh-) ‘to be at, sit, stay’ > Chin. 在 *,hoʔ ‘to be at, in, on’,
Tib. gźes ‘to sit, stay, wait’.
→ Hatt. *mt > nt seems regular.
Иванов, 1985, № 29 compares Hatt. (a)nti with the isolated Ubykh nt°á
‘door’ which is certainly less probable.
29. nu ‘to come, go (intr.); to bring
?
(trans.)’
= Hitt. pai-, uwa-.
√ STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’ (> Chin. 蹂 *ṉu, *ṉuʔ, *ṉus ‘to tread, trample’,
Kachin kənu
4
‘a pattern of carving or embroidery’, Lushai hnu ‘to print, a
mark’).
→ Браун, 1994, 21, and Chirikba, 1996, 421 compare Hatt. nu with Abkhaz–
Abaza *nə-qʷa- ‘to walk, move’ (a preverb + root *qʷa ‘to walk’ <
NCauc. *=HuqŬn ‘to go, come’) which is not persuasive either phoneti-
cally or morphologically.
Not better Иванов, 1985, № 58: to Ubykh bayna-wǝ ‘to move off/ away’,
containing an unclear element bayna and the root wǝ ‘to enter, go’
(< WCauc. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. *=orƛŬ ‘to go, walk, enter’).
30. fael, fel, fil (wa
a
el, we
e
l, wi
i
l, also pail
?
, pel
?
, pil
?
) ‘house’, perhaps also
verbal ‘to dwell’, ‘(be)hausen’
= Hitt. É(-ir).
√ NCauc. *bēŁV ‘cattle-shed’ > Av.-And. *bi\:i ‘cattle-shed’, Tsez. *buƛu A
(~ -ə) ‘cattle-shed; pub’, Lak p:al ‘cattle-shed’, Dargwa *bik: ‘cattle
herd’.
350 A. Kassian [UF 41
→ The comparison is reliable both phonetically and semantically. The connec-
tion to SCauc. *bðl\V ‘house’ (> NCauc. *bŭl\

V (~ -ɨ-) ‘house’ ~ STib.
*[b]ōk ‘dwelling’ ~ Burush. *baltí ‘veranda, outside room’) is more
tempting semantically, but not phonetically in view of the vocalic
irregularity SCauc. *o vs. Hatt. ae/i (as for the rare SCauc. cluster *l\,
note that its standard reflexes are STib. *k and Yen. *ĺ, SCC, 81 ff.).
Иванов, 1985, № 62 analyzes the Hattic stem as fe-l and compares it with
WCauc. *«Iʷəna ‘house’ (< NCauc. *GwinʡV (~ -ħ-, -ʕ-) ‘village;
house’) which is certainly unjustified.
31. far (par, wa
a
r) ‘thousand’
= Hitt. LĪM.
√ STib. *bhăr ‘abundant, numerous’ > Chin. 繁 *bar ‘abundant’, 蕃 *bar ‘to
be prosperous, rich, numerous’, Tib. dpar ‘glory, splendour; wealth,
abundance; welfare, happiness’, Lushai bar ‘very, much’.
→ An interesting Hattic–STib. isogloss.
32. fara-ya (paraya, parayu, perayu, wa
a
rai, wa
a
rayu) ‘priest’
= Hitt.

SANGA.
√ SCauc. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak, pray’ >
STib. *p(r)IwH ‘to speak’ > Chin. 報 *pūʔs ‘to respond, announce’, Burm.
prawh ‘to speak’, Lushai pau ‘speech, word’, Kiranti *brə(-n/-t) ‘speech,
word’.
Yen. *baŕ- (~ -r
1
-) ‘to pray’ > Ket baĺbɛt
6
, baĺvɛt
6
, Yug barbɛl
5
(lit. ‘to make
a prayer’); Ket baĺbe-ś
6
‘cross’ (“object of prayer”).
Burush. *bar ‘speech, word’.
→ For Hattic nomina agentis in -ya cf. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50], etc. Semantically
the Hattic root exactly matches Yen.
33. *paru ‘bright, shining’ in kašparuyah (ka-aš-paru-ya-h) ‘source of light’
or ‘luminous’. An epithet of the Sun-goddess
= Hitt. lalukkima- ‘source of light’.
√ SCauc. *[p]ārē ‘lightning; brilliance’ >
NCauc. *pārē ‘lightning’ > Av.-And. *piri ‘lightning’, Tsez. *pɨr ‘lightning;
thunder’, Lak par ‘lightning; lustre’, Dargwa *paIr ‘lightning’, Lezgh.
*par/ *rap ‘lightning’. Also in a compound with *(ăjí ‘fire’: *(ăjí-pārē
‘lightning’ (Av.-And., Lak, Lezgh.).
STib. *prɨăŋH ‘bright ; morning’ > Chin. 炳 *praŋʔ ‘bright, clear’, Burm.
prauŋ ‘to be brilliant, blazing, glorious’.
→ In all likelihood one should analyze the Hattic stem as follows: ka-aš-paru-
ya-h. Prefixes ka-aš- are not rare in nominal stems, although their mean-
ing and function remain vague. The suffix -ya forms nomina agentis (like
para-ya ‘priest’, taha-ya ‘barber’), while -(a)h is a female suffix [125’].
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 351
The same suffixal chain -ya-ah is found in the quasi-synonym leliyah
‘source of light’ (= Hitt. lalukkima-)—another epithet of the Sun-goddess.
For an alternative analysis of -yah (‘bright’ or ‘heaven’) see leliyah
‘source of light’ [23]
Semantically Hattic is closer to STib., rather than to NCauc.
34. wet, wit (perhaps also pet, pit, i. e. fet / fit) ‘to be(come) sour/ bitter’
= Hitt. šammalešš-, šammalliya-.
√ SCauc. *ɦ¢wVjmV/ *ɦmVj¢wV ‘sour, salty’ >
NCauc. *ɦmVj¢

wĂ ‘sour’ > Nakh *musṭi-n ‘sour’, Tsez. *čača-lu ‘sour’,
Lak qur(i- ‘sour, bitter’, Dargwa *qan(a ‘vinegar’, Lezgh. *ʡim(ʷV-r-
/ ʡir(ʷV-m- ‘sour; salty’, Khin. mi( ‘sour’, WCauc. *(ʷV ‘to get sour;
sour’.
STib. *[ǯh]ɨam ‘salt’ > Chin. 鹼 *ćham (~ ch-, -e-) ‘buck, lye’, Kachin ǯum
2

‘salt’, Lushai (KC) *tśhum ‘sour, salty’.
Burush. *ćhémil ‘poison’.
→ Hitt. verbs šammalešš-, šammalliya- are attested almost exclusively in the
texts translated from Hattic (CHD Š, 111 ff.). Since we know the Hattic
word šafat ‘apple-tree’/ ‘apricot-tree’ [83’] and Hittite word šamalu with
the same meaning, the only sensible solution is to treat Hitt. šammalešš-,
šammalliya- as an occasional loan translation from Hattic with the mean-
ing ‘to be(come) like an apple/ apricot’—for the precise translation ‘to be
sour/ bitter’ see Soysal, 1989 and Soysal, 2004, 88–92 (in the latter paper
an additional semantic development to ‘to be crabby, angry’ is also dis-
cussed). Note that the derivation in Hattic wet (*fet) ‘to be sour’ → ša-fat
‘a k. of apple/ apricot’ is typologically normal (for the prefix ša- see
HWHT, 238), while Hittite shows an opposite direction šamalu ‘apple/
apricot’ → šammalešš-/ šammalliya- ‘to be(come) sour/ bitter’, which
must be explained by the calqued nature of the Hittite verbs.
Hattic shows the same consonant metathesis as the NCauc. proto-form.
Cf. Hatt. witanu ‘cheese’ [75’], which is probably derived from this verb.
35. pezi-l, pize-l, pizi-l (errors: pzael, wa
a
zil) ‘wind’
= Hitt. huwant- ‘wind’, also heu- ‘rain’ (sic!).
√ SCauc. *mIlćwV ‘to blow; wind’ >
NCauc. *mIlćwV ‘wind’ > Av.-And. *močʷi (/ *mičʷi), Tsez. *muš:ə A, Lak
marč, Lezgh. *muč.
STib. *mŭt ‘to blow’ > Burm. hmut ‘to blow’, Kachin (Ben) mut ‘to blow’,
Lushai (KC) *hmut, Lepcha măt, mŭt ‘to blow, to breathe at’, sŭŋ-mut
‘wind’, Kiranti *mùt ‘to blow’.
→ The Hattic stem contains the “masculine” suffix -l.
The loss of l in combination with an affricate is regular for all SCauc.
branches except the NCauc. one (SCC, 87 f.).
352 A. Kassian [UF 41
Vocalically the Hattic word is closer to the NCauc. proto-form than to the
STib. one.
Unconvincingly Иванов, 1985, № 63, where the Hattic element zil is
compared with unclear Kabardian sə- ‘rain(?)’ (found in compound).
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20: to WCauc. *pəλ:ʷa ‘wind; to blow’ (< NCauc.
*λwołʔV ‘wind, to blow’ with WCauc. prefix *pə-).
36. pnu ‘to observe, look’
= Hitt. ušk-.
√ STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’ > Chin. 聞 *mən ‘to hear; to perceive, to
get to know; to smell’, Kiranti *min ‘to think’.
→ The Hattic root was probably **pVnu with a reduction of the medial vowel
in prefixed forms.
An interesting Hattic–STib. isogloss, but not quite reliable in view of too
general semantics.
Not plausibly Иванов, 1985, № 33, and Chirikba, 1996, 421 (to WCauc. *bA
~ *p:A ‘to see’).
37. praš or paraš ‘leopard’ (attested form: ha-praš-un)
= Hitt. PÌRIG.TUR.
→ SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í (~ -ĕ) ‘a k. of predator’ >
NCauc. *bħĕr¢ĭ (~ -ĕ) ‘wolf’ > Nakh *bɦor( ‘wolf’, Av.-And. *bo(o ‘wolf’,
Tsez. *bɔ(ə A ‘wolf’, Lak bar( ‘wolf’, Dargwa *be( ‘wolf’, WCauc.
*bVgV-bV,V ‘jackal, hyena’ (a Proto-WCauc. compound: NCauc. *bVga
‘fox, jackal’ + ‘wolf’).
Yen. *pe(ʔ)s-tap (~ -b) ‘wolverine’ > Kott. feštap, fēštap, pheštap, Arin
ṕhjástap.
Basque *oćo ‘wolf’.
→ A rather interesting case. The Hattic root can be paraš (with an occasional re-
duction paraš > praš in the prefixed form) or praš.
In the case of paraš one should suggest a retention of sonorant in the SCauc.
clusters r + affricate in Hattic. If so, an a-anaptyxis in the old cluster is
paralleled by an u-anaptyxis in the old lxq-cluster as illustrated by puluku
‘leaves’ [39] < SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’.
In the case of praš Hattic shows development *CVRC > CRVC, which is an
exclusive feature of the STib. branch (see SCC, 58, 88).
The Hattic word cannot be a NCauc. loanword in view of the root structure
and semantic difference: the shift ‘wolf’ < > ‘leopard’ is possible in the
case of long separate language development, but it seems strange in the
case of borrowing of the name of the well-known beast (we assume that
the Hattians were Anatolian autochthons and therefore were familiar with
leopards).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 353
This NCauc.–Hattic stem is widespread in Eurasia as a Wanderwort with the
meaning ‘leopard’, but the exact source of borrowing can hardly be estab-
lished. Grk. παρδ-/ πορδ- in πάρδᾰλις, πόρδᾰλις ‘leopard’ (Hom.+) as
well as Iranian forms like Sogd. pwrδnk- from the phonetic viewpoint
speak for the NCauc. origin (with regular NCauc. *( > Grk. δ, see
Николаев, 1985, 68 ff. № 8, 11, 12, 33), but semantically corresponds to
the Hattic stem. Hitt. parš- in paršna-, paršana- ‘leopard’, also ‘leopard-
man (a cult functionary)’ (OS+) is very similar to Hattic except for the
root structure CVRC. Persian pārs ‘leopard. panther’ and numerous
Turkic forms bars, pars ‘tiger, leopard, etc.’ probably originate from some
Anatolian Post-Hittite language.
38. *fula ‘bread’ in fula-šne ‘bread, used in ritual action; bread offering’
√ STib. *mor (~ -u-) ‘grain’ > Burm. munʔ ‘bread’, Lushai hmor-hāŋ ‘name of
a sp. of rice’, Lepcha jă-mór-zo ‘a spec. of zo (rice)’.
→ Hattic fulašne should be analyzed as a compound fula-šne, where šne [89’]
means ‘offering’ (cf. tefu-šne ‘libation’ [57]).
In all probability the STib. root is not connected with SCauc. *HmérV ‘a k.
of berry’.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
39. puluku ‘leaves, foliage, greenery’
= Hitt. lahhurnuzziyant-.
√ SCauc. *ʕapālxqwE ‘leaf’ >
NCauc. *ʕapālqwĔ (~ ɦ-) ‘burdock; leaf(?)’ > Av.-And. *HabuḳV ‘burdock’,
Tsez. *ʕemuq(a) ‘burdock’, Dargwa *hequl(i) ‘burdock’, Lezgh. *palqIʷ
‘burdock’, ? WCauc. *p:əǴə (~ b-) ‘leaf; to open (of leaves)’.
STib. *phak (~ bh-) ‘leaf’ > Burm. phak ‘leaf (of tree)’, Kachin phaʔ
2
-lap
2

‘tea, tea-leaf’, Kiranti *phok ‘leaf’.
Burush. *bilágur ‘a k. of weed’
→ For an anaptyxis between l and velar in the Hattic stem cf. praš ‘leopard’
[37].
40. fun (pun, wu
u
n) or funa (puna, wu
u
na) ‘mortality, mortals’
= Hitt. dandukeššar.
√ SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die, dead’ >
STib. *moŋ ‘to die’ > Chin. 薨 *smoŋ ‘to die (of king)’, Burm. (LB) *mhaŋ
‘corpse’, Kachin maŋ
1
‘a corpse, carcass’, Lushai maŋ ‘to die’, Lepcha
mak ‘to die (said of man, animal, tree, fire, dispute); dying’.
Yen. *boŋ ‘dead man’ > Ket bōŋ, Yug boŋ.
→ An interesting Hattic–STib.–Yen. isogloss.
354 A. Kassian [UF 41
Unpersuasively Иванов, 1985, № 66, and Браун, 1994, 20, who compare the
Hattic root with WCauc. *wV ‘person; people, persons’ and WCauc. *ʁʷV
‘person; self’.
41. fur (wu
u
r, pur, pu
u
r) ‘country; population’
= Hitt. utne, KUR(-e), utniyant-.
√ STib. *PrVŋ ‘country’ > Chin. 邦 *prōŋ ‘country, state’, Burm. prań ‘coun-
try’.
→ An exclusive Hattic–STib. isogloss. The STib. proto-form shows a frequent
reduction of the medial vowel and the common suffix -Vŋ.
42. puš or puše ‘to devour, swallow’
= Hitt. ed-.
√ STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’ > Chin. 秣 *mhāt ‘to feed grain to horses’, Tib.
mid ‘to swallow’, ? Burm. mwat-sip ‘to be thirsty’.
→ STib. *-t can originate from SCauc. *-t / -ṭ / -d as well as from SCauc. *-c/ -(
and *-ć/ -(/ -,.
43. puš-an ‘to blow on, fan (a fire or burning materials)’
= Hitt. parai-.
√ SCauc. *[p]ūHV ‘to blow’ >
NCauc. *pūHV ‘to blow, blowing’ > Nakh *hu(:)p ‘to blow, blowing’, Av.-
And. *puʔ- ‘to blow’, Tsez. *pɨ-ƛʷ- ‘to blow; to swell, blow up; to whis-
tle’, Khin. pɨ ‘air; to blow’, WCauc. *p:Vwa (~ b-) ‘to breathe; breath’.
STib. *bŭ, bŭt > Chin. 弗 *pət ‘gust of wind’, Tib. ãbud ‘to blow’, sbud
‘bellows’, Burm. phəwʔ ‘bellows’, Kachin əphot
2
‘to blow in puffs’,
Lushai phuʔ ‘to blow out of the mouth’.
Yen. *pV(j) ‘to blow’ > Ket ugij, Yug duap-pē, Kott. śifu.
Burush. *phu ‘to blow’.
→ The Hattic form apparently contains the suffix -an, which is known from
some other verbal stems (e. g., šam ~ šaman ‘to hear’, further cf. HWHT,
210).
Despite the fact of the onomatopoeic nature of the SCauc. root, the Hattic
terminus technicus exactly matches the STib. forms both phonetically
(STib. *-t can go back to SCauc. *-t / -ṭ / -d as well as to SCauc. *-c/ -( and
*-ć/ -(/ -,) and semantically.
It is interesting that in the Dargwa group a similar root is observed: Proto-
Dargwa *puš(a) ‘bellows; bubble, bladder’ (< NCauc. *päršwA (~ -l-)
‘bubble, bladder; to swell’). Since there is no another evidence for Hat-
tic–Proto-Dargwa contacts, I suspect that we deal with a chance coinci-
dence here.
Cf. also p(a)šun ‘breath
?
; soul
?
; lung
?
’ [71’].
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 355
44. fute, futi (wu
u
te, wu
u
ti, puti) ‘(to be) long’ in temporal meaning (usually
in the collocation “long years”)
= Hitt. talugi- (eš-).
√ Yen. *bot- ‘often’ > Ket bōt.
→ An interesting Hattic–Yen. isogloss.
45. šahhu/ tahhu ‘ground, bottom (e. g., of the sea)’
= Hitt. tekan- ‘earth, ground’.
√ SCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu ‘dirt, dust, earth, ground’ >
NCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu ‘dirt, dust, earth, ground, sand’ > Nakh *č(ɦ)il
(~ -ī-) ‘ashes, dust’, Av.-And. *š:VlV ‘silt, slime’, Lak š:aIlu/ š:aI- ‘earth,
ground’, Lezgh. *č:il ‘earth; floor’.
Basque *śolho ‘meadow; field; field (prepared for sowing)’.
→ Caucet.dbf proposes the NCauc. proto-form *čHäłu with reference to the
pharyngealization in Lak š:aIlu as an indicator of NCauc. *H. As a matter
of fact Lak has doublets š:aIlu ~ š:aI-, where š:aI- points to the proto-
form *čäłHu (for the phonetic development see NCED, 69–70). Basque
*śorho also speaks for the *čäłHu variant.
Note the simplification *łH > hh in Hattic.
46. šai-l / tai-l ‘lord, master’. Probably the same stem without the “masculine”
l-suffix šai(u) ‘lord’ and with the “feminine” t/š-suffix še-t, se-t, si-t ‘lady
?
’.
Also found in the compounds like zihar-tail ’Holz-Meister’ (= carpenter),
huzza-šai ‘Herd-Meister’ (= smith), fur-šail ‘Land(es)-Herr’.
√ STib. *ćIH ‘to govern, rule; lord’ > Chin. 宰 *coʔ (~ ć-) ‘steward; minister’,
Tib. r,e, ,o ‘lord, master’, Burm. ćəwh ‘to govern, direct’, ćawh ‘king,
queen, royalty’, Kachin (H) ǯau ‘to rule’.
→ A Hattic–STib. isogloss. STib. *ć- can originate from SCauc. *ć/ (/ , and
*č/ (/ ǯ.
47. šaki-l, ški-l, aški-l, also without the “masculine” l-suffix: aški ‘heart’
= Hitt. ŠÀ(-ir).
√ SCauc. *rĕḳwÍ ‘breast, heart’ >
NCauc. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ > Nakh *doḳ, Av.-And. *roḳʷo, Tsez. *rɔḳʷə A, Lak
daḳ, Dargwa *ʔurḳi, Lezgh. *jirḳʷ, Khin. ung, WCauc. *ǵʷə; cf. Hurr. egi,
igi ‘inside’.
STib. *ʔròŋ/ *ʔròk ‘breast’ > Chin. 臆 *ʔ(r)ək ‘bosom’, Tib. braŋ ‘chest,
breast’, Burm. raŋ ‘breast’, Lushai eŋ ‘breast’.
Yen. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ > Ket tʌga
5
/ tʌɣa
5
, Yug tʌga
5
, Pump. tíke.
Burush. *dak ‘hope, belief’.
→ SCauc. initial *r- > Hattic š-. Cf. also Sum. ŠAG ‘heart’ (an unclear
coincidence?).
356 A. Kassian [UF 41
48. šam(a) (and perhaps sam-an) ‘to hear, listen (vel sim.)’
√ NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen (> to talk)’ > Av.-And. *sVs(Vn)- ‘to be
quiet, silent’, Dargwa *=urs- (/ =us-) ‘to say, tell’, Lezgh. *ʔasV ‘to be si-
lent ; to listen’.
→ The Proto-NCauc. form may originate from virtual SCauc. **sVmV (with
regular morphonological processes in the Proto-NCauc. verbal stem: re-
duction of the medial vowel and metathesis -CR- > -RC-, see SCC, 1 f.).
The Hatt.–NCauc. comparison is somewhat doubtful, however, due to the
scantiness of the NCauc. data.
Girbal, 1986, 162 compares Hatt. šam(an) with Kartv. *sem- ‘to hear’, *sm-
en ‘to listen (to)’, possessing reliable Nostratic and Afro-Asiatic cognates
(Kartet.dbf; Afaset.dbf; Klimov, 1998, 163, 167). This comparison is ex-
act both phonetically and semantically, but proceeding from general rea-
sons we must treat it as a mere accidental coincidence (cf. a similar situa-
tion with Hatt. tumil ‘rain’ [62]).
A borrowing of such a basic term from Akkad. šemû ‘to hear’ (< Semitic
*šVmaʕ- ‘to hear’ < Afro-Asiatic *sim- ‘ear’) is not probable.
49. štip (probably not tip
19
) ‘gate’
= Hitt. KÁ.
√ Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover; to plug; to close’ > Ket -dɔp ‘to plug’, -dup ‘to close’,
Yug !i:
h
p
4
‘to cover, close’, Kott. ha-čīp ‘to cover’.
→ A Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Hattic shows a very common semantic shift ‘cover’ >
‘door’. Yen. *ǯ- may originate from SCauc. *ć/ , and *č/ (/ ǯ.
50. taha-ya ‘barber’, ‘Barbier (ein Kultdiener)’
= Hitt.

ŠU.I.
√ SCauc. *čVxqV ‘to scratch, scrape’ >
NCauc. *čVqV/ *q

VčV ‘to scratch, rub’ > Av.-And. *χ:Vč- ‘to scrape’, Tsez.
*čãχ:- (~ -ʁ-) ‘to write’, Dargwa *=išq- ‘to scratch, scrape; to tear’,
Lezgh. *(iχ:an- ‘to scrape, rub; to fidget ; to peel ; to tear’.
Yen. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ > Ket dɔ:
3
, Yug !ou
3
// !o:, Kott. hāran-čex ‘to
hack, bevel’.
20

Burush. *qhaṣ ‘to rub’.
→ For Hattic nomina agentis in -ya cf. para-ya ‘priest’. The Hattic meaning ex-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
19
Soysal, 2004, 370 proposes that the Hattic loanword in Hittite
É
kaškaštipa- ‘gatehouse,
portal’ is a reduplicated formation *kas(k)-kas(k)-tipa with the suffix -tipa (known as
-šepa/ -zipa from other Hittite stems), but I think that we deal with a compound word-
forming here: kašku ‘gate building’ [29’] + štip ‘gate’, although the binding vowel
change u > a remains unclear.
20
In many compounds this verbal root has the meaning ‘to split, hack, make notches,
etc.’ among the Yenisseian languages, but the basic meaning of the plain stem is ‘to
shave’ (see Yenet.dbf #836; Werner, 2002 1, 205).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 357
actly matches the Yen. root. Sccet.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. proto-form
as *čVqV (~ -xq-) which seems unjustified.
Иванов, 1985, № 50 compares Hattic ta-ha-ya with WCauc. *¡V ‘to comb;
to scrape’ (< NCauc. *hrĕg

wē ‘comb’) which is not persuasive either
phonetically or morphologically.
51. takeha, takiha, also with the “masculine” l-suffix takeha-l, takiha-l ‘lion;
hero’
= Hitt. UR.MAH, UR.SAG(-i-).
√ SCauc. *sṭänqV ‘panther, leopard’ >
NCauc. *¢ǟnq

V ‘lynx, panther’ > Nakh *(ōq ‘ounce, snow leopard’, Av.-
And. *(irq:V ‘lynx; ounce, snow leopard’, Lak (iniq ‘tiger, leopard’, Dar-
gwa *(irq ‘panther’.
STib. *chi(ə)k ‘leopard’ > Tib. gzig ‘leopard; porcupine’, Burm. (kjah)-sać
‘leopard’, Kiranti *sík-ba ‘tiger, leopard’.
→ The suffix -(e)ha in take-ha remains without clear parallels among known
Hattic stems (it can hardly be identified with the feminine -(a)h [125’] as
in katta-h ‘queen’, etc.). Despite this fact the comparison is reliable both
phonetically and semantically. The simplification *nK > K seems regular
for Hattic as well as for the other SCauc. daughter languages except the
NCauc. branch.
Sccet.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. proto-form as *¢änqV (~ sṭ-), but *sṭ- is
more preferable in view of STib. *ch-.
52. tafarna (tabarna, tawa
a
rna) ‘lord’, the title of the Hittite king;
(f)
tawananna ‘lady’, ‘Herrscherin’, the title of the Hittite reigning queen
= Hitt. labarna-, tabarna- and
f
tawananna.
√ SCauc. *[¢

]ombi ‘superpower’ >
NCauc. *¢

ombi ‘god; mercy’ > Nakh *(ēbV ‘idol, god; heathen deity;
priest’, Av.-And. *(:VbV ‘mercy, grace’, Lak (imi ‘grace, mercy, pity’,
Dargwa *(um ‘pity’.
STib. *ćūm ‘honour, authority’ > Chin. 宗 *ćūŋ ‘to honour, go to pay court ;
ancestor; master’, Tib. gćom, bćom ‘pride, haughtiness, arrogance’, Ka-
chin čum ‘authority’.
→ Widely discussed Hattic words, see now Soysal, 2005 w. lit. and EDHIL w.
lit. (both scholars advocate non-IE, scil. Hattic origin of tabarna) vs.
Yakubovich, 2009, 229 ff. w. lit. and Melchert, 2003a, 18 ff. (for the Ana-
tolian origin of tabarna and tawananna).
The theory of borrowing such regal terms from Luwian or Hittite into Hattic
(and Palaic) is not very probable proceeding from general reasons. We
know several dozens of Hattic loanwords in Hittite
21
(especially concern-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
21
For the list see now Goedegebuure, 2008, 146 f. w. previous lit.
358 A. Kassian [UF 41
ing cultic and regal terminology), but not a single Hittite–Luwian loan-
word in Hattic is revealed up to now.
22

If the term tabarna functioned in Hattic as a Hittito-Luwian Exotismus refer-
ring just to the Hittite king (like Καῖσαρ refers to the Roman emperors in
Ancient Greek texts), it is strange that we find this term in Hattic archaic
formulaic passages. The formal difficulties associated with the Hittito-Lu-
wian origin of the term tabarna are more serious.
1) The Luwian athematic verb tabar- ‘to rule’ lacks IE etymology. The com-
parison with Germ. adjective *đapraz ‘heavy; sad, downcast’ (Orel,
2003, 68) or with Slav. adjective dobrъ ‘good’ (ЭССЯ 5, 45) is untenable
both semantically and morphologically
23
. An analysis of tawananna ac-
cepted by Melchert, 2003a, 18 ff. (to IE *stā-, *stāµ- ‘to stand’) is not
persuasive either.
2) The Luwian morphological pattern of nomen actoris in -na (tabar- ‘to
rule’ > tabar-na- ‘one who rules’) is unique. A postulation of a hypotheti-
cal Luw. adjective **tabra- ‘mighty’ (cf. the previous paragraph), from
which the adjective tabar-na- ‘mighty’ has been derived (as per Melchert,
2003a, 18 ff.), and an explanation of athematic tabar- ‘to rule’ as a “back-
formation” are totally unprovable. Slightly differently Yakubovich (2002;
2009, 229 ff.), who proposes not an adjective, but a Luw. substantive
**tabara- /daβara/ or /δaβara/ ‘power’ as a starting point of t/labarna
which seems ad hoc also.
24
Note that Yakubovich is compelled to postu-
late two unique Luwian phonemes (/δ/, /β/) in order to explain the forms
in question. Further Yakubovich refers to early second millennium Cappa-
docian onomastics in an attempt to find some evidence for Luwian **ta-
bara- /daβara/ or /δaβara/ ‘power’. He quotes four PN-s—Wa-dapra-,
Wa-lapra-, Waša-tapra, Šupi-lapra- —and attributes them to Luwian. As
a matter of fact the first element of Wa-dapra-, Wa-lapra- is inexplicable
within Luwian (as was correctly noted by Yakubovich himself: 2009,
216). There are two ways to analyze Cappadocian Wa-dapra-, Wa-lapra-.
First, they can be Hattic names with the frequent Hatt. prefix wa-. The
second and more probable solution is to divide these forms as Wada-pra-,
Wala-pra- (for their second element cf., e. g., morphologically doubtless
Cappadocian PN Šupi-pra, Garelli, 1963, 146). The third name Waša-
tapra may be either Luwian or not, since waša seems unetymologizable
within Luwian; equally well it can be, e. g., Hurrian: cf. Hurr. tabri ‘atri-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
22
The only candidate is the widespread cultural term zinar [118’] ‘lyre’ which could in-
deed be identified as a Luw. loanword (for the discussion see sub v.).
23
Note that Luw. tabar- per se does not look like a “normal” Anatolian verbal stem.
24
Yakubovich inserts an “epenthesis” between labial and r because of the Lyc. A perso-
nal name dapara = Grk. Λαπαρας (PN Λαπαρας is known from some other Grk.
sources, see Neumann, 2007, 36). But the meaning, origin and morphology of Lyc. A da-
para are unknown, and I really doubt whether this form can prove anything.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 359
but de divinités’ (GLH, 247). Finally, the fourth name Šupi-lapra- seems
Hittite, since the element šupi well attested in Cappadocian onomastics
can be rather assuredly identified with Hitt. (not Luw. !) adj. šuppi-
‘clear’. To sum up the onomastic discussion. With some difficulties in
Cappadocian personal names we can reveal morphemes tapra and lapra,
whose origin and meaning are vague. Note that we do not have any posi-
tive evidence that tapra and labra represent a single morpheme. Of
course, one can attempt to connect lapra to the Mediterranean morpheme
λαβρ-, which is known in some divine epithets of the first millennium BC
or later,
25
or even to the more archaic term λαβύρινθος = Myc. da-
pu/pu
2
-ri-to- (see Yakubovich, 2002).
26
On the other hand tapra can be
identified with Luw. tabar- ‘to rule’, but it is not obligatory due to the ab-
sence of a vowel between labial and r in tapra (cf. also possible Hurr.
cognate of tapra above). In any case, postulating of Luw. /δaβar/ with a
unique phoneme /δ/, which was rendered by t- in Luw. tabar- ‘to rule’
(with various Hitt.-Luw. derivates), but by l in the title labarna and the
onomastic element lapra, can hardly be justified from my point of view.
The same concerns the idea that [δ]—when conjectural [δ]apra became a
Mediterranean wandering onomastic root—could preserve its unique pho-
netic characteristics in the course of millennium and continue to be
spelled either as l or as d in non-cuneiform traditions (cf. Yakubovich’s
examples: Myc. da-pu/pu
2
-ri-to- = Grk. λαβύρινθος; Lyc. A PN dapara
= Grk. Λαπαρας).
3) The Luwian verbal stem tabar- with derivates as well as their Hittite
counterparts (tabarija- ‘order, injunction’, etc.) never show t/l-alternation,
while t/labarna is uniformly spelled as labarna in CLuw. texts, not
**tabarna.
4) The alternation tabarna ~ labarna can hardly be explained within Hittito-
Luwian phonology. A hypothetical one-example scenario proposed by
Melchert, 2003a, 18 ff. for Hitt. l- < Luw. t- in Luwian loanwords in
Hittite is not supported by any positive evidence and looks too compli-
cated and factitious (note that the CLuw. stable spelling labarna clearly
contradicts Melchert’s phonetic theory). On the contrary, we know an
opposite occasional process Anat. *T- > Luw. l-, for which see below.
5) /f/ (wa
a
) in Hatt. tafarna can hardly be explained if one assumes a loan
nature of this lexeme in Hattic.
27

–––––––––––––––––––––––
25
The Carian city and Zeus shrine Labraunda, known from some ancient Greek authors
like Herodotus or Strabo (Λάβραυνδα, Λάβρανδα) or the epithet of Zeus in Cyprus Λα-
βράνιος.
26
For the latter cf. also hypothetical Linear A -du-pu
2
-re ‘master’, as proposed in
Valério, 2007.
27
Yakubovich, 2009, 230 fn. 29, advocating the Luwian origin of Hattic tafarna, postu-
lates the new Luwian phoneme /β/ for this case (/daβarna/), which was being transcribed
360 A. Kassian [UF 41
Almost all these difficulties are avoided if we treat tafarna and tawananna as
proper Hattic stems. Despite the fact that tawananna never occurs with
the spelling wa
a
or pa, I suppose that we can regard Hattic tafarna and
tawananna as paronymous words and single out the Hattic root tafa-
/ tawa-, whose SCauc. etymology (see above) is exact both phonetically
and semantically. Note that even if we discard tawananna from the com-
parison, it does not seriously affect my conclusions. A morpheme -r- in
tafa-r-na is a rather common SCauc. suffix known from some other Hat-
tic stems, both verbal (huku-r ‘to see’ [13] < SCauc. *HōkV ‘id.’) and
nominal (zeha-r ‘building wood’ [64] ~ NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick; timber’).
The nominal suffix -na is also attested in Hattic: cf. zipi-na ‘sour’ [66]
(~ STib. *cVp ‘bitter’) and probably kurkupal [39’] ~ kurkufen-na [40’]
(if nna < lna).
Meanwhile the lambdacized form labarna, which is unknown to Hattic, but
attested in Hittite texts, where it competes with the proper variant tabarna
(see Soysal, 2005, 191 ff. for statistics), may be a result of false ety-
mologization. One can propose that the Hittites and the Luwians under-
stood ta- in tafarna as a feminine morpheme and attempted to replace it
by the masculine la- after the model
D
halipinu ‘(a male deity of the
Hattic–Hittite pantheon)’ vs.
D
hatipinu ‘(a female deity of the Hattic–
Hittite pantheon)’—see Soysal, 2005, 199 ff., but with different conclu-
sions. Certainly the queen title tawananna (never attested in a lamb-
dacized form) has not been affected by such etymologization.
There is an alternative phonetic explanation of the lambdacized form
labarna, since we know that in some cases Anat. *T- yields Luw. l-. The
conditions of this phonetic change are unknown, but the correspondence
Hitt. ta- ‘to take’ ~ CLuw. la- ‘id.’ can hardly be rejected.
28
Further and
less obligatory examples are: Hitt. tuhhuessar ‘smoke-substance, in-
cense(-resin)’ ~ Luwoid
?
lu(y)essar ‘incense(-wood)’ and Hitt. tuwarna-
‘to break’ ~ Luwism :lawarriya- ‘id.’.
29
On the ground of this phonetic
–––––––––––––––––––––––
as the sign BA by the Hittites in the Hittite word and as WA
A
by the Hittites in the Hattic
word. I do not understand, on which positive evidence Yakubovich’s theory is based. The
function of the sign BA in the Hittite cuneiform tradition is the task of further research,
but as far as I can judge, BA was being used by Hittite scribes merely as an occasional
graphical indicator of loanwords (Hurrian, Luwian, Akkadian, Hattic, etc.).
28
Despite Yakubovich, 2008, 21, fn. 24.
29
Melchert, 2003b, 181 claims that the Hittites can render initial t- by l- in Luwian
loanwords. His examples are: Hitt. allappahh- ‘to spite’ ~ CLuw. tappa- ‘id.’ (maybe <
IE *lap- ‘to lap, lick’, but note that the Hittite term used in archaic rites of Hattic origin
also resembles Hatt. alef ‘tongue’) and the personal name Hitt.
m
alalimi ~ HLuw. ta/i
5
-
ta/i
4
-mi. Firstly, it is unclear to me why Hitt. allappahh- is a Luwian loanword. Secondly,
HLuw. PN ta/i
5
-ta/i
4
-mi must be read as ala-ali-mi (see Hawkins, 2005, 289–90; Rie-
ken/ Yakubovich, 2010; Yakubovich, 2009a). Thirdly, even if we accept these examples,
the form in question is labarna, not **alabarna.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 361
phenomenon the only consistent scenario is the following one: Hattic
tafarna was borrowed into Hittite and Palaic as tabarna and into Luwian
as *tabarna > labarna (labarna is the only variant known from Luwian
texts); thereupon the Hittites borrowed labarna from Luwian and began
to use it equally with the proper form tabarna. Of course both explana-
tions (morphological and phonetical) of the t/l-alternations in Hittite are
not self-evident,
30
but they seem much more probable than Melchert’s one
(for which see above).
As for the second element of tawa-nanna, in all likelihood nanna reflects the
universally spread nursery word ‘mother’, cf., e. g., SCauc. *nǟnV ‘fe-
male breast ; mother’. An assumed compound ‘honoured/ powerful
mother’ as a queen title fits Hattic matriarchal culture very well.
The fact that tabarna/ labarna was the throne name of the first Hittite king
(the founder of the dynasty) is unhelpful, since both solutions are equal.
First, we can assume that originally tabarna/ labarna was a proper name
and thereupon became a regal title in Anatolia (cf. the linguistic fate of
Lat. Caesar). But the second scenario is not less probable: tafarna was a
Hattic regal term, which has been adopted by Hittite king as a throne
name, typologically cf. German family names Kaiser, Herzog etc. (note
that the most part of the throne names of the Old Hittite kingdom was
Hattic and only two or three of them permit Luwian attribution, see Goe-
degebuure, 2008, 165; Yakubovich, 2009, 251).
Thus, from my point of view the derivation of tabarna/ labarna from Luw.
tabar- ‘to rule’ looks like a modern folk etymology. On the other hand, I
cannot exclude that the Hattic stem tafa-r with the probable meaning ‘to
have honour/ authority/ power’ might have been borrowed into Hittite–
Luwian dialects as tabar- ‘to rule’ together with other Hattic terms of
government and kingship. The second hypothetical source of the Luw.
verb could be the WSem. verbal root *dbr ‘to lead, force to walk’ (Ugar.,
Hebr., Off. Aram., etc., probably Arab. ; see DUL, 263; HJ, 239). The na-
ture and the origin of the Mediterranean scarcely attested onomastic ele-
ment laB(a)r/ TaB(a)r remain vague. A rather satisfactory etymology of
Myc. da-pu/pu
2
-ri-to- = Grk. λαβύρινθος has been recently briefly pro-
posed by Яцемирский, 2009, 110: Hsch. λάβιρος · βόθυνος ‘hole,
trench, or pit dug in the ground’.
31

–––––––––––––––––––––––
30
Cf. Yakubovich’s (2009, 231) criticism of Soysal’s morphological scenario. Yakubo-
vich is right that in the case of the morphological reanalysis of a loanword this process is
standardly based on the grammatical patterns of the target language. But reanalysis
according to the grammatical patterns of the source language is also sometimes observed.
E. g., the name of the USA company “Keds” has been borrowed into Russian as sg. ked,
pl. kedy ‘sneaker(s)’, where -s has been understood as the English plural ending and
loped off.
31
For the Greek substrate suffixes -υρ and -ινθ see Beekes, 2007 (§C.2). Except for λά-
βιρος, there are no clear examples for the suffix -ιρ (cf., however, βαλλιρός/ βάλε-
362 A. Kassian [UF 41
Quite differently Soysal, 2005 (following H.-S. Schuster’s idea): ta-far-na
from the Hattic roots far ‘thousand’ [31] and na ‘?’, i. e. tafarna as ‘(lord
of) thousand na-s’. Such an analysis is rather factitious from my point of
view. First, the elliptical construction ‘(lord of) …’ appears unparalleled
by known Hattic data. Second, the virtual collocation ta-far-na lacks the
expected plural suffix fa- found in the similar collocation far-fa-šhaf / ta-
far-fa-šhaf ‘thousand deities’ (from šhaf ‘god’).
32
Third, the root na is not
attested elsewhere in Hattic (except for Soysal’s theoretical ta-wanan-na
‘(lady of) wanan na-s’) which makes this monoconsonantal analysis
doubtful.
Иванов, 1985, № 53 analyzes Hattic tawananna as a compound tawa-nanna,
comparing Hatt. tafa with Adyghe and Kabardian nǝ-wa, nǝ-wa-ź (ныо,
ныожъ, наужъ) ‘old woman’ and Hatt. nanna with WCauc. *nanV
‘mother, mummy; old woman, granny’ (< NCauc. *nǟnV ‘female breast ;
mother’). Although the elements of the Adyghe compound nǝ-wa are not
entirely clear, Ivanov’s etymology of Hatt. tawa- is improbable both pho-
netically and morphologically.
53. tafa (tauwa
a
) ‘fear, fright’
= Hitt. weridema-.
√ STib. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear, to be confused’ > Chin. 慹 *tep, *tip ‘scared stiff,
stupefied’, 慴 *tep ‘to fear’, Tib. rtab ‘to be confused, frightened; to be in
a hurry’.
→ A Hattic–STib. isogloss. The connection between Hattic tafa ‘fear’ and tufi
–––––––––––––––––––––––
ρος/ βαλῖνος [Arist.] ‘a kind of carp’ and κίσιρνις [Hsch.] ‘a bird’ ~ κίσσιρις · εἶδος ὀρ-
νέου [Suid.], the examples by S. Yatsemirsky, pers. comm.), but one can draw here a
parallel with the Pre-Greek suffixes -ιλ/ -υλ or -ινθ/ -υνθ which are well-attested in their
both variants: cf. especially the doublets like τόρδῡλον ~ τόρδιλον ‘hartwort, Tordylium
officinale’ and maybe μυστλη ~ μιστύλη ‘crust of bread scooped out to the form of a
spoon’ (the examples by S. Yatsemirsky, pers. comm.).
As for the fluctuation d~l in the Pre-Greek (scil. “Minoan”) vocabulary, this pheno-
menon does not seem an exclusive feature of λαβύρινθος. Cf. other Furnée’s examples
in Beekes, 2007 (§B.5.7): Myc. ka-da-mi-ta ~ Grk. κᾰλᾰμίνθη ‘name of “a good-smell-
ing plant”’, δάφνη (Hom.+) ~ Pergaean λάφνη (Hsch.) ‘sweet bay (Laurus nobilis)’,
ἄβλαροι (Hsch.) ‘wood; tree’ ~ βδαροί (Hsch.) ‘tree’, Ὀδυσσεύς ~ Ὀλυσσεύς, also
δίσκος (Hom.+) ~ λίσκος (Hsch.) ‘quoit’. It is possible that the primary function of the
Linear B voiced series (i.e. d-series) was rendering of some special phoneme of the
“Minoan” language (e. g., the lateral affricate).
32
O. Soysal (pers. comm.) points, however, to the fact that auxiliary morphemes can
sometimes be dropped out in Hattic compound proper names like, e. g., in fur-un-katte
‘king of the land’ (land-GEN king) for *fur-un-te-katte (land-GEN POSS-king). But I
suspect that in the case of possessive exponent omission we deal with the general prin-
ciple of the Hattic compound word-forming, cf. without possessive proclitics zihar-tail
‘carpenter’ (wood-master), huzza-šai ‘smith’ (hearth-master), fur-šail ‘lord of the land’
(land-master) etc.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 363
‘fear’ [102’] is unclear.
Иванов, 1985, № 52 compares the Hattic compound tafa-tufi ‘fear (and) hor-
ror’ with WCauc. *xə ‘cold; to get cold, freeze’ > Abkhaz–Abaza *xə-ta
‘cold (adj.)’, Adyghe–Kabardian *sətə- ‘to get cold’ with a further seman-
tic development into ‘fear’ in some WCauc. forms, e. g., Kabard. ś-tə
‘frightened’. The comparison in not persuasive.
54. *te, *ti ‘great, big’ in te-li (masc.) and te-te, te-ti (fem.)
√ SCauc. *dVHV ‘to grow; big’ >
NCauc. > WCauc. *dA ‘big; most, at all ; much, very’.
STib. *tajH ‘big, much’ > Chin. 多 *tāj ‘much, many’, 哆 *thajʔ, *thiajʔ,
*trājʔ, *thrājʔ ‘be great’, Burm. taj ‘very’, təiʔ sign of the plural, Kachin
theʔ
2
‘and’, Lushai teʔ (< *teiʔ ?) ‘much, very much’, -te suffix denoting
plurality, Lepcha tí, ti-m ‘to be great, large, big’, Kiranti *dV ‘big’.
Yen. *tɨʔj- ‘to grow’ > Ket tɨjiŋ
5
, -tij, Yug tɨjiŋ, -tɨj.
→ Phonetically the Hattic form is close to the STib. and Yen. attestations.
Similarly Браун, 1994, 20, and Chirikba, 1996, 428 (Hatt. + WCauc.). Gir-
bal, 1986 compares the Hattic fem. form tete with Kartv. *did- ‘big’
(South Kartv. only: Georg., Megrel, Laz), which can be a WCauc. loan-
word (cf. a reduplicated stem in Adyghe–Kabardian *do-da / *dá-də
‘most, at all’).
55. ti, te, also zi
?
‘to lie; to lay
?

= Hitt. ki-.
√ SCauc. *=ătV ‘to put, leave’ >
NCauc. *=ătV-r ‘to let, leave; to stay’ > Nakh *=it- ‘to leave’, Av.-And.
*=it- ‘to leave, let ; to stay, be there’, Lak =ita- ‘to leave’, Dargwa
*=atVr- ‘to leave’, Lezgh. *jatär- ‘to let, leave’, Khin. at- ‘to be there, be
available’, WCauc. *tV ‘to be inside; to stand; to be’ (Abkhaz -ta-/ -t(ə)-,
etc.).
STib. *dhăH (/ *thăH) ‘to put, place’ > Chin. 署 *ḏa(ʔ)s ‘to place, position’,
處 *thaʔ ‘dwell, stay, place’, Tib. gda ‘to be, to be there’, gtad ‘to lean
upon, deliver up’, stad ‘to put on, lay on’, Burm. thah ‘to put, place’, Ka-
chin da
3
‘to put, place’, Lushai daʔ ‘to put, place, set’, Lepcha tho-m ‘to
place’.
Yen. *di(j) ‘to lie down, put down’ > Ket dij ‘to put, load’, Yug di / diʔ ‘to put,
load’.
Burush. *-´t- ‘to do, make, set up’.
→ Hattic matches Yen. phonetically.
Chirikba, 1996, 421 compares Hatt. ti with WCauc. *ƛ:ʷA ‘to sleep’ (<
NCauc. *=HVw\

Ān) which is impossible phonetically. Doubtfully
Браун, 1994, 21 (Hatt. + WCauc. *(V ‘to lay eggs; to put (with pre-
verbs)’, for which see Hatt. eš ‘to put’ [4]).
364 A. Kassian [UF 41
56. teh, tih ‘to build’
= Hitt. wede-.
√ STib. *ćòH > Chin. 仕 *,

rəʔ ‘to work, serve, office’, 事 *,

rəʔs ‘affair’, Tib.
ãćha ‘to make, prepare’, Kachin (H) ča ‘to pile or lay, as stones; to build,
as stone-wall, to build, as scaffold’, ? Lushai sa (sak) ‘to build or erect (as
house etc.)’
→ A Hattic–STib. isogloss (for the semantics cf. the Kachin and probably
Lushai cognates). STib. *ć- can originate from SCauc. *ć/ (/ , and *č/ (/ ǯ.
The phonetic similarity with Hurr. teh- ‘to grow up (of children)’ seems acci-
dental.
57. *tefu ‘to pour’ in tefu-šne ‘libation, offering’
= Hitt. išpantuzzi-, malt[eššar].
√ SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour; wet’ >
NCauc. *=ǟwčĂ ‘to emit, pour; to vomit’ > Nakh *l-ēbč- ‘to bathe; to be
scattered about’, Av.-And. *=ačʷ- (~ -o-) ‘to splash; to rinse; to wash; to
bathe; to flow; liquid’, Tsez. *ʔeč- ‘to vomit’, Lak =i=či- ‘to to pour,
strew; to throw’, Lezgh. *ʔäča- ‘to flow, pour; to jump, fly; to vomit’,
WCauc. *ǯʷə ‘to vomit’.
STib. *ćəw (-t) ‘water, wet ; to scoop’ > Tib. ćhu ‘water’, bćud ‘moisture,
juice, sap’, ãćhu ‘to ladle or scoop (water)’, Burm. ćəw ‘to be wet, moist’,
Kachin ǯo
3
‘to pour into’, čo
2
‘spoon’, Lushai čiau ‘wet and dirty’, Kiran-
ti Limbu cwaʔl ‘water’
Yen. *ʔa-č- ‘to pour’ > Ket átij, Yug atčej / ačej.
Burush. *ṣao ‘to wash’.
→ Hattic tefu-šne should be analyzed as a compound, where šne [89’] means
‘offering’ (cf. fula-šne ‘bread offering’ [38]).
Phonetically and morphologically the Hattic stem is close to the STib. and
Burush. forms, while semantically—to the NCauc. and Yen. ones.
Cf. also Hurr. tab/w- ‘to found (metal)’, whose similarity with the Hattic root
can be a chance coincidence (Старостин, 1995/ 2007, 632 connects the
Hurrian term to NCauc. *=VṭwV ‘to pour, to soak’, further to SCauc.
*=V[ṭ]wV ‘water’).
58. tera-h (probably not štera-h) ‘leather covering, fell-cloak’
= Hitt.
KUŠ
NÍG.BÀR.
√ SCauc. *štɦorV ‘crust, incrustation, skin, shell’ >
NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ > Nakh *(ʡōr ‘skin, envelope; shell, peel’, Tsez.
*šɔrV (~ š:-) ‘lamb’s skin (for making hats); a k. of Tsez. shoes’, Lezgh.
*č:ar(a) ‘(milk) skin; sour cream; cream; mould’, Khin. ǯar ‘sour
cream’.
Yen. *təʔlap- (~ -r-) ‘bread crust’ > Ket tʌla:
3
, pl. tʌĺaŋ
5
, Yug tʌlap
5
/ tʌla:p
3
,
pl. tʌlafɨn
5
.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 365
→ Note the simplification *štɦ- > t- in Hattic, the same process as in Yen. For
the Hattic suffix -(a)h see HWHT, 216.
Yen. shows a further semantic development, while NCauc. and Hattic retain
the primary meaning ‘leather covering, envelope’.
Иванов, 1985, № 41 compares terah with NCauc. *¢ĭrqā ‘carpet ; coverlet’
which is less satisfactory both semantically and phonetically.
59. tu ‘to eat’
= Hitt. ed-.
√ SCauc. *=V¢V ‘to eat, drink’ >
NCauc. *=V¢

V ‘to drink; to gulp, to eat’ > Av.-And. *(:a- ‘to drink’, Tsez.
*=a(- ‘to eat’, Lezgh. *ʔV(V (~ -(:-) ‘to drink’.
STib. *ʒhaH ‘to eat’ > Tib. za ‘to eat’, gzan ‘to eat, devour’, zan ‘fodder,
porridge’, Burm. ćah ‘to eat’, Kachin ša
3
‘to eat’, šat
2
‘boiled rice, rice
for eating’, Lushai fa ‘rice’, faʔ ‘to feed with the mouth’, Kiranti *ʒo
(?/ *ʒə) ‘to eat’.
Yen. *sī- ‘to eat’ > Ket sī ‘to eat’, Yug sī ‘to eat’, Kott. šig ‘Speise’, Arin šau
‘Speise’, Pump. sogo ‘to eat’.
Burush. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ‘to eat’.
→ The Hattic u-vocalism is unclear (cf. Burush. *ṣu). Despite this fact, the
comparison seems reliable.
Improbably Иванов, 1985, № 59, who arbitrarily singled out the Hattic root
u[f] and compared it with WCauc. *fV ‘to eat’ (possibly < NCauc. *ɦĭfV
‘to guard, graze’).
60. tuh ‘to take; to keep
?

= Hitt. (-za) da-; ? har(k)-.
√ SCauc. *=ắčwV ‘to take’ >
NCauc. *=ăčwV > Av.-And. *=ač- (~ -o-) ‘to carry’, Tsez. *=aš(:)- ‘to find’,
Dargwa *=uč- ‘to gather, collect ; to take’, Lezgh. *ʔačʷɨ- ‘to take; to take
away; to bring’, WCauc. *čʷV ‘to take, carry’.
STib. *ĆŏH ‘to seize’ > Chin. 取 *ćhoʔ ‘to take’, Tib. ã,u ‘to seize’.
Basque *eući ‘to take, hold, seize, grasp’.
→ Note the similarity between the Hattic and STib. roots.
Иванов, 1985, № 48 compares the Hattic root with WCauc. *tA- ‘to give’
(< NCauc. *=VtV ‘to give’) which is unconvincing. Chirikba, 1996, 419
compares tuh with Abkhaz–Abaza *tǝ-xǝ ‘to take from inside’ (where *tǝ
is a locative preverb and *xǝ means ‘to take’) which is unconvincing, too.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 22 (Hatt. + Abaza).
61. tuk ‘to step’, ‘hintreten; beistehen
?

= Hitt. tiya-.
√ SCauc. *ČVQV ‘to step, run’ >
366 A. Kassian [UF 41
STib. *ćek (~ j-) ‘to tread, trample’ > Chin. 蹟, 跡 *ćek ‘footprints, trample’,
Tib. (ã)ćhags ‘to tread, to walk, to move’.
Yen. *čɔʔq- ‘to run’ > Ket tɔq-tət
5
‘to run’, Yug čat-tat
5
‘to trot’, Kott. čag-
anthak ‘running’, čāganthagākŋ ‘to run’.
→ Note the vocalic similarity between the Hattic and Proto-Yen. forms.
62. tumil, with a secondary assimilation tumin (also šumin?) ‘rain’
= Hitt. heyu-.
√ SCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ >
NCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘autumn, winter (rainy season)’ > Nakh *sṭab(ʡ)V/
*bʡastV ‘autumn; spring’, Av.-And. *c:ibirV ‘autumn; winter’, Tsez.
*s:ɨbə(rV) A ‘autumn’, Lak s:u-t ‘autumn’, Lezgh. *cowɨl: ‘autumn’,
Khin. cuwa-ž ‘autumn’, WCauc. *ć:ə (~ *,ə) ‘autumn; winter’.
STib. > Chin. 秋 *ćhiw ‘autumn’.
Yen. *sir
1
- ‘summer’ > Ket śīĺi
1
, Yug sīr, Kott. šilpaŋ, Arin šil.
Basque *asaro ‘November, (Sal.) autumn’.
→ The nasalization *-w- > -m- in the Hattic form is not quite clear, but the com-
parison cannot be rejected. Such a dissimilation uw > um is a good par-
allel to a similar phenomenon of Hittite morphonology.
Иванов, 1985, № 56 analyzes the Hattic stem as tu-mil and compares the
first element with unclear Ubykh tʷá- in tʷá-sx ‘hail’ (sx goes back to
WCauc. *cəxʷə ‘to urinate; to rain’) which is unconvincing.
Girbal, 1986, 162 compares tumil with Kartv. *¢wim- ‘to rain’, *¢wim-a-
‘rain’ (South Kartv. only: Georg., Megrel, Laz; see Kartet.dbf; Klimov,
1998, 312). It could be possible both phonetically and semantically (if we
single out the frequent suffix -l from the Hattic stem), but in all likelihood
we deal with a chance coincidence here—the same case as Hatt. šam ‘to
hear’ [48].
63. tup (probably not štup) ‘root’
= Hitt. šurki-.
√ Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ > Kott. thempul, *thēmpul, Arin lēmbirgaŋ, lēmbi-
ŕaŋ, tenbir.
→ A Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Note an occasional retention of *m in Yen. and regu-
lar cluster simplification in Hatt. (for such a “non-disappearing” *m in
Yen. see SCC, 41). The nominal ĺ-suffix is not rare in Yen.
64. zehar, zihar ‘(building) wood, timber’
= Hitt. GIŠ-ru.
√ NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick, chip; piece of wood, beam; timber’ > Tsez. *(iχ:
(~ -ɨ-, -ʁ) ‘chip, small piece of wood’, Dargwa *c:eχ:eni ‘beam, cross-
beam’, Lezgh. *(oχ:an (~ *(Vχ:ʷan) ‘perch, pole, log; wood, timber’
→ Hattic stem contains the suffix -(V)r, which is rather common in SCauc. lan-
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 367
guages, especially in the NCauc. branch. For -(V)r cf. Hatt. huku-r ‘to
see, look, notice’ [13].
Semantically unpersuasively Иванов, 1985, № 72, and Chirikba, 1996, 423,
who compare Hatt. zehar with the Adyghe–Kabardian compound *č:o-ɣə
‘tree’ < WCauc. *c:ʷə ‘a k. of tree’ (< NCauc. *Hă(r)ǯwī (~ -ē) ‘a k. of
tree’) + WCauc. *lA ‘male; testiculus’ (< NCauc. *lĭwŁĔ/ *ŁĭwlV ‘man,
male’). The original meaning of Adyghe–Kabardian *č:o-ɣə was probably
‘acorn’ (see Caucet.dbf).
65. zik ‘to fall’
= Hitt. mauš-.
√ Yen. *də(ʔ)q- (~ *dək- ?) ‘to fall’ > Ket dʌkŋ
5
, Yug dʌkŋ.
→ An important Hattic–Yen. isogloss.
Yen. *d- can originate from SCauc. *t-/ ṭ-, *l-/ ł-, *n- and (in the case of Yen.
*ʔ-tone) from SCauc. *s-/ ś-/ š-. The proto-form with the initial *t-/ ṭ- is
the most natural solution here. For Hattic secondary z < t before i see the
phonetic section above.
Sccet.dbf #865 with doubts connects Yen. *də(ʔ)q- ‘to fall’ to NCauc.
*=[a]rkVr ‘to fall’ and STib. *k(h)rīl (~ -ł) ‘to fall, drop’, proposing the
SCauc. proto-form *łVkVrV/ *rVkVłV, which is possible only theoreti-
cally: we must suppose assimilation ł-r > r-r in NCauc. and double meta-
thesis in STib.
Иванов, 1985, № 73 compares Hatt. zik with an unclear Ubykh double-mor-
phemic form.
66. zipina ‘sour’ (substantivized?)
= Hitt. EMṢU.
√ STib. *cVp (~ ć-) ‘bitter, pungent’ > Burm. ćap ‘to be hot, pungent’, ćhip
‘poison’, Kachin ǯap
2
‘to be hot, pungent, peppery’, məǯap
3
‘red pepper’,
Lushai thīp ‘to smart, be bitter (as egg-fruit)’.
→ An interesting Hattic–STib. isogloss.
Although the Hattic suffix -na is not entirely clear, the analysis zipi-na seems
natural. For the suffix -na cf., e. g., kurkufenna ‘wooden stand (vel sim.)
in rituals’ [40’] vs. kurkupal ‘peg’ [39’] (if -nna < -lna) and maybe
tafarna ‘lord’ [52].
Иванов, 1985, № 81 compares Hatt. zipina with the WCauc. compound
*(ʷV-qʷV ‘to get sour; sour’ (< NCauc. *ɦmVj¢

wĂ ‘sour’ + *=òqwVn ‘to
be sufficient, enough’) smart is not persuasive phonetically.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
The Hattic word might have been borrowed into Hurrian as a cultic term, cf.
Hurr. (Bogh.)
NINDA
zippinni ‘(a k. of pastry used in rites)’ (GLH, 305).
368 A. Kassian [UF 41
67. ziš ‘mountain’
= Hitt. HUR.SAG.
√ SCauc. *¢ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone, mountain’ >
Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’, pl. *čəʔ-ŋ ‘rock’ > Ket tɨʔś, pl. tʌʔŋ / tʌŋa:n
3
, Yug čɨʔs, pl.
čʌʔŋ, čʌŋa:n
3
‘rock’, Kott. šīš, pl. šeŋ, Arin kes, Pump. kit.
Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’.
→ A Hattic–Yen.–Burush. isogloss.
Synchronically *-s in Yen. *čɨʔs may be a singulative suffix (cf. the proto-
form of plural), but probably the Yen. paradigm is the result of a secon-
dary morphological reanalysis.
Sccet.dbf #140 unites Yen. and Burush. forms with NCauc. *¢ä¢wV ‘small
stone’ (reconstructing the SCauc. root as *¢ä¢wV ‘stone’) which seems
theoretically possible, but not very apt either semantically or phonetically.
68. zuwa-tu ‘wife’ or rather ‘concubine’
= Hitt. DAM.
√ SCauc. *¢wðjV (~ sṭ-, ~ -I-) ‘female’ >
NCauc. *¢

wŏjV (~ -I-) ‘woman, female’ > Nakh *psṭuw ‘wife; princess’,
Av.-And. *(:ʷijV ‘female’, Lak c:u- ‘female’, WCauc. *pə-zV ‘female;
bitch’.
STib. > Chin. 雌 *ćhej ‘female’.
Basque *a-ćo ‘old woman, (Sal) grandmother’.
→ Hattic -tu is the “female” suffix -t(u)/ -š(u).
Similarly Иванов, 1985, № 83 (Hatt. + East Cauc. + incorrectly WCauc.
*sʷə(mə)(V ‘woman’), and Браун, 1994, 19 (Hatt. + WCauc. *pə-zV).
5.2 Loans, dubia, and roots without etymology
1’. ah and/ or fah (wa
a
h, pah, wah) ‘to set, set in order; to command’, ‘set-
zen, (ein)ordnen; befehlen”
= Hitt. dai-, watarnahh-.
2’. an ‘to come (here
?
)’, imp. ana ‘come (here
?
)!’
= Hitt. ehu.
√ SCauc. *=VʔwVŋ ‘to go, travel’ >
NCauc. *=VʔwVn ‘to go’ > Nakh *ʡo-, Av.-And. *=VʔVn-, Tsez. *=oʔ-, Lak
na-; cf. Hurr. un-, Urart. nun- ‘to come’.
STib. *ʔʷă (s-, -ŋ) ‘to go’.
Yen. *hejVŋ ‘to go’ > Ket ējeŋ
1
/ ɛjeŋ
5
; Yug ejiŋ
1
; Kott. hejaŋ. Probably
*hejVŋ developed from Early Proto-Yen. *ʔwVʔwVŋ < *ʔVʔwVŋ (SCC,
29).
Burush. *né- ‘to walk (go)’.
Basque *e-oHa-n ‘to go’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 369
→ If the comparison is correct, Hattic shows the phonetic development *ʔw > 0,
which is unparalleled by the Sino-Caucasian daughter proto-languages.
3’. ašti or šti ‘bird’
= Hitt. MUŠEN.
4’. *aw ‘to come’(?) in awa ‘come here!’
= Hitt. ehu.
5’. haifenamul (haipinamul, haiwe
e
namul) ‘manhood, virility, courage’
= Hitt. pišnatar, LÚ-tar.
→ Morphologically opaque. It is self-suggesting to single out the “masculine”
suffix -l: haipinamu-l. On the other hand, one can see a compound
haipina-mul here. For its first part cf. the well-attested noun haippin with
an unknown meaning (probably abstract, derived from fin ‘child, son’). In
this case the second part -mul may correspond to:
SCauc. *mōr[Ł]V ‘male’ >
NCauc. *mōrŁV ‘male (subst.)’ > Nakh *mār ‘husband’, Dargwa *marga
‘male’, Lezgh. *morƛ:ɨl/*uorƛ:ɨl ‘man; male; male child; brave man, hero’;
STib. > Chin. 牡 *m(h)(r)ūʔ ‘male animal’.
If so, note the retention of *m- in Hattic -mul in the non-initial position.
6’.

hakazue-l ‘drinker, toaster’, ‘кравчий’
= Hitt.

eguttarra- (< egu- ‘to drink’).
→ The stem is apparently derived from the Hatt. noun kazue ‘bowl’ [32’] (< Se-
mitic) with the frequent prefix ha- and the “masculine” suffix -(i)l, see
Soysal, 1999, 164–165, fn. 7.
Иванов, 1985, № 82 unconvincingly analyzes Hatt. hakazuel as ha-ga-zu-el,
comparing zu with WCauc. *zwA- ‘to drink’. According to Caucet.dbf,
WCauc. *zwA- ‘to drink’ corresponds to ECauc. ‘to milk’, going back to
NCauc. *=āmʒŬ, further to SCauc. *=āmśdÚ ‘milk, to milk’.
7’. hamuruwa ‘beam, rafter’, ‘(Dach)balken’
= Hitt. GIŠ.ÙR.
→ If genuine Hattic, then perhaps ha-muru-a with the nominal prefix ha-, al-
though the initial m- in an inherited root is unlikely.
Иванов, 1985, № 5 compares Hatt. hamuruwa with the WCauc. root *poqʷa
(~ p:-, (ʷ) ‘wood, timber’ (< NCauc. *mħĕrqwĕ (~ -ʕ-, -I) ‘birch; tim-
ber’), used in compounds, denoting some wooden instruments. Phoneti-
cally unsatisfactory.
In their turn, Ардзинба, 1983, 170, Chirikba, 1996, 423, Chirikba, 1996a,
59, quote the Abkhaz–Abaza compound *qʷǝ(m)bǝlǝra ‘beam over the
hearth, cross-beam’, which theoretically can be the source of borrowing
370 A. Kassian [UF 41
of the Hattic term.
The Hattic terminus technicus was borrowed as Akkadian (OB, Nuzi) amrû
‘beam, timber (in construction of house, ship)’ (CDA, 15; CAD A2, 78)
probably via Hurrian with the same loss of h- as observed in Hurr. abalgi
‘iron’ < Hatt. hapalki ‘id.’ [12’].
On similar Grk. γέφῡρα (~ β-, δ-) ‘dyke, dam; bridge’, Arm. kamurǰ ‘bridge’,
Turk. *köper ‘id.’ see an extended discussion in Martirosyan, 2010,
351ff.
8’. *hana in hanal, hanail, hanau ‘food
?

→ Cf. NCauc. *ħānħV ‘fat’.
9’. hanti (hant?) ‘to summon up
?

=
?
Hitt. galliš- ‘to summon up’.
→ Cf. SCauc. *=alg[w]Ăn >
NCauc. *=alg[w]Ăn ‘to speak’ > Av.-And. *gʷVl-, Lak =uk:i-, Dargwa
*=[a]lgwVn, Lezgh. *ʔalga(n), WCauc. *ga; cf. Hurr. kul- ‘to say, to pro-
nounce solemnly’.
Dubious STib. *khān (~ *gh-) ‘to see, look, know’.
The comparison is possible, if we reject the STib. parallels, reconstruct
SCauc. *xg[w] instead of *g[w] and treat -ti in the Hattic form as a suffix
of unclear nature.
10’.
(D)
hanfašuit ‘Throne-goddess, throne’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
halmaššuitta-,
GIŠ
DAG.
→ Apparently a compound: hanfa-šuit.
11’.

hantipšufa ‘cook’
= Hitt.

MUHALDIM.
→ An unclear compound.
12’. hapalki ‘iron’
= Hitt. AN.BAR.
→ The same word is found in Hittite (habalki ‘iron’) and Hurrian (habalgi /
abalgi ‘iron’), where in all likelihood it should be regarded as a Hattic
loanword. Further cf. MAss. habalginnu ‘a k. of metal’ (Reiter, 1997,
399 f.) that reflects the same term, borrowed probably via Hurrian inter-
mediation.
If genuine Hattic, then probably ha-palki from the hypothetical root *palk.
33

–––––––––––––––––––––––
33
Cf. Valério/ Yakubovich, forthc., fn. 17, who tentatively propose that Hatt. **palki
‘iron (ore?)’ was borrowed as Luw. parza ‘iron ore’ and subsequently the Luwian form
was adopted by neighboring Semitic dialects: Akkad. parzillu ‘iron’, Ugar. brḏl ‘iron’,
etc., see below sub kinawar ‘copper’ [34’] for detail (for the first time the idea about the
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 371
On the other hand, Caucet.dbf (following Vjač. Ivanov’s theory about a par-
ticular relationship between Hattic and WCauc.) connects Hatt. hapalki to
the Proto-WCauc. compound *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’, lit. ‘metal + blue’: “it
seems very tempting to relate *«Iʷə-\ʷV to the attested Hatti name for
‘iron’, χap/walki (with χVw- rendering *«Iʷ- and -lk- rendering the lateral
affricate -\-)”.
34

Since the proposed phonetical correspondences between Hattic and Proto-
WCauc. are totally unsupported by other data, the only idea we can dis-
cuss is the loan of WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ > Hattic/ Hittite/ Hurrian. It
should be noted, that WCauc. languages have another form, which is pho-
netically a more probable candidate for the source of borrowing of
hapalki despite semantic difference: WCauc. *«Iʷə-pə\ə ‘(red) copper’,
lit. ‘metal + red’ (reconstructed on the basis of Adyghe–Kabardian *ʁʷa-
pλá ‘id.’), where the palatalized lateral fricative *\ is rendered by Hatt.
lki (cf. Hatt. malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. *ma\ʷV with the
WCauc. palatalized labialized lateral fricative *\ʷ > Hatt. lhip).
35

WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ was independently borrowed as Hitt. (Luwoid)
kiklu(b)-/ kikli(b)- ‘iron’ (on this stem see HED K, 174 f. w. lit. and
discussion) with alternative rendering of “exotic” phonemes: WCauc.
palatalized uvular fricative *«Iʷə > ki and WCauc. labialized lateral affri-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
relationship between Hatt. ha-palki and the Semitic words was proposed in Ancillotti,
1975, but without phonetic explanation due to the lack of the Luwian link). The theory of
the Hattic origin of the Luwian term seems rather vague, however. Indeed the
development ki > Luw. z can be theoretically explained within the Proto-Luwian process
IE *ḱ > Anat. *ḱ > Luw. z, but the change l > r is unmotivated (the late toponymic evi-
dence with the fluctuation l~r can hardly prove anything here, from my point of view).
Note that aside from parza, the only case where we can suspect ki > Luw. z in a loan-
word, is virtual Luw. **zinar ‘lyre’ < WSem. *kinnar (see below sub zinar ‘lyre’ [118’]),
but this etymology is rather hypothetical likewise. On the other hand, cf. Luw.
GIŠ
kišhit-
‘chair, throne’ < Hurr. kešhi without the assibilation. In any event, if we accept Yakubo-
vich’s theory about the borrowing from Hattic into Luwian, in all likelihood we deal with
a late reanalysis here (ha-palki), since the West Caucasian origin of the Hattic term
seems very probable.
Another problem case is Myc. pa/pa
3
-ra-ku, whose old conjunctural translation is
‘silver’, but Казанскене/ Казанский, 1986, 66 propose the meaning ‘iron’, connecting
pa-ra-ku to Hatt. hapalki. Despite the fact that the morphological and phonetical rela-
tionship of Myc. pa/pa
3
-ra-ku and Hatt. hapalki is quite unclear (clusters like /lkV/,
/rkV/ must be rendered as kV in Linear B, not as ra-kV) Kazansky’s idea has been
accepted by some scholars. An alternative and more probable interpretation of Myc.
pa/pa
3
-ra-ku is, however, ‘smaragd, bluish-grey’ (Hsch. βαρακίς · γλαύκινον ἱμάτιον
‘bluish-grey cloth’, Akkad. barraqtu ‘emerald’, etc.), see Melena, 1987, 224 ff.
34
On the phonetic shape of the reconstructed WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV see esp. Starostin,
1997/ 2007, 711–712 (the discussion with Chirikba).
35
For meaning shifts in names of metals cf. also Hatt. kinawar ‘copper’ [34’] ~ Grk. κιν-
νάβαρι ‘cinnabar’, Hitt. kuwanna(n) ‘copper (ore)’ ~ Myc. ku-wa-no, Grk. κύᾰνος
‘dark-blue enamel, lapis lazuli, blue copper carbonate’.
372 A. Kassian [UF 41
cate *\ʷV > klu(b). Then the word penetrated (via Hittito-Luwians?) into
Ancient Greek as Χάλυψ/ Χάλυβος—the Chalybes (a tribe in north Ana-
tolia, who was famous for the preparation of steel), also as an appellative
‘hardened iron, steel’ (A.Pr., Hdt., etc.).
As for Grk. χαλκός (Myc. ka-ko) ‘copper’, this term may independently ori-
ginate from WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ also (as per Старостин, 1985/
2007, 304, № 49), but its semantically more preferable source seems
WCauc. *«Iʷə-λʷV ‘copper, bronze’, lit. ‘metal + white’, which can be
tentatively reconstructed on the basis of Ubykh wə-sʷá ‘id.’.
Eventually one or more of the three WCauc. terms discussed above—*«Iʷə-
\ʷV ‘iron’ (‘metal + blue’), *«Iʷə-pə\ə ‘(red) copper’ (‘metal + red’),
*«Iʷə-λʷV ‘(white) copper’ (‘metal + white’)—spread all around Eurasia:
cf. Balto-Slav. *geleǵ- ‘iron’, Thai *hlek ‘iron’, etc., see Старостин,
1985/ 2007, 304 (№ 49), Kun Chang, 1972.
13’. hatti in Hitt. hatti-li ‘in Hattian language (adv.); Hattic (adj.)’
Exoethnonym ‘Hattians’ used by the Hittites (as well as the Old Assyrians:
cf. kārum Hattuš); perhaps a self-designation of Hattians.
√ SCauc. *[k]wVn[ṭ]V ‘man’ >
NCauc. *kwVnVṭV (/ *ḳwVnVtV) > Nakh *ḳanat ‘young man, boy; hero’,
Av.-And. *kʷinṭa ‘husband; male’.
Yen. *keʔt ‘man, person’ > Ket kɛʔt (also as self-designation of Kets), Kott.
hit, Arin ḱit, Pump. kit.
→ Semantically very tempting (cf. especially the Ket ethnonym), but the fricati-
vization SCauc. *k > Hatt. h seems irregular (the same concerns the
simplification of the NT-cluster).
14’. her, hir ‘to allocate, assign; to entrust; to hand over, assign; to adminis-
ter’
= Hitt. maniyahh-, tapariya-.
√ SCauc. *χVłHé ‘arm, sleeve’ >
NCauc. *χĕłHe (~-a) ‘sleeve’ > Av.-And. *kʷo-χ:al (~ -ol), Lak ka-χ:a,
Lezgh. *χäla (~ -l:-).
Yen. *xɨre ‘arm’ > Ket iĺ, iĺi
1
‘arm’, Arin karam-pat ‘elbow’.
→ The connection is possible, if we assume for the Hattic verb the same mean-
ing shift as attested in the Hittite counterpart maniyahh-: Hitt. maniyahh-
is a factitive verb from the unattested nominal stem *mani-, which corre-
sponds to Lat. manus ‘hand’, Grk. μάρη ‘hand’.
15’. hu ‘to exclaim, pronounce’, also as an enclitic particle of direct speech
= Hitt. halzai- ‘to cry out’, -wa(r).
→ Cf. SCauc. *HarχÚ ‘to speak, shout’ >
NCauc. *HarχU ‘to sound, shout’ > Nakh *ʡaχ-, Av.-And. *=aχ-, Tsez.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 373
*=eχ- (~ -ʁ:-), Lezgh. *raχa-, WCauc. *χʷV ‘to shout’.
STib. *χʷV ‘to speak’ > Chin. 云 *wən, 曰 *wat, 謂 *wəts ‘to say, speak’,
Burm. hu ‘to speak, talk’, Kachin hɔ ‘to preach’ (an irregular onset in
Chin.).
Yen. *huxV- ‘to cry, shout’ > Ket dūɣə
1
, Yug dūɣ, Kott. hujei ‘shouting’ (a d-
prefix in Ket–Yug?).
Burush. *ha-n- ‘to call’
Basque *eran ‘to say’.
Probably an onomatopoeic expressive root with an unclear loss of the final
cluster *rχ in Hattic.
Alternatively Иванов, 1985, № 8, Браун, 1994, 21 and Chirikba, 1996, 422
compare the Hatt. root with WCauc. *qIa- ‘to say’, showing labialization
in some daughter languages (Abkhaz–Abaza ħʷa, Adyghe ʡʷa vs. Kabar-
dian ʡa, Ubykh qa-), which is probably secondary due to contamination
with some other labialized roots (see Abadet.dbf). WCauc. *qIa- lacks
East Cauc. cognates, but can be included into SCauc. *=VxqV
(~ *xqVHV) ‘word’ (> STib. *k(h)a ‘word’, Yen. *qäʔG ‘word’). As is
truly noted by proponents of the Hattic–WCauc. theory (e. g., Chirikba,
1996, 422), the Hatt. hu also functions as an enclitic particle of the direct
speech that strikingly corresponds to the aforementioned Abkhaz–Abaza
ħʷa, which is used both as a verbal root ‘to say, tell’ and as an enclitic
quotation marker. It is very likely, however, that the Abkhaz–Abaza en-
clitic -ħʷa is the result of a secondary late development in Abkhaz–Aba-
za, since the particle status of this WCauc. root is not supported by
Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh data. Typologically such a grammaticali-
zation process ‘to say’ > a quotative exponent is not rare, cf. Hei-
ne/ Kuteva, 2002, 267 f., so I suppose that we deal with a chance coinci-
dence here.
16’. *hun ‘big
?
’ in hun-zinar ‘a k. of lyre’, ‘großes
?
Ištar-Instrument’
= Hitt.
GIŠ(.D)
INANNA.GAL.
→ Cf. SCauc. *jonHV > Yen. *ʔōn- (~ x-) ‘many’ ~ STib. *jòw ‘all’ ~ Burush.
*jṓn ‘all’. The comparison with Hattic is possible only if we assume
SCauc. *j- > Hatt. *h-, but synchronic y- is known to Hattic.
Cf. also Yen. *qo ( ~ *χ-) ‘full, enough’ (without SCauc. cognates).
Improbably Иванов, 1985, № 9 (see below sub zinar [118’]). Untenably
Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
17’. hut ‘to get free, move (intr.)
?
’, ‘loskommen, sich bewegen
?

=
?
Hitt. nini(n)k- ‘to set in motion’.
374 A. Kassian [UF 41
18’. imallen, imallin ‘this (demonstrative pronoun)’, also adv. ‘in that
way(?)’
= Hitt. ka- ‘this’.
→ The element -llin is unclear, but ima- can be a compound of two SCauc. de-
monstrative stems: SCauc. *ʔi ‘this’ [> NCauc. *ʔi ‘this’ ~ STib. *ʔĭ ‘this’
~ Burush. *i- ‘that’] and SCauc. *mV ‘he; demonstr. stem’ [> Yen. *wV
‘he, she’ ~ NCauc. *mV ‘this, that’ ~ STib. *mV ‘(demonstrative pro-
noun)’]
19’. inta, ita, conj. and adv. ‘so, in this way’, ‘(eben)so; in dieser Weise’
= Hitt. kiniššan, QĀTAMMA.
20’. *ippi ‘small
?
’ in ippi-zinar ‘a k. of lyre’, “kleines
?
Ištar-Instrument”
= Hitt.
GIŠ(.D)
INANNA.TUR.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 13 translates ippi as ‘finger’ or ‘hand’ (ippi-zinar ‘finger-
lyre, hand-lyre’), comparing ippi with Adyghe–Kabardian ʡa-pa ‘hand,
finger’ which is not likely phonetically (see sub zinar [118’]).
21’. išpel ‘evil man’
=
!?
Hitt. idaluš UN-aš.
→ The anlaut spelling iš-pí- can merely be a graphical representation of /SP-/.
36

Cf. SCauc. *šVłV (~ ¢-) ‘bad; to assault’ >
STib. *ś(r)uał > Chin. 篡 *chrōns ‘take by force, usurp’ (< *t-srōns?), Ka-
chin gəšun
3
‘to coerce, extort, take by force’, Lushai sual ‘bad, naughty,
wicked, sinful ; to criminally assault (a woman); be in trouble to others
through ill health; to sufficiently poison (a pool)’.
Yen. *sel- (~ -r-) ‘bad’ > Ket śēĺ, śēĺi
1
, Yug sel / sejl
1
.
Note that STib. *ua should point to an old labial consonant. A unique case of
SCauc. SP-cluster?
On the other hand, it is natural to single out the “masculine” suffix -l from
the Hattic stem: išpe-l.
22’. ištarrazi-l ‘(dark/ black) earth, soil ; terrestrial, earthly(?)’, ‘(schwarze)
Erde, Erdboden; der Irdische(?)’
= Hitt. daganzipa-, dankui- tagn-.
→ -l is probably the “masculine” suffix while the rest of the stem seems to be a
compound of the pattern “adjective + substantive”, like, e. g., tittah-zilat
‘throne’ < ‘great’ + ‘seat’.
Double -rr- should point to an old cluster, therefore one can divide it as ištar-
Cazi-l ‘dark earth’ with an unknown sandhi.
For the second element -Cazi- ‘earth’ cf. SCauc. *jVmćV ‘earth, sand’
–––––––––––––––––––––––
36
See Kassian/ Yakubovich, 2002 for this orthographic rule in the Hittite cuneiform.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 375
[> NCauc. *jōmćV ‘earth, sand’ ~ Yen. *ʔeʔǯ- (~ x-, -ʒ-) ‘damp sand’ ~
Basque *hauć ‘ashes’]. In this case cf. the same phonetic process r + j >
rr in Hittite.
Soysal, 2004, 365 proposes quite a different analysis: is-ta-araz-il ‘earth’
from *araz ‘earth’, comparing Hatt. *araz with Proto-Semitic *ʔars-
‘earth’ (Akkad. erṣetu, Ugar. ýrṣ, Hebr. ʔere(, Arab. ʔarḍ, etc., see
Semet.dbf). As an alternative solution Soysal, 2006, 112 attempts to con-
nect Hatt. is-ta-arazil to Hitt. arzili- ‘tin’.
Иванов, 1985, № 40 analyzes it as išta-razil and compares išta with WCauc.
*(ʷa ‘black’ (< NCauc. *¢ĂwnV ‘dark’); alternatively he segments it as
ištar-azil, comparing ištar with NCauc. *¢VndV (~ -m-) ‘black, dark’.
Both solutions do not seem probable.
Браун, 1994, 20, Браун, 2002, 56 and Chirikba, 1996, 414 unpersuasively
single out an element (i)šta-, comparing it with the Abkhaz–Abaza pre-
verb *sṭa- ‘on the ground’. Probably *sṭa- originates from the Abkhaz–
Abaza verbal stem *sə-ṭa- (or *sə-ta-, if the Abaza glottalization is secon-
dary), where *sə goes back to Common WCauc. *\ə- ‘to lie’ < NCauc.
*=äƛĔw ‘to lie, to put ; to lead’, see Caucet.dbf, Abadet.dbf.
23’. izzi ‘favorable, good’, also in
D
izzištanu ‘god of the Good Day’ < izzi
‘good’ + eštan ‘sun; day
?
’ [5]
= Hitt.
D
UD.SIG
5
.
√ SCauc. *ʡV(n)ǯV ‘good, big’ >
NCauc. *ʡV(n)ǯV ‘good’ > Tsez. *hõže (~ -ž:-) ‘well, all right’, Lezgh.
*ʔič:V- ‘good’.
STib. *ća ‘great, big’ > Tib. ćhe ‘great’, Burm. ćah ‘to be big (compared to
smth.)’, Kachin (H) tiŋ-ǯa ‘great’.
Basque *onća ‘well, good, benefit’.
→ Not quite reliable in view of too general semantics.
Иванов, 1985, № 80 compares Hatt. izzi with WCauc. *(ʷə ‘good’ (maybe
< NCauc. *mĭʒ

V ‘sweet’).
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc. *ṗə-źA ‘clean; good’).
24’. yah ‘sky’
= Hitt. nebiš.
→ Cf. Yen. *ʔa-j[a]k (~ x-, -g) ‘thunder’ > Ket ēkŋ
1
/ ɛkkiń
5
/ ɛkŋ
5
, Yug ekŋ
1
,
Kott. ajak, pl. ajakan. The comparison is phonetically acceptable (Yen.
*-g should originate from SCauc. *xQw-claster), but semantically too far.
A more plausible cognate could be Na-Dene (Eyak, Athabaskan) *jā ‘sky’.
Иванов, 1985, № 15 compares Hatt. yah ‘sky’ with WCauc. *(mV)-rəʁa
‘sun’ (< NCauc. *wiroq

Ă ‘sun’) which is improbable phonetically.
376 A. Kassian [UF 41
25’. yay, ya, ay ‘to give’
= Hitt. piya-.
26’. kait ‘grain, corn, grain-crop’ (also deified)
= Hitt. halki-.
→ Cf. NCauc. *q

HwōǯĀ ‘corn, wheat’ (> Tsez. *qečV, Dargwa *q:Iʷač:,
WCauc. *k:ʷač:ə (~ -c:-)). The correspondences NCauc. *ǯ ~ Hatt. t and
NCauc. *o ~ Hatt. ai, however, seem irregular.
Similarly Chirikba, 1996 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
As fairly noted in Haas/ Thiel, 1976, 23, perhaps Hurr. kade ‘grain, barley’
(= Sum. ŠE; also deified:
D
kade-na; see GLH, 133) should not be separ-
ated from this Hattic stem. Diakonoff/ Starostin, 1986, 28 propose a
NCauc. etymology for Hurr. kade—NCauc. *Łədwi / *ŁəŁədwi ‘corn’
which seems convincing. In view of this I tend to suppose that Hatt. kait
‘grain’ is a Hurrian loanword.
37

27’. karam ‘wine’, also in

fintu-kkaram ‘cupbearer’
→ A long ago recognized cultural term. The Hattic word has been borrowed
from some West Semitic form going back to WSem. *karm: Ugar. krm
‘vineyard’, Aram. karm ‘vineyard’, Arab. karm- ‘vine, grapevine’ etc.
(see Semet.dbf), further probably to Akkad. karmu ‘heap, mound’ (Bab.
‘ruin mound’, M/NAss. ‘grain heap’, see CDA, 149), Mehri karmaym
‘mountain’, Harsusi kermaym ‘mountain’ with the external Afro-Asiatic
cognates, for which see Afaset.dbf.
Not to NCauc. *kwərV ‘a k. of vessel’, as proposed by Иванов, 1985, № 18.
28’. karkar ‘to rake, scrape’
= Hitt. hahhariya- ‘to rake, scrape’ (derived from hah(ha)r(a)- ‘rake’).
→ Can be a reduplicated stem (kar-kar). In fact karkar is very similar to Av.-
And. *q:Vrχ:V—the second element of the Av.-And. compound *\:iχ:ʷV-
q:Vrχ:V ‘rake’ [where the first *\:iχ:ʷV goes back to NCauc. *\

VχwV
(~ Ł-) ‘rake’].
Hitt. hah(ha)r(a)- ‘rake’ cannot be kept apart from these forms either. Proba-
bly a Wanderwort of unknown origin. Николаев, 1985, 61 proposes a
borrowing Proto-Av.-And. > Hitt.
Cf. Ugar. krk, ku-re-ku ‘a k. of instrument, pick
?
’ (DUL, 455).
–––––––––––––––––––––––
37
The migratory way of this term might be longer. Cf. Pre-Greek κοδο- ‘roast barley’
(κοδομεία ‘barley-roasting’ [Poll.], κοδομεῖον/ κοδομήϊον ‘vessel for roasting barley’
[Poll., Hsch., Suid.], κοδομεύς ‘one who roasts barley’ [Hsch. ; -εύτρια, Poll., Phot.],
κοδομεύω ‘to roast barley’ [Hsch.]) or Hsch. καδρεμα · σίτου φρυγμός. Despite
Иванов, 1978, 158 f., obscure Lyc. A χθθα- can hardly be related here, cf. Neumann,
2007, 135 f. w. lit. and discussion.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 377
29’.
(D)
kašku ‘(deified) gate building, gatehouse’
= Hitt. KI.LAM.
→ For the new translation ‘gate-building’ (not ‘Moon god’, cf. kap ‘moon’ [15]
above) see Soysal, 2004, 370.
38

30’. katakumi ‘witchcraft, sorcery; magical
?

= Hitt. alwanzena-.
→ An unclear compound?
31’. kazza ‘blood red
?
, red
?

=
?
Hitt. išharweškiya-.
32’. kazue ‘goblet, cup’
→ A long ago recognized Semitic loanword: Akkad. kāsu ‘goblet, cup’, Ugar.
ks ‘id.’ etc. (see AHw, 454; DUL, 459). Cf. also Hurr. (Bogh.) kaz-
(z)i / kaši ‘goblet’ (Catsanicos, 1996, 242 f.), which is tentatively com-
pared with NCauc. *gaǯinV ‘jar, jug’ by Старостин, 1995/ 2007, 632,
but in reality should represent the same areal cultural term (further see
Soysal, 1999, 164–165, fn. 7).
33’.

kiluh ‘courier-spy’, ‘Läufer-Kundschafter’
= Hitt.

NÍ.ZU

KAŠ
4
.E.
→ Resembles WSem. forms with similar semantics: Ugar. ḳl ‘courier, messen-
ger’, Hebr. (Bibl.) ḳal ‘light, nimble, rapid (said of messengers); some-
thing speedy, fast riding animal, racer’ from the Sem. root *ḳll ‘to be
quick, rapid’ (see DUL, 700; HALOT). Hence it might be a WSem. loan-
word with the (Hattic?) h-suffix.
Браун, 1994, 22 proposes a typical bringen-Sie-etymology: Abkhaz a-ḳol-χ-
ra ‘to take off, carry away’, which probably contains the root χa (á-χa-
ra) ‘to pull, drag’ with the frequent preverb ḳǝl. Abkhaz–Abaza *qV- ‘to
pull, drag’ originates from NCauc. *=Hīq

V(r) ‘to pull, take out ; to drag,
carry’.
34’. kinawar ‘copper’
= Hitt. URUDU.
→ Without doubt the Hattic word relates to Grk. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar’. A
Wanderwort (‘red mineral’)?
Soysal, 2004, 365 tentatively connects Ancient Greek Κύπρος and Hurr.
kab(a)li ‘copper’ to this Hattic term, assuming the development knwr >
knpr > kpr. I am not sure that both unmotivated loss of medial -n- and
change l~r can be so easily accepted, but the origin of toponym Κύπρος
–––––––––––––––––––––––
38
For the Hattic loanword in Hittite
É
kaškaštipa- ‘gatehouse, portal’ see štip ‘gate’ [49].
378 A. Kassian [UF 41
requires some additional comments. The island name Κύπρος ‘Cyprus’ is
known from the most archaic Greek authors (Hom.+) and perhaps from
Lin. B texts (ku-pi-ri-jo/a, see discussion in Knapp, 2008, 303 ff.). In
Classical and Hellenistic Greek this stem possesses some derivates with
the general meaning ‘of Cyprus’: Κύπριος ‘Cyprian’, κύπρῐνος
‘1. made from the flower of Cyprus; 2. made of copper’, κύπριος ‘of
copper’ and so on. The similar shift from toponym to metal designation is
attested in Latin: cuprium [aes] > cuprum (probably under the Greek
influence). This Greek and Latin development ‘Cyprian’ > ‘copper’ took
place very late (the beginning of the 1
st
millennium AD?) and cannot
clarify the inner sense of the island name in question.
Two easiest etymological hypotheses about Κύπρος can be proposed:
1. kupr- was a self-designation of the Cyprus natives, whose language is un-
known to us. This stem, however, was unknown in the Near East, where
the name of Cyprus sounded as Alašiya (Alasiya)—a toponym/ ethnonym
widely used among Hittite-, Semitic-, Hurrian- and Egyptian-speaking
peoples from the late 3
rd
to the 1
st
millennia BC (Knapp, 1996). Some au-
thors (Neu, 1997, 4 w. prev. lit.) suppose that Alašiya was not an auto-
nym, but an exonym derived from a metal name, and connect Alašiya to
cuneiform alaš ‘copper’ or ‘bronze’ attested in a Nuzi vocabulary.
39
In
fact, however, Sum. ALAŠ ‘copper, bronze’ probably does not exist, see
Reiter, 1997, 166 w. lit.
2. kupr- was a word of the “Minoan” language with whatever meaning used
by the Cretans as an exonym referring to the Cyprians and later adopted
in this function by the Greeks.
At the same time—especially after the discovery of the Hurrian word kab(a)-
li ‘copper’—some authors (e. g., Neu, 1997, see also Reiter, 1997, 295 w.
prev. lit.) made an attempt to interpret Κύπρος as “copperland”, whose
name continues the aforementioned Hurrian term. I suppose, however,
that the real situation is more complex. There are three similar shapes of
designations of a “default” metal (copper, bronze or iron) attested in the
Ancient Near East as wandering stems.
1. KPL in the northern area. It is presented in Hurr. kab(a)li ‘copper’, Ebla
ga-ba-lum ‘copper’ (Neu, 1997, 4) and Tsezian–Avaro-Andian *kʷibV-l-
‘a k. of metal’: Av.-And. (Andian only) *kʷibV ‘iron’, Tsez. *kʷɨbu A
‘lead’, which is well attested both in Tsezian and Andian sub-groups, but
lacks external NCauc. cognates (Caucet.dbf reconstructs its virtual
–––––––––––––––––––––––
39
The earliest exploitation of Cyprus’s copper deposits took place during the second half
of the 3
rd
millennium BC (Knapp, 2008, 76). The earliest dependable evidence for copper
export from Cyprus to Levant as well as to Crete dates back to the early 2
nd
millen-
nium BC (Knapp, 2008, 76 ff., 356) and starting from this time the island was always as-
sociated with copper in the Near East.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 379
NCauc. protoform as *kwiwV (~ -ē-, -b-)).
40

2. ZPR in the southern area: Elam. zabar (ME), zubar (ME) ‘copper’ (also
‘bronze’?), Sum. ZABAR, ZUBAR (ED IIIb+) ‘bronze’, Akkad. siparru
(OAkk.+) ‘bronze’, see Hinz/ Koch, 1987, 1273, 1310; ePSD; CAD S,
296 ff. ; Krebernik, 2006, 83.
3. PRZ in the central and northern areas. Luw. parza- ‘iron (ore?)’ (attested
in derivates; for this stem see Valério/ Yakubovich, forthc.) and various
Semitic forms with the meaning ‘iron’: Akkad. parzillu (OA, OB+), Ugar.
brḏl, Hebr. and Phoen. brzl, Aram. przl, Amor. /barzillu/, Arab. firzil, ESA
frzn (CAD P, 212 ff. ; DUL, 236; Artzi, 1969). Isolated Modern Svan
berež ‘iron’ seems continuing this ancient stem. Additionally the follow-
ing Nakh forms must be included into this nest : Chechen and Ingush
borza ‘bronze’, Chechen borzanan ‘of bronze’ (the word is unattested in
the Batsbi language; the virtual Proto-Nakh form could be *borza-n
41
).
The bulk of the Semitic forms was analyzed by Rendsburg, 1982, who, on
the one hand, plausibly adds a number of European attestations (Latin
ferrum ‘iron’, if < *fersum, maybe OEng. bræs ‘bronze (also brass?)’ and
some others) and, on the other hand, guesses about the connection of
PRZ-forms with Semitic forms of the shape BRT ‘iron’ or ‘a metal arte-
fact’: Akkad. (OB+) bi/ertu ‘Band, Fessel’, Arab. burt- ‘hache; flèche’,
burat- ‘anneau en fer qu’on passe dans la narine du chameau, et qui tient
lieu du frein’, and in the Ethiopian branch—Geez bərt ‘copper, brass’;
bərat ‘iron’, Tigre brät ‘iron’, Amharic bərt ‘metal basin’, brät ‘iron’, Ar-
gobba bräd ‘iron’, Harari brät ‘iron’, Gurage brät, bräd ‘iron’; see Se-
met.dbf, where these forms are united under Proto-Sem. *bi/urt-. I sup-
pose, however, pace Militarev (Semet.dbf), that we deal with a wandering
stem here, although its geographical distribution is rather suspicious and
probably the Akkad.-Arabic isogloss is unrelated to the African terms (the
–––––––––––––––––––––––
40
According to glottochronology, the split of the Tsezian–Avaro-Andian proto-language
occurred ca. 2100 BC (see fig. 2 above). The relationship between Hurr. kabali and Tsez.–
Av.-And. *kʷibV is uncertain: -(a)l-i is a Hurrian suffix, known from some other nominal
stems; in its turn the Tsez.–Av.-And. root *kʷibV forms the oblique stem in -l among the
modern Tsezic and Andian languages (e. g., Bezhta/ Gunzib kobo-li-, Godoberi kubi-la-,
Karata kuba-l-), so the oblique stem *kʷibV-l- can be reconstructed at the Proto-Tsez.–
Av.-And. level. If Hurr. kabali was borrowed < Tsez.–Av.-And. *kʷibV-l-, the foreign
oblique marker can have been interpreted by Hurrians as a native suffix. The opposite
scenario looks similar: Hurr. kabali > Tsez.–Av.-And. *kʷibV-l-, where Hurr. -ali was
reanalyzed as an oblique exponent. The vocalic correspondence between Hurr. and
Tsez.–Av.-And. forms remains, however, uncertain: /a/ vs. /ʷi/ which makes the idea of a
direct borrowing somewhat suspicious. Cf. also Старостин, 1995/ 2007, 632, who
connects NCauc. *kwiwV (~ -ē-, -b-) and Hurr. kabali as inherited etymological cog-
nates, but I am not sure that it is justified for such a cultural term.
41
The split of the Chechen-Ingush proto-language occurred ca. the early 2
st
millenni-
um AD.
380 A. Kassian [UF 41
Ethiopian words can probably be a Coptic loan, Takács, EDE 2, 124).
BIRT-forms with the meaning ‘iron’ are also attested among various
Cushitic (and Omotic?) subgroups (see Afaset.dbf sub *bir- ‘metal’,
Takács, EDE 2, 123 ff.), somewhere they can be explained as Ethiopian
loans, but somewhere (e. g., in South Cushitic) they are probably derived
by native T-suffixes from the stem bir. The stem bVr (standardly bir) itself
with the meanings ‘metal’, ‘copper’, ‘bronze’ ‘iron’, ‘silver’ is attested in
the all African Afro-Asiatic branches (Egyptian, Chadic, Cushitic,
Omotic), see Afaset.dbf sub *bir- ‘metal’ and Takács, EDE 2, 123 ff. sub
bjꜣ (with a more accurate analysis and discussion). The modern state of
Afro-Asiatic research, however, does not permit to discriminate between
interlingual borrowings and inherited cognates, and I tend to suppose that
bVr (bir) ‘a default metal’ cannot be projected onto the Proto-Afro-Asiatic
level, but rather is an African wandering root (the factual absence of this
root in the Semitic branch supports such a solution). In any case, Sume-
rian BAR ‘metal’ seems representing the same term. Back on Semitic
PRZ: Valério/ Yakubovich, forthc. propose the meaning ‘iron (ore?)’ for
Luw. parza- and claim that it was the Luwian stem that served as the
source for Akkad. parzillu which further was adopted by other Semitic
languages where we find PRZL-forms. Luw. parza-, however, remains un-
etymologizable within Luwian or Indo-European (although the l-suffix
can be easily explained within the Luwian morphology) and, secondly, it
is rather unlikely phonetically that Ugaritic, Phoenician and other Semitic
forms originate from the Akkadian word.
Other shapes like KNBR (Hatt. kinawar ‘copper’ ~ Grk. κιννάβαρι above) or
KBR (Sum. KA.BAR = /zabar/ ‘a metal’/‘bronze’, Reiter, 1997, 294 f.
w. lit.) are more marginal.
None of these sound combinations directly matches Grk. Κύπρος. The only
scenario one can suspect is the borrowing of one of the aforementioned
stems into “Minoan” language with the meaning ‘copper’, where the
word underwent some phonetic changes and later became adopted by the
Greeks as a name of copper-exporting land. There is no any positive evi-
dence, however, supporting such a scenario so far.
35’. kitat and
?
kišat or mere tat / šat ‘to be(come) arrogant’
= Hitt. šullai-.
36’. kuka in the compound zifi-kuka ‘posterity, descendants’ (< *zifin-kuka
with regular simplification nk > k), where zifin [121’] means ‘grandchild,
descendant’
√ SCauc. *qwāqwV(-łV) ‘grain, seed; egg; hail’ >
NCauc. *qwāqwV(-łV) ‘seed, grain, egg’ > Av.-And. *qʷaqʷal ‘nut, walnut’,
Tsez. *quqV-LV ‘nut, walnut ; small stone’, Dargwa *qIʷaqI ‘grain’,
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 381
Lezgh. *qoloq ‘egg; fried eggs; testiculus’.
STib. *kōk ‘grain’ > Chin. 穀 *kōk ‘grain’, Burm. kauk ‘a k. of rice’, Lushai
kok ‘grain’.
Yen. *qoK- (~ χ-) ‘hail’ > Ket qɔgdəm
5
, Yug xɔksl
5
/ xɔksɨl
5
, Pump. xoxdá-
mon.
→ Probably the meaning of Hatt. kuka was ‘seed’.
37’. kunkuhu, kukkuhu (also kunkun
?
) ‘to be alive (intr.); to keep alive
(trans.)’
= Hitt. hušuwant- eš-.
→ Morphologically opaque. Cf. SCauc. *=HixqwV ‘to bear; to be born’ >
NCauc. *=HiqwĀ(n) ‘to bear, give birth’ ~ STib. *Ki(j) (~ -e(j)) ‘bear,
give birth’ ~ Yen. *kej- (~ q-, g-) ‘to bear; to be born’ ~ Burush. *-´k ‘chil-
dren’.
38’. kur ‘to stay; to stand
?

= Hitt. ar-.
→ Cf. SCauc. *HrāgwV ‘to stay, leave’ > NCauc. *=argwV-n ‘to stay’ ~ STib.
*rak ‘to lay, place’ ~ Yen. *ʔākV- ‘to stay’.
A metathesis in Hattic?
39’. kurkupal ‘peg’, ‘Pflock, Nagel’
= Hitt.
(GIŠ)
GAG.
→ Cf. kurkufenna [40’].
40’. kurkufenna (also kurkupun?) ‘wooden stand (vel sim.) in rituals’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
arimpa-.
→ From kurkupal ‘peg’ [39’]? If so, the stem contains the suffix -na (-al-na >
-enna).
41’. kurtapi ‘foliage
?

=
?
Hitt.
GIŠ
happuriya-.
42’. kusim, kušim ‘throne’
→ A long ago recognized Semitic loanword: Akkad. kussû-m, kussiu-m ‘chair,
throne’, Ugar. ksÿ ‘seat, throne’ etc. (see, e. g., DUL, 460). In its turn the
Sem. word has probably been borrowed from Sum. GU.ZA ‘chair, stool,
throne’. Note that it is the only Hattic word, which should be treated as a
borrowing from the Akkadian language, not from WSem. dialects, in
view of Hatt. -m, probably reflecting the Akkadian mimation.
382 A. Kassian [UF 41
43’. kut ‘soul’
= Hitt. ZI.
→ It is tempting to compare Hatt. kut with the following Yen. stem, assuming
KT > T in Hattic:
Yen. *koqtV (~ g-) ‘the inside; temper, disposition’ > Ket kōqt ‘das Innere;
Gemüt’, Yug kɔxtɨ
6
‘das Innere’ (Werner, 2002 1, 441, 446).
The etymology was proposed by Иванов, 1985, № 22. As a matter of fact the
Yen. stem has an atypical shape and should be rather analyzed as *koq-
tV with an unclear dental suffix, therefore the Hattic–Yen. comparison
seems dubious. Further Ivanov’s cognates (WCauc. *ǵʷə ‘heart’ < NCauc.
*jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’) are not provable. Chirikba, 1996, 426 follows Ivanov
and adds Abkhaz *gʷə-ta ‘centre, core’ (*gʷə- ‘heart’ + -ta ‘place of’).
44’. kuzan, kuzzan, also huzza ‘hearth, brazier’, tete-kuzzan ‘big hearth’
= Hitt. hašša-, GUNNI.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 22, 79 unjustifiedly segments the Hattic stem as ku-zan,
proposing some unconvincing WCauc. etymologies for ku- and NCauc.
*¢ăjI ‘fire’ for -zan.
45’. lianu or elianu ‘implement
?
, utensil
?

= Hitt. UNŪTE
MEŠ
.
46’. lin ‘to drink
?
(vel sim.)’
→ Cf. SCauc. *=V\Vŋ ‘to wash’ (> NCauc. *=V\

Vn ‘to wash, pour; to weep’
~ STib. *ƛēŋ (~ -ā-) ‘to wash (by pouring water over), to spill’ ~ Burush.
*-hált- ‘to wash’). The meaning shift ‘to pour’ > ‘to drink’ is typologi-
cally possible.
47’. ma, also fa, conjunction ‘and’; mane, conjunction ‘then
?
, and so
?
’,
‘dann
?
, so daß
?

48’. mai(u) ‘a valuable cloth, linen cloth’
= Hitt. GADA.
49’. malhip ‘good, favorable’
= Hitt. aššu, aššiyant-, SIG
5
-ant-, SIG
5
-in.
→ Morphologically opaque.
As was noted by Chirikba, 1996, 428, very similar to WCauc. *ma\ʷV
‘good, luck’. Probably a WCauc. loanword, where the palatalized labial-
ized lateral *\ʷ is rendered by Hatt. lhip, cf. Hatt. hapalki [12’] for Hatt.
lki, representing WCauc. *\. The WCauc. form possesses reliable exter-
nal etymology: NCauc. *wēnλwē ‘luck, good’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 383
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + Arabic loanword in Adyghe
42
).
50’. mar or kamar ‘to slit, slash’
= Hitt. iškalla-.
51’.

maššel (or

paršel) ‘cult performer, chanter, clown
?

= Hitt.

ALAN.ZU
9
.
→ If the first sign has the phonetic value MAŠ, not PÁR, the stem is a WSem.
loanword: Ugar. mṣl ‘cymbal player’, Akkad. (RS) māṣilu ‘(a musician,
performer)’, further cf. Hebr. Bibl. mǝṣiltajim, Ugar. mṣltm ‘cymbals’
from Sem. ṣll ‘to clink, tinkle’ (see DUL, 586; CAD M1, 332; HALOT).
52’. milup (also milip
?
, millaw
?
, milluw
?
) or lup
??
‘bull, ox’
= Hitt. GU
4
.
→ Morphologically opaque. Purely theoretically can be a Semitic loanword, if
one assumes a m-prefixed form (unattested elsewhere) of Common Sem.
*ʔalp ‘cattle’: Akkad. alpu ‘bull, ox’, Ugar. ýlp ‘(head of) cattle; bullock’
etc. (SED 2, #4). Vjač. Ivanov (pers. comm. and Иванов, 2009, 8) ad-
vocates a Semitic origin of the Hattic term.
53’. miš, mis, meš, also mit
?
, piš
?
‘to take (for oneself)’, imp. miša ‘take
(for yourself )!’
= Hitt. -za da- ‘to take (for oneself)’, dai- (!) ‘to put’.
→ Cf. Yen. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ (> Ket maʔ/ ma, Yug ma, Arin ma ‘tribute’ [the mean-
ing is probably corrupted]); an exceptional case of preserving m- in an
expressive lexeme. The Hattic-Yen. comparison is possible if we suppose
a shortening (the loss of the final consonant) in the Yen. allegro forms.
43

Браун, 1994, 22 quotes a strange Abkhaz form.
54’. mu, also fu ‘mother, lady, mistress (vel sim.)’
55’. muh and muhal ‘hearth’
= Hitt. hašša-.
→ Initial m- should point to a non-inherited word.
Of course, Hatt. muhal is rather similar to Sum. (ED IIIa+) MUḪALDIM
‘cook’ (probably borrowed as Akkad. nuhatimmu ‘cook’ with serious
phonetic corruption), where, as proposed by Vl. Emelianov (pers. com.),
one can single out the element -dim (< dím ‘to fashion, create’),
standardly forming craftsman names like kug.dím ‘gold or silver smith’
–––––––––––––––––––––––
42
Adyghe mǝλkʷ ‘property, fortune’ < Arab. mulk ‘ownership, property’ (Шагиров, 1977
1, 272).
43
On the other hand, Yen. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ can be an areal form, cf. ma, me, mä ‘take!’ in
various Mongolic and Turkic languages.
384 A. Kassian [UF 41
(kug ‘silver’), giš.dím ‘wood carver’ (giš ‘wood’), pana.dím ‘bow maker’
(pana ‘bow’), etc. At the present stage of research, however, the idea of
Hattic–Sumerian lexical contacts is unsupported by other data and cannot
be discussed in earnest.
56’. *muna in redupl. muna-muna ‘foundation, base, bed stone’
= Hitt. šamana-.
57’. muš or muša ‘smth. relating to tree, fruit
?

58’. nimah and via a contact dissimilation lmah ‘eye(s)’
= Hitt. šakuwa.
→ Can hardly be compared with SCauc. *wĕmqV ( ~ -xq-) ‘eye; witness’ (>
NCauc. *wĭmqV ‘witness; true’ ~ STib. *mjVk ‘eye’ ~ Yen. *ʔəqa- ( ~
-χ-) ‘to be visible’ ~ Burush. *-moq- ‘face; cheek’).
Note that the Hattic onset ni- cannot be explained as the possessive prefix le-
/li- (> ni-) ‘his’, since the known attestations explicitly contain this
possessive morpheme: li-nimah, ha-le-lmah, etc.
59’. nif (and nf ) or nifaš, nfaš ‘to sit’, ‘sitzen; sich setzen’
= Hitt. eš-.
→ Chirikba, 1996, 421 proposes a monophonemic comparison with WCauc. *sǝ
‘to sit’ which is nor persuasive.
60’. ntel ‘shape, form; body, body-frame’. The following attestations are
known: le-ntel, zi-ntil(-)
= Hitt. ešri-.
√ NCauc. *ʔĕndū ‘forehead’ > Av.-And. *hondV (~ ħ-), Dargwa *ʔant:a.
Or alternatively to NCauc. *nHǟṭV ‘forehead, face’ > Tsez. *maṭa ‘fore-
head’, Lak niIṭa ‘face’, Lezgh. *näṭ(a) ‘forehead; eyebrow; eyelash’,
WCauc. *naṭa ‘forehead’.
→ The Hattic stem contains the “masculine” suffix -l. The root may be nte, ente
or (with the reduction of the medial vowel in prefixed forms) nite.
Meaning shifts ‘face’ < > ‘forehead’ and ‘face’ < > ‘body(-frame)’ are well-
attested cross-linguistically.
61’. fa (pa, wa
a
) ‘to put, lay, stand’
= Hitt. dai-.
62’. fa (wa
a
, also pa
?
) ‘podium, pedestal’
= Hitt. paššu-.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 385
63’. *faku in redupl. pakku-paku, wakku-pakku ‘hammer’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
NÍG.GUL.
→ If one assumes the reduction of the medial vowel and strange simplification
lK > K, Hatt. faku can represent a proto-Wanderwort of unknown origin,
the same as NCauc. *bIlVgwi ‘hammer’ (> Nakh *barVg, Lak burg, Dar-
gwa *barɣʷi, Lezgh *p:ul[k]; irregular correspondences between NCauc.
daughter languages in the cultural word), IE *peleku- ‘axe’ (> OInd.
paraśú- m. ‘axe, battle-axe’ [RV+], Grk. πέλεκῠς ‘two-edged axe, battle-
axe’ [Hom.+], for Iranian data see Абаев 1, 451), and Altaic *pằluk῾V
‘hammer’ (> Tung. *paluka; Mong. *haluka; Turk. *bAlka, see
Altet.dbf). NB: Sum. BALAK ‘spindle’ and Akkad. (OB+) pilakku (~ -a-,
-qq-, -gg-) ‘spindle’ are certainly unrelated here.
Unlikely Иванов, 1985, № 61, where the Hattic root is compared with
WCauc. *ḳʷə ‘handle’ (< NCauc. *ḳŭnʡV ‘handle’).
64’. *fal in redupl. wa
a
l-wa
a
l or wa
a
l-wa
a
l-at ‘(verbum dicendi)’
=
?
Hitt. mema-.
→ Onomatopoeic?
65’. fala, conjunction ‘and, so, then’; fama, conjunction
= Hitt. -(y)a, -ma, nu, namma.
66’. *fafah ‘eagle’ in wapah-šul, wa
a
wa
a
h-šul ‘in eagle-fashion’
= Hitt. haranili.
→ Probably onomatopoeic. Cf. NCauc. *uħālGV ‘a bird of prey; big bird’ >
Nakh *mɦāqqVl ‘kite’, Lak waIrq:u ‘magpie’, Dargwa *waIrq:- ‘mag-
pie’, WCauc. *bəʁIa ‘eagle; kite’.
67’. fafaya (wa
a
ppaya, wa
a
wa
a
ya, papaiya
?
) ‘father’
= Hitt. atta-.
→ Cf. NCauc. *babajV ‘father, grandfather’ > Nakh *babV (~ -ā-) ‘grandfa-
ther’, Tsez. *babVju ‘father’, Lezgh. *babaj ‘father; grandfather’,
WCauc. *baba (~ p:) ‘grandfather’.
A universal nursery stem PaPa ‘father’/ ‘mother’. Striking similarity be-
tween NCauc. *babajV and Hatt. fafaya may speak for a contact nature
of the Hattic stem.
68’. parnulli ‘a k. of aromatic woody plant or its product’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
parnulli-.
69’. *faš(i) in
D
wa
a
šul,
D
wa
a
šil,
D
wa
a
šiul ‘(deified) fecundity, abundance,
plenty’
= Hitt. iyatar tametar ‘fecundity and abundance’, ? aššu- ‘good’.
386 A. Kassian [UF 41
→ Note the “masculine” suffix -l in the Hattic stem.
Иванов, 1985, № 44 treats the Hattic root as šul, comparing it with the
WCauc. Abkhaz–Abaza adjective *pəśə-la ‘fat, thick’ from the noun
*pəśə- ‘fat’ (< NCauc. *=HrVjśĒ ‘thick, dense, fat’ with the frequent
WCauc. suffix *pǝ-). Not probable.
70’. paštae, pšatae (pšattai) ‘cudgel, bludgeon (vel sim.)’
71’. pašun, pšun, fašun
?
‘breath
?
; soul
?
; lung
?

=
?
Hitt. ZI.
→ Unfortunately the meaning of the Hattic stem cannot be established with cer-
tainty. If f(a)šun indeed meant ‘breath/ soul / lung’, it finds an interesting
parallel in Yen. (Ket) beńśiŋ
5
‘lung’, which is, however, usually explained
as a late compound of Yen. *beʔjiŋ ‘light’ + Yen. *seŋ ‘liver’.
On the other hand, there are some WCauc. form of a very similar phonetic
shape:
1) WCauc. *pəsA ‘soul, spirit’, which is analyzed as pə-sA, where *pə- is a
frequent WCauc. prefix, while the root *sA goes back to NCauc. *ʡămsa
(~ -ə,-ɨ) ‘sky, cloud; soul, breath; god’;
2) WCauc. *pəśʷA ‘to breathe; to get tired; to die’, containing the same pre-
fix *pə- and the common NCauc. root *sĭHwV ‘breath, to breathe’ (Nakh
*sa ‘soul’, Av.-And. *s:uh- ‘to get tired’, Lak s:iħ ‘breath, vapour’).
Since the Hattic morphological system has no counterparts of the WCauc.
prefix *pǝ- (a former class exponent?), one can guess only about the bor-
rowing WCauc. > Hatt. in this case.
See Браун, 1994, 20, and Chirikba, 1996, 424 (Hatt. + WCauc. *pəsA). Cf.
also Hatt. puš-an ‘to blow on, fan’ [43].
72’. fin, fen (pin, pen, wi
i
n, we
e
n) ‘child, son’
= Hitt. DUMU.
→ Cf. SCauc. *pVHV ‘son, daughter’ (> WCauc. *pa ‘son’, STib. *Poj (~ -u-)
‘to bear; child’), from which Yen. *puʔn ‘daughter’, *puʔb ‘son’, and
STib. *PVn (> Tib. dbon ‘grandson, nephew’) were derived.
On the other hand, it is possible to see an old Semitic loanword here (as per
Vjač. Ivanov, e. g., Иванов, 2009, 8): Sem. *bin ‘son’ (Akkad. bīnu,
Ugar. bn etc.), but the borrowing of such a basic term from Semitic is
very unlikely proceeding from general reasons.
Cf. Браун, 1994, 19, and Chirikba, 1996, 424 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
73’. *fintu ‘?’ in

wi
i
ntu-kkaram, pintu-kkaram ‘cupbearer’, ‘Weinschenk,
Mundschenk’.
= Hitt.

SAGI.
→ A compound of karam ‘wine’ [27’].
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 387
74’. pip ‘stone’
= Hitt. NA
4
.
→ Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
75’. witanu ‘cheese’
= Hitt. GA.KIN.AG.
→ Probably derived from wet, wit ‘to be(come) sour/ bitter’ [34].
Иванов, 1985, № 67 quotes enigmatic Proto-East Caucasian *uintV ‘sour
milk’ without references.
76’. pu ‘to do’
= Hitt. iya-.
√ SCauc. *=ăhwV ‘to do’ >
NCauc. *=ăhwV(r) ‘to do’ > Nakh *=a-, Av.-And. *-ih-, Tsez. *=Vw-, Lak
=a-, Dargwa *0/-i-r-, Lezgh. *ʔaʔa(r)-, Khin. =ar, WCauc. *wə; cf.
Urart. u/or- ‘to make, to work’.
STib. *qʷ[i]ăj (~ ʔʷ-) ‘to make; to divide, distribute’ > Chin. 為 *waj ‘to
make, do, act’, Tib. bgjid ‘to make, to manufacture; to do, to act’, Burm.
wij ‘to divide, to distribute’.
Yen. *wVǯ- (~ b-) ‘to do, make’ > Ket bɛ:ŕi
4
, Yug bɛ:hl, Kott. ba-paj-aŋ,
Arin ša-pi-te ‘I make’.
→ Phonetically unclear. Note the similarity between WCauc., some STib., Yen.
and Hattic forms.
Cf. Иванов, 1985, № 4, and Chirikba, 1996, 419 (Hatt. + WCauc. *wə).
77’. pule, puli, pwu
u
li
?
‘to become, happen’
= Hitt. kiš-.
78’. pupišet ‘fire…’, ‘Feuer(stelle/ -stätte)’
= Hitt. INIM.IZI[…] or rather KA.IZI ‘mouth of fire’ = ‘fire pit / location’: see
Süel / Soysal, forthc.
79’. put and putu
?
‘to be’
= Hitt. eš-.
→ Cf. STib. *phɨw (~ -i-) ‘to appear’ > Burm. paw ‘to appear’, Kachin po
1
‘to
appear’, Kiranti *b(h)ó(-ks) ‘to be’.
A suffixation in Hattic?
80’. putu or put
?
‘to stretch (a sheep, lamb, kid) out (on a flat surface for
sacrifice)’
= Hitt. palzahai-.
388 A. Kassian [UF 41
81’. šah (also tah
?
) ‘bad, evil’
= Hitt. idalu-, HUL-lu-.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + an Abkhaz–Abaza compound).
82’. šaip (or even aip) ‘to make good’
= Hitt. SIG
5
-ahh-.
83’. šafat (šāwa
a
t) or mere fat ‘apple-tree’ or ‘apricot-tree’
= Hitt.
GIŠ
HAŠHUR ‘apple(-tree)’ or ‘apricot(-tree)’.
→ Cf. SCauc. *ʕämćṓ ‘a k. of fruit’ >
NCauc. *ʕämćō ‘apple; medlar’ > Nakh *ħamc (~ -ā-) ‘medlar’, Av.-And.
*ʔimči ‘apple’, Tsez. *ʔẽš: A ‘apple’, Lak hiwč ‘apple’, Dargwa *hinc ‘ap-
ple’, Lezgh. *ħämč ‘apple’, Khin. mɨč ‘apple’, WCauc. with b-prefix
*bVc:ʷV ‘medlar’; cf. Hurr. hinz-uri ‘apple’/ ‘apricot’.
STib. *ćh(r)iòH (~ jh-) > Chin. 柿 *,hrəʔ ‘Diospyros, persimmon’, Burm.
ćhih ‘the jujube, Zizyphus jujuba’.
Burush. *mićíl / *bićíl ‘pomegranate’.
Basque *mahanć ‘grape’.
Despite the semantic similarity, the phonetic relationship between the Hattic
stem and the SCauc. proto-form is quite unclear. Иванов, 1985, № 6
compares Hatt. fat with some modern East Caucasian forms. As a matter
of fact, Ivanov’s Avar weč ‘apple’ probably does not exist (the correct
form is ʕeč), while Tabasaran wič ‘apple’ is the result of a late phonetic
development with the labialization of the initial laryngeal < *ħäwč
< Proto-Lezgh. *ħämč, and therefore cannot be compared with Hattic fat
in any way.
It seems more probable that šafat was derived from the verb wet ‘to be-
(come) sour/ bitter’ [34], for the prefix ša- see HWHT, 238. On the other
hand, one can suspect a borrowing from WCauc. *bVc:ʷV ‘medlar’ here,
but the Hattic ša-prefix remains unexplained in this case.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (to WCauc. *(ʷa ‘apple’).
84’.
(D)
šaru,
(D)
taru ‘Storm-god’ (the standard spelling is ša-a-ru and ta/da-a-
ru)
= Hitt.
D
IM,
D
U.
→ It looks strange, but this divine name might be a Semitic loanword: Sem.
*ŝaʕar > Akkad. šāru (OAkk.+) ‘wind (also mythologized or even dei-
fied); air; breath’, Hebr. (Bibl.) ŝaʕar ‘heavy gale’, ŝəʕārā ‘high wind’,
ŝʕr ‘to be stormy’ (CAD Š2, 133 ff. ; HALOT).
44
Theoretically Hatt. plene
writing can reflect WSem. ʕ, while the Hatt. fluctuation t~š reflects a lat-
eral.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
44
Deir Alla šr ‘heavy rain’ (HJ, 1191) probably relates to Arab. šrr ‘to pour’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 389
An alternative connection to Sem. *ṯawr- ‘bull, ox’ (Akkad. šūru, Ugar. ṯr,
Hebr. šōr etc., see SED 2, #241), for which cf. Klinger, StBoT 37, 147
fn. 81 and Schwemer, 2001, 126, fn. 871, seems less apt phonetically.
85’. šhaf, šahaf (šhap, šhaw, šahap, šahaw) ‘god’
= Hitt. DINGIR(-u-).
→ Иванов, 1985, № 37, and Chirikba, 1996, 425 support old Mészáros’
comparison of the Hatt. plural form fa-šhaf ‘deities’ with the Adyghe–
Kabardian and Ubykh compounds of WCauc. *wa ‘sky; god’ + *šʷəχʷa
‘grey; powder’: Adyghe–Kabardian *wa-šχʷa ‘sky’, Ubykh wa-šχʷa
‘thunder and lightning’ < *‘heavenly blasting powder’ (the Ubykh word
does not mean ‘god’, see Шагиров, 1977 2, 89 f.). Certainly unconvinc-
ing.
Differently and untenably Браун, 1994, 19.
86’. šhezni ‘fox’
= Hitt. KA
5
.A.
→ SCauc. *chwōlé ‘fox’ (> NCauc. *chwōlĕ (~ -ă) ‘fox, jackal’, STib. *Crio
‘leopard’, Burush. *hal ‘fox’) is interesting, but SCauc. *l ~ Hatt. zn is in-
explicable.
87’. *šep in redupl. šep-šep ‘footwear, shoes’
= Hitt.
KUŠ
E.SIR.
→ Similar to some Semitic forms with footwear semantics: Syr. šēpā ‘scapus
(caligae); mucro nasi’ and Arab. šabāt- ‘chaque côté de la chaussure’,
which can goes back to Sem. *ŝayṗ ‘foot’ (Akkad. šēpu ‘foot’ ~ Soqotri
ŝab, ŝaf ‘foot’ and other MSA), see SED 1, #269 for the discussion.
On the other hand, Hatt. šep somewhat resembles NCauc. *māčVj ‘boot,
shoe’ (> Nakh *māčVj, Av.-And. *maču(jV) (~ -o-), Lezgh. *šʷVm(a)) and
Osset. mest- ‘soft morocco footwear, чувяк’, Turk. (Anat.) mest, Georg.
mesṭi etc. (see Абаев 2, 112), a Wanderwort. If the etymology is correct,
the consonant metathesis in Hattic (the same process as in Proto-Lezgh.)
occurred after the regular anlaut denasalization *m- > *p-.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
88’. šezzit ‘a k. of stone
?
’, ‘ein unheilvoller Stein
?

=
?
Hitt. alhari- ‘(a k. of stone?)’.
89’. *(a)šne ‘offering (vel sim.)’
→ Found in compounds fula-šne ‘bread offering’ and tefu-šne ‘libation’. Cf.
also fapu-šne or pu-šne ‘etwas Nützliches’, para-šni ‘ein Gegenstand, der
den Göttern zugeeignet ist’, tahafaiu-šni or faiu-šni ‘etwas Nützliches’.
390 A. Kassian [UF 41
90’. šul ‘to let, to let in’, ‘lassen, (in ein Gebäude) zulassen’
= Hitt. tarna-.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 45 segments it as š-u-l from the hypothetical root *-u-,
comparing Hatt. š-u-l with Ubykh ca-wǝ-la ‘to let, release exhaustively’,
where ca- is a preverb used with verbs of motion (Vogt, 1963, 104), wǝ is
a frequent verbal root ‘to enter, go’ (< WCauc. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc.
*=orƛŬ ‘to go, walk, enter’), while -la is a regular exhaustive suffix.
Hardly justified.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 22: to the WCauc. verbal root *ŁʷV ‘to enter’
(< NCauc. *=orƛŬ ‘to go, walk, enter’), which is attested in modern lan-
guages with different preverbs.
91’. šuf (šup, šuw) ‘ox’
= Hitt. GU
4
.NITA.
→ Resembles some Semitic forms: Akkad. ṣuppu ‘white sheep’ (OA+, OB+),
Ugar. ṣp ‘white sheep’ (AHw, 1113; DUL, 787).
92’. tahalai[n…] ‘liver’
45

=
UZU
NÍG.GIG ‘liver’ or huišu- ‘raw’.
→ Formally resembles Sem. *ṭiḥāl ‘spleen’ (Ugar. ṭḥl, Hebr. pBibl. ṭǝḥōl etc.,
see SED 1, 248).
Иванов, 1985, № 49 compares the Hattic stem with NCauc. *Hlä\V ‘liver’
that is not persuasive.

93’.

tagulrunail ‘tent-man’, ‘Zeltmann’
= Hitt. LÚ
GIŠ
ZA.LAM.GAR.
→ Morphologically opaque.
94’. talfit (talwi
i
t) ‘(a wooden part of building), lock
?

= Hitt.
(GIŠ)
huimpa-.
→ The meaning ‘lock’ seems to be the best candidate for
(GIŠ)
huimpa- according
to the known Hittite contexts (cf., e. g., KBo 24.45 Vs. 22 ‘further they
spray the temple top to bottom from the huimpa’). The Hattic stem should
be analyzed as talfi- with a t-suffix. The same root talf- is contained in the
Hattic loanword in Hittite: hattalu- ‘bolt, lock’, where the Hattic nominal
prefix ha- should be singled out (ha-talu-).
Иванов, 1985, № 51 compares the Hattic root with NCauc. *daro ‘tree;
conifer’ or *ṭwēlʔe (~ -ʡ-) ‘stick; beam, cross-beam’. Both comparisons
are unprovable.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
45
I prefer the traditional translation ‘liver’ (see, e. g., HEG T, 11), whereas Soysal
(HWHT, 728) interprets it as an adjective ‘raw, fresh’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 391
95’.

tanišawa ‘sceptre-bearer, herald’
= Hitt. LÚ
GIŠ
GIDRU.
96’. tariš ‘horse
?

=
?
ANŠE.KUR.RA.
√ Burush. *ćhardV ‘stallion’ (see the data in Berger, 1998 3, 98).
→ The connection is plausible, if one assumes a metathesis of obstruents in Hat-
tic or Burushaski.
This Hattic root can probably be revealed in the Hittite term

taršipiyala-
‘charioteer’ (OS, with the NH variant

taršipala-, also known as a
Cappadocian PN: taršipiala/ taršipiali ; see HEG S, 226 f. for the list of
attestations
46
), although the nature of the element (i)pi(ala) is unclear.
97’. tataet or mere taet ‘new’
= Hitt. newa-, GIBIL.
98’. teatanna ‘hit
?
, broken
?

=
?
Hitt. walhant-.
→ Morphologically opaque.
99’. tiuz, ziuz ‘rock, stone block’
= Hitt.
NA4
piruna-.
→ Cf. ziš ‘mountain’.
100’. tuhul ‘four pillar construction (an element of house)’
= Hitt. 4-aš šarhuliuš.
101’. tuntu ‘to bewitch’
= Hitt. uddaniya-.
102’. tufi (tupi, tuwi
i
) ‘fear, fright’
= Hitt. nahšaratt-.
→ The same stem as tafa ‘fear’ [53]?
103’. tur ‘to hit, strike’
= Hitt. walh-.
104’.

tušhafadun tanišawe ‘(ein Angestellter bei Hofe)’
= Hitt.

GAD.TAR.
→ Cf.

tanišawa ‘sceptre-bearer, herald’ [95’].
–––––––––––––––––––––––
46
The Luwian verb :tarši- with an unknown meaning seems unrelated here.
392 A. Kassian [UF 41
105’.

tuttušhiyal ‘(ein Angestellter bei Hofe)’
= Hitt.

duddušhiyalla-.
106’. tuwahši ‘wall
?

=
?
Hitt. kutt-.
107’. uk conjunction ‘as, just as’, ‘wie (es ist)’, perhaps also relative pro-
noun ‘what’, ‘was’
= Hitt. GIM-an, ? kuit.
108’. upala ‘cut of cloth’
= Hitt.
TÚG
kureššar.
109’. ur or uri ‘spring, well’
= Hitt. PÚ.
→ Cf. SCauc. *ħwir¡ ‘water, lake’ >
NCauc. *ħwirɨ ‘lake, pond’ > Av.-And. *ʔin-ħʷVrV ‘lake, pond’, Lak baIr
‘lake, pond’, Dargwa *ħeru-ḳ > *ħerḳʷ ‘river’, Lezgh. *ʡʷir ‘lake, pond’.
STib. *ri(a)j ‘water’ > Burm. rij ‘water’, Kachin (H) numra ‘water’.
Yen. *xur
1
‘water’ > Ket ūĺ, Yug ur, Kott. ūl, Arin kul, Pump. ul.
Burush. *hurV- ‘wet ; becoming wet, overripe; juice of overripe fruits;
wave, stream, whirlpool’.
Although the fate of SCauc. initial *ħw- (and *ħ-) in Hattic is unknown, for
general reasons one could expect Hatt. hu- in this case (virtual Hatt.
**hVr)—cf. Yen. *x-.
On the other hand cf. STib. *[Pŭ]r ‘to gush forth, jet’ (> Chin. 濆 *bər ‘gush
forth’, 瀵 *pərs ‘source, spring, gush forth’, Burm. panh ‘to jet, gush
forth’, Kachin npun
1
‘a spring’, (H) kəpun ‘to spring, well’), but the loss
of *P- in Hattic remains unexplained.
Alternatively Chirikba, 1996, 426 compares Hatt. ur with WCauc. *«Iʷarǝ
‘stream, torrent’ (Abkhaz–Abaza *ʕʷarǝ, Adyghe–Kabardian *warǝ)
which is phonetically not better, one could expect Hatt. h- here. East
Cauc. cognates of WCauc. *«Iʷarǝ are not clear (Caucet.dbf and
Abadet.dbf lack this WCauc. proto-forms), but one can think about its
connection to NCauc. *ʁHwadVrV ‘river, stream’ (> Nakh *ʡadurV, Av.-
And. *ʁador(V), Lak aItara, Dargwa *q:I(ʷ)art:) with an irregular drop
of the medial consonant in WCauc.
Untenably Браун, 1994, 20 (Hatt. + Abkhaz).
110’. urana ‘angular
?
’, ‘kantig
?

=
?
Hitt. tatrant-.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 393
111’. ure, uri ‘strong, forceful, vigorous’
= Hitt. innarawant-.
→ Resembles Hittite ura/i- ‘great’, HLuw. u-ra/i- ‘great’, CLuw. ura-nnu- ‘to
make great’, ura-zza- ‘great’ which seems an accidental coincidence.
112’. zar ‘sheep’
= Hitt. UDU(-u).
√ Yen. *sēr
1
e ‘deer’ > Ket śɛĺ
4
, Yug sɛ:
h
r, Kott. šeli, *šele, *šeĺe,
47
Arin sin,
Pump. sálat.
→ Not quite reliable comparison. Although the meaning shift ‘sheep’ > ‘deer’
seems natural in the case of the Yenisseian culture, it should be noted that
we are not aware of any evidence that reindeer breeding was inherent for
Yenisseian tribes. At least about Kets we know that reindeer breeding was
borrowed by them from the neighboring Selkups and Nenets in the
immediate past (Долгих, 1934, 78 ff. ; Алексеенко, 1967, 65 ff.), while
previously the Kets had represented a hunter-gatherer society. Second, if
the Kottish meaning is indeed ‘wild animal’, it may reveal another
semantic process in the Yenisseian family.
Cf. Sccet.dbf #697 *sVrV (?), where the Yen. form is tentatively compared
with NCauc. *musVrV ‘goat (wild or domestic)’. Semantically satisfac-
tory, but the status of the element *mu- is unclear.
Unconvincingly Иванов, 1985, № 69, who compares Hatt. zar with unclear
Nakh *ʔustiʁ- ‘ram’ (Chechen üstaʁ ‘ram (one and more years)’, etc.),
which lacks NCauc. parallels.
48

Chirikba, 1996, 426 compares the Hatt. plural form fa-zar with WCauc.
*wasa ‘price; bride price; sheep’ which is morphologically impossible.
Traditionally WCauc. *wasa ‘price’ is regarded as an Indo-European
loanword (Старостин, 1988/ 2007, 334 f. advocates the contrary direc-
tion of borrowing: WCauc. > IE which is not likely in my opinion).
Браун, 1994, 20 (supported by Chirikba, 1996, 426) unpersuasively com-
pares Hatt. zar with Abkhaz–Abaza *,ə- ‘goatling’ (sg. *,ə-śə, collect.
plur. *,a-ra), which originates from WCauc. *źʷə (the Adyghe–Kabardian
cognate is *źa-jə ‘young, small’, used only as an element of compounds)
< NCauc. *¢

uhnV ‘goat’. Although the Abkhaz–Abaza collective plural
–––––––––––––––––––––––
47
Castrén, 1858, 213 translates the Kottish words as German ‘Wild’ (repeated in Werner,
2002 2, 183 and Yenet.dbf: ‘wild animal’) which appears an erroneous translation of the
answer of the Russian speaking informant, since the Russ. adjective дикий (‘wild’) is
substantivized in the meaning ‘dear (both wild and domesticated)’ among many Russian
dialects of Siberia, e. g., in the Russian speech of the modern Kets (Albert Davletshin,
pers. com.).
48
The connection of Nakh *ʔustiʁ- to WCauc. *wasa ‘price; sheep’ accepted, e. g., in
Старостин, 1988/ 2007, 334 f., Starostin, 2009, 99 f., is very doubtful ; later this NCauc.
etymology was rejected in NCED.
394 A. Kassian [UF 41
suffix *-ra has obvious East Cauc. parallels (Nakh plur. *-r, Av.-And.
plur. *-r-, etc.), the comparison of Hatt. zar with Abkhaz–Abaza *,a-ra
‘goatlings’ seems a bringen-Sie-etymology (see 2.1.2 above).
113’. zar or zaraš ‘to exclaim, cry out’
= Hitt. halzai-, kalleš-.
→ Браун, 1994, 21, and Chirikba, 1996, 422 compare Hatt. zar(aš) with
WCauc. *(ǝrǝ ‘to chirp, squeak, cheep, peep’ and Abkhaz–Abaza
*(arǝ/ *(ǝrǝ ‘to shout, yell, howl’ which is theoretically possible, but not
obligatory in view of too general semantics.
114’. zari, zari-l, zare-l, ‘mortal, human being’
= Hitt. dandukeššar.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 70 compares Hatt. zari with the Proto-Nakh compound
*sṭ-aḳ ‘person, man’ (< NCauc. *ćwĭjo ‘man, male’ + *HĭrḳwĔ ‘man,
person’) which is not persuasive.
115’. zel, zil ‘to cry
?
, wail
?

=
?
Hitt. wai-.
116’. zi ‘?’ (maybe ‘small’) in the compound zi-fin ‘grandchild, descendant’
(see fin ‘child, son’ [72’])
117’. zilat (perhaps also dilat, tilat, zelaš, zilas) ‘chair; throne
?

= Hitt.
GIŠ
ŠÚ.A.
→ Both Ivanov’s comparisons (Иванов, 1985, № 74) are unconvincing:
Kabardian sa-t ‘support, stand, prop’ (probably from the root sa- ‘bottom;
under (preverb)’ < WCauc. *\V ‘bottom, lower part ; under (preverb)’ <
NCauc. *H\ŏnŭ ‘bottom’) and enigmatic Proto-East Cauc. *ʔVḳ:V
‘prince’ (without references).
118’. zinar, zinir ‘a k. of musical instrument, lyre’ (“Ištar-instrument”);
also as a command ‘Music!’
= Hitt.
GIŠ(.D)
INANNA.
→ Borrowed as Hittite zinar ‘a k. of lyre’, Akkad. zannaru (almost exclusively
in OB/ NB lex. lists only) ‘a k. of lyre’, Armenian ǰnar ‘harp’.
The connection between this term and the more widespread Near Eastern
cultural word kin(n)ar ‘a k. of harp’ is debatable (cf. Ivanov, 1999;
Иванов, 2009, 8 ff. w. lit. ; for kin(n)ar see Franklin, 2006 w. lit.). The
most ancient attestations of kin(n)ar come from West Semitic languages:
Eblaite gi-na-rúm = Sum. BALAG, Hebr. (Bibl.) kinnōr ‘staff-zither’, Old
Aram. knr ‘lyre’, Ugar. knr, kinaru ‘harp, lyre’, etc. (see HALOT; HJ,
520; DUL, 450 f.). From this source the term was borrowed as Akkad.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 395
(Mari, RS) kinnāru ‘a k. of lyre’, Hitt.

kinar-talla- ‘singer, musician’,
Hurr. (Bogh.)

kinnaruhuli ‘musician’, Egyp. (New Kingdom) knnr
‘lyre’, Grk. (LXX) κῐνύρα [ῠ] ‘a stringed instrument played with the
hand’,
49
Arm. k‘nar ‘a musical instrument played by plucking’, possibly
OInd. (very late) kiṁnarā ‘a k. of stringed instrument’, Middle Tamil
kiṇṇaram ‘a k. of lute’, and so forth. Of course, it is very likely that Hatt.
zinar continues the same wandering word, but the change ki > zi remains
unexplained within Hattic.
50
In fact, the only neighboring language,
which can be suspected of a similar phonetical process, is Luwian, where
IE *ḱ > Anat. *ḱ > Luw. z. Hence Hatt. zinar might be recognized as a
Luwian loanword (similarly Ivanov, 1999). Some facts, however, contra-
dict this hypothesis. First, zinar appears to be the only clear Luw. loan-
word in Hattic (for tafarna [52] see above). Second, we do not find any
traces of virtual Luw. **zinar (as well as **kinar) in the known Luwian
lexicon. Third, the virtual Luw. form **zinar is the only example where
borrowed ki is rendered by Luw. zi.
51

Иванов, 1985, № 75 (supported by Chirikba, 1996, 427) compares Hatt.
zinar with Adyghe–Kabardian *pc:ǝna ‘non-percussion musical instru-
ment (in general)’
52
(Adyghe psǝna, Kabardian pšǝna ‘accordion; kinds
of stringed, bow and wind instruments (in compounds)’), whose internal
structure and WCauc. etymology are unclear. Although this Hatt.–
WCauc. comparison is one of the main Ivanov’s arguments for Hatt.–
WCauc. genetic relationship,
53
it is obvious that genetic relationship can-
not be proven by such cultural terms. One can suppose, however, that
Adyghe–Kabardian *pc:ǝna reflects the same Wanderwort with the very
frequent WCauc. prefix *pǝ- (a former class marker?) and loss of final
-r.
54
A contrary direction of borrowing (Proto-WCauc. > Hattic zinar) is
not probable:
a) both Adyghe–Kabardian *pc:ǝna and Adyghe–Kabardian absolutive
case ending *-r lack WCauc. (as well as NCauc.) cognates.
b) the suffix -r is not productive in Hattic, it is found in a couple of
fossilized stems only (hukur ‘to see’ [13], zehar ‘wood’ [64], perhaps
tafarna ‘lord’ [52]).
–––––––––––––––––––––––
49
Cf. also Myc. ki-nu-ra ‘player of kinura’(?), Franceschetti, 2008, 313–316.
50
Despite Иванов, 2009, Hattic does not show any evidence for such a palatalization.
51
Maybe except for even more dubious Luw. parza ‘iron ore’, for which see sub hapalki
[12’] above.
52
For the proto-meaning of *pc:ǝna cf., e. g., Paris/ Batouka 1/ 1, 631 (‘musical instru-
ment (in general)’).
53
But in his recent paper (Иванов, 2009, 8 ff.) the scholar adopts a migratory nature of
the Adyghe–Kabardian stem.
54
The final consonant of Hatt. zinar might have been reinterpreted as the Adyghe–
Kabardian absolutive case ending *-r.
396 A. Kassian [UF 41
Futher Иванов, 1985, № 9 compares the Hatt. compounds hun-zinar ‘great
?

lyre’ (see hun [16’] above) with the standard Old Adyghe compound
psǝna-šxʷa ‘a k. of big musical instrument’, assuming reverse order of the
elements in the Hattic form, but Adyghe -šxʷa ‘big’ (< Adyghe–Kabardian
*-čxʷa < WCauc. *čʷəχʷa ‘big; strong’ < NCauc. *¢HəqwV ‘big’) can-
not be compared with Hatt. hun in any way. The second known Hattic
compound ippi-zinar ‘small
?
lyre’ is compared by Иванов, 1985, № 13
with Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡapa-pc:ǝna ‘a k. of hand musical instrument’
((Old) Adyghe ʡapa-psǝn, Kabardian ʡapa-pšǝna ‘a k. of lyre or accor-
dion’), where Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa- —the first part of Adyghe–Kabar-
dian *ʡa-pa ‘hand, finger’—goes back to WCauc. *qIa (~ *q:Ia) ‘hand’
(< NCauc. *q

w[ǟ]łʔV ‘arm; bosom, armpit’)
55
. The comparison of Hatt.
ippi and Adyghe–Kabardian ʡa-pa is witty, but unpersuasive phonetically.
119’. zipah ‘a k. of knife
?

=
?
GÍR.
120’. zifi-kuka (zipikuka, ziwe
e
kuka) ‘posterity, descendants’, ‘Enkel (und)
Urenkel’
= Hitt. hašša- hanzašša-.
→ A compound of zifin ‘grandchild’ [121’] + kuka ‘seed
?
’ [36’] with the regular
simplification nk > k.
121’. zifin (zipin, zipen, ziwi
i
n) ‘grandchild, descendant’
→ A compound of zi ‘?’ [116’] + fin ‘child, son’ [72’].
122’. zizintu, zizentu ‘posterity
?
, seed
?
’, ‘Nachfolger
?
; Samen
?

= Hitt. ÉRIN.MEŠ UZU.GÉŠPU ‘Truppen der Körperstärke’.
123’. zuh ‘clothing, garments’
= Hitt. TÚG.
→ Иванов, 1985, № 78 quotes enigmatic NCauc. *čoq

ajV ‘clothing, garments’
without references.
124’. zulufe (

zuluwe
e
) ‘table man’, ‘стольник’
= Hitt. LÚ
GIŠ
BANŠUR.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
55
Pace Caucet.dbf and Abadet.dbf, Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa ‘hand, finger’ can hardly
be separated from Ubykh qā-ṗá ‘hand’ and the other WCauc. compounds like WCauc.
*\a-ṗV ‘foot’, Abkhaz–Abaza *na-ṗə ‘hand’. Further to WCauc. *ṗV ‘extremity’
(< NCauc. *HaṗV ‘paw, extremity’), despite the irregular development WCauc. *ṗ >
Adyghe–Kabardian *p (probably the secondary dissimilative deglottalization **ʡa- ṗa >
*ʡa-pa as in some other similar cases).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 397
6 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons
6.1 Auxiliary morphemes with reliable SCauc. cognates
69. -a, imperative (slot 1)
√ NCauc. *-V, imperative > Nakh *-V, *-0, Av.-And. *-o, Tsez. *-V, Lak -0, -a,
-i, -u, Dargwa *-V, Lezgh. *-V, Khin. -0, -ä, -i, WCauc. *-0.
→ Note that WCauc. languages have imperative in -0 as opposed to Hattic and
East Cauc. languages.
70. aš-/ iš-, plural of the accusative case
√ NCauc. *-š:w, plural stem marker > Nakh *-ši ‘plural’, Tsez. *-š(:) ‘plural
direct stem marker’, Lezgh. *-š ‘oblique stem plural’; cf. Hurr.-Urart. -aš
‘plural suffix’.
71. ha-, nominal and verbal (slot –3) morpheme with locative and dative
meaning ‘in, to’
√ NCauc. *-χV, ad series > Nakh *-x ‘inessive I, (adj.) comparative’, Av.-And.
*-χ ‘ad series’, Tsez. *-χV ‘ad series’, Khin. -χ ‘inessive 1 (“about”)’.
Alternatively to NCauc. *-GV ‘ad close / in series’ > Nakh *-ʁ ‘terminative
(causative) case; inessive I, (adj.) comparative’, Tsez. *-qV ‘ad close/ ver-
tical series’, Dargwa *-ʁI (~ -ʕ-) ‘ad series’, Lezgh. *-q:I ‘in filled series’,
WCauc. *q:Ia- ‘lative preverb (towards the speaker)’. Thus Браун, 2002,
55 (Hattic + WCauc.).
Alternatively to WCauc. *xa-, preverb ‘super; inter’ (thus Иванов, 1985, 33;
Браун, 2002, 55; Chirikba, 1996, 413).
72. ka-, nominal and verbal (slot –2) morpheme with locative, ablative and
dative semantics
√ NCauc. *-k-/ *-g-, some locative series > Nakh *-go ‘ad series’, Av.-And. *-g
(= *-k?) ‘elative; super series’, Lezgh. *-k ‘lateral series’, Khin. -ko-li ‘la-
tive’, WCauc. *ḱʷə-/ *ǵʷə- preverb ‘super; ad, close to’; cf. Urart. -kai,
-kā ‘prelative’. Perhaps two original morphemes (*-k- vs. *-g-), but rather
hard to distinguish.
Yen. *-ka, locative case > Ket -ka/ -ga/ -ɣa ‘locative’, Yug -kej / -gej ‘loca-
tive’ (Werner, 2002 1, 402 f.), Kott. -ga ‘dative’ (Castrén, 1858, 34 ff.).
Yen. *k-, verbal preverb > Ket–Yug k(i)-, Kott. h- (Старостин Г., 1995,
168; Решетников, 1999, 471 f.). Although synchronically the meanings
of the preverbs in the described Yen. languages cannot be established, the
diachronic comparison between the verbal preverb and the nominal loca-
tive suffix seems reliable.
→ Chirikba, 1996 and Браун, 2002, 55 propose some alternative WCauc. cog-
nates for the Hatt. morpheme.
398 A. Kassian [UF 41
73. le- ‘his’, possessive proclitic pronoun of the 3
rd
person sing. (the posses-
sor is probably animate masculine, as opposed to the possessive proclitic
pronoun še-/ te- ‘her, its’).
√ WCauc. *l- (Abkhaz-Abaza only), fem. poss. class marker ‘her’ and fem.
sing. subject.
Yen. *da ‘his’, *di ‘her’, poss. pronoun of the 3
rd
person sing. ; *-du ‘he’,
*-dǝ ‘she’, sing. subject (see Старостин Г., 1995, 148, 153; Решетников,
1999, 348, 462 f.).
→ Иванов, 1985, 29 (Hatt. + WCauc.).
Yen. *d- in the proclitic possessive forms can be explained as *l- with the
regular anlaut development *l- > *d-. The enclitic status of the Yen. sub-
ject markers is obviously secondary.
74. -n, marker of the genitive case. Dative semantics standardly is expressed
by prepositions like ha- etc. + optionally gen. ending -n (for details see
Soysal, 2010)
√ NCauc. *-nV, genitive > Nakh *-n ‘genitive; adjective and participial suffix;
infinitive’, Av.-And. *-nV ‘ablative; translative’, Lak -n ‘dative I, lative,
infinitive’, Lezgh. *-n ‘genitive; elative; temporal ; suff. of adjectives and
participles; terminative; ergative’, WCauc. *-nə ‘ergative and general
indirect case; possessive case; transformative case’.
75. fa-, verbal morpheme (slot –7), 1
st
pers. sg. subject ‘I’
√ SCauc. *ŋV ‘I’ >
NCauc. *nI ‘I’ (1
st
pers. pronoun) > Lak na, Dargwa *nu (not a very reliable
isogloss).
STib. *ŋā- ‘I, we’ > Chin. 吾 *ŋhā ‘I, we’, 我 *ŋhājʔ ‘my, me’, 言 *ŋhan
‘I, we’, 卬 *ŋhāŋ ‘I, me’, Tib. ŋa ‘I, we’, ŋan ‘we’ (C), ŋed ‘I, we’, (d)ŋos
‘I, we, self’, ŋaŋ-ma ‘self, own’, Burm. ŋa ‘I’, Kachin ŋai
1
‘I’, Lushai ŋei
‘self’, Lepcha kă ‘I’, Kiranti *ʔòŋ/ *gòŋ ‘I’.
Yen. *b- (*ʔab-) / *aŋ ‘my’ (attr.) > Ket āp, Yug ap, Kott. m-inšo, an-še,
Arin b(i)-; *ba-/ *-aŋ 1
st
person sg. object > Ket b-, Kott. -aŋ (Решетни-
ков, 1999, 357, 461 ff.).
Burush. *a- ‘I’, 1
st
p. sg. pronominal prefix.
Basque *ni ‘I’.
→ In all likelihood Hattic shows the same development of initial *ŋ- as Proto-
Yen. does: *ŋ- > *m- > *P-.
76. fa-/ fi-, plural of the nominative and oblique cases
√ NCauc. *-bV (~ -i, -e, -a), plural > Nakh *-bi, Av.-And. *-b-, Tsez. *-bV,
Dargwa *-bi, Lezgh. *-b-, Khin. -be-r.
→ Alternatively Hatt. proclitic fa-/ fi- may correspond to the Yen. plural marker
*-ŋ- (both in nouns and verbs), if one assumes the phonetic development
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 399
*ŋ- > *m- > *P-.
V. A. Dybo (pers. comm.) proposed to compare Hatt. fa- with Ubykh w-,
nominal proclitic marker of plural, which appears only in combination
with proclitic possessive pronouns: ɣa-cǝ ‘his horse’ ~ ɣa-w-cǝ (> ɣō-cǝ)
‘his horses’, sǝ-tʷ ‘my father’ ~ sa-w-cǝ (> sō-cǝ) ‘my horses’, sǝ-tʷ ‘our
father’ ~ sa-w-cǝ (> sō-cǝ) ‘our horses’ etc. (Vogt, 1963, 175, 189, 223).
Of course, morphosyntactically the Ubykh chain POSS-PL-ROOT is identi-
cal to the Hattic possessive constructions like te-fa-katti ‘its kings’
(3SG.POSS-PL-king), but this Ubykh feature seems unparalleled within
WCauc. family and therefore can hardly serve as a reliable comparan-
dum.
Дьяконов, 1967, 173 (followed by Chirikba, 1996, 415) incorrectly com-
pares Hattic fa-/ fi- with Abkhaz -wa (plural marker in the animate class).
In reality Abkhaz -wa forms the names of races (both in the singular and
plural), see Hewitt, 1979, 149.
56

77. we ‘thou’ (2
nd
person sg. personal pronoun), u- ‘thy’ (2
nd
person sg.
possessive pronoun), u-p- ‘your’ (2
nd
person pl. possessive pronoun),
u-‘thou’ (2
nd
person sg. subject)
√ SCauc. *wV ‘thou’ >
NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.) > Nakh *waj ‘we (incl.)’, Av.-And. *mi-n
‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.), Tsez. *mə ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. sing. pronoun), Lak wi- ‘thou’
(obl. stem), Lezgh. *uo-n ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.), Khin. wɨ ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.),
WCauc. *wA ‘thou’ (2
nd
p. pr.); cf. Hurr. we ‘thou’.
Yen. *ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ > Ket ū, Yug u, Kott. au, Arin au, Pump. úe.
Burush. *u-n ‘thou’.
78. ta-, verbal morpheme with locative semantics ‘in(to)’ (slot –4)
√ WCauc. *tV- preverb ‘in; super’.
→ Proposed by Иванов, 1985, 33; Браун, 2002, 55; Chirikba, 1996, 413.
79. te-, verbal morpheme (slot –8), optative
√ NCauc. *-dV ‘conditional, desiderative’ > Av.-And. *-dV- ‘desiderative; con-
ditional’, Tsez. [*-da] ‘conditional’, Lezgh. *-da, *da-ħVnV ‘concessive;
temporal gerund; past conditional ; conditional ; future; desiderative’,
WCauc. *-da ‘desiderative; real conditional’.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
56
As was truly noted by Chirikba, this Abkhaz morpheme goes back to the Common
WCauc root *wV ‘person; people, persons’.
400 A. Kassian [UF 41
6.2 Some auxiliary morphemes with dubious or improbable SCauc.
cognates
I do not list here all Hattic auxiliary morphemes lacking SCauc. cognates. In
particular the list does not include phantom morphemes
57
and morphemes,
whose meaning and function are unknown or were incorrectly understood by
previous etymologists.
125’. -(a)h, nominal suffix, probably forming femininum (found in katta-h
‘queen’ [17], in two epithets of the Sun-goddess ka-aš-paru-ya-h ‘source of
light’ [33] and leli-ya-h ‘source of light’ [23], also maybe in the name of god-
dess
D
zintuhi ; further see HWHT, 208, it seems that Soysal’s -ah
2
is the same
femininum suffix)
→ Иванов, 1985, 37 (followed by Chirikba, 1996, 415) compares it with
WCauc. *(ʷA ‘woman’ (found in stems like WCauc. *pə-(ʷA ‘daughter’
etc. ; goes back to NCauc. *qwänV ‘woman’) which looks very factitious.
126’. -i, locative case
√ NCauc. *-Hi, dative(?) > Av.-And. *-jV ‘dat. ; dat. anim. ; infinitive’, Tsez.
*-V(j) ‘erg. ; dat. ; infinitive’, Lak -j-nu, -ija ‘instrumental ; deverbative
nominal suffix’, Dargwa *-Hi ‘ergative; instrumental’, Lezgh. *-i (-Vj)
‘deverbative nominal ; masdar’, Khin. -i(j) ‘ergative/ genitive; infinitive’.
→ Possible, but not obligatory.
127’. la-, unclear nominal morpheme perhaps with the locative meaning
(‘on, at’), frequently stands with the locative morpheme ka-: ka-la-
(HWHT, 228)
√ NCauc. *\

i ‘below, down’ (an adverbial stem) > Nakh *ḳa-l(e) ‘down, be-
low’, Av.-And. *-\:i ‘locative suffix (series Sub)’, Tsez. *ƛɨ-, *-ƛ ‘down,
below; locative suffix (series Sub)’, Lak luw, -l- ‘down, below’, Dargwa
*-ɣ(u)- ‘sub series’, Lezgh. *\:i-, *-\: ‘below, down; locative suffix (Sub
series)’.
→ Note the similarity between Hatt. ka-la- and Proto-Nakh *ḳa-l(e).
For alternative locative preverbal cognates in WCauc. (Ubykh and/ or Ab-
khaz–Abaza) see Chirikba, 1996, 414, Браун, 2002, 55. Note that Chirik-
ba and Braun propose their etymologies not for nominal la-, but for ver-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
57
An example. Ivanov (Иванов, 1985, 34) postulates the Hatt. “causative prefix ka-”,
found in Hatt. hakazuel ‘drinker, toaster’ (according to Ivanov: ha-ga-zu-el from the root
zu ‘to drink’ which is not attested elsewhere), and compares it with the Abkhaz–Abaza–
Ubykh causative prefix *ʁa-. As a matter of fact, hakazuel ‘drinker, toaster’ [6’] is
derived from the Hatt. noun kazue ‘bowl’ [32’], which in its turn is borrowed from Se-
mitic (Akkad. kāsu ‘bowl’ with reliable Semitic cognates). Phonetically the comparison
of Hatt. k with WCauc. *ʁ is unpersuasive also.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 401
bal **li- (uncritically following old Forrer’s analysis), which does not
exist.
128’. fe-, nominal prefix with allative/ illative semantics
→ Chirikba, 1996, 414 compares Hatt. fe- with the Ubykh preverb wa- ‘in(to)
the mass, amidst smth. to smbd.’, but the Ubykh morpheme has reliable
cognates in Abkhaz–Abaza *la-/ *lə- < WCauc. *Łʷa- ‘preverb inter’ <
NCauc. *-ƛ- ‘in filled series’ which makes the Hatt.–WCauc. comparison
phonetically impossible.
Браун, 2002, 56 compares Hatt. fe- with WCauc. *pʷA ‘nose’ (< NCauc.
*pŭrV ‘part of face under the nose; nose’), which has an additional
meaning ‘front’ in some WCauc. languages and may function as a preverb
‘before, in front of’. Improbable semantically and morphologically.
129’. t-, could be an exponent of the plural(?) direct object in the verbal
wordforms (slot –5), but in reality the status and function of this mor-
pheme is opaque
√ WCauc. *d-, anim. sing. obj. marker (reconstructed for Abkhaz–Abaza level
only).
130’. taš- ~ šaš- and teš- ~ šeš-, verbal prohibitive morpheme (slot –9)
√ NCauc. *jò/ *¢ò, negative particle >
SCauc. *jò/ *¢ò, negative particle > Nakh *ca ‘not’ (used as a separate
word), Av.-And. *-(i, Tsez. *-(, Lezgh. *č:V (the basic Proto-NCauc.
particle of the negative of assertion).
Basque *es ‘not’ (the basic particle of the negative of assertion).
→ The origin of the second element (-š) of the Hatt. morpheme is unclear. The
phonetic correspondence SCauc. *,/ *( ~ Hatt. /č/ seems slightly strange.
131’. tu- ~ šu-, verbal morpheme, theoretically can be the indirect object re-
flexive exponent (‘for oneself’). Slot –6
√ SCauc. *[č]V (~ št-) ‘self’ >
NCauc. *č[ŭ] ‘self, oneself (3
rd
–4
th
class)’ > Lak cu ‘self, oneself’, Dargwa
*če-/ ču- ‘(one)self (reflex. pronoun)’, Lezgh. *-ič(ʷ) ‘self, oneself (re-
flexive pronoun)’, WCauc. *čʷə- ‘for oneself (prefix of the subject ver-
sion)’.
STib. *śəj ‘private, oneself’ > Chin. 私 *səj ‘private, oneself’, Tib. śe, śe-
dag, śa-sdag ‘for oneself only, only, privately’.
132’. zi-, nominal morpheme with ablative semantics (e. g., ‘from top-
down’), za- verbal morpheme (slot –4) with some locative semantics
→ Cf. WCauc. *\V ‘bottom, lower part ; under (preverb)’ (> Abkhaz–Abaza
*(a- ‘under’, *(ǝ- ‘from down’, Adyghe–Kabardian *ca- ‘under’, Ubykh
402 A. Kassian [UF 41
-(a ‘bottom, lower part’, etc.), originating from NCauc. *H\ŏnŭ ‘bot-
tom’. The comparison was proposed by Браун, 2002, 55 and Chirikba,
1996, 414, but phonetically unacceptable.
7 Contacts with neighboring languages
As is well known, Hattic was a donor of several dozens of cultic, regal and
technical terms into Hittite (see Goedegebuure, 2008, 146 f. w previous lit.) and
into Palaic, but not into known Luwian. On the contrary, not a single doubtless
Anatolian loanwords in Hattic is revealed up to now: the most appropriate
candidate here is Hattic zinar ‘a k. of lyre’ [118’], which theoretically might
have been borrowed from an unattested Central or North Anatolian Luwian dia-
ect. The second candidate the is widely discussed Hattic word tafarna ‘lord (vel
sim.)’ [52] together with the parallel female title tawananna ‘lady’ [52], but I
claim that there is no positive evidence that these terms represent inherited
Luwian or Hittite forms.
Besides lexical borrowings one should note two phonetic processes shared
by Hattic and Hittite. The first Hatt.–Hitt. phonetic isogloss is assibilation /ti/ >
/ʦi/, for which see 4.2.2.2–3 above. The second one is dissimilation /u/ > /um/,
see 4.2.2.1 above.
As opposed to the Indo-European languages of Anatolia, Hurrian shows
rather sparse traces of linguistic contacts with Hattic which is somewhat surpris-
ing. Cf. Hatt. hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] > Hurr. habalgi / abalgi ‘iron’; Hatt. hamuruwa
‘beam, rafter’ [7’] > Akkad. (OB, Nuzi) amrû ‘beam, timber (in construction of
house, ship)’ probably via Hurrian; and maybe Hatt. zipina ‘sour’ [66] >
?
Hurr.
(Bogh.)
NINDA
zippinni ‘(a k. of pastry used in rites)’. In the opposite direction:
Hurr. kade ‘grain, barley’ > Hatt. kait ‘grain, corn’ [26’].
Hattic has a number of borrowings from Semitic languages. It is noteworthy
that West Semitic, not Akkadian loanwords prevail in the list.

An Akkadian or West Semitic loanword:
kazue ‘goblet, cup’ [32’] < Akkad. kāsu-m ‘goblet, cup’, Ugar. ks ‘id.’ etc.

An Akkadian loanword:
kusim, kušim ‘throne’ [42’] < Akkad. kussû-m, kussiu-m ‘chair, throne’ (fur-
ther to Ugar. ksÿ ‘seat, throne’ etc.), where Hattic -m probably reflects
Akkadian mimation.

West Semitic loanwords:
karam ‘wine’ [27’] < WSem. *karm ‘vineyard, vine’.
maššel ‘cult performer, chanter, clown
?
’ [51’] < Ugar. mṣl ‘cymbal player’,
Ugaritic Akkad. māṣilu ‘(a musician, performer)’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 403
?

kiluh ‘courier-spy’ [33’] < Ugar. ḳl ‘courier, messenger’, Hebr. (Bibl.) ḳal
‘light, nimble, rapid (said of messengers)’ with the (Hattic?) h-suffix.
?
(D)
šaru,
(D)
taru ‘Storm-god’ [84’] < Hebr. (Bibl.) ŝaʕar ‘heavy gale’, ŝəʕārā
‘high wind’, ŝʕr ‘to be stormy’ (further to Akkad. šāru ‘wind; air;
breath’).
? šep ‘footwear’ [87’] < Syr. šēpā ‘scapus (caligae); mucro nasi’ and Arab.
šabāt- ‘chaque côté de la chaussure’ (further probably to Akkad. šēpu
‘foot’ ~ Soqotri ŝab, ŝaf ‘foot’).
? tahalai[n…] ‘liver
?
’ [92’] < WSem. *ṭiḥāl ‘spleen’.

Despite Vjač. Vs. Ivanov, the Semitic origin of the two following Hattic words
does not seem probable for some reasons: milup ‘bull, ox’ [52’] ~ Sem. *ʔalp
‘cattle’ and fin ‘child, son’ [72’] ~ Sem. *bin ‘son’. A phonetic similarity be-
tween Hatt. šam(a) ‘to hear, listen (vel sim.)’ [48] ~ Sem. *šVmaʕ- ‘to hear’ and
Hatt. šuf ‘ox’ [91’] ~ Akkad. ṣuppu ‘white sheep’, Ugar. ṣp ‘white sheep’ in all
likelihood is accidental also.
No good examples of the contrary direction of borrowing (Hattic > Semitic)
are known. Akkad. (MAss.) habalginnu ‘a k. of metal’ and (OB, Nuzi) amrû
‘beam’ were borrowed probably via the Hurrian intermediation (see hapalki
‘iron’ [12’] and hamuruwa ‘beam, rafter’ [7’] above). Akkad. zannaru (almost
exclusively in OB/ NB lex. lists only) ‘a k. of lyre’ might have been borrowed
not from Hattic, but from some Luwian dialect.
A very important fact is the presence of lexical contacts between Hattic and
the Proto-West Caucasian language. At least two Hattic stems can be assuredly
recognized as WCauc. loanwords:
hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] < WCauc. *«Iʷə-\ʷV ‘iron’ or rather *«Iʷə-pə\ə
‘copper’.
malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. *ma\ʷV ‘good, luck’.
? pašu-n ‘breath
?
’ [71’] < WCauc. *pəśʷA ‘to breathe’.
? hamuruwa ‘beam, rafter’ [7’] < Abkhaz–Abaza *qʷǝ(m)bǝlǝra ‘cross-
beam’.

In one case we must suspect a borrowing of a Hattic term into WCauc. :
zinar ‘a k. of lyre’ [118’] > Adyghe–Kabardian *p-c:ǝna ‘non-percussion
musical instrument (in general)’.

The fact of Hattic–WCauc. contacts, which may be supported also by some ar-
chaeological evidence, is rather interesting, since all known WCauc. languages
belong to the syntactic SOV type and the same feature should be reconstructed
for the WCauc. proto-language. Although I generally agree with P. Goedege-
buure’s (2008) schema of Hattic–Luwian–Hittite interferences at the beginning
of the 2
nd
millennium BC (with some remarks), Hattic–WCauc. contacts add new
404 A. Kassian [UF 41
options in the sociolinguistic scenarios discussed by Goedegebuure.
58

The similarity between Hatt. muh(al) ‘hearth’ [55’] and Sumerian muhal-dim
‘cook’ seems unsupported by additional positive evidence (except for a surpris-
ing isogloss Hatt. šaki ~ Sum. ŠAG ‘heart’) and should be regarded today as a
chance coincidence.
Ancient Greek dialects possess a number of North Caucasian loanwords, see
Николаев, 1985 (some Nikolaev’s connections are highly questionable, but
some seem probative). In view of this one should note the Hattic term kinawar
‘copper’ [34’], whose phonetic similarity with Grk. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar (a
bright red or brownish-red mineral form of mercuric sulphide)’ can hardly be
fortuitous. Unfortunately kinawar is unetymologizable within Hattic, so it may
be treated as a common Hattic–Greek wandering word (‘red mineral’) of
unknown origin.
8 Conclusion
8.1 Linguistic affiliation
Above I list ca. 70 reliable Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons and ca. 10
reliable Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons (note that we
know in sum less than 200 Hattic words whose meaning is established). The
most part of Hattic etymologized lexemes belongs to the basic vocabulary. The
system of Hattic–Sino-Caucasian phonetical correspondences is rather simple
and logical. Thus, according to the general comparative procedure (see Camp-
bell / Poser, 2008, 4; Бурлак/ Старостин, 2005, 7–24) I suppose that the hypo-
thesis of Sino-Caucasian attribution of the Hattic language can be considered
very probable.
The location of the Hattic branch within the Sino-Caucasian tree is a more
difficult question. Two points should be stressed before we start to discuss
genealogical trees.
1) Due to the relict nature of the Yenisseian family (the Proto-Yen.
reconstruction is generally based on the three languages: Ket, Yug and to a
lesser degree Kottish), its proto-vocabulary is relatively small. The current ver-
ion of Yenet.dbf includes ca. 1050 entries as opposed to 2300 entries in the
NCauc. database (Caucet.dbf) and ca. 2800(!) entries in the STib. database
(Stibet.dbf). It means that in the general case the Yen. proto-language must show
a smaller number of lexical isoglosses with Hattic than the NCauc. and STib.
proto-languages do.
2) I assume that some of the aforementioned Sino-Tibetan etymologies of
Hattic lexemes may turn out false in the future, since, first, the Sino-Tibetan
–––––––––––––––––––––––
58
malhip seems the default Hattic word for ‘good’, i.e. it belongs to the most basic and
stable part of vocabulary (the Swadesh 100-wordlist). If malhip is really a borrowing <
WCauc. *ma\ʷV ‘good, luck’, it suggests that Hattic–Proto-West Caucasian interferences
were much more intensive than we can judge today from the available Hattic data.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 405
reconstruction as it is presented today is somewhat preliminary (work in this
field is in progress) as opposed to the North Caucasian and Yenisseian ones;
next, the reduction of root structure in Proto-Sino-Tibetan opens an additional
space for external etymologization. A relatively high number of Hattic–Sino-
Tibetan isoglosses (see below) should be explained by these factors.
As mentioned in 4.1, the core lexicostatistical schema of Sino-Caucasian
macrofamily looks as following:

Sino-Caucasian
/ \
Sino-Tibetan–Na-Dene North Cauc.–Yen.
/ \ / \
STib. Na-Dene North Cauc. Yenisseian

The question is whether the Hattic language is closer to the Sino-Tibetan–
Na-Dene branch or to the North Caucasian–Yenisseian one. The root compari-
sons from 5.1 can be summarized in the following statistic chart.

Hatt. ~ NCauc. and STib. and Yen. : 15 etymologies.
alef ‘tongue’ [1] ~ NCauc. *\ānpV ‘lip’ ~ STib. *ƛep ‘tongue, to lick’ ~ Yen.
*ʔalVp ‘tongue’. The primary meaning of the proto-root was probably ‘to
lick’.
anna ‘when’ [2] ~ NCauc. *h[ä]nV ‘now’ ~ STib. *n[ǝ] ‘time or place of,
when’ ~ Yen. *ʔen ‘now’.
eštan ‘sun’ [5] ~ NCauc. *=Huǯ

V-n ( ~ -j

-) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ ~ STib.
*Ćoj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ ~ Yen. *ʔēǯ- ‘clear (of weather)’, *ǯin
‘bright day’ ~ Burush. *¢āŋ ‘clear (of sky)’.
han ‘sea’ [7] ~ NCauc. *xänɦI ‘water’ ~ STib. *χĭw(s) ‘water, moisture’ ~
Yen. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ ~ Burushaski *hán-chil ‘water from a wound;
watery (tea, soup)’ ~ Basque *u-hin ‘wave’.
harki- ‘to be(come) wide’ [9] ~ NCauc. *ɦărq[w]Ĕ ‘wide’ ~ STib. *qʷāŋH
‘wide, broad’ ~ Yen. *χiGV-ĺ ‘wide, broad’
hukur ‘to see, look’ [13] ~ NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look, search’ ~ STib. *ku ‘to
seek, choose, understand’ ~ Yen. *b-[o]k- ‘to find’
kun ‘to see’ [21] ~ NCauc. *=agwV ‘to see’ ~ STib. *kʷēn ‘to glance at ; to
regard’ ~ Yen. *qo ‘to see’.
luizzi-l ‘runner, messenger’ [26] ~ NCauc. *hilčwĒ ‘to run (away)’ ~ STib.
(Chin. *ćhoʔ, *ćhōʔ, *ćōʔ ‘to run’) ~ Yen. *tut- ‘to flee, hide’
fa- ‘I’ [75] ~ NCauc. *nI ‘I’ ~ STib. *ŋā- ‘I, we’ ~ Yen. *b- (*ʔab-) / *aŋ
‘my’ (attr.) ~ Burush. *a- ‘I’ ~ Basque *ni ‘I’.
šaki- ‘heart’ [47] ~ NCauc. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ ~ STib. *ʔròŋ/ *ʔròk ‘breast’ ~
Yen. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ ~ Burush. *dak ‘hope, belief’.
te ‘great, big’ [54] ~ NCauc. (WCauc. *dA ‘big’) ~ STib. *tajH ‘big, much’ ~
406 A. Kassian [UF 41
Yen. *tɨʔj- ‘to grow’.
ti ‘to lie; to lay
?
’ [55] ~ NCauc. *=ătV-r ‘to let, leave; to stay’ ~ STib.
*dhăH ‘to put, place’ ~ Yen. *di(j) ‘to lie down, put down’ ~ Burush. *-´t-
‘to do, make, set up’.
tefu ‘to pour’ [57] ~ NCauc. *=ǟwčĂ ‘to emit, pour; to vomit’ ~ STib. *ćəw
‘water, wet ; to scoop’ ~ Yen. *ʔa-č- ‘to pour’ ~ Burush. *ṣao ‘to wash’.
tu ‘to eat’ [59] ~ NCauc. *=V¢

V ‘to drink; to gulp, to eat’ ~ STib. *ʒhaH ‘to
eat’ ~ Yen. *sī- ‘to eat’ ~ Burush. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ‘to eat’.
tumil ‘rain’ [62] ~ NCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy season’ ~ STib. (Chin. *ćhiw
‘autumn’) ~ Yen. *sir
1
- ‘summer’ ~ Basque *asaro ‘November; autumn’.

Hatt. ~ NCauc. and STib. : 15 etymologies.
halu ‘bolt, lock’ [6] ~ NCauc. *ḳułI/ *łIḳu ‘lock, bolt ; key’ ~ STib. *kălH
‘bolt, lock’.
hel, hil ‘to grow, ripen’ [11] ~ NCauc. *=ĭrqwĂ ‘to ripen’ ~ STib. *grĭ ‘old,
large’
her ‘to hide’ [12] ~ NCauc. *=igwVł ‘to lose; to steal’ ~ STib. *koj (~ -l) ‘to
hide’ ~ Basque *gal- ‘to lose’.
kaiš ‘horn’ [14] ~ NCauc. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock, plait ; horn’ ~ STib. *khaj
‘horn, a pair of horns’ ~ Burush. *ɣuy ‘hair’.
ku ‘to seize’ [19] ~ NCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put (together), take’ ~ STib. *Khu
(~ -ua, -əw) ‘take out, extract’
(a)ku ‘soldier, escort (vel sim.)’ [20] ~ NCauc. *HŭqwĂ ‘to graze, guard,
preserve’ ~ STib. *kŭ ‘to help; friend, companion’
liš ‘year’ [24] ~ NCauc. *ƛăjV ‘year, day’ ~ STib. *lòH ‘year, season’
(a)nti ‘to stand; to stay’ [28] ~ NCauc. *=Vm¢

Vr ‘to stand (up)’ ~ STib.
*ćhioH ‘to be at, sit, stay’.
paru ‘bright, shining’ [33] ~ NCauc. *pārē ‘lightning’ ~ STib. *prɨăŋH
‘bright ; morning’
wet ‘to be sour/ bitter’ [34] ~ NCauc. *ɦmVj¢

wĂ ‘sour’ ~ STib. *[ǯh]ɨam
‘salt’ ~ Burush. *ćhémil ‘poison’.
pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] ~ NCauc. *mIlćwV ‘wind’ ~ STib. *mŭt ‘to blow’
puluku ‘foliage’ [39] ~ NCauc. *ʕapālqwĔ ‘burdock; leaf(?)’ ~ STib. *phak
‘leaf’ ~ Burush. *bilágur ‘a k. of weed’
take-ha ‘lion’ [51] ~ NCauc. *¢ǟnq

V ‘lynx, panther’ ~ STib. *chi(ə)k ‘leop-
ard’.
tafa-r-na ‘lord’ [52] ~ NCauc. *¢

ombi ‘god; mercy’ ~ STib. *ćūm ‘honour,
authority’
zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] ~ NCauc. *¢

wŏjV ‘woman, female’ ~ STib. (Chin. *ćhej
‘female’) ~ Basque *a-ćo ‘old woman’.

Hatt. ~ NCauc. and Yen. : 5 etymologies.
eš ‘to put’ [4] ~ NCauc. *=i¢Ă ‘to give, compensate; to put’ ~ Yen. *ʔes- ‘to
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 407
put’ ~ Basque *ecan ‘to lie down, rest (tr.) to put down’.
p(a)raš ‘leopard’ [37] ~ NCauc. *bħĕr¢ĭ ‘wolf’ ~ Yen. *pe(ʔ)s-tap ‘wolver-
ine’ ~ Basque *oćo ‘wolf’.
we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n
‘thou’.
taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] ~ NCauc. *čVqV/ *q

VčV ‘to scratch, rub’ ~ Yen.
*ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ ~ Burush. *qhaṣ ‘to rub’.
tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ ~ Yen. *təʔrap-
‘bread crust’.
Hatt. ~ STib. and Yen. : 4 etymologies.
kip ‘to protect’ [18] ~ STib. *Gāp ‘to cover’ ~ Yen. *qepVn- ‘to close
(door)’
fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] ~ STib. *p(r)IwH ‘to speak’ ~ Yen. *baŕ- ‘to pray’ ~ Bu-
rush. *bar ‘speech, word’.
fun ‘mortality’ [40] ~ STib. *moŋ ‘to die’ ~ Yen. *boŋ ‘dead man’.
tuk ‘to step’ [61] ~ STib. *ćek ‘to tread, trample’ ~ Yen. *čɔʔq- ‘to run’.

Hatt. ~ NCauc. : 6 etymologies.
han ‘to open’ [8] ~ NCauc. *=aχ

wVn ‘to open’
nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] ~ NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman, female’
fel ‘house’ [30] ~ NCauc. *bēŁV ‘cattle-shed’
šahhu/ tahhu ‘ground, bottom’ [45] ~ NCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu ‘earth,
ground, sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow; field’.
šam(a) ‘to hear, listen’ [48] ~ NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’
zehar, zihar ‘(building) wood, timber’ [64] ~ NCauc. *¢

wēχV ‘stick, chip;
piece of wood, beam; timber’

Hatt. ~ STib. : 16 etymologies.
hel ‘to strew, pour’ [10] ~ STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘throw (into water), scatter’
(a)le ‘to envy (vel sim.)’ [22] ~ STib. *re ‘to dislike’
leli ‘source of light’ [23] ~ STib. *rołH ‘light’
lu ‘to be able’ [25] ~ STib. *lòw ‘to be able’
nu ‘to come, go’ [29] ~ STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’
far ‘thousand’ [31] ~ STib. *bhăr ‘abundant, numerous’
pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] ~ STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’
fula ‘bread’ [38] ~ STib. *mor ‘grain’
fur ‘country; population’ [41] ~ STib. *PrVŋ ‘country’
puš ‘to devour, swallow’ [42] ~ STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’
puš- ‘to fan (a fire or burning materials)’ [42] ~ STib. *bŭ, bŭt ‘to blow; to
fan’ (further to onomatopoeic NCauc. *pūHV ‘to blow, blowing’ ~ Yen.
*pV(j) ‘to blow’ ~ Burush. *phu ‘to blow’).
šai-l / tai-l ‘lord, master’ [46] ~ STib. *ćIH ‘to govern; lord’
408 A. Kassian [UF 41
tafa ‘fear’ [53] ~ STib. *tĕp ‘fear, to be confused’
teh ‘to build’ [56] ~ STib. *ćòH ‘to work; to build’
tuh ‘to take’ [60] ~ STib. *ĆŏH ‘to seize’ (further to NCauc. *=ăčwV ‘to
take, carry’ ~ Basque *eući ‘to take, hold, seize, grasp’).
zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] ~ STib. *cVp ‘bitter, pungent’

Hatt. ~ Yen. : 9 etymologies.
aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] ~ Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let enter’
kaš ‘head’ [16] ~ Yen. *ʔa-KsV- ‘temple (part of head)’
katte ‘king’ [17] ~ Yen. *kaʔt ‘old (attr.)’
fute ‘long (in temporal meaning)’ [44] ~ Yen. *bot- ‘often’
štip ‘gate’ [49] ~ Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover; to plug; to close’
tup ‘root’ [63] ~ Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’
zik ‘to fall’ [65] ~ Yen. *də(ʔ)q- ‘to fall’
ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’
kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’

A high number of exclusive Hattic–Sino-Tibetan isoglosses (16 entries) is note-
worthy, even through some of these Hatt.–STib. etymologies do not look obliga-
tory.
59
The situation changes if one tries to analyze Hattic words from the
Swadesh list.
The table below includes the standard Swadesh 100-wordlist (as it is ac-
cepted, e. g., in various publications by S. Starostin, see Старостин, 2007) with
10 additional words from S. Yakhontov’s 100-wordlist, taken from the second
part of the Swadesh 200-wordlist (see Бурлак/ Старостин 2005, 12—13 for
detail). Yakhontov’s items are marked by the “+” sign. For the general principles
of the compilation process now see Kassian et al., 2010.

No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
1. all (omnis) —
2. ashes —
3. bark —
4. belly —
5. big, large
te ‘great, big’ [54] NCauc. (WCauc. *dA ‘big’) ~
STib. *tajH ‘big, much’ ~
Yen. *tɨʔj- ‘to grow’.
6. bird ašti or šti ‘bird’ [3’]
–––––––––––––––––––––––
59
Cf., e. g., Hatt. (a)le ‘to envy (vel sim.)’ [22] ~ STib. *re ‘to dislike’ or Hatt. leli
‘source of light’ [23] ~ STib. *rołH ‘light’ which are formally acceptable, but can hardly
prove some specific relationship.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 409
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
7. to bite —
8. black —
9. blood —
10. bone —
11. breast —
12. to burn
(trans.)

13. cloud —
14. cold —
15. to come
aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let
enter’

an ‘to come (here
?
)’ [2’]
16. to die —
17. dog —
18. to drink ? lin ‘to drink
?
(vel sim.)’ [46’]
19. dry —
20. ear —
21. earth
Cf. šahhu/ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] NCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu
‘earth, ground, sand’ ~
Basque *śorho ‘meadow;
field’.

Cf. ištarrazi-l ‘(dark/ black)
earth, soil ; terrestrial,
earthly(?)’ [22’]

22. to eat
tu ‘to eat’ [59] NCauc. *=V¢

V ‘to drink; to
gulp, to eat’ ~ STib. *ʒhaH ‘to
eat’ ~ Yen. *sī- ‘to eat’ ~ Bu-
rush. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ‘to eat’.

Cf. puš ‘to devour, swallow’ [42] STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’
23. egg —
24. eye nimah, lmah ‘eye(s)’ [58’]
25. fat —
26. feather —
410 A. Kassian [UF 41
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
27. fire —
28. fish —
29. to fly —
30. foot —
31. full —
32. to give yay ‘to give’ [25’]
33. to go
nu ‘to come, go’ [29] STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’
34. good
malhip ‘good, favorable’ [49’] (a WCauc. loan)
35. green —
36. hair —
37. hand —
38. head
kaš ‘head’ [16] Yen. *ʔa-KsV- ‘temple (part
of head)’
39. to hear
šam(a) ‘to hear, listen’ [48] NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be si-
lent, listen’
40. heart
šaki- ‘heart’ [47] NCauc. *jĕ-rḳwĭ ‘heart’ ~
STib. *ʔròŋ/ *ʔròk ‘breast’ ~
Yen. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ ~ Bu-
rush. *dak ‘hope, belief’.
41. horn
kaiš ‘horn’ [14] NCauc. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock,
plait ; horn’ ~ STib. *khaj
‘horn, a pair of horns’ ~ Bu-
rush. *ɣuy ‘hair’.
42. I
fa- ‘I’ [75] NCauc. *nI ‘I’ ~ STib. *ŋā- ‘I,
we’ ~ Yen. *b- (*ʔab-) / *aŋ
‘my’ (attr.) ~ Burush. *a- ‘I’ ~
Basque *ni ‘I’.
43. to kill —
44. knee —
45. to know —
46. leaf
puluku ‘foliage’ [39] NCauc. *ʕapālqwĔ ‘burdock;
leaf(?)’ ~ STib. *phak ‘leaf’ ~
Burush. *bilágur ‘a k. of
weed’
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 411
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
47. to lie
ti ‘to lie; to lay
?
’ [55] NCauc. *=ătV-r ‘to let, leave;
to stay’ ~ STib. *dhăH ‘to put,
place’ ~ Yen. *di(j) ‘to lie
down, put down’ ~ Burush.
*-´t- ‘to do, make, set up’.
48. liver
? tahalai[n…] ‘liver
?
’ [92’] (a Sem. loan??)
49. long —
50. louse —
51. man (male) —
52. man (per-
son)

53. many, a lot
of

54. meat —
55. moon
kap ‘moon’ [15] Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’
56. mountain
ziš ‘mountain’ [67] Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush.
*ćhiṣ ‘mountain’.
57. mouth —
58. nail —
59. name —
60. neck —
61. new tataet or taet ‘new’ [97’]
62. night —
63. nose —
64. not Cf. the prohibitive morpheme
taš- ~ šaš-, teš- ~ šeš-

65. one —
66. rain
tumil ‘rain’ [62] NCauc. *cōjwIlɦV ‘rainy sea-
son’ ~ STib. (Chin. *ćhiw ‘au-
tumn’) ~ Yen. *sir
1
- ‘summer’
~ Basque *asaro ‘November;
autumn’.
67. red Cf. kazza ‘blood red
?
, red
?
’ [31’]
412 A. Kassian [UF 41
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
68. road —
69. root
tup ‘root’ [63] Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’
70. round —
71. sand —
72. to say Cf. hu ‘to exclaim, pronounce’
[15’]

73. to see
hukur ‘to see, look’ [13] NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look,
search’ ~ STib. *ku ‘to seek,
choose, understand’ ~ Yen.
*b-[o]k- ‘to find’

kun ‘to see’ [21] NCauc. *=agwV ‘to see’ ~
STib. *kʷēn ‘to glance at ;
to regard’ ~ Yen. *qo ‘to see’.

Cf. pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] STib. *mVn ‘to perceive;
to think’
74. seed —
75. to sit nif or nifaš ‘to sit’ [59’]
76. skin
Cf. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ ~
Yen. *təʔrap- ‘bread crust’.
77. to sleep —
78. small, little —
79. smoke —
80. to stand
(a)nti ‘to stand; to stay’ [28] NCauc. *=Vm¢

Vr ‘to stand
(up)’ ~ STib. *ćhioH ‘be at,
sit, stay’.
81. star —
82. stone pip ‘stone’ [74’]
83. sun
eštan ‘sun’ [5] NCauc. *=Huǯ

V-n ( ~ -j

-) ‘to
clear up (of weather)’ ~ STib.
*Ćoj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’
~ Yen. *ʔēǯ- ‘clear (of
weather)’, *ǯin ‘bright day’ ~
Burush. *¢āŋ ‘clear (of sky)’.
84. to swim —
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 413
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
85. tail —
86. that —
87. this imallen, imallin ‘this’ [18’]
88. tongue
alef ‘tongue’ [1] NCauc. *\ānpV ‘lip’ ~ STib.
*ƛep ‘tongue, to lick’ ~ Yen.
*ʔalVp ‘tongue’.
89. tooth —
90. tree —
91. two —
92. warm —
93. water —
94. we —
95. what —
96. white —
97. who —
98. woman
nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-)
‘woman, female’ (not a default
NCauc. root for ‘woman’)
99. yellow —
100. you (thou)
we ‘thou’ [77] NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen.
*ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush.
*u-n ‘thou’.
101. far + —
102. heavy + —
103. near + —
104. salt + —
105. short + —
106. snake + —
107. thin + —
108. wind +
pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] NCauc. *mIlćwV ‘wind’ ~
STib. *mŭt ‘to blow’
109. worm + —
414 A. Kassian [UF 41
No. ENG Hattic Sino-Caucasian
110. year +
li-š ‘year’ [24] NCauc. *ƛăjV ‘year, day’ ~
STib. *lòH ‘year, season’


The exclusive lexical isoglosses between Hattic and the North Caucasian-Yenis-
seian branch and between Hattic and the Sino-Tibetan branch can be sum-
marized as follows:

Hatt. ~ NCauc.—Yen.
tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ ~ Yen. *təʔrap-
‘bread crust’.
we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n
‘thou’.

Hatt. ~ Yen.
aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] ~ Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let enter’
kaš ‘head’ [16] ~ Yen. *ʔa-KsV- ‘temple (part of head)’
ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’
tup ‘root’ [63] ~ Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’
kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’

Hatt. ~ NCauc.
šahhu/ tahhu ‘ground, bottom’ [45] ~ NCauc. *čHäłu/ *čäłHu ‘earth,
ground, sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow; field’.
šam(a) ‘to hear, listen’ [48] ~ NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’
nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] ~ NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman, female’

Hatt. ~ STib.
puš ‘to devour, swallow’ [42] ~ STib. *mVt ‘to eat, swallow’
nu ‘to come, go’ [29] ~ STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’
pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] ~ STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’

As one can see, the exclusive Hatt.–STib. isoglosses are rather weak. Generally
speaking, Hatt. puš ‘to devour, swallow’ and pnu ‘to observe, look’ should be
excluded from the Hattic list of Swadesh’s lexemes. In turn, Hatt. nu ‘to come,
go’ [29] does not coincide semantically with its STib. counterpart.
On the contrary, the Yenisseian and North Caucasian proto-languages possess
a number of reliable cognates of Hattic basic lexemes. The most striking of them
are Hatt. we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Bu-
rush. *u-n ‘thou’, Hatt. ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ
‘mountain’ and Hatt. kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 415
I believe that the statistic data above speak for a specific Hattic–North
Caucasian–Yenisseian relationship, but the supposition of a specific Hattic–
North Caucasian relationship is not likely due to a minimal number of exclusive
Hatt.-NCauc. lexical comparisons (6 entries only, see the list above).
In such a situation two trees are possible:

(a) Sino-Caucasian
/ \
STib.–Na-Dene North Cauc.–Yen.
/ | \
North Cauc. Hattic Yenisseian
(b) Sino-Caucasian
/ \
STib.–Na-Dene North Cauc.–Yen.
/ \
North Cauc. Hattic–Yen.
/ \
Hattic Yenisseian

The Schema (b) might be more realistic in view of some specific phonetic proc-
esses that Hattic shares with Proto-Yenisseian (see 4.2.2 above for detail):
1) Denasalization of initial m- (*m- > P-).
2) Initial *ŋ- > *m- > P-.
3) Fricativization of sibilant affricates in the non-initial position.
4) Etymological ST-clusters > t.
5) Loss and retention of laryngeal phonemes in the same roots.
60

6) Loss of a sonorant in the combinations *l + sibilant affricate, *n/ *m + la-
bial stop, *n/ *m + velar/ uvular stop (common STib.–Yen. features).

Of course in some points Hattic (the first half of the 2
nd
millennium BC) is more
archaic then Proto-Yenisseian (its split : the first half of the 1
st
millennium BC).
As opposed to Proto-Yenisseian, Hattic shows:
1) Retention of *w.
2) Retention of initial laterals and *n-.
3) Retention of sonorants in the combinations *r/ *l + velar/ uvular, *m +
sibilant affricate.

Some particular cases of semantic development, shared both by Hattic and
Proto-Yenisseian, may also speak in favour of the theory of the common Hattic-
Yenisseian proto-language. Cf. :
–––––––––––––––––––––––
60
Loss: anna ‘when’ [2] ~ Yen. *ʔen < SCauc. *hVnV; praš ‘leopard’ [37] ~ Yen.
*pe(ʔ)s-tap < SCauc. *bħĕr¢Í ; eštan ‘sun’ [5] ~ Yen. *ʔēǯ-, *ǯin < SCauc.
*=HVǯV(-n) ; te ‘big’ [54] ~ Yen. *tɨʔj- < SCauc. *dVHV; fun ‘mortality’ [40] ~ Yen.
*boŋ < SCauc. *HmoŋV; han ‘sea’ [7] ~ Yen. *xäń < SCauc. *xänɦI, and so on.
Retention: harki- ‘wide’ [9] ~ Yen. *χiGV-ĺ ‘wide’ < SCauc. *ɦVrqwĔ.
A possible exception: ur(i) ‘spring, well’ [109’] ~ Yen. *xur
1
‘water’ < SCauc.
*ħwir¡ ‘water, lake’.
416 A. Kassian [UF 41
alef ‘tongue’ [1] ~ Yen. *ʔalVp ‘tongue’ vs. NCauc. *\ānpV ‘lip’.
han ‘sea’ [7] ~ Yen. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ vs. NCauc. *xänɦI ‘water’.
fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] ~ Yen. *baŕ- ‘to pray’ vs. STib. *p(r)IwH ‘speak’
taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] ~ Yen. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ vs. NCauc. *čVqV ‘to
scratch, rub’.

These examples are opposed to the following etymologies, where Hattic mean-
ings coincide with North Caucasian:
šaki- ‘heart’ [47] ~ NCauc. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ vs. Yen. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ (cf.
STib. *ʔròŋ/ *ʔròk ‘breast’). Semantic shift ‘heart’ < > ‘breast’ is typolo-
gically rather common. We can suspect here either the development
‘heart’ > ‘breast’ separately in the Yen. and STib. proto-languages or the
development ‘breast’ > ‘heart’ separately in the NCauc. proto-language
and Hattic.
tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. *čɦorV ‘skin, shell’ vs. Yen. *təʔ-
rap- ‘bread crust’. Can be explained as a subsequent semantic specifi-
cation in Proto-Yenisseian.
8.2 Geographical problem
8.2.1 Location of the Sino-Caucasian homeland and ways of prehistoric migra-
tions of Sino-Caucasian tribes are uninvestigated questions. The only thing I can
do here is to outline some points of future discussion and propose one of the
possible scenarios of the Sino-Caucasian expansion.
Historically attested areas of the Sino-Caucasian languages are illustrated by
the map (prepared with the help of Yuri Koryakov): fig. 5.
For the North Caucasian, Sino-Tibetan, Na-Dene, Basque and Burushaski
families borders of the late XX c. AD are shown. Approximate borders of the
Yenisseian family in the XVII c. AD are given after Pakendorf, 2007, 4
w. prev. lit.
Territorial coverage and high dispersion of the known SCauc. languages al-
low us to suppose that during millennia the Sino-Caucasian tribes were being
gradually forced out of their habitats or assimilated by neighboring peoples.
61


8.2.2 The NCauc. proto-language possesses the richest phonetic system among
known SCauc. (proto-)languages. Sino-Tibetan, Yenisseian, Burushaski, Basque
and Na-Dene show more trivial systems.
62
Such a phonetic simplification should
–––––––––––––––––––––––
61
As far as I can judge, their main confrontations occurred with various Nostratic tribes
(the split of the North branch of the Nostratic proto-language dates back to the first half
of the 11
th
millennium BC, see fig. 8 for detail).
62
We cannot argue about the Hurrian and Hattic phonemic inventories due to their sim-
plified cuneiform transmission.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 417
be explained by the influence of non-SCauc. languages, with which SCauc.
tribes contacted pending their movements. The same considerations may be ap-
plied to morphology. Sino-Tibetan, Yenisseian, Burushaski, and Basque demon-
strate clear morphological relations with neighboring non-SCauc. languages.
These facts could indicate that the NCauc. proto-language had minimal contacts
with non-SCauc. dialects and a relatively short migratory way from the SCauc.
homeland to the modern NCauc. area.
8.2.3 The map of successive stages in the distribution of copper and bronze
artefacts by E. Chernykh (fig. 6) demonstrates that in the 7
th
–4
th
millennia BC the
way from the Near East to Europe came through West Anatolia into Balkans, but
not through North Caucasus into steppes.
It correlates with the routes of agricultural expansion, which went into
Europe through West Anatolia and into Asia through Iran, but not through North
Caucasus (see, e. g., Diamond/ Bellwood, 2003, Bellwood/ Oxenham, 2008,
17 ff., Bar-Yosef, 2002): fig. 7.
As noted in Kohl, 2007, 29 f. : “the general spread of the Neolithic food-
producing economy from Anatolia into southeastern Europe is accepted by all
scholars, even those with a penchant for emphasizing autonomous evolutionary
processes”.

8.2.4 One of the clues to the reconstruction of the sociolinguistic situation in
prehistoric Near East could be the Maykop archeological culture (Early Bronze
Age).
Maykop-related cultures may be divided into three successive phases:
Chalcolithic Meshoko (4500–3850 BC), Maykop (that includes the great May-
kop kurgan and related complexes; 3850–3300 BC) and its successor Novosvo-
bodnaya culture (3300–2500 BC). For the periodization and dating see Lyonnet,
2007a, 13; Kohl, 2009, 243; similarly in Trifonov, 2007, 170; for details see
Мунчаев, 1994; Kohl, 2007, 73. It is important that according to Трифонов,
2009 Northwest Caucasus was uninhabited during Neolith, only in Chalcolithic
time that region was reoccupied by Meshoko people.
The Meshoko culture is rather associated with northern/ northwestern steppe
regions and Balkans (it concerns pottery, some other artefacts and metal, which
was imported from Balkans), see now Lyonnet, 2007b, 135 w. lit. ; Ivanova,
2007, 10 ff. On the other hand, some connections with southern regions can be
traced also: Трифонов, 2001, 194 claims that Meshoko pottery is close to the
Chalcolithic Eastern Anatolian tradition; cf. also Meshoko lithic tools, made of
obsidian imported from Transcaucasia (Мунчаев, 1994, 189 w. lit.).
418 A. Kassian [UF 41
F
i
g
.

5
.

H
i
s
t
o
r
i
c
a
l
l
y

a
t
t
e
s
t
e
d

a
r
e
a
s

o
f

t
h
e

S
i
n
o
-
C
a
u
c
a
s
i
a
n

l
a
n
g
u
a
g
e
s

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 419

Fig. 6. Distribution of copper and bronze artefacts. I = 7
th
to 6
th
millennium BC;
II = 5
th
to first half of the 4
th
millennium BC; III = mid-4
th
to first half of the 3
rd

millennium BC; IV = mid-3
rd
millennium BC to the XVIII / XVII centuries BC;
V = XVI / XV centuries BC to the IX/ VIII centuries BC (from Chernykh 1992, 2).
63





–––––––––––––––––––––––
63
A similar map of the exploitation of copper ores and naturally occurring copper metal
in the 11
th
–7
th
millennia BC can be found in Roberts et al., 2009, 1014.
420 A. Kassian [UF 41

Fig. 7. Agricultural homelands and spreads of Neolithic/ Formative cultures,
with approximate radiocarbon dates
(from Diamond/ Bellwood, 2003, Bellwood/ Oxenham, 2008, 17 ff.)


The phenomenon of a sudden emergence of the Maykop culture is more im-
portant to us. The modern cal. C-14 dating moves the Maykop culture from the
3
rd
millennium BC (a traditional dating) to the beginning of the 4
th
millennium
BC, i. e. to the transitional period between late Ubaid and early Uruk times
(Kohl, 2007, 73) or rather to the Early Uruk period.
This dating makes questionable the traditional view, according to which the
Maykop culture originates from the south (i. e. from Anatolia and/ or Mesopota-
mia). Indeed it is obvious that some kind of Maykop pottery is rather close to the
pottery of the Amuq F cultures of southern Anatolia and northern Syria (Ан-
дреева, 1977, 50–55; Мунчаев, 1994, 169; Lyonnet, 2007b, 148). The Amuq F
period is now treated as contemporary to Maykop culture: 3850–3000 BC (Lyon-
net, 2007a, 13; Kohl, 2009, 243). Traditionally Amuq F pottery is derived from
the earlier Tepe Gawra (northern Mesopotamia) ware (Gawra XII–IX,
64
see
Андреева, 1977, 53–54). But, on the other hand, there is some evidence of
northern/ northwestern sources of the Maykop culture.
— Traces of Balkans–North Caucasus trade routes are known already from
the pre-Maykop phase, i. e. the Meshoko culture (see above).
— Early Maykop complexes are located rather in the northwest area, while
–––––––––––––––––––––––
64
Gawra XII represents the transitional phase between the late Ubaid and early Uruk
epochs. For the dating see Rothman, 2002, 51: “Unfortunately, only one C
14
date exists
for Levels XII to VIII of Gawra, and an attempt to run bone dates failed. Four C
14
dates
were run from the site of Tepe Gawra (…). Using the Clark calibration, the samples from
Level XII yielded a date of 3837 + 72 years BC (…) Aurenche and Hours (…), using
another calibration, got dates of 4920–4450 BC for XII. The new OxCal calibrations
should yield a date of somewhere between 4700–4400 BC.”
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 421
the later Novosvobodnaya culture spreads into southeast (Мунчаев, 1994, 171–
173).
— Kurgan burials are not typical of Near Eastern traditions. Some resem-
bling Maykop tradition burial mounds, belonging to the Leilatepe culture (the
first half of the 4
th
millennium BC), have been recently discovered in southern
Caucasus—northwestern Azerbaijan and central Georgia (Kohl, 2009, 242 w.
lit. ; Ахундов/ Махмудова, 2008, 41–43; Akhundov, 2007). Later a number of
Maykop-like kurgans in northwestern Iran (the so-called Se Girdan tumuli ;
probably the second half of the 4
th
millennium BC) allow us to trace the north to
south movement of Maykop-related people before the expansion of the Kura-Ar-
axes culture at the end of the 4
th
millennium BC, see Kohl, 2007, 85; Kohl, 2009,
245 w. lit. (contra Трифонов, 2000). On the other hand, pre-Maykop kurgans
are known from Central Ciscaucasia, Kuban area, Lower Volga and Lower Don,
some materials of which show clear parallels with Maikop remains (Мунчаев,
1994, 178–179; Kohl, 2007, 59).
— The sudden emergence of the metal-rich Maykop culture chronologically
correlates with “the collapse of the earlier Southeast European hearth of
metallurgical activity or the so-called Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province”
(Kohl, 2009, 244; Lyonnet, 2007a, 17; Lyonnet, 2007b, 150).
— The so-called “problem of gold”, see Chernykh, 1992, 142–144; Kohl,
2007, 78–79 for details. Gold-rich complexes are known from Chalcolithic
Balkans (the second half of the 5
th
millennium BC, Varna necropolis), then from
the Early Bronze Age Maykop culture (3850–3500 BC), then during the second
half of the 4
th
millennium BC and the Middle Bronze Age they spread into
Transcaucasia, Anatolia and Mesopotamia: Maykop-related Se Girdan kurgans,
Kura-Araxes culture, Hattic Alaca Höyük, Troy II–III, Tepe Gawra X, Royal
Cemetery at Ur and so on (cf. Avilova, 2009). This may allow us to trace prehis-
toric movements of peoples who used and valued gold.
See Kohl, 2007, 57 ff. (esp. 75–86) w. lit. for the general discussion about
possible north(west) roots of the Maykop culture.
65

It is very important to us that for the 4
th
–3
rd
millennia BC we should assume
some migrations and/ or trade routes from the Maykop region to the south into
Anatolia, Mesopotamia and so on. See above about post-Maykop kurgans in
northwestern Iran. Lyonnet, 2007b, 150 supposes that some Mesopotamian pot-
tery styles can be borrowed from Maykop (“(…) l’apparition de la céramique
grise polie et lissée, ou l’introduction du décor peigné en Mésopotamie sont,
–––––––––––––––––––––––
65
Note that the traditional argument for the southern origin of the Maykop culture—slow
potter’s wheel, used by both the Maykop and Novosvobodnaya people (Мунчаев, 1994,
219)—does not seem reliable. Indeed slow potter’s wheel is known, e. g., from the
transitional phase between late Ubaid and early Uruk of Tepe Gawra—Gawra XII
(Rothman, 2002, 54; Charvát, 2002, 59) that is earlier than the Maykop culture. But such
a technology is also attested from the beginning of the Late Tripolye period (Tripolye
C1: 4000–3300 BC; Kohl, 2007, 74–75; Zbenovich, 1996, 230). An alternative solution
is the supposition that it was a local Maykop invention.
422 A. Kassian [UF 41
eux, très probablement d’origine caucasienne”). As such a mediator between
Syro-Mesopotamian Ubaid-Uruk tradition and the Maykop culture the South
Caucasian the Leilatepe culture can be considered (for the Leilatepe culture see
Museibli, 2007, Ахундов/ Махмудова, 2008, Akhundov, 2007).
66
Cf. Трифо-
нов, 2000, 259 w. lit. about the stylistic uniformity between Maikop and Late
Uruk applied art. For metallurgical isoglosses see Chernykh’s (1992, 72) state-
ment : “(…) the various analogies for the gold ornaments and for some of the
bronze tools, lead us to ancient Mesopotamia, to sites of the late fourth and third
millennia BC—Uruk, Jemdet Nasr—and even as far away as Early Dynastic Ur”.
Further see Ivanova, 2007, 18, 22 w. lit. and discussion. An appropriate parti-
cular example of such north to south influence are paired þ-shaped bronze ob-
jects, found in some Novosvobodnaya burials from the second half of the 4
th

millennium BC on, which are traditionally interpreted as cheekpieces (psalia),
but in reality they are bull nose rings; later (the 3
rd
–2
nd
millennia BC) analogous
þ-objects are known from the Mesopotamian iconography, where they serve as a
symbol of some deities, whose cults are associated with a bull ; see Канторович
и др., 2009 for details. According to Мунчаев, 1994, 209 similar paired þ-rings
were found in Hattic Alaca Höyük burials (as is well known, another striking
Maykop–Alaca parallel is theriomorphic standards).

8.2.5 Fig. 8 represents the rather preliminary glottochronological trees of three
Eurasian macrofamilies: Afro-Asiatic, Nostratic and Sino-Caucasian (Dene-
Sino-Caucasian, but excluding the Haida language). The trees are based on 50-
wordlists (see com. on fig. 2 above for detail). They have been compiled by
G. Starostin as part of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical
Tree of the world’s languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” pro-
ject, supported by the Santa Fe Institute).
–––––––––––––––––––––––
66
The South Caucasian Chalcolithic Leilatepe culture is synchronic to the early Mayko-
pe phase (the 1
st
half of the 4
th
millennium BC, see Museibli, 2007, 92 ff. for C-14 dates
of the settlement Beyuk Kesik). Museibli, 2007, 96 attempts to adapt the traditional con-
cept of south to north intrusion for the new chronology: “While migrating from Mesopo-
tamia to the north a group of North Ubaid tribes did not stop for a long time in South
Caucasus, but continued their way and with their already transformed chalcolithic culture
settled in North Caucasus. Later Early Bronze Culture (scil. the Maykop culture.—A. K.)
appeared on the basis of these chalcolithic traditions. Material culture of Early Bronze
Age was also created under the influence of these chalcolithic traditions”. From my point
of view, such a scenario is not very realistic. An idea that some tribes could create a
Chalcolithic culture with poor copper metallurgy in South Caucasus, then immediately
made a quick march to the North Caucasus, where during some decades they mastered
highly developed bronze metallurgy seems strange. The most striking Maykop–Leilatepe
isogloss is kurgan burials to which some particular parallels, also concerning rulership or
religion sphere (like lithic sceptres), can be added. Therefore I suppose that the most
natural scenario is the opposite one: borrowing of some prestigious elements of the May-
kop culture by the Leilatepe people or even the intrusions of the Maykop people into the
Chalcolithic Transcaucasia in the 1
st
half of the 4
th
millenium (what could mean a some-
what vassal status of the Leilatepe region).
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 423
The Maykop people can hardly be Semitic speakers (despite, e. g., Сафро-
нов, 1989): (a) there is no evidence that in the late 5
th
/ early 4
th
millennia BC.
Semitic tribes moved so far to the north; (b) metallurgical terminology is not
reconstructed for Proto-Semitic—the same concerns other Afro-Asiatic families,
such as Proto-Berber, Proto-Cushitic, etc. (despite some linguistic investigations
by A. Militarev).
The Maykop people cannot be Indo-Europeans (despite some M. Gimbutas’
theories) either, since we are not aware of any Indo-European cultural
dominance in the Anatolian and/ or Mesopotamian regions of Early/ Middle
Bronze Age. Not to mention that the idea of separate migrations of Hittites
(through North Caucasus) and Luwians (through Bosporus), as per, e. g.,
Сафронов, 1989, into Central Anatolia looks too fantastical from the linguistic
viewpoint.
The Maykop people cannot be identified with the Proto-Kartvelians, since
there are no linguistic traces of close contacts of Kartvelian tribes with Semitic
in prehistoric epochs.
67
The Proto-Kartvelians (the split of the proto-language in
the end of the 4
rd
millennium BC) are rather assuredly associated with the Proto-
Colchidean (Protokolkhskaya) culture (from the end of the 4
th
millennium BC,
Middle Bronze Age), see Микеладзе, 1994.
As has been proposed by various scholars, the Proto-Hurrians (Proto-Hurro-
Urartians) could be identified with the Kura-Araxes (Early Trans-Caucasian)
culture (the middle of the 4
th
[or even earlier] to the middle of the 3
rd
millennia
BC) at least at its late phases.
68
The archaeological data support movements of
the Kura-Araxes people from north to south/ southwest during the late 4
th
to the
middle of the 3
rd
millennia BC (see Kohl, 2006, 22 ff.), the north borders of the
Kura-Araxes culture seem to correspond roughly to the historically attested area
of Hurro-Urartian dialects. On tentative Hurro-Urartian attribution of the Kura-
Araxes culture see, e. g., Diakonoff, 1990, Burney, 1997, Kelly-Buccellati, 2004,
Buccellati / Kelly-Buccellati, 2007 (cf. also much more cautiously Kohl, 2009,
252).
In terms of this I believe that among known proto-languages the only lingu-
istic candidate for the Maykop culture is the North Caucasian linguistic family.
69

–––––––––––––––––––––––
67
Cf. Starostin, 2007a, 817 f. for a very short list of Semitic loanwords in Proto-Kart-
velian (some of them penetrated into Kartvelian via the ECauc. or Hurr. intermediation).
68
On the Sino-Caucasian attribution of Hurro-Urartian see com. on fig. 4 above.
69
Cf. also Anthony, 2007, 297, who is inclined to the same linguistic attribution of the
Maykop culture.
4
2
4

A
.

K
a
s
s
i
a
n


[
U
F

4
1

Fig. 8. Glottochronological trees of the Sino-Caucasian, Nostratic and Afro-Asiatic macrofamilies (50-item wordlist-based)
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 425
8.2.6 The split of the Basque–NCauc. proto-language into the Basque and
NCauc. branches glottochronologically occurred in the first half of the 7
th
mil-
lennium BC. It is hard to guess about the localization of the homeland of the
Basque–NCauc. proto-language (South Anatolia or Balkans, see 8.2.7 below),
but the first homeland of the NCauc. proto-language was probably situated in
some part of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province (cf. above, e. g., about
Varna culture). Another localization of the early NCauc. homeland (e. g., Near
Eastern regions) is not very likely due to Occam’s razor. See Старостин,
1985/ 2007 for the reconstruction of Proto-NCauc. cultural vocabulary. Accord-
ing to these lists the NCauc. proto-language possessed a rather developed agri-
cultural and stock-breeding terminology and probably the richest metallurgical
terminology among other reconstructed proto-languages of comparable time
depth. According to Caucet.dbf and Старостин, 1985/ 2007, 302 ff. there are at
least six underived Proto-NCauc. (i. e. attested both in ECauc. and WCauc.
branches) terms for various metals
70
which sharply contrasts, e. g., with the
Proto-IE language, where the only one Narrow IE term *aj-es ‘copper > bronze
> iron’ is reconstructable,
71
or with a similar situation of Proto-Semitic. There-
fore some Chalcolithic cultures of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province
of the 5
th
millennium BC should be associated with the early phase of the NCauc.
proto-language. As the emergence of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Prov-
ince is connected with the expansion of food-producing economy and copper
metallurgy of northern Mesopotamia and Anatolia into southeastern Europe dur-
ing the late 7
th
–6
th
millennia BC (Kohl, 2007, 29 f.), some Anatolian metallurgi-
cal sites of that epoch like Çatal-Höyük could hypothetically trace the migratory
way of the Proto-NCauc. people from the SCauc. homeland into Balkans.
An important linguistic problem to be discussed here are the contacts be-
tween Proto-Indo-Hittite and Proto-NCauc. Старостин, 1988/ 2007, Starostin
2009, offers a solid list of Indo-European–NCauc. lexical parallels (including
some Indo-Hittite–NCauc. isoglosses), the most part of which must be explained
as loanwords in IE. As was correctly stated by S. Starostin (1988/ 2007, 356 ff. ;
2009, 125 ff.), the source of these loanwords was not the NCauc. proto-language
per se: firstly, there are no borrowings in the opposite direction (IE > NCauc.),
secondly and more importantly, the source language demonstrates some
innovative phonetic developments as compared with the reconstructed NCauc.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
70
*ɦĕrVcwĭ ‘silver’, *lŏʒV ‘a bright metal’, *rĕwcwi ‘red copper ; gold’, *riƛ(w)e
‘brass; gold’, *ṭIš(w)ɨ ‘lead’, *ṭVtV(wV) ‘silver ; gold’. Note that none of them pos-
sesses Basque cognates. The NCauc. word ‘iron(?)’ quoted in Старостин, 1985/ 2007,
304 originally meant ‘blue’, see now Caucet.dbf sub *nHǟ\

wV ‘blue; blue metal >
iron’.
71
Other IE quasi-proto-terms either have the clear migratory character or are derived
from color names which can be later independent developments. E. g., IE *H¡g-ent-
/ *Harg-ent- ‘silver’ was probably borrowed from NCauc. *ɦĕrVcwĭ ‘silver’ and secon-
darily contaminated with IE *H¡g- / *Harg- ‘white, light’ (see Caucet.dbf, Старостин,
1988/ 2007, 334; , Starostin, 2009, 99).
426 A. Kassian [UF 41
proto-language (loss of *n in combination with affricates, *l > r in some
positions, etc.). Starostin assumes that these Indo-Hittite stems have been
borrowed from a specific NCauc. dialect after the NCauc. proto-language split.
Such a scenario, however, is not very realistic chronologically: according to
glottochronology the split of Indo-Hittite dates back to ca. 4000 BC, while
NCauc. splits ca. 3800 BC. Therefore I believe that the donor of discussed
loanwords was an extinct member of Basque–NCauc. stock that bordered on the
Indo-Hittite area in the Chalcolithic Carpatho-Balkan region.
72

–––––––––––––––––––––––
72
The discussion about the Indo-European homeland is not a purpose of my paper ; see
Mallory, 1997 for an overview of the existing hypotheses. I share the opinion, according
to which the Neolithic/ Chalcolithic homeland of the Proto-Indo-Hittites was situated in
the Carpatho-Balkan region (cf., e. g., Diakonoff, 1985; also Дыбо, 1994, 1999, 2002,
2006). Gimbutas’ Pontic-Caspian steppe model (the kurgan theory), placing the IE
homeland to the east of Dniepr, appears precluded due to a significant number of Proto-
Narrow IE (or even Proto-Indo-Hittite) roots and stems denoting forest, various trees,
hills/ mountains together with numerous agricultural and stockbreeding terms which is
strikingly opposite to the absence of typical steppe vocabulary. Of course, reconstructed
IE cultural vocabulary might be theoretically present in the language of some steppe
people: e. g., a few riverside sites of Sredny Stog community (Dniepr–Don region, the
first half of the 5
th
– the first half of the 4
th
millennia BC) could at a stretch satisfy these
conditions, but the absence of proper steppe floral terms or specific terms of mobile
pastoralism make such a supposition unlikely. The non-steppe homeland of the Indo-
Europeans can also be proven by the fact, noted in Старостин, 1988/ 2007, 315 f., Sta-
rostin, 2009, 80, that IE *ekwo- ‘horse’ (which can be not a Narrow IE, but Indo-Hittite
term, see the discussion in EDHIL, 237 ff.) seems to be borrowed from an ancient
language of the NCauc. stock discussed above, cf. its NCauc. descendant *ɦɨ[n]čwĭ
(~ -ĕ) ‘horse’.
A sometimes proposed argument for the kurgan theory is the IE–Uralic lexical con-
tacts, but these contacts date back to the Indo-Iranian epoch, not earlier (Proto-IE–Proto-
Ural. isoglosses which belong mostly to the basic vocabulary represent the Nostratic
heritage). Various Anatolian / South Caucasian models reflect rather the Nostratic expan-
sion than posterior Indo-Hittite migrations. The main argument for the Anatolian location
of the IE homeland are lexical borrowings between Proto-IE and Proto-Semitic, but in
fact these isoglosses seem a mirage. See, e. g., Dolgopolsky, 1989 w. prev. lit. for the
traditional list of Proto-Semitic loanwords in IE and Дьяконов, 1982a and 1982b for the
heavy criticism of these connections. The most probable Proto-Semitic loanword in IE is
the designation of ‘7’ (Blažek, 1999, 246 ff.), but, firstly, it was a wandering word in that
region (cf. Kartv. *šwid- ‘7’, probably Hurr. šitta- ‘7’ and Etruscan semφ), secondly, I
claim that this numeral penetrated into IE dialects after the split of the IE proto-language
(Kassian, 2009). The second probable candidate is Narrow IE *taµr-os ‘aurochs’ < Sem.
*ṯawr- ‘bull, ox’ (Akkad. šūru, Ugar. ṯr, Hebr. šōr, Off. Aram. twr ‘bull, ox’ etc., SED 2,
#241), but the same scenario is likely: the word was borrowed into Proto-Greek from
some Semitic dialect, where Sem. *ṯ tended to shift to [t], thereupon spread into the Wes-
tern IE dialects—cf. the similar linguistic fate of designations of ‘lion’, ‘leopard/ pan-
ther’, ‘monkey’ or ‘elephant / camel’, which are wandering words and cannot be recon-
structed at the Proto-IE level. Starostin, 2007b (a draft published post mortem) attempts
to breathe life into the IE–Semitic contact theory and proposes the solid list of items bor-
rowed from IE into Semitic; I will not discuss it here, but I am sure that these isoglosses
either are chance coincidences or represent the common Nostratic–Afro-Asiatic heritage.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 427
Basque-like tribes started moving towards Central and West Europe, where
they probably occupied some sizable areas, but were later (during the 4
th
to the
2
nd
millennia BC) superseded and/ or assimilated by various IE tribes. Today’s
theories of the Proto-Basque substrate of western IE languages (cf., e. g., Mail-
hammer, forthc. w. lit.) should be revised from methodological positions of
modern comparative linguistics and macro-comparativistics, but I suspect that
the general idea of some Basque–North Caucasian substrate in Europe may turn
out to be true.
On the contrary, Proto-NCauc. people made their way from Balkans to the
north, rounded the Black Sea and created the Early Maykop culture, whose dat-
ing (3850–3300 BC) exactly matches the glottochronological split of the NCauc.
proto-language (ca. 3800 BC). Then (the second half of the 4
th
millennium BC)
Proto-WCauc. and Proto-ECauc. tribes descended to the south, into Anatolia and
Mesopotamia (where we find some Maykop-influenced cultures, see above), but
later they have been forced back to their historical area in the North Caucasus or
assimilated by Semitic, Hurrian and other inhabitants of the corresponding re-
gions.
As shown in Старостин, 1985/ 2007, 310 f., Proto-NCauc. people knew
horse-breeding, stock-breeding, agriculture, textile and metallurgy that exactly
fits the Maykop culture (see Мунчаев, 1994, 224; Kohl, 2007, 77 f.).
Proto-Kartvelian does not demonstrate reliable lexical traces of contacts with
Proto-NCauc. As noted in Starostin, 2007a, 819, the source language of North
Caucasian borrowed elements in Proto-Kartvelian lexicon resembles rather
Proto-Nakh or Proto-Hurro-Urartian (that corresponds to the later character of
Proto-Colchidean culture).
Милитарев/ Старостин, 2007, 876–881 list some interlingual cultural bor-
rowings between NCauc. dialects and Afro-Asiatic languages. It is important
that the overwhelming number of these isoglosses cannot be treated as borrow-
ings between Proto-NCauc. and Proto-Semitic or Proto-Cushitic and so on. On
the contrary, the proposed list illustrates interlingual interferences after the splits
of the main proto-languages. Therefore these contacts must date back to the sec-
ond half of the 4
th
–3
rd
millennia BC which chronologically fits the ECauc. and
WCauc. (scil. Maykop-related people) intrusion into Anatolia and Mesopotamia
very well.
73

–––––––––––––––––––––––
From the archaeological viewpoint, M. Gimbutas’ mounted warriors from the
steppes, who sweep away Chalcolithic “Old Europe”, also appear a myth—see the ex-
tended discussion in Kohl, 2007, 51, 126–144. About the west to east expansion of the
Tripolye culture and its consecutive occupation of the steppe regions during the 5
th
–4
th

millennia BC see Manzura, 2005.
I want to stress that if we follow the model of the steppe homeland of the Proto-Indo-
Europeans (which seems still mainstream among Indo-Europeanists), it will not contra-
dict the theory of the Proto-North Caucasian–Proto-Indo-European contacts within the
Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province.
73
Eight connections labeled as “Proto-Afrasian–Proto-North Caucasian isoglosses” by
A. Militarev / G. Starostin (Милитарев/ Старостин, 2007, 879 f.) could reflect not the
Proto-Afroas.–Proto-NCauc. contacts (which is impossible chronologically), but the
428 A. Kassian [UF 41
As is noted in 2.2.3 above, the ECauc. stock of the NCauc. family demon-
strates the shift from prefixal verbal morphology to suffixal systems, as opposed
to the more archaic West Caucasian stock, which retains verbal prefixation as a
basic morphological pattern. This process of morphological rebuilding should be
explained by contacts with the Proto-Hurrians (probably the Kura-Araxes cul-
ture, 4
th
–3
rd
millennia BC, which interfered with the Late Maykop, i. e. Novos-
vobodnaya culture), who demonstrate the same shift from Proto-Sino-Caucasian
prefixation to suffixation.
During the late 3
rd
– 2
nd
millennia BC. ECauc. and WCauc. dialects were do-
nors of some loanwords into Hattic (see above), Hittite (Николаев, 1985
74
) and
even in Ancient Greek (Николаев, 1985).
75

8.2.7 One of the possible scenario of the Sino-Caucasian (Dene-Sino-Cauca-
sian) expansion can be illustrated by the following maps (fig. 9–14). For conven-
ience I place the Sino-Caucasian homeland into the Syrian region, but I am not
aware of any reliable arguments pro or contra such a localization. There are,
however, some considerations according to which we cannot move Sino-Cau-
casian homeland too far away from the Fertile Crescent :
a) Glottochronological splits of the main linguistic macro-family, whose
homelands can be suspected of being located in the Near East—Afro-Asiatic
(the late 11
th
millennium BC after the break-up of Omotic), Nostratic (the early
14
th
millennium BC with subsequent splits of the two main branches in the 12
th

and 11
th
millennia BC respectively) and Sino-Caucasian (the middle of the 11
th

millennium BC, see fig. 8 above for detail),—coincide with the transition to the
Neolithic in Levant area, i. e. with the transition to sedentism and food-
producing economy (cal. C-14 dating of the Early Natufian phase: 12 450–
11 000 BC, Guerrero et al., 2008 w. lit.). See Diamond/ Bellwood, 2003 and vari-
–––––––––––––––––––––––
Proto-Afras.–Proto-SCauc. interferences.
74
Some Nikolaev’s connections are highly questionable, but some seem probative.
O. Mudrak (pers. comm.) proposes a number of additional plausible Proto-Nakh etymo-
logies for the Hittite cultural vocabulary like, e. g., Hitt. muh(ha)rai ‘fleshy part of sacri-
ficial animals’ < Nakh *moħ, obl. base *maħar- ‘fat (n.)’, Hitt. mariš (“From the
mou[th(?) …] evil saliva […] evil m. […]”) < Nakh *marš ‘snot’, and so on.
75
For general reasons, the Kaska tribes which started to bother the Hittites in the middle
of the 2
nd
millennium BC should be considered as North Caucasians (scil. West Cauca-
sians?). Unfortunately, no reliable archaeological records of Kaska in the Late Bronze
Age are revealed so far, this fact has led J. Yakar (2008) to the supposition that Kaska
were semi-nomadic communities. It is interesting that some semantic developments in
the Proto-WCauc. basic vocabulary can illustrate such a cultural shift towards a (mobile)
pastoralism. The WCauc. verb for ‘to drink (of humans)’ *zʷA goes back to NCauc.
*=āmʒŬ ‘to milk’ ; the WCauc. verb for ‘to eat (of humans)’ *fV goes back to NCauc.
*ɦĭfV ‘to graze, feed’ ; WCauc. *-ṗV ‘human extremity’ (attested in compounds only:
*λ´a-ṗV ‘foot’, Abkhaz–Abaza *na-ṗə, Ubykh qā-ṗá ‘hand’, Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa
‘hand, finger’) originates from NCauc. *HaṗV ‘paw’. Alternatively cf. Singer, 2007,
who supposes that Kaska were the remnants of the indigenous Hattic population.
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 429
ous authors in Bocquet-Appel / Bar-Yosef, 2008 for general effect of Neolithic
demographic transition and subsequent language diversity.
b) A. Militarev/ G. Starostin (Милитарев/ Старостин, 2007, 879 f.) propose
eight cultural lexical borrowings between Proto-Afro-Asiatic and Proto-Sino-
Caucasian (the title “Proto-Afrasian—Proto-North Caucasian isoglosses” in
their paper is a misprint).
c) As noted above (8.2.6), Anatolian metallurgical sites of the late 7
th
– 6
th

millennia BC (Çatal-Höyük and others) could hypothetically trace the migratory
way of Proto-NCauc. people from the Sino-Caucasian Near Eastern homeland
into Balkans.


Phase 1. The break-up of the Sino-Tibetan–Na-Dene branch (the middle of the
11
th
millennium BC; the Haida language is excluded).

Fig. 9. The Sino-Tibetan and Na-Dene migratory ways.
430 A. Kassian [UF 41
Phase 2. The break-up of the North Caucasian–Basque and Yenisseian–Buru-
shaski branches (the second half of the 9
th
millennium BC).

Fig. 10. The split between the North Caucasian–Basque
and Yenisseian–Burushaski branches.
Phase 3. The split of the Yenisseian-Burushaski branch. I tentatively include
Hurro-Urartian and Hattic languages into the Yenisseian–Burushaski stock, al-
though the formal lexicostatistic evidence remains insufficient so far (see 4.1
and 8.1 above for detail). The Proto-Hurrians start moving towards the Caspian
Sea, where later they create the Kura-Araxes culture (the first half of the 4
th
–3
rd

millennia BC). Theoretically some earlier (late Neolithic) cultures of that region
can be identified with the Proto-Hurrians also. The Proto-Hattians dislocate into
East Anatolia (cf. the Hattic Alaca Höyük royal tombs of the 3
rd
millennium BC),
while the Proto-Burushaski-Yenisseians go their way to the east towards the Hi-
malayas. According to glottochronology the Burushaski–Yenisseian proto-lan-
guage splits at the middle of the 7
th
millennium BC, hence Karasuk culture (Late
Bronze Age; ca. 1500–800 BC) certainly cannot be identified with the Bu-
rushaski–Yenisseian proto-language per se (cf. van Driem, 2001, 1186 ff.), but
could represent the Yenisseian proto-language, which split in the middle of the
1
st
millennium BC (see the balanced discussion about Karasuk culture in
Makarov/ Batashev, 2004).
76
Janhunen, 1998, 204 proposes the Yenisseian
–––––––––––––––––––––––
76
Some authors object to the Yenisseian attribution of the Karasuk culture. E. g.,
Legrand, 2006, 858: “It shows that this transformation [from the Andronovo culture into
the Karasuk culture.—A. K.] did not result from the arrival of a new culture group, but
from changes in the local economy and way of life that occurred in the particular geo-
graphic and climatic context of the Minusinsk Basin”. Cf. also Клейн, 2000, where the
Karasuk culture is connected to the Proto-Tocharians (but Klejn’s Fatyanovo-Karasuk
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 431
attribution of the Tashtyk culture (Minusinsk Basin, the first half of the 1
st

millennium AD) that seems doubtful ; the Tashtyk culture rather represents early
Turkic migrations into the region of Scythian Tagar culture.
77
For that late epoch
it is more natural to connect Yenisseians to the “forest” valik pottery (banded,
чешуйчато-ленточная, обмазочно-валиковая, защипно-пальцевая), known
from the Middle Yenisei to the Minusinsk Basin during the 1
st
millennium AD;
see Леонтьев/ Леонтьев, 2009, 67, 76–83 w. lit.
78



Fig. 11. The split of the Yenisseian–Burushaski branch
(including Hurro-Urartian and Hattic).
The Hattian, Hurro-Urartian, Burushaski and Yenisseian migratory ways. Scenario 1.
–––––––––––––––––––––––
conception seems rather dubious, however).
77
As far as I can judge from the data of Han and Tang chroniclers, the so-called Yenisei
Kirghiz, with which the Tashtyk culture is traditionally associated, were Turkic in lan-
guage, see Ligeti, 1950 (for Yenisei Kirghiz kaša ‘iron(??)’ see now Дыбо А., 2007, 97)
78
Note that, according to Леонтьев/ Леонтьев, 2009, the Yenisseian valik pottery arises
under the influence of the corresponding “Hun style”.
432 A. Kassian [UF 41
An alternative hypothetical scenario is separate migrations of Proto-Burushaski
and Proto-Yenisseian people.

Fig. 12. The Hattian, Hurro-Urartian, Yenisseian and Burushaski migratory ways.
Scenario 2.
Phase 4. The Proto-Basques and Proto-North Caucasians separate out (the first
half of the 7
th
millennium BC). The Proto-Basques move into Europe.

Fig. 13. The split of the North Caucasian–Basque branch (scenario 1)
and the migratory way of the Proto-Basques.
An alternative scenario is to locate the Proto-North Caucasian–Basque home-
land in the Balkans. In the first half of the 7
th
millennium the Proto-Basques start
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 433
moving into Europe, whereas Proto-North Caucasians stay in the Balkans (Car-
patho-Balkan Metallurgical Province of the 5
th
millennium BC), but later go their
way towards the North Caucasus. The North Caucasian proto-language splits
into the West Caucasian and East Caucasian branches in the first half of the 4
th

millennium BC that coincides with the North Caucasian Maykop culture.

Fig. 14. The split of the North Caucasian–Basque branch (scenario 2)
and the migratory way of the Proto-Basques and Proto-North Caucasians.

9 Phonetic symbols. Language name abbreviations. References
9.1 Phonetic symbols (selectively)
□´ palatalized consonant


1) a prosodic feature of the Proto-NCauc. fricatives and affricates (see NCED,
90 f. ; SCC, 3 ff. for detail); 2) interdental fricative (in Semitic)
□ / □˙ ejective consonant
□: tense or geminated consonant
ʔ voiceless laryngeal (glottal) stop
ʡ voiceless pharyngeal stop
ʕ voiced pharyngeal fricative
c voiceless hissing affricate (the same as ʦ)
č voiceless hushing affricate
g the same as ŋ (in Sumerian)
G voiced uvular stop/ affricate
ɣ voiced velar fricative
h 1) voiceless glottal fricative; 2) a velar of post-velar fricative (in cuneiform lan-
guages; the simplified transcription of traditional ḫ)
434 A. Kassian [UF 41
ḥ voiceless pharyngeal fricative (in Semitic; the same as ħ)
ɦ voiced glottal fricative
ħ voiceless pharyngeal fricative
H unidentified laryngeal (used in reconstructions)
I after any vowel or consonant signifies pharyngealization (in NCauc.)
j palatal resonant
ł a lateral resonant (different from plain l ; used in reconstructions)
L voiced lateral fricative
Ł voiced lateral affricate
λ voiceless lateral fricative
ƛ voiceless lateral affricate
ŋ velar nasal resonant
q voiceless uvular stop/ affricate
ʁ voiced uvular fricative
š 1) voiceless hushing fricative; 2) voiceless hissing fricative (in the Hattic, Hittite
and Hurrian cuneiform; the same as s)
ŝ voiceless lateral fricative (in Semitic)
ʦ voiceless hissing affricate (the same as c)
θ voiceless interdental fricative
x voiceless velar fricative
χ voiceless uvular fricative
z 1) voiced hissing fricative; 2) hissing affricate (in the Hattic, Hittite and Hurrian
cuneiform; the same as c/ ʦ and ʒ)
ʒ voiced hissing affricate
ǯ voiced hushing affricate
9.2 Language name abbreviations
Afroas. (Proto-)Afro-Asiatic
Akkad. Akkadian
Amor. Amorite
Arab. Arabic
Arm. Armenian
Aram. Aramaic
Av.-And. (Proto-)Avaro-Andian
Bab. Babylonian
Burm. Burmese
Burush. Burushaski
Chin. Chinese
CLuw. Cuneiform Luwian
ECauc. (Proto-)East Caucasian
Egyp. Egyptian
Elam. Elamic
ESA Epigraphic South Arabian
Grk. Ancient Greek
Hatt. Hattic
Hebr. Hebrew
Hitt. Hittite
HLuw. Hieroglyphic Luwian
Hurr. Hurrian
IE Indo-European
Kartv. (Proto-)Kartvelian
Khin. Khinalug
Kott. Kottish
Lezgh. (Proto-)Lezghian
Luw. Luwian
Lyc. A Lycian A
MAss. Middle Assyrian
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 435
MSA Modern South Arabian
Myc. Mycenaean Greek
NAss. New Assyrian
NCauc. (Proto-)North Caucasian
OEng. Old English
OInd. Old Indian
Phoen. Phoenician
Russ. Russian
SCauc. (Proto-)Sino-Caucasian
Sem. (Proto-)Semitic
Slav. Slavic
STib. (Proto-)Sino-Tibetan
Sum. Sumerian
Tib. Tibetan
Tsez. (Proto-)Tsezian
Ugar. Ugaritic
Urart. Urartian
WCauc. (Proto-)West Caucasian
WSem. (Proto-)North-West Semitic
Yen. Yenisseian

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— 2007: Труды по языкознанию [Works in Linguistics]. Москва.
Топоров, В. Н. / Цивьян, Т. В., 1968: Об изучении имени в кетском (некото-
рые результаты и перспективы). In Кетский сборник. Лингвистика. Мо-
сква. С. 229–246.
Трифонов, В. А., 2000: Курганы майкопского типа в северо-западном Ира-
не. In Судьба ученого. К 100-летию со дня рождения Бориса Александ-
ровича Латынина. Санкт-Петербург. С. 244–264.
— 2001: Дарквети-мешоковская культура. In Третья Кубанская археологи-
ческая конференция. Тезисы докладов. Краснодар—Анапа. С. 190–194.
— 2009: Существовал ли на Северо-Западном Кавказе неолит? In В. А.
Трифонов (ред.): Адаптация культур палеолита—энеолита к изменени-
ям природной среды на Северо-Западном Кавказе. Санкт-Петербург.
С. 84–93.
Цивьян, Т. В., 1968: Материалы к сложным словам в кетском языке. In Кет-
ский сборник. Лингвистика. Москва. С. 262–276.
Чикобава, А., 1960: Основные типы спряжения глаголов и их исторические
взаимоотношения в иберийско-кавказских языках. In XXV международ-
ный конгресс востоковедов. Доклады делегации СССР. Москва.
Шагиров, А. К., 1977: Этимологический словарь адыгских (черкесских)
языков. 2 т. Москва.
Шаов, Ж. А. (ред.), 1975: Адыгейско-русский словарь. Майкоп.
446 A. Kassian [UF 41
Яцемирский, С. А., 2009: Labyrinthos: суффикс -nth- в минойском и тиррен-
ских языках. In Аспекты компаративистики 4 [Aspects of Comparative
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Abbreviations
AHw W. von Soden: Akkadisches Handwörterbuch. Wiesbaden, 1965—
1981.
CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University
of Chicago. Chicago, 1956—.
CDA J. Black / A. George / N. Postgate: A Concise Dictionary of Akka-
dian. 2
nd
ed. Wiesbaden, 2000.
CHD The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of
Chicago. Chicago, 1980—.
DUL G. del Olmo Lete / J. Sanmartín: A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Lan-
guage in the Alphabetic Tradition. Leiden/ Boston, 2003.
EDAL S. A. Starostin 7 A. V. Dybo / O. A. Mudrak: Etymological Dictio-
nary of the Altaic Languages. Brill, 2003. Available online at
Tower of Babel Project (http://starling.rinet.ru/) as Altet.dbf.
EDHIL A. Kloekhorst : Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited
Lexicon. Leiden, 2008.
ePSD Electronic Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary Project (http://psd.
museum.upenn.edu/epsd/index.html).
GLH E. Laroche: Glossaire de la langue hourrite. Paris, 1980.
HALOT L. Koehler / W. Baumgartner: The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon
of the Old Testament. Revised by W. Baumgartner and J. J. Stamm.
Volumes 1–5 combined in one electronic edition. Leiden / New
York, 1994—2000.
HED J. Puhvel : Hittite Etymological Dictionary. Vol. 1—. Berlin / New
York / Amsterdam, 1984—.
HEG J. Tischler: Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar. Innsbruck,
1977—.
HHB2 H.-S. Schuster: Die Hattisch-Hethitischen Bilinguen. II. Textbear-
beitungen. Teile 2–3. Leiden, 2002.
HJ J. Hoftijzer / K. Jongeling: Diсtionary of the North-West Semitic
Inscriptions. Leiden / New York / Köln, 1995.
HWHT O. Soysal : Hattischer Wortschatz in hethitischer Textüberlieferung
Handbuch der Orientalistik, 1/74. Leiden, 2004.
NCED S. L. Nikolayev / S. A. Starostin: A North Caucasian Etymological
Dictionary. Moscow, 1994 [reprinted: 3 vols. Ann Arbor: Caravan
2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 447
Books, 2007]. Available online at Tower of Babel Project (http://
starling.rinet.ru/) as Caucet.dbf.
SCC S. A. Starostin: Sino-Caucasian. Unfinished MS, the middle of the
2000s. Available online at Tower of Babel Project (http://starling.
rinet.ru/).
SED A. Militarev / L. Kogan: Semitic Etymological Dictionary. AOAT
278. Vol. 1: Anatomy of Man and Animals. Vol. 2: Animal Names.
Münster, 2000, 2005.
StBoT 37 J. Klinger: Untersuchungen zur Rekonstruktion der hattischen
Kultschicht. StBoT37. Wiesbaden, 1996.

ЭССЯ Этимологический словарь славянских языков [Etymological
dictionary of the Slavic languages]. Ред. О. Н. Трубачев. Т. 1—.
Москва, 1974—.

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Artikel
Bojowald, Stefan Noch einmal zum Personennamen t6®6w©w in Urk. IV, 11, 9 ..........................1 Bretschneider, Joachim / Van Vyve, Anne-Sophie / Jans, Greta War of the lords. The battle of chronology. Trying to recognize historical iconography in the 3rd millennium glyptic art in seals of Ishqi-Mari and from Beydar..............................................................................................5 De Backer, Fabrice Evolution of War Chariot Tactics in the Ancient Near East..........................29 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Der ugaritische Parallelismus mn || dbb (KTU 1.4 I 38–40) und die Unterscheidung zwischen dbb I, dbb II, dbb III................................................ 47 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Ugaritisch ©nn „(Komposit-)Bogenschütze“, qšt „Kompositbogen“, „Bogen“ und q‰®t /ƒÝ „Pfeil“. Beobachtungen zu KTU 1.17 VI 13–14 . 18b–25a .............................................................................................................. 51 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Präventiv-Beschwörung gegen Schlangen, Skorpione und Hexerei zum Schutz des Präfekten Urt‘nu (KTU 1.178 = RS 92.2014) ........................ 65 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Urbild und Abbild in der Schlangenbeschwörung KTU3 1.100. Epigraphie, Kolometrie, Redaktion und Ritual .............................................75 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald Die keilalphabetischen Briefe aus Ugarit (I). KTU 2.72, 2.76, 2.86, 2.87, 2.88, 2.89 und 2.90...........................................................................................109 Dietrich, Manfried / Loretz, Oswald ‰md I „Paar“ und ‰md II „Axt, Doppelaxt“ nach KTU 4.169; 4.363; 4.136 ; 1.65 ..................................................................................................165 Faist, Betina I. / Justel, Josué-Javier / Vita, Juan-Pablo Bibliografía de los estudios de Emar (4) .....................................................181

............. Memphis.................. Issam K.. Nicolas Quelques remarques additionnelles sur le siege de Lachish........................ Valentina Le tophet de Sulci (S................525 Nahshoni.................. Shirly Divine Justice or Poetic Justice? The Transgression and Punishment of the Goddess ®Anat in the ¬Aqhat Story.................... The Pattern book of a Philistine offering stand from a shrine at Nahal Patish.....263 Halayqa.............. H....... Myth.. A Supplementary Ugaritic Word List for J.......... Separation of Powers in Ancient Israel ......... Giovanni On the Problematic Term syr/d in the New Old Aramaic Inscription from Zincirli ................... Language.... Pirhiya / Ziffer................................... and the Goddess Anat...581 Shea........................... Irit Caphtor......................................... William H... H............ Reality................................................... Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language ...................... the land of his inheritance............309 Keetman...............509 Murphy...... Gershon The Hebrew Inscription from Khirbet Qeiyafa / Ne˜a®im...... (With an appendix on the technology of the stand by Elisheva Kamaisky) ......449 Matoïan............iv Inhalt [UF 41 Galil...........................543 Natan-Yulzary............. Tropper’s Kleines Wörterbuch des Ugaritischen (2008).................. Juan-Pablo Les textiles à Ougarit...... A Literary Perspective............. Issam K................193 Gillmann................601 ........ Valérie / Vita................ Script.... A........... Literature and History ..... Jan Die Triade der Laterale und ihre Veränderungen in den älteren semitischen Sprachen......469 Mazzini................. The Qeiyafa Ostracon........505 Melchiorri....... Perspectives de la recherche......................243 Halayqa. Anat’s Violence and Independence in the Ba®al Cycle ................ Antioco..... the throne of his dwelling..303 Kassian. Kelly J......... État des études et perspectives de la recherche ...... Sardaigne)................. Two Middle Bronze Age Scarabs from Jabal El-Tawaƒin (Southern Hebron).

.............691 Jo Ann HACKETT : A Basic Introduction to Biblical Hebrew (Oswald Loretz) 692 Detlev JERICKE : Regionaler Kult und lokaler Kult.....): D’Ougarit à Jérusalem..................): Society and Administration in Ancient Ugarit..... Text – Grammatik – Kopie...............697 Carole ROCHE (Hrsg......... A (Small) Test Case in Relating Ugarit to the Hebrew Bible.................. 1930–1730 v..................................... LEMAIRE (Hrsg..................................... BERTELMANN u...708 W..............713 ................. Ran Philistian Notes.............. 13–14 December 2007 (Oswald Loretz).................................................... (Hrsg. SOMMER : The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel (Oswald Loretz)....... Chr.. Zwickel) ...........................): Le Mobilier du Palais Royal d’Ougarit (Alexander Ahrens) ............... Again.........631 Sturm....... HARDIMAN / H....... Jahrhundert v.... Rabb°tum – ein Ort der Textilmanufaktur für den aA Fernhandel von Assyrien nach Zentralanatolien (ca........659 Buchbesprechungen und Buchanzeigen W..693 Valérie MATOÏAN (Hrsg............ a..............................689 Sophie DÉMARE-LAFONT / A... Brent kwšrwt in Psalm 68:7... Recueil d’études épigraphiques et archéologiques offert à Pierre Bordreuil (Oswald Loretz)..............): Alt-Jerusalem..................611 Strawn...... Jerusalem und Umgebung im 19.....694 Maciej POPKO: Arinna............690 Manfried DIETRICH / Walter MAYER : Der hurritische Brief des Dušratta von M÷tt°nni an Amen`otep III............... Englische Übersetzung des Textes von Desmond Durkin-Meisterernst............ (Oswald Loretz)..2009] Inhalt v Staubli............................. und 8........................701 Rita STRAUSS: Reinigungsrituale aus Kizzuwatna.............. SPEELMAN : Auf den Spuren Abrahams.........und Religionsgeschichte Israels und Judas im 9..................................... Das Heilige Land in alten handkolorierten Photographien (Wolfgang...................................... Studien zur Kult.................. Thomas Bull leaping and other images and rites of the Southern Levant in the sign of Scorpius .......703 Josef TROPPER / Juan-Pablo VITA : Das Kanaano-Akkadische der Amarnazeit (Matthias Müller) ................................ Thomas Fr............. Eine heilige Stadt der Hethiter (Manfred Hutter)....... Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung hethitischer Ritualtradition und Kulturgeschichte (Piotr Taracha)......) ................................649 Zadok.......................................): Trois millénaires de formulaires juridiques (Oswald Loretz) ............................................701 Benjamin D........................ Papers read at a symposium in Leiden...Chr...................... H........................................ Jahrhundert in Bildern aus der Sammlung von Conrad Schick und R........ VAN SOLDT (Hrsg.....

........................................................................................vi Inhalt [UF 41 Jordi VIDAL (ed.................................................................................................): Studies on War in the Ancient Near East.................. Collected Essays on Military History (Fabrice de Backer)..735 Wörter .............................742 Sachen.........................................................................................................................749 ........................................................713 Abkürzungsverzeichnis .............719 Indizes A B C D Stellen .................................................................737 Namen ....................................................745 Anschriften der Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter ............................

......................dbf—see the list of references) unless otherwise mentioned...................................... Verbal wordform (main slots) . Kassian..... I adopt S........2 Phonetic correspondences.................................................. 1975 ....................dbf........ Yenet.........................314 2..... I am especially indebted to George Starostin for his help in the compilation of actual lexicostatistical trees of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily....1 General remarks....313 1.......................1 Hattic vocalism.........................324 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 I am grateful to Oğuz Soysal (Chicago). additions and corrections to the Hattic data................. Caucet........................................... Vogt.................. 1997 / 2007 for the final discussion). Some Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh forms are quoted from Карданов........... In the present paper I quote Hattic forms after HWHT unless otherwise mentioned.... My warm thanks go to the participants of the Moscow Nostratic Seminar (Center for Comparative Linguistics of the Institute of Oriental Cultures and Antiquity......................................312 1..............Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language A............... Шаов.314 2 Previously proposed West Caucasian attribution..... I am grateful to Mark Iserlis (Tel Aviv University) for his help in archaeological matters.............. all the infelicities are the author’s only............ The tabarna-problem has been ardently discussed with Ilya Yakubovich (Chicago / Moscow)....dbf.......................324 4..........................2 Consonantism ............................311 1...2.......dbf......312 1.2 Structural features and morphosyntax ..... Шагиров......... All forms from Sino-Caucasian languages are generally given after the Tower of Babel Project databases (Abadet......... 1977 ......... Stibet..... Naturally.................. ...1 Sino-Caucasian (or Dene-Sino-Caucasian) macrofamily ....................... 1963—standardly without special references.........322 4..........3 Hattic morphosyntax....................316 2......... Buruet...................321 4......319 2....... nominal and verbal morphosyntax).. Alexander Militarev.... who has taken pains to read my MS through and made a number of valuable remarks.........4 Hattic morphosyntax.......... Russian State University for the Humanities) for their criticism and general discussion (Vladimir Dybo.............313 1...........................dbf......dbf.........2........... Basqet.......... Moscow 1 1 On the Hattic language (Hattic vocalism.....320 3 Previously proposed Kartvelian attribution ..... root etymologies ........................2 Hattic consonantism .4 Conclusions ............................1 Vocalism (a very preliminary schema) ...... 1957 ...321 4 Sino-Caucasian hypothesis........317 2........dbf. Sccet.................................. Nominal wordform (main slots)......................................5 ...321 4.................... Anna Dybo............ Albert Davletshin and others).........3 Hattic–WCauc.. consonantism........ Starostin’s reconstruction of the Proto-West Caucasian phonological system which is somewhat different from Chirikba’s one (see Starostin...........

................................11.................331 4.................................2.340 5.....2....................................433 9...........................2 Dentals............................................ cognates .......9 xK(w)-clusters.......433 9.......2..............5 Laterals ...........368 6 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons ......................................397 6.....................338 5 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons.....3 Root structure ...........................2.........2 Some auxiliary morphemes with dubious or improbable SCauc...........10 ST-clusters.............1 Labials ............2..............................2...............435 Abbreviations.......................1 Linguistic affiliation ......334 4....... lC..................................2.......................12 NC-clusters ....2...........310 A.............340 5......... dubia......2 Geographical problem ..............2......... cognates ......1 Auxiliary morphemes with reliable SCauc................1 Roots with reliable SCauc..........................2.....................................................6 Velar and uvular consonants ..................327 4.........2.....337 4.............................................................3 References ............................4 Other front consonants..............336 4...............................2 Loans.....................2 Language name abbreviations ...........2..2................434 9.........7 Laryngeals .......................................................416 9 Phonetic symbols............................2.and rC-clusters....2............. References ................................336 4.329 4................. Language name abbreviations..338 4.....................335 4.404 8. post-alveolar and palatal affricates..........2.......334 4........................332 4............................................................................................2........................3 Alveolar..................404 8............402 8 Conclusion........................................................................13 Clusters with laryngeals...2............2...2............... Kassian [UF 41 4..................2.........................................2.....2....2.........................397 6. and roots without etymology..................................................337 4... cognates ................1 Phonetic symbols (selectively) ..........................446 ..8 Clusters with *w ................................2.......400 7 Contacts with neighboring languages.......................2.............................333 4..

. Surveys and Archaeometry. with the exception of some personal names from Old Assyrian Cappadocian colonies (the early 2nd millennium BC). but this result is not very reliable (I am grateful to Thomas Zimmermann. Republic of Turkey. consonantism. 2010.2 The Hattic language is known only in Hittite cuneiform transmission (ca. although Ü. 14) attribute the Alaca Höyük tombs to the Hittito-Luwians. Ankara. Yildirim/ Zimmermann.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 311 1 On the Hattic language (Hattic vocalism. g. But we cannot say the same about the prehistoric Hittito-Luwian tribes known to us. 2008). 2005. 2 . 1.. organized by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Fig. Resuloğlu and others. 2009. May 24–28. g. e. 2006—require Hattic attribution. 1650–1200 BC). Istanbul) reported that the recent C-14 analysis of a wooden fragment from the old 1930s excavations gave the date from 2 500 to 10 000 BC [sic!]. nominal and verbal morphosyntax) Hattic is an ancient unwritten language spoken in Central Anatolia at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC and in all likelihood earlier. the second half of the 3rd—the first half of the 2nd millennia BC. Zimmermann. The map reflects only known linguistic units ––––––––––––––––––––––– The Alaca Höyük royal tombs as well as the corresponding sites in the “Hatti Heartland” of the 3rd millennium BC—Kalınkaya. It is not clear to me on what evidence some scholars (e. see. The traditional (pre-C14) dating places Alaca Höyük tombs in the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. for this reference). Yalçin in “New investigations on the royal tomb of Alacahöyük” (paper presented on May 27 at the “Meeting on the Results of Archaeometry”—session of the 32nd International Symposium of Excavations. We have to suppose that Hattians were Anatolian autochthons before the Hittite-Luwian migrations in this region (more about the sociolinguistic situation see Goedegebuure. developed pantheon and were metal-workers—it fits the Alaca Höyük culture very well. Anatolia. We know that the Hattians had institution of kingship. Bryce.

wee . /f/ is postulated for the ligatures waa . puu . HWHT. wupu and for the cases where we see an alternation of W. 1. which is based mostly on HWHT. at-ta). especially in his brilliant monograph HWHT. see Касьян. 200 of them are established with different degrees of reliability (for the list of Hattic lexemes see Soysal. *dh. Now we can postulate ca. it is unclear whether every p may alternate with w or w-ligature (and vice versa: whether every w may alternate with p and w-ligature). -t. voiceless ~ voiced. Hitt. r j č/θ h k Consonants can be graphically geminated and non-geminated in the intervocalic position (a-ta vs. Since the Hattic corpus is too small.< IE *d. since there are a lot of examples where I.and E-signs freely alternate.2 Hattic consonantism p t ʦ f m w s n l. Soysal. 274 ff.312 A. 2010. From the formal view- . 1.and P-signs. lax ~ tense or ejective ~ aspirate ~ plain).< IE *t).. Such an alternation is very frequent in known Hattic texts. -tt. but this opposition differed phonetically from the analogous opposition in Hittite and Hittite scribes met with difficulties in transferring their graphical method onto Hattic texts. wii . It is very likely that Hattic had two or more consonant series (e.). For a short sketch of the Hattic grammar. Kassian [UF 41 The modern state of research in the Hattic language is reflected in the publications of O.1 Hattic vocalism i e (?) a u Signs of the E-series can reflect the phoneme /e/ or be a mere graphical phenomenon. wipí . wuu . wuú . the meanings of ca. but it seems that this graphical phenomenon is significantly less regular than the same opposition in Hittite (where Hitt. 300 Hattic roots and stems. g.

/š/). e. /h/—velar or post-velar (e.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 313 point we should postulate only two labial phonemes in Hattic—/m/ and /f/—and eliminate /p/ and /w/ from the table above.subject tense. še.4 Hattic morphosyntax. g. h(a). /s/ is written by the signs of Š-series.. 1. zaš?.). interdental fricative /θ/ is. zi u le. haš. pi (=fi?). I postulate something like /č/ for these cases. but the available data are too scant.. w(a). tu kaš. m. te. wa waa h. 2009. zi f(a) √ u e a ma. of course. Verbal wordform (main slots) –9 –8 tive” –7 –6 ? –5 direct object –4 locus –3 locus –2 locus –1 ? 0 root 1 mode. expressed by the Ḫ-signs. un a? ai. ka. i fe. k.3 Hattic morphosyntax. in Hittite graphical h covers velar/uvular spirant (Patri. pi. za. š. aspect 2 negation “opta. Sporadical usage of S-signs (OS+) may reflect the second sibilant (e. ha. w and f as one phoneme. Nominal wordform (main slots) –5 particles –4 (?) –3 locative preposition –2 possessive pronoun –1 number 0 root 1 case 2 particles ma / fa a. laryngeal) fricative. t. e. 107 ff. še / te ai? up (uf?) if(a) fa / fi aš / iš √ šu / tu n i 1. In some morphemes (both root and auxiliary) we see a free alternation of Tand Š-signs. i tu / šu ta. In the etymological studies below I am impelled to treat p. /ʦ/ is expressed by the signs of Z-series. n k(a).. particles taš / šaš / teš / šeš ta / te fa u. fa. g. which originates from the Semitic voiceless uvular fricative *χ . an equivalent solution here. aš / at . In Akkadian Ḫ-series reflects a phoneme. but. g. p.

640 BC. Kabardian. Starostin (see NCED. 1989 / 1999. The procedure consists of the subsequent reconstruction of corresponding wordlists for intermediate proto-languages and screening of synonyms at every stage. family. In its turn West Caucasian split into Abkhaz-Abaza.5 The genetic attribution of Hattic is debatable.dbf. According to the glottochronological procedure. Abaza. The tree has been compiled by the author as part of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” project.. family (fig. 1997/2007.dbf). 2) is based on 50-wordlists of the majority of modern NCauc. There are two main theories. 34 ff.. 3) Ubykh. branch. supported by the Santa Fe Institute). maybe some nodes will be corrected as a result of further researches.4 The primary lexicographic data which were used can mostly be found in the database section of the Tower of Babel Project. Kassian [UF 41 1. 3) represents the WCauc.3 2 Previously proposed West Caucasian attribution The West Caucasian family consists of a relatively small number of languages: 1) Abkhaz. 2010. The tree is based on “classic” 100-wordlists and compiled according the “standard” procedure.. Ubykh and Adyghe-Kabardian ca. 3800 BC. Chirikba (Chirikba.). 2010. .5 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 3 Sometimes more exotic attributions are proposed. E. advocated by various scholars: West Caucasian and Kartvelian. The next tree (fig. 1980 tries to show the specific relationship between Hattic and Cassite or Hurrian. 2) Adyghe. Some important details were more explicitly stated in Starostin. languages. 5 For this kind of glottochronological procedure see Starostin. The 50-wordlist includes the 50 most stable items from the “classical” Swadesh 100-wordlist. the North Caucasian protolanguage split into East Caucasian and West Caucasian branches ca. The modern West Caucasian reconstruction was made by S. 1996). but I must accede to Soysal’s criticism of Fähnrich’s comparisons (see HWHT. later it was verified and partly modified by V. The tree on fig. 2 is preliminary. 4 For this kind of glottochronological procedure see detailed in Starostin G. Fähnrich. Abadet. but it gives the general frame of the NCauc. For the general principles of the Swadesh wordlist compilation process now see Kassian et al.314 A. Caucet. The following tree of the NCauc. g.

Glottochronological tree of the West Caucasian branch (100-item wordlist-based) 315 . 2. 3.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Fig. Glottochronological tree of the North Caucasian family (50-item wordlist-based) Fig.

‘from down’. Viach. Russian–German): pri-nes-i ‘bring!’ (2 sg. 406—Hattic roots and affixes. 172 ff. ‘from top-down’) with Abkhaz–Abaza *a. so we must reconstruct WCauc. 32.‘under’.) ~ bringen Sie or u-bi-l ‘he has killed’ ~ übel and so on. An example. Further the idea of the West Caucasian attribution of Hattic was supported by I. cognates). powder’: Adyghe–Kabardian *wa-šχʷa ‘sky’ (< ‘grey sky’). 229). The Hattic well-attested lexeme š(a)haf ‘god’ has a regular plural form fa-šhaf ‘deities’. The following difficulties arise when one attempts to compare Hattic with WCauc. Ivanov (in a number of publications. *ǝ. etc. 1985. Ardzinba (Ардзинба. Therefore it is possible to compare Hattic forms only with the WCauc. . *wa ‘sky. lower part’. languages. von Mészáros (1934. 134 f. 1996.—Hattic affixes).1. It must be noted that after the outdated von Mészáros’ list of cognates it was Ivanov. Ivanov’s publications definitely got the problem of Hattic etymology off the ground and serve as a good start point for subsequent studies. 2.1. 425 compare fa-šhaf with the Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh compounds of WCauc. 1934.2 As is known. 1979—grammatical features).. e. Forrer (1921. 89 f. *V ‘bottom. used to propose etymological comparisons like follows (e..‘under’. I. level. 1922. 1967. 1985 for the summed up list of Hattic roots and auxiliary morphemes with WCauc. As a matter of fact Abkhaz–Abaza *a-/*ǝ. Dunaevskaja (Дунаевская.1 General remarks 2. forms. 1996.(a nominal prefix with ablative semantics. 1961. see Шагиров. Дунаевская. Vjač. l see below). *Hŏnŭ ‘bottom’). lower part. g.316 A. 1996. Diakonoff (Дьяконов. structural features). language by almost 1000 years. languages: Adyghe–Kabardian *a. Kassian [UF 41 For the first time the structural similarity between Hattic and West Caucasian languages was noted by E. Браун. 2.) gave the list of grammatical and lexical isoglosses between Hattic and Ubykh. 25. who for the first time made an attempt to prove the West Caucasian hypothesis by a scientific approach. god’ + *šʷəχʷa ‘grey. 1977 2. Despite the fact that I do not agree with the West Caucasian attribution of Hattic. Chirikba (Chirikba. * ~ Hatt. Ubykh -a ‘bottom. Unfortunately some of the authors mentioned above get caught in the same pitfall. An example. the first Indo-Europeanists of the XVIII c. 1960. Иванов. № 37 and Chirikba. Vl. 2002—Hattic local prefixes).has doubtless cognates in the other WCauc. 414 compares Hattic zi. Von Mészáros. and immediately the comparison with Hattic zi. Ubykh wa-šχʷa ‘thunder and lightning’6 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 6 Not ‘god’.—grammatical features). Chirikba.1 Attested Hattic chronologically is more ancient than the late ProtoWCauc. and Jan Braun (Браун.. under (preverb)’ here (< NCauc. 27 ff. see Иванов. which can be assuredly reconstructed for the Proto-WCauc. Later J.becomes phonetically unlikely (for regular NCauc. g. 1994—Hattic roots.

2.2 Second. since they were based on erroneous and out-of-date interpretation of the Hattic data. etymologies. see Шагиров. 20 compares Hatt. .4 A great part of previously proposed comparisons must be rejected now with certainty. Дьяконов. 1967. In his turn Браун. 419 with Abkhaz *tǝ-χǝ ‘to take from inside’. We can speak about typological similarity only and suggest monophonemic comparisons between some Hattic and WCauc. property’. Examples. where *tǝ is a standard locative preverb and *χǝ means ‘to take’ (< WCauc. 196 ff. 1994. *xǝ ‘to take’). sometimes scholars operate with incorrect WCauc.is formed after a synchronically regular and very productive model and there are not any reasons to suspect a Proto-Indic stem here rather than an occasional word-forming in a poetic text.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 317 (< ‘heavenly blasting powder’). 2.). 2.2. 1977 1. mulk ‘ownership. fortune’. Such a comparison can hardly be accepted. e. Abzakh verbal scheme in Paris.1 All the authors mentioned above note the similarity between the Hattic polysynthetic verbal wordform. 1996. 1979. languages (cf. see Hewitt. See Решетников.2. 1999 for the Proto-Yenisseian verbal reconstruction. malhip ‘good. 149.2.1. affixes. fa-/fi.. g. As a matter of fact. Hatt.3 There is an old comparison of Slav. *medv-ědь ‘bear’ (< ‘one who eats honey’) and OInd.3 Third.1. 1989. subbranch. 3 above) and we know that local preverbation is a living and productive model of forming verbal stems in the modern Abkhaz–Abaza dialects. On the other hand. since Hattic is almost 3000 years distant from the split of the Common Abkhaz–Abaza proto-language (see fig. and the same phenomenon in WCauc. today we can operate with modern Abkhaz– Adyghe paradigms only.. 2. madhv-ád. 2. This comparison is not reliable. schemas. where prefixation prevails. but in reality Abkhaz -wa forms the names of races (both in singular and plural). morphosyntax is the task of future research. not only of the WCauc. polysynthetic verbal morphosyntax is characteristic of some other branches of Sino-Caucasian macrofamily. forms.(plural of the nominative and oblique cases) with Abkhaz -wa (a plural marker of the animate class). But despite the exact phonetic regularity it is hard to reconstruct such a compound for the Proto-IE level. We see the same situation with some previously proposed Hattic– WCauc. 173 compares Hatt. the reconstruction of Proto-WCauc. 272). since tatpuruṣa madhv-ád. favorable’ with Adyghe mǝλkʷ ‘property. An example. verb tuh ‘to take’ is compared by Chirikba.2 Structural features and morphosyntax 2. it is clear that the Hattic verbal wordform does not coincide directly with attested WCauc.‘Süßes essend’ (said of birds in Rig-Veda). which in fact is a recent Arabic loanword (Arab.

which possesses verb structure typical of Na-Dene languages. adjective and participial suffix . An example.and *Łʷa. Braun.. 1972 for morphological relicts in the languages of the Sino-Tibetan family.. 97 ff. of adjectives and participles. super’. for Tanacross.9 An appreciable part of Hattic–WCauc.-And. preverb *tV. since they are based on the incorrect interpretation of the Hattic grammatical system. On the contrary. Holton. languages. possessive case./ za. The meaning and function of Hattic ni. which has been arbitrarily singled out from kiluh ‘runner-spy’ [33’] by J. affixal comparisons. the majority of reliable Hattic–WCauc. languages.is found only in the totally opaque compound ištarrazil ‘earth’ [22’] ./ nu. and it is impossible to speak about exclusive Hattic–WCauc. translative).4 Fourth.are unknown (see HWHT. Av. 1998 1. Yenisseian. 163 ff. b. 2008. 232 f.–WCauc. infinitive). family or in other families of SCauc. macrofamily. ha.on phonetical grounds.). Nominal zi.and fe. The morpheme šta. Common NCauc. 1996.7 and was seriously rebuilt in the East Caucasian subbranch8).are not less probable than Narrow WCauc. Lak -n (dative I. *-n (genitive. for similar conclusions about this ECauc. verbal local prefix ta. e. Cf. connection in this case. but I do not understand on which positive evidence Chirikba’s syntactical theory is based.and ka. Burushaski and Na-Dene schemas are also rather similar to the known Hattic verbal wordforms. On the contrary. *-nV (ablative. On the other hand. g.‘in . must be rejected now. 412 ff. the authors mentioned above operate with individual affixal comparisons and fail to reconstruct hypothetical Proto-Hattic–WCauc. therefore we cannot speak about exclusive Hattic–WCauc. innovation.cannot be compared with WCauc. 2000.318 A. while Pre-Proto-West Caucasian developed into an isolating (Chinese-like) formation. sets of grammatical morphemes. Verbal li. suff. who claims that ProtoNorth Caucasian was an analytic language. ––––––––––––––––––––––– See Benedict. 1960 for the rests of the verbal prefixal polysynthetism in the ECauc. Чикобава.does not exist. isoglosses in these cases. genitive suffix *-nV: Nakh *-n (genitive. ones. As a matter of fact WCauc. 104 for the Burushaski verbal wordform (Hunza-Nager dialect) and. a and forthc. *-nə (ergative and general indirect case. lative. the same concerns the morpheme kil. Quite differently Chirikba. we must suppose that polysynthetic verbal morphosyntax with prefixation was characteristic of the Sino-Caucasian proto-language (this feature was almost completely destroyed in the Sino-Tibetan family due to contacts with isolating Austric languages.2. 9 Chirikba. isogloss in their lists is the Hatt. e. we cannot say that the most part of Hattic auxiliary morphemes finds its counterparts in WCauc. transformative case). 8 See Bengtson. 7 . infinitive). *V. Kassian [UF 41 Berger. On the contrary. *-nə goes back to the Common NCauc. The Hattic genitive marker -n is standardly compared with WCauc. g. temporal. 2. etymologies for Hatt. In reality the only reliable exclusive Hatt.~ WCauc. affixal comparisons possesses cognates in East Caucasian sub-branch of the NCauc.. 2002 make attempts to etymologize the system of Hattic local prefixes integratedly. and Браун. elative. Lezgh. forthc. which were previously proposed.

verbal root looked like =VCV(R). a) The grammatical system of Hattic is debatable. 1996. 2. languages and some other Sino-Caucasian languages10 than with WCauc. nominal root had the shape CVCV. 235 ff. ergative (e. the standard ProtoNCauc. where “=” is a class marker. it cannot prove genetic relationship. for Na-Dene Holton.1 We may assume that the reduction of the root structure in ProtoWCauc. g) Some listed Hattic phonetic features cannot be included in the comparison. The phenomenon of unmarking plural in nouns is known from other Sino-Caucasian languages: for the Yenisseian family see Castrén.2. 2. but unfortunately almost all of them do not seem persuasive. isogloss. 2010). 2. dialects..2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 319 terminative. with Yenisseian (see Цивьян..3.3. In its turn the standard Hattic root (both nominal and verbal) is CVC.5 Chirikba. known at that epoch from East Caucasian languages to Ancient Greek dialects. g. g. we know too little about the Hattic morphonology and phonetic sandhi. 2. These structures were seriously rebuilt in the WCauc. e..3 Hattic–WCauc. lists structural parallels between Hattic and WCauc.2. 407 ff. 1968. where C is a consonant or a combination of consonants.is a common areal feature.. second. 1858. 1968). but rather represent an areal feature (cf. Taracha. R—a sonorant (see NCED. 82 ff. the normal Proto-NCauc. ergative). proto-language. root etymologies As is known. where the prevailing shape of nominal and verbal roots became CV. c) The role of word formation compounding in Hattic is comparable rather with East Cauc. d) For verbal polysynthetism with prevailing prefixation see above. 157 ff. It is an open question whether Hattic was a nominative-accusative. languages. But in this case we must compare Hattic directly with the NCauc. Thus.. the schema above). proto-language. b) The Hattic case system is not so “rudimentary” from the typological viewpoint (cf. there are three hypothetical ways to compare Hattic with ProtoWCauc. since the Hittite cuneiform gives no reliable data for such an analysis and.. not with the WCauc. f) The restriction on initial r. Although an ergative pattern seems most probable for Hattic. 16 ff. language took place after Hattic had set apart. . C—an obstruent consonant or a combination of consonants. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 10 E. where C can be a combination of consonants. 1988) or active language (for split activity theory see Goedegebuure. g.). Топоров /Цивьян. 2000. (the Tanacross language). the neighboring Hurrian language). e) Unmarked nominal plural forms which are sometimes attested in Hattic texts is the same case as verbal polysynthetism—it is not an exclusive Hattic– WCauc.

104). šul ‘to let. 1963. In reality WCauc.3. Браун. *wjV (~ sṭ-. since they are based on incorrect and out-of-date Hattic data. isoglosses which were previously proposed need to be left out. and so on. and the direct Hattic–NCauc. walk. but in almost all these cases proposed WCauc. 22. 20. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. It is worth noting. 1994. A great part of Hattic–WCauc.5. loanwords in Hattic.3 Finally we can compare Hattic roots with compounds or inflected forms from the modern WCauc. bitch’ (Abkhaz–Abaza *pəsə. isoglosses are also rather weak.3. enter’). roots have reliable NCauc.or CV. 50. female’ (further to SCauc.4.4.3. for which see Section 7 below. 2. a small number of probable WCauc. . Браун. release exhaustively’. or Hattic–SCauc. 19 compares Hatt. 1994). data. Braun’s etymologies (e. relationship. Kassian [UF 41 proto-language as it is today reconstructed on the basis of known WCauc. root zuwa.3 above.4. prefix *pǝ-). *-zV is not an isolated form. Ubykh bza. 2.2 Indeed. with the frequent Proto-WCauc. therefore such comparisons cannot prove an exclusive Hattic–WCauc.or madhvad-pitfalls. due to the fundamental difference in root structure.. 2. Hattic possesses a number of monoconsonantal roots which can be compared with WCauc. 2. Even if we undertake a monophonemic etymologization of Hattic CVC-roots. № 11.320 A.1.in suffixed zuwa-tu ‘wife’ with WCauc. go’ (< WCauc. but it is clear that it is the way to nowhere. since the regularity of phonemic correspondences in monophonemic comparisons must be established by a solid corpus of cognates that is not the case. An example. but goes back to NCauc. Of course.1 Hattic cannot be directly compared with WCauc. 58. for which see 2. where a. dialects. 1985. sub-branch cannot be proved. comparison is self-suggesting. *pə-zV ‘female.is a preverb used with verbs of motion (Vogt.1. Grammatical Hatt.4. 2. Иванов. g.root nucleus with some consonant extensions of unknown nature. 1985. with such approach we immediately get caught in bringen-Sie. while -la is a regular exhaustive suffix. This method is accepted in a number of Vjač. Иванов. however. Ivanov’s and J. 2.–WCauc. to let in’ with Ubykh a-wǝ-la ‘to let. ~ --) ‘female’). dialects. *wŏjV (~ --) ‘woman. An example. wǝ is a frequent verbal root ‘to enter.4 Conclusions 2. Adyghe– Kabardian *bzə. the genetic relationship to the WCauc.4.4. *=rƛŬ ‘to go.2 We can divide Hattic roots into C. cognates. № 45 compares Hatt.2–2. 2.

SCauc. Some other papers by the same author.. 160–163 proposes four Hattic–Kartvelian root etymologies. *č ~ Hatt.1 Sino-Caucasian (or Dene-Sino-Caucasian) macrofamily For the first time the genetic relationship between three proto-families—North Caucasian. *p ~ Hatt. b) some special types of phonetic developments (e. Gabeskiria. The tree has been compiled by G. cognates. t. *k ~ Hatt. k and so on). and we must treat these etymologies as chance coincidences. and therefore can be regarded as common innovations. SCauc. the regularity of the assumed phonemic correspondences between Hattic and Proto-SCauc. Of course. attribution of Hattic is improbable. For the preliminary comparative phonetics of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily see SCC (this work was not finished and therefore remains unpublished).) as part of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” project. SCauc. cognates.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 321 3 Previously proposed Kartvelian attribution Girbal. Of course. SCauc. g. *ƛ ~ Hatt. l.dbf. f. but without much success—for the criticism of Gabeskiria’s studies see HWHT. 4. on fig. *sem. dedicated to the Sino-Caucasian problem. cannot be proved due to the scantiness of Hattic lexical data. genetic relationship cannot be established by a couple of comparisons (even if they belong to the Swadesh wordlist). *wim. 2007 (both in Russian and English). g. Below I list a number of Hattic root and auxiliary morphemes with probable SCauc. šam(a) ‘to hear (vel sim. 2) the following preliminary SinoCaucasian tree is based on 50-wordlists (see com. Starostin (pers. consonant cluster simplification) are very typical of the other daughter proto-languages of the SCauc. It is important that the percentage of the so called basic vocabulary in my list is relatively high. it is very likely that Hattic represents a separate branch of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily. family (fig. 1982/2007. t~š (/č/?).. but it should be noted that: a) the main part of the proposed phonemic correspondences are trivial (e. 33 f. tumil and šam(a) possess reliable SCauc.)’ ~ Kartv. tumil ‘rain’ ~ Kartv. 2 above for detail). Yenisseian and Sino-Tibetan—was partially substantiated on the ground of regular phonetic correspondences in Старостин. two of them are striking : Hatt. comm. 1986. SCauc. 4 Sino-Caucasian hypothesis Although the WCauc.‘to rain’ and Hatt.‘to hear’. As in the case of the NCauc. 1998 attempted to add some new Kartvelian cognates of Hattic lexemes. The highly preliminary Sino-Caucasian etymological dictionary is available as Sccet. can be found in Старостин. supported by the Santa Fe Insti- . * ~ Hatt. Note that Hatt. macrofamily.

Isolated Burushaski and Basque also do not provide considerable help due to natural reasons. 4.—these cells are marked by footnotes. 24 ff. redundant. 1986. 1982/2007 and Yenet. Kassian [UF 41 tute): fig. reconstruction : North Caucasian. but it is clear that Hurro-Urartian belongs to the NCauc. Starostin with the exception of few cells important to us. family—Stibet.322 A. macrofamily. and some isoglosses may prove the specific relationship between the Hurro-Urartian and Yen. the tables are quoted as they have been compiled by S.). based on Старостин. family—Caucet. stocks. but it must be stressed that the tree cannot be regarded as a final solution. Starostin did not manage to finish SCC—in particular it concerns the phonetic charts. and add the Hattic column with suggested Hattic counterparts. but seriously improved. it is very likely that this cluster represents a separate branch of the SCauc. family—Старостин. NCauc. As it was said above. Sino-Tibetan and Yenisseian.1. unfortunately S.dbf. daughter families this schema will probably be improved. 4 does not include the Haida language. . 4. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 11 Position of the Hurro-Urartian proto-language is not quite clear. Yen. stock of the NCauc. which I corrected.2 Phonetic correspondences Below I quote phonetic charts from SCC. 1996 (w.11 The tree gives the general frame of the SCauc.dbf. Three main proto-languages are the basis of the SCauc. During the continuing studies of SCauc.). The correspondences are illustrated by the Hattic examples taken from sections 5. The Na-Dene branch on fig. 2002 with additions and corrections. STib. 4). lit.–Burush. 1995 and Werner. branch. Because of many lacunae in the Hurrian 50-wordlist it is impossible to process Hurrian using the formal algorithm (Hurrian is not included in the tree on fig. where Hurro-Urartian is traditionally included into the ECauc. on the contrary.–Yen. based on Peiros/Starostin.–Na-Dene one. family. See Kassian. which has been published as NCED (w. not to the STib.1 and 6.dbf. 2010 for some details. therefore I do not use Na-Dene data in my paper. They possess relatively welldone comparative grammars (especially phonetics) and etymological dictionaies. Despite this fact. The Proto-Na-Dene reconstruction is not done (or not published) yet. macro-family (at the beginning of the 2000s S. Starostin himself tended to lean towards the same conclusion). whose cells are sometimes incomplete or. lit. Pace the work Diakonoff / Starostin.

2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Fig. Glottochronological tree of the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily (50-item wordlist-based) 323 . 4.

(i / e) i/e a./ w-./ p. o a (ɔ)./ t-. ǝ. i (ɨ) a. -p p. (-m-) f/p/w Hattic . -t t. Kassian [UF 41 4. ɨ a o. a. a. SCauc. ǝ e (ä). p p b m b-. *p *ṗ *b *m *w *t *ṭ *d *n *r NCauc. o a. u o. i. lip . m w-. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock . e e.1 Vocalism (a very preliminary schema) SCauc. a i a. ṭ (ḍ) t. e e. ɨ a. e i o. -f-. (-l-) t. -p p-. z for /ʦ/. -t n r p b p b. ǝ. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] Yen. ǝ u.324 A. e (ä). *ānp ‘tongue . n ʔ. m -. a a. e (i) u. o Yen./ p. *t[e]mb-Vĺ. r n š-. (u) th t. -p m w/ th. ṭ (ḍ) n d-. ǝ a. t~š for /č/.2. (ae. i / e a./ w-. to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1] SCauc. u u. Burush. p ṗ. NCauc.2 Consonantism Below for Hattic I use cuneiform notation: š for /s/. ǝ i. r. b b m w () t ṭ d n r STib. ph.‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63] 4. e (ä). th. o (u) Hattic i / e. ǝ o (ɔ). e ɨ. ph-. w /  d d t d-. o ǝ.2. -u-. e i. ph. a) a. u STib. ǝ. *i *e *ä *ɨ *ǝ *a *u *o i. (u) u Consonant cluster simplifications may cause a preceding vowel change: SCauc. i ä ɨ. -t t. ǝ ǝ. i a. i a. z (_i) f. Burush. -r-. r1 Yen. e.

-t ch. -ł. -t C. lt / l lt.  j-. -t ć. z. s s d-. l.L). ǯ ǯ s. z. h ć.~ ṣ-. -k / -ŋ ƛ. h. Hattic 325 t-. l ~ r.(_i / e). l. lt / l lt-. -ššt š ––––––––––––––––––––––– 12 13 Updated cell. d-(Vʔ) ǯ ć. . -t-. ś. n j. s č. c ǯ-. ś / ṣ() šBurush. c  ʒ s z ć   ś ź č  ǯ š r n j ƛ  Ł λ ł l Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language STib. d-(Vʔ) ʒ ć. (l) l l -Yen. ć / . t-. r1 j-. -ź ś / ṣ. l. z-. r 13 d-. -š- t-. ć / . ć / . r n j.(_i) š-~t-.(_i).2009] SCauc. l.(lṭ-).  / ʒ. *c * *ʒ *s *z *ć * * *ś *ź ? *č * *ǯ *š *ŕ *ń *j *ƛ * *Ł *λ *ł *l NCauc. s 12 s. r ń-. -k l. - rj1. ĺ r. r(.L). χ j-. s s. lt / l lt-. -l r č-( / ǯ-).  ś-. s ʒ... s  s / ś. r1. h ć. r1 ś / ṣ.  lt-. ŋ j r(. - s c. ĺ d-./ ʒ-. - ǯ-. ƛ l-. s ś. -t s ( / ch). -t ć. Updated cell.  s/ś/ṣ d-. -ź . h. ld l l r. ch / s. s s. s / ś( / ṣ) d-. ʒh s ( / ch). -z. -k ƛ. d-(Vʔ) ŕ ń. l. -ź ć(h). -ź ć / .

q . ɣ q(h). G-. ʕw > ʔʷ . -k / -ŋ Gh-. - g ŋ qh-. ʔw > h/x ʔ-. w-)  . ŋ q-. hw > ʔʷ (/ ɣ-. k(h) k g h h k [UF 41 Hattic k *ʡ *ʕ *h *ɦ *ħ *xm ? *xŋ ? *ŋw *xŋw 14 () b-. -k k-. G ʔ-. χ ~ G q~χ b-. χ 14 ʔ-. ɣ h /ɣ /h/j /h/j /h/j /h/j /h/j /h/j  h. ʔw > h/x ʔ-. ʡw > χ(ʷ) . ʡw > h/x ʔ . qh-. j. -k χ-. qhʷ-. q/G χ. () h f-. -k. Kassian Yen. ɣ q(h). . ʔw > ʔʷ. *k *ḳ *g *x *ɣ *ŋ *q * *G *χ *ʁ *ʔ NCauc. n Burush. k ḳ g x ɣ n q  G χ ʁ ʔ ʡ ʕ h ɦ ħ f x m f STib. w. j . ŋ ˙m-. j . ħw > h/x w-. -k kh. ħw > ? m ŋ ŋ ŋ A. - G-. hw > h/x ʔ-. x-.. -ŋ q. . -kg-. q / G x-/χ-. -j / -w  (ʔ) . -n / -m h- ––––––––––––––––––––––– Updated cell. ɣ. ɦw > j-. ŋ q(h). x χ. ɣ. [G(h)-]. k-. k / -ŋ χ. ŋ b-. j. j .  .326 SCauc. gh. -gk x. q / G q-.~ ɣ . g. q-. -k.(/ʔʷ-)  .

ɣ k. -z. ɣ. x x. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > kip ‘to protect’ [18] SCauc. g qh. g q. (ʁ) Gw ʒ c  ʒ c  ǯ č  Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language STib.~ gh~ qh-. *[p]ūH ‘to blow’ (STib. kh ghw. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] SCauc. h 327 4. kh g. x 15 x. *xg *xk *xḳ *xq *xqw *x *xw *xG *xG*w *sd *st *sṭ *śd *śt *śṭ *šd *št *šṭ NCauc.(_i) t k. ɣ. χ. -ŋ.-k k-.-ɣ qh.  ? ćh t-. *b merge in Hatt. but can hardly be distinguished due to the imperfect and inconsistent cuneiform transcription: SCauc. -k k. *p. kw c(h) ch / s. χ q. -q k.-q-. x. Ćh ć  ? Yen. *bŭt) > puš-an ‘to blow on’ [43] ––––––––––––––––––––––– 15 Updated cell. -k gh. Hattic k. k~q. h) c c ( ~ ) ch ? ? ć(h). *ṗ. g χ ḳ q qw  w G. G. χ. ɣ. x k t t t ? ? t t t t g h-.2.2. -q qh. h h k h k Burush. -k k.1 Labials SCauc.2009] SCauc. *[p]ārē ‘lightning . kh. g. -s ch / s ś ~ h ć ć. *ānp ‘tongue. χ. brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33] SCauc. q / G (ʔχ) q. f/p/w—in all likelihood more than one phoneme. q k. g qh. g. -k k-. g q. -t(s). . q. g c (~ ch. to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1] SCauc. lip. (k) k. χ q-.

*b-/p-/w. An exact parallel to Hattic are early records of Kottish. pray’ > fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] NCauc. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ ~ kap ‘moon’ [15] The situation with Hatt. *ǯīp ‘to cover. *m. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear. *bħĕr ‘a k. pungent’ ~ zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] Yen. to think’ ~ pnu ‘to look’ [36] STib. languages. numerous’ ~ far ‘thousand’ [31] SCauc.16 Synchronically Hattic possesses a number of stems with initial m-: ––––––––––––––––––––––– 16 Roots in m-. *bot. while Yen. . stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28] But in the initial position SCauc.> Yen. swallow’ ~ puš ‘to devour’ [42] The process of denasalization in the initial position is paralleled by the Yenisseian branch.). dead’ > fun(a) ‘mortality’ [40] STib. loanwords. etc. *HmoŋV ‘to die. f/p/w resembles the Yenisseian reflexes of SCauc. 37 f. The second source of m. 149 f. listen’ ~ šam(a) ‘to hear’ [48] Labial m > n before a dental consonant is without doubt a late (synchronic?) process in Hattic: SCauc. tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52] Yen. 1982/2007. *bhăr ‘abundant. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent. Nenets. f-/p-/w-: SCauc. *mor ‘grain’ ~ fula ‘bread’ [38] SCauc.(for the distribution see SCC. for which see Старостин. *bVN. where SCauc.in the medial position is retained: NCauc./ *wVN > mVN which occurs in some auxiliary morphemes. attested in the synchronic Yen. SCauc. languages is the late distant assimilation Yen. to plug.‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63] Yen.coincides with SCauc. *b > b/p /v. Arin and Pumpokol. *cp (~ ć-) ‘bitter. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] SCauc. were f. Kassian [UF 41 SCauc. *[]mbi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’. p and even b freely alternate. *p yields p/ph /pf /h in known languages. labial stops and yields Hatt. *mlćwV ‘to blow.‘often’ ~ fute ‘long (in temporal meaning)’ [44] Yen. *m.328 A. *bēŁ ‘cattle-shed’ ~ fael ‘house’ [30] STib. wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] STib. *Pr-ŋ ‘country’ ~ fur ‘country. Yen. salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34] SCauc. pf. *t[e]mb-Vĺ. to close’ ~ štip ‘gate’ [49] STib. are Russian. to be confused’ ~ tafa ‘fear’ [53] STib. ph. labial stops. *ɦmjwV ‘sour. nasal *-m. *=mV(r) ‘to stand. population’ [41] STib.in the Yen. *mVn ‘to perceive. *mt ‘to eat.

mistress (vel sim.)’ [54’] is attested only as the second element of compounds). relating to tree. *maʷV ‘good. lady. mai(u) ‘a valuable cloth’ [48’]. *wV ‘thou’ > we ‘thou’ (2nd person sg. clown?’ [51’]. *=ătV ‘to put.(for the list see HWHT. favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. clown?’ [51’] < WSem.).(see HWHT. Hattic possesses a few grammatical prefixes in m. does not contradict our theory.‘thy’ (2nd person sg. Cf. is not so rare in the word languages. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > *tuwil > tumil ‘rain’ [62] 4.2. At least for two of the mentioned stems the source of borrowing can be established: malhip ‘good. however. Second. wet’ > tefu ‘to pour’ [57] STib. maššel or paršel ‘cult performer. *w is generally retained in Hattic: SCauc. miš ‘to take (for oneself)’ [53’]. mṣl (māṣilu) ‘cymbal player’. maššel ‘cult performer. belonging to the basic vocabulary. *čVwV ‘to pour. big’ > te ‘big’ [54] . 911 w. which is probably the same deity as Dmezulla. mar or kamar ‘to slit. This fact. which alternate with variants fa and fu respectively (note that mu /fu ‘mother. base. muh(al) ‘hearth’ [55’]. lady. None of these roots possesses a reliable SCauc. cognate may be Yen. Hatt. 230 f. known from Hittite texts (HWHT.2. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ (the comparison is possible if we suppose the loss of the final consonant in Yen.(that resembles similar phonotactical process in Hittite): SCauc.). SCauc. personal pronoun). mu /fu ‘mother. so we can threat all these words as loans. and cultural terms clearly prevail in the list. chanter.)’ [54’]. u. etymology. some of these prefixes have variants with initial f. muna-muna ‘foundation. milup or lup?? ‘bull. possessive pronoun) [77] SCauc. In addition cf. ox’ [52’]. Its SCauc. since the situation.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 329 ma /fa ‘and’ [47’]. *dHV ‘to grow. slash’ [50’]. An interesting case is Hatt. miš ‘to take (for oneself)’ [53’]. fruit?’ [57’]. *t.: SCauc. put’ [55] SCauc. lady. 165. when auxiliary morphemes violate common phonotactical rules. luck’ (with lhip for the palatalized labialized lateral *ʷ). *ṭ. *d were merged in Hatt. *lw ‘to be able’ ~ lu ‘to be able’ [25] SCauc. leave’ > ti ‘to lie.2 Dentals SCauc. mistress (vel sim.in Proto-Yen. favorable’ [49’]. mistress (vel sim. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > ku ‘to seize’ [19] In one case we see the dissimilative nasalization *-uw. t (~ tt).> -um. 230 f. malhip ‘good. lit.)’ [54’]. bed stone’ [56’]. the same concerns conjunction ma ‘and’ [47’] and noun mu ‘mother. On the other hand. muš ‘smth. allegro forms)—an exceptional case of preserving m. chanter. Dfazulla.).

*-nV. *nŭ ‘to tread. Kassian [UF 41 Also with an unidentified dental: STib. z for SCauc. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8] SCauc. female’ > *limhu-t > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] SCauc. *Pr-ŋ ‘country’ ~ fur ‘country. trace’ ~ nu ‘to come.2. *kaʔt (~ g-. *λɨnɦV ‘woman. shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] . *[p]ārē ‘lightning .(~ *dək-) ‘to fall’ ~ zik (< *tik) ‘to fall’ [65] It seems that /ti/ became /ʦi/ (graphical zi) in Hattic. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] STib. affricates. pray’ > fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] SCauc. *štɦrV ‘crust.‘often’ ~ fute ‘long’ in temporal meaning [44] Yen. non-initial *-r. *bhăr ‘abundant. population’ [41] SCauc. -c) ‘old (attr. go’ [29] NCauc. g. Together with the dissimilation /u/ > /um/ this process of assibilation finds its direct parallel in the Proto-Hittite historical phonology. *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water. numerous’ ~ far ‘thousand’ [31] SCauc. since the sequence ti is relatively rare in texts known to us (in contrast to zi) and sometimes ti-forms have by-forms in zi (e. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak. *mVn ‘to perceive. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look.standardly yields Hatt. dental stop: Yen. *hn ‘now’ > anna ‘when’ [2] SCauc.)’ ~ katte ‘king’ [17] Yen. *bot. to be confused’ ~ tafa ‘fear’ [53] Yen. r: SCauc.2. *bħĕr ‘a k.‘wide’ [9] STib. *də(ʔ)q. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki. see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21] STib.‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63] An important case is Hatt. which standardly yield the stop phoneme /t/.3 below. brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33] SCauc. see 4. *t[e]mb-Vĺ.330 A. to think’ ~ pnu ‘to look’ [36] STib. incrustation. *=Hǯ(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5] SCauc. tiuz ~ ziuz ‘rock’). nasal *n is a stable phoneme: SCauc. but affricate /ʦ/ before /i/. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] NCauc. SCauc. genitive [74] In one case we see *n > m before a labialized guttural: NCauc.. skin. The same assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ is observed in the reflexes of SCauc. genitive ~ -n.

2. 1982/2007. g. *-r. etymologically singled out in some nominal and verbal stems).. I suppose that SCauc.in the initial position and Hatt. *mt ‘to eat. The comparison seems reliable despite the fact that the standard way to eliminate initial *r. daughter-languages is > t-/d-. *wēχV ‘stick.2. *r.‘heart’ [47]. were SCauc. *-r.in other positions. 4. Despite this irregularity the comparison can hardly be rejected: SCauc. ~ --) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] . SCauc. cf. *) affricates are similar: Hattic stop or affricate in the initial position and Hattic sibilant -š.in SCauc. Initial r.> Yen. *cp (~ ć-) ‘bitter. voiceless alveolar (*c.> Hattic š-. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62] SCauc. which is in all likelihood a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/. timber’ ~ zeha-r. This process of fricativization in the medial and final position runs parallel with Proto-Yen. pungent’ ~ zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] In one case Hatt. *=V ‘to eat. *bŭt) > puš-an ‘to blow on’ [43] Some roots show Hattic z.... *bħĕr ‘a k. post-alveolar and palatal affricates Reflexes of SCauc. voiceless alveolar affricates *c. *) and palatal (*č.3 Alveolar.is strongly prohibited for Hattic root and auxiliary morphemes (an exception is the fossilized r-suffix. * remains without explanation. *r1 gives l-reflexes in most attested languages (Старостин. Initially: SCauc. -š.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 331 There is one example for SCauc. *[p]ūH ‘to blow’ (STib. *r/r1 with unknown distribution. heart’ > šaki. * yield Hatt. -l-: SCauc. see 4. t. The closest analogy is Proto-Yen.in other positions.2. *č-.2. SCauc. *=ĕẮ ‘to put’ > eš (~ et?) ‘to put’ [4] SCauc. *s. ripe’ > hel ‘to ripen’ [11]. e. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] STib. SCauc. drink’ > tu ‘to eat’ [59] Non-initially: SCauc. 156).2 above: NCauc.> Hatt. swallow’ ~ puš ‘to devour’ [42] SCauc. *rĕḳw ‘breast. *wjV (~ sṭ-. *x(w)Vr ‘old. z-reflex of SCauc. ziha-r ‘wood’ [64] STib. while Yen. *č > Yen.

may cover /č/ here. stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28] SCauc.(< SCauc. *š are retained as Hatt. Initially: SCauc. listen’ ~ šam(a) ‘to hear’ [48] SCauc. post-alveolar voiceless affricates *ć. t in all positions: SCauc. * yield Hatt. *čäłHu ‘earth. -š.(~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ ~ kaš ‘head’ [16] . wind’ > *peti-l > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] 4. wet’ > tefu ‘to pour’ [57] SCauc. *ǯīp ‘to cover.2. lord’ ~ šai-l ~ tai-l ‘lord’ [46] SCauc. *ČQV ‘to step. *[]mbi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’. plural stem marker ~ aš-/iš-. to shave’ > taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] SCauc.2. the SCauc. to close’ ~ štip ‘gate’ [49] As opposed to the aforementioned affricative phonemes.4 Other front consonants SCauc. *=mV(r) ‘to stand. š (/s/): NCauc. *mlćwV ‘to blow. mountain’ > ziš ‘mountain’ [67] NCauc. *čxqV ‘to scratch. to build’ ~ teh ‘to build’ [56] SCauc. * yield Hatt. *=Hǯ(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5] Yen. *ĆŏH) ‘to take’ > tuh ‘to take’ [60] STib. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] Yen. salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34] SCauc. *ćH ‘to work. since it is possible that spelling variants with š.are merely unattested for some morphemes. *ćH ‘to govern. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. Of course Hattic t. run’ > tuk ‘to step’ [61] Non-initially: SCauc. voiced palatal affricate *ǯ > Hatt. let enter’ ~ aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] In one case a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/ is observed : SCauc. sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] STib. scrape. *ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone.332 A. voiceless palatal affricates *č. *s. *=ắčw (STib. t~š (/č/) or t. tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52] In one case we see a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/: SCauc. št in both initial and medial positions: SCauc. *) ‘to let come.in other positions. *ʔēč. *-š:w. mountain’ > *tiš > ziš ‘mountain’ [67] SCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent. *ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone. Kassian [UF 41 The SCauc. *čVwV ‘to pour. plural of the accusative case [70] Yen. to plug.in the initial position and Hatt. *ʔa-KsV. *ɦmjwV ‘sour.

lip. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] SCauc. to entrust.2. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62] STib.6 Velar and uvular consonants SCauc. *maʷV ‘good. malhip ‘good. Hatt.5 Laterals SCauc. heart’ > šaki. hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] < WCauc. l as well as r. *rołH ‘light’ ~ leli ‘light’ [23] One case of the occasional distant assimilation must be noted : NCauc. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26] SCauc. favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. k. to administer’ [14’] SCauc. l: 17 SCauc. *ł yields Hatt. sleeve’ > her. *l > Hatt. *χłHé ‘arm. *rĕḳw ‘breast. hir ‘to allocate. *Hōk ‘to look. year. SCauc. *j was lost in the intervocalic position : SCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman. *rołH ‘light’ ~ leli ‘light’ [23] 4. * merge in Hatt. ~ --) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] 4. *re ‘to dislike’ ~ le ‘to envy’ [22] STib.2. *ł > Yen. assign . to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1] NCauc. where SCauc. *ḳ. *q. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock. *Ł merge in Hatt. *mor ‘grain’ ~ fula ‘bread’ [38] SCauc. search’ > hukur ‘to see’ [13] SCauc. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water). *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ or rather *Iʷə-pəə ‘copper’. to hand over. assign . hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12] ? SCauc. bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt.2. *lw ‘to be able’ ~ lu ‘to be able’ [25] STib.2. luck’ . *wjV (~ sṭ-. Cf. *bēŁ ‘cattle-shed’ ~ fael ‘house’ [30] STib. l: SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose. scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10] STib. *l ~ *r1 ~ *r with unknown distribution. Velar stops: SCauc.‘heart’ [47] SCauc..2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 333 SCauc. season’ > liš ‘year’ [24] SCauc. *ƛăjV ‘time. lateral affricates *ƛ. 17 . velar and uvular voiceless stops *k. female’ > *limhu-t > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] SCauc. similar situation in Proto-Yen. lock’ [6] STib. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > ku ‘to seize’ [19] ––––––––––––––––––––––– It is interesting but not surprising that Hattic renders lateral obstruents by lh / lk in the borrowings from Proto-West Caucasian: Hatt. *. *ānp ‘tongue.

*ɦ drops in initial/final clusters. well’ [109’]. see 4.): SCauc. ziha-r ‘wood’ [64] NCauc. timber’ > zeha-r. *χ yield Hatt. .334 A. *ɦ standardly yields Hatt. *ħwir ‘water. *ŋV ‘I’ > fa. female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] But SCauc. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ ~ kap ‘moon’ [15] SCauc. lake’ > ur(i) ‘spring. *hn ‘now’ > anna ‘when’ [2] SCauc.2. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki.‘wide’ [9] NCauc. f.(the development is exactly paralleled by Proto-Yen. *wēχV ‘stick. *ČQV ‘to step. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water). run’ > tuk ‘to step’ [61] Yen. -c) ‘old (attr. The only example of SCauc. *h drops: SCauc. *ħw >  could be: SCauc.2. *ħ is: SCauc. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] NCauc. leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51] SCauc.(~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ ~ kaš ‘head’ [16] Yen.(~ *dək-) ‘to fall’ ~ zik ‘to fall’ [65] Yen. initial nasal *ŋ.‘I’. *də(ʔ)q. scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10] SCauc. 1st person sg. velar and uvular voiceless fricatives *x. *kaʔt (~ g-. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > kip ‘to protect’ [18] SCauc.‘wide’ [9] STib. *ʔa-KsV. n: SCauc.7 Laryngeals SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘die.> Hatt. *bħĕr ‘a k. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki. Kassian [UF 41 Yen. *λɨnɦV ‘woman. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] An example for SCauc. if the comparison is correct.13 below.)’ ~ katte ‘king’ [17] Uvular stops: SCauc.> *m. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8] SCauc. subject [75] In other positions SCauc. dead’ > fun(a) ‘mortality’ [40] 4. *sṭnV ‘panther. h: SCauc.2. h: SCauc. nasal *ŋ > Hatt. *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water.2.

2.‘wide’ [9] NCauc. scatter’ ~ hel ‘to strew’ [10] SCauc. speak against such a supposition. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] Of course one can try to explain it by the influence of an old labialized consonant. As a matter of fact five examples above. wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] NCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] SCauc. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve. They yield reflexes which coincide with their non-labialized counterparts: SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. . *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki. lord’ ~ šai-l ~ tai-l ‘lord’ [46] SCauc. sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] STib. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > LÚluizzi-l ‘runner’ [26] NCauc. plural stem marker ~ aš-/iš-. h: SCauc. *ćH ‘to govern. guard’ > (a)ku ‘escort’ [20] SCauc. *ćH ‘to work. *=Hǯ(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > eštan ‘sun’ [5] SCauc. see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21] SCauc. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ ~ han ‘to open’ [8] STib. big’ > te ‘big’ [54] STib. to build’ ~ teh ‘to build’ [56] SCauc. *wjV (~ sṭ-. : SCauc. search’ > hukur ‘to see’ [13] SCauc. *dHV ‘to grow. *-š:w. plural of the accusative case [70] The same with velars/uvulars: SCauc. ~ --) ‘female’ > zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] SCauc. timber’ ~ zeha-r. ziha-r ‘wood’ [64] SCauc. *HmoŋV ‘to die. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose. *H (an unidentified laryngeal) > Hatt. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look.2. *H (an unidentified laryngeal) > Hatt.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 335 SCauc. hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12] In a few cases Hattic shows unmotivated u-vocalism: SCauc. *ĆŏH) ‘to take’ > tuh ‘to take’ [60] SCauc. where labialized velars/uvulars completely lose their labial element without vowel change.8 Clusters with *w SCauc. *mlćwV ‘to blow. *=ắčw (STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water).‘heart’ [47] SCauc. *rĕḳw ‘breast. heart’ > šaki. dead’ > fun ‘mortality’ [40] 4. *Hōk ‘to look. Starostin) lose the labial element in Hattic. labialized consonants (treated as Cw-clusters by S. *wēχV ‘stick. salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34] SCauc. *ɦmjwV ‘sour.

*xqw > Hatt. *sṭ : SCauc. h. h. *ST > Yen. *sṭnV ‘panther.2. k: SCauc. *štw (with a secondary “Hittite” assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/): SCauc. bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt. skin. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock.2. guard’ > (a)ku ‘escort’ [20] SCauc.336 A. k or h without evident rule of distribution. ripe’ > hel. incrustation. k: SCauc. shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] SCauc.10 ST-clusters SCauc.9 xK(w)-clusters SCauc. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] SCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look. that coincides with the Proto-Yen. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose. lock’ [6] SCauc. *čxqV ‘to scratch. *xq > Hatt. *xw > Hatt. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] 4. *x(w)Vr ‘old. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > *luiti-l > luizzi-l ‘runner’ [26] . t. k: SCauc. hil ‘to ripen’ [11] SCauc. k: SCauc. see’ > kun ‘to see’ [21] SCauc. scrape. *t). SCauc. clusters of the type *xK(w) (where K—velar/uvular) yield Hatt. hide’ > her ‘to hide’ [12] SCauc. *xgw > Hatt. clusters of the ST-type yield Hatt. *št: SCauc. SCauc. to shave’ > taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] SCauc.2. *xḳ > Hatt. h: SCauc. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve. *x > Hatt. Kassian [UF 41 4. *štɦrV ‘crust. h: SCauc. reflex (SCauc.2. leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51] SCauc.

): SCauc.. has regular *r/r1 < SCauc. *mlćwV ‘to blow. *l and *r in combinations with velar/uvular (note that all SCauc. see SCC. Quite surprising is the fact of retention of SCauc. SCauc. *čäłHu ‘earth. branches except NCauc. 84). of predator’). tawa-nanna ‘lady’ [52] Yen. *=mV(r) ‘to stand. 19. stay’ > *(a)mti > (a)nti ‘to stand’ [28] Note that the retention of the nasal in such a position is not typical of SCauc. *ħ > STib. SCC. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > puluku ‘leaves’ [39] SCauc. on p(a)raš ‘leopard’ [37] (< SCauc. branches except NCauc. Combination with post-alveolar affricate *m > *mt > *nt: SCauc.and rC-clusters SCauc. to lick’ > alef ‘tongue’ [1] SCauc.‘wide’ [9] In combination with *ɦ SCauc. *l is retained: SCauc. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62] But SCauc. lip..2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 337 4. standardly lose the sonorant in such clusters). * (SCC. 39 ff.. where SCauc. *t[e]mb-Vĺ. *łɦ. and Burush. STib. *ānp ‘tongue. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. *łħ > *ɦ. *lH/łH (SCC.‘root’ ~ tup ‘root’ [63] Such a simplification is standard for all SCauc. 48 ff... *bħĕr ‘a k. nasal drops in combination with labial: SCauc. Note that Yen. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > harki.2. wind’ > pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] SCauc. but there is a significant number of examples.2.11 lC. languages. *[]mbi ‘superpower’ > tafa-r-na ‘lord’.12 NC-clusters SCauc. where Yen. retain the nasal.2. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] For r in combination with * see comm. *l is dropped in combination with post-alveolar and palatal affricates (this process is normal for all SCauc. sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] Such a development is paralleled by STib. *ł is lost in combination with some unidentified laryngeal: SCauc. 87 f. 4. branches except NCauc.2. 191). .

*sṭnV ‘panther. *bħĕr ‘a k. *čäłHu ‘earth. incrustation. *[p]ārē ‘lightning .2.338 A. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > tumil ‘rain’ [62] SCauc. The standard shape of SCauc. the following selective examples. *HmoŋV ‘to die. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] In the medial position laryngeals can be retained : NCauc. dead’ > fun ‘mortality’ [40] SCauc. nasal: SCauc.2. salty’ > wet (fet?) ‘sour’ [34] SCauc. *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water. brilliance’ > paru ‘bright’ [33] SCauc. *štɦrV ‘crust. *štɦrV ‘crust.13 Clusters with laryngeals In the initial and final positions Hattic loses laryngeals in clusters: SCauc. lock’ [6] SCauc. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock.): SCauc. *λɨnɦV ‘woman. shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] CVC: SCauc. of predator’ > praš ‘leopard’ [37] SCauc. *rĕḳw ‘breast. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock. *λɨnɦV ‘woman.‘heart’ [47]. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] NCauc. horn’ > kaiš ‘horn’ [14] . *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water. female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] SCauc. leopard’ > take-ha ‘lion’ [51] In combination with *ɦ Hattic retains the SCauc. shell’ > tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] SCauc. nominal root was CVCV (where C can be a cluster). SCauc. CVCV: SCauc. Cf. 1 ff. wave’ > han ‘sea’ [7] SCauc. heart’ > šaki. sand’ > šahhu ~ tahhu ‘ground’ [45] 4. female’ > nimhu-t ‘woman’ [27] 4. skin. branches except NCauc. incrustation. Kassian [UF 41 In combination with guttural the nasal drops (a standard development in SCauc. Normally Hattic retains this structure as CVCV or CVC (with unknown rules of the final vowel drop). skin. *ɦmjwV ‘sour. *xnɦ (-ŭ) ‘water. bolt’ > *halu ‘bolt.3 Root structure For the general discussion see SCC.

tuk ‘to step’ [61] .“spacers”. *ṣo ~ Hatt. *=VCVR instead of *CVR). Starostin projects such a “spacer” onto the Proto-SCauc. *=ǟwčĂ ~ STib. sub-branch?) adds an initial =V. tefu ‘to pour’ [57] SCauc. In most cases S. ripen’ [11] SCauc. thus conforming in it with the STib. *čɔʔq. verbal shapes were: CVCV CVC VCV(R) CV where C can be an obstruent. CVCV > Hatt. It should be noted that Hattic does not show traces of these =V-/=HV. g. I suppose that the main SCauc. *čxqV ‘to scratch. Yen. *čVqV ~ Yen. *b[]k.~ Hatt. level (e. but it is clear that the structure of some types of verbal roots was seriously rebuilt in the Proto-NCauc. and SCauc. *qepVn. class exponents (“=”) and root.. which serves as a spacer between ECauc.. Very often NCauc. verbal proto-roots. Standardly Hattic retains the shape of SCauc. verbal roots is more complicated. since the actual SCauc. kip ‘to protect’ [18] SCauc. reconstruction in general is NCauc.or =HV-. (or rather its ECauc. to shave’ > NCauc. I adopt Starostin’s reconstructions of individual roots. *čVwV ‘to pour. *ćəw ~ Burush. CVC: SCauc. *Gāp ~ Yen. huku-r ‘to see’ [13] SCauc. CVCV: SCauc. hel ‘to grow. run’ > STib. *ku ~ Yen. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak. *Hōk ‘to look. *x(w)Vr ‘old.~ Hatt. Burushaski and Basque branches. search’ > NCauc. a sonorant or a consonant cluster. language.~ Burush. wet’ > NCauc. *ćek ~ Yen.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 339 The situation with SCauc. scrape. he accepts SCauc. large’ ~ Hatt.~ Hatt. morphosyntax is the task of futher research and is not a goal of my paper. *p(r)wH ~ Yen. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] SCauc. *bar ~ Hatt.-centric. Since the reconstruction of NCauc. CVCV > Hatt. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ > STib.. pray’ > STib. *grĭ ‘old. SCauc. fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] SCauc. but sometimes in a polysyllabic structure a final vowel may have been lost (as in the case of nominal roots the rules of a final vowel drop are not clear). *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ~ Hatt. *H[o]kV ~ STib. *ČQV ‘to step. ripe’ > NCauc. *baŕ. *=ĭrwĂ ‘to ripen’ ~ STib.

2 (dubious root comparisons). lip. drink’ > NCauc. EME. 5. l. *=VmVr ~ STib. VCV > Hatt. *kʷēn ~ Yen. *=iĂ ~ Yen. *śi/*ṣi/*ṣu ~ Hatt. VC: SCauc. =V-CVR > Hatt. *=VV ~ STib. *koj (~ -l) ~ Basque *gal. *qo ~ Hatt. eš ‘to put’ [4] SCauc. f/p/w. to say?’ = Hitt. tu ‘to eat’ [59] 5 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons Entries are arranged in the following alphabetic order: a. √ SCauc. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to take’ > NCauc. her ‘to hide’ [12] SCauc. š/s. *=ătV-r ~ STib. *=ĕẮ ‘to put’ > NCauc. which is continued in 6. VCV: SCauc. alip. *ʔes. *=agwV ~ STib. *Khu ~ Hatt. *ćhi-H ~ Hatt. e/i. put’ [55] SCauc. stay’ > NCauc.1 (reliable root comparisons) is continued in section 6. ti ‘to lie. The same concerns the numeration with character stroke (’) in section 5. *dhăH ~ Yen. *=ătV ‘to put. CVR: NCauc. han ‘to open’ [8] SCauc.~ Basque *ecan ~ Hatt. CV: SCauc. to lick’ > . =V-CV > Hatt. z. VCV > Hatt.~ Hatt. Hattic data. Kassian [UF 41 SCauc. leave’ > NCauc. word.1 (reliable grammatical comparisons). see’ > NCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose.~ Burush.340 A. aliw) ‘tongue. stay’ [28] SCauc. *=V ‘to eat. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look. n. *di(j) ~ Hatt. The entries have the following structure: No. t.1 Roots with reliable SCauc. k.2 (dubious grammatical comparisons). *ʒha-H ~ Yen. *=ǟḳĂw ~ STib. m. alef (alep. The numeration in section 5. hide’ > NCauc. u. cognates 1. h. ku ‘to seize’ ‘to seize’ [19] SCauc. kun ‘to see’ [21] SCauc. *ānp ‘tongue. √ Proposed Sino-Caucasian etymology. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ ~ Hatt. = Hittite equivalent in bilingual or quasi-bilingual texts. *sī. *=igwVł ~ STib. *=mV(r) ‘to stand. (a)nti ‘to stand. → Comments and references.

(a former class-prefix?) exactly matches the Hattic onset. → Yen. *ānpV ‘lip’ > Tsez. forms listed above originates from the same NCauc.‘to let come. and STib. 1963. speech. mān. -na ‘the place of or where. suffix. 21 (Hatt. when’. na ‘year(?). pronouns/adverbs. The Hattic meaning corresponds to Yen. covering a large spectrum of demonstrative meanings. *ʔa. *ʔalVp (~ -ĺ-.should go back to SCauc.‘today’. *nə. Иванов. Similarly Иванов. g. and so forth. 1985. stem *h[ä]nV ‘now’. gźab ‘to lick’. elep. Yen. 3. Kachin (H) šiŋ-lep ‘tongue’. ehu. further to NCauc. If so. ‘sobald. Abkhaz aná ‘there’. Ubykh aná. *hin-čV ‘today’.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 341 NCauc. aš ‘to come (here)’. ani ‘that’.‘morning’). -b) ‘tongue’ > Kott. morphemes go back to WCauc. cf. *.+ *pVk. as opposed to NCauc. → Double nn in the Hattic form may point to an old cluster. Since their temporal semantics is not paralleled by the corresponding ECauc. WCauc. *ipu (~ -ɨ-. Untenably Браун. sky’). ‘as.in compounds > Yug an-es5. despite semantic difference and vocalic alternation. these WCauc.6 ‘tomorrow’ (an. let enter’ > Ket ɛ:te. Arin áĺap. to say. *ʔen ‘now’ > Ket ēn. als’ = Hitt. imp. *h[ä]nV ‘now’ > Nakh *hin-ca/*hin-ʒa ‘now’. *n[ǝ] ‘time or place of. apparently the basic meaning of an. . Tsez. henni. № 2 compares Hattic anna with some WCauc. adverbial/pronominal forms of the shape an-. Kachin (H) na.+ ‘God. it is possible that part of the WCauc. instrument of or for’. and’ (?). STib.(~ ḳ-). Dargwa *han. age. 1985. √ Yen. stage of life. although the vocalic correspondence is not very clear. Yen. čəna ‘to extend in time’. + WCauc. Arin iŋni ‘today’. to lick’ > Tib.‘here (là). hini ‘now’. *hn ‘now’ > NCauc. + Yen. at that time (alors)’ (Vogt.‘now’. 85). not ‘now’.). when’ > Chin. that’. . E. then. *ƛep ‘tongue. or abl. *amp. *-č. According to NCED. Yug en. -r1-. *nV ‘(a demonstrative stem)’.. infix -an. *hin. The Ablaut form *ʔan. Yug -ɛ:h. Yen. eaŋa ‘now’. to swear’). *(a)č:ʷV ‘word. Tib. *ʔen-ŋa > Kott. Yen. Urart. *ʔēč.6 ‘morning’ (an. Hurr. 而 *nə particle by verbalizing. STib. Lezgh. Lezgh. Lushai niaʔ ‘at the time of. *ʔen-ŋa appears the closest parallel (*ŋ > n seems regular for Hattic). alup. anna ‘when’. aša ‘komm (herein)!’ = Hitt. an-bɔksɨ 5 ‘tomorrow’ = Ket anɔkś 5. and yet.̃ -). √ SCauc.‘now’.in the compounds listed is ‘when’. 2. when’. № 1 (Hatt. → An exclusive Hattic–Yenisseian isogloss. 1994.‘when’. *nV ‘this. na loc.

sky’. WCauc.-And. *=i. √ SCauc. Lezgh. day?’ = Hitt. *ʔia. eš. *kălH ‘bolt. *ʡắmsɨ ‘soul. STib. *ʔes. to put down’. 霽 *ćjs ‘clearing sky’. DUTU.-And. *=Hǯ(-n) ‘clear (of weather)’ > NCauc. Yen. breath . + NCauc. ćajh ‘to stop. + STib. *ḳulV. Yen. *ʡămsa (~ -ə. iš (and maybe et. *halu in redupl. Hurr. reimburse’. *ḳul (~ -o-). *=ĕẮ ‘to put’ > NCauc. soul. 6. walk’ < NCauc.). *=āčŋ. № 17 (Hatt. Burm. *ləḳʷə. № 11: to NCauc. 1985. hešmi ‘clear. WCauc. . Kott.. 4. *ḳVłV (~ xḳ-) ‘lock. breath. śi-ćei. *=V:Vn(~ -:-). → The comparison is reliable if the SCauc. hattalwaš GIŠ-ru.‘to put’ > Ket ɛśa6. cloud. *ʔēǯ. Incorrectly Иванов. Kassian [UF 41 Браун. dai-. *ān. to put (with preverbs)’. halu-halu ‘wooden bolt. STib. 1985.‘to give’. Note that the Hattic vowel of the first syllable corresponds to the STib. *Ćj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ > Chin. Yug ɛ:h.-And. to clear. Sun-goddess. and Basque attestations. *čāŋ. Yug χέīn ‘holiday’ etc. Basque *ecan ‘to lie down. The loss of *-n in Hattic is unclear in this case. bolt’ > NCauc. -ɨ) ‘sky. god. eštan.. as opposed to NCauc. arrange’ + Yen. onset was *xḳ-.‘to pull. √ SCauc. *ća (~ *č-) ‘to go. *V ‘to lay eggs. key’ > Av. ‘засов’ = Hitt. → Note the vocalic correspondence in the first syllable between Hattic and Yen. to stop (of rain)’.‘to compensate. to put’ > Av. lead’ (NCauc. Lak ḳula. Similarly Иванов. cf. drag’). 5. Lezgh. ones. bright’. Perhaps with an initial reduction *ǯin ‘bright day’ in Ket dīń ‘bright day’. Lezgh. *=iĂ ‘to give. *āŋ. 楗 *garʔ ‘door bar. lock’ > Chin.‘clear. *aŋ ‘clear (of sky). → The Hattic meaning corresponds to Yen. *=HuǯV-n ( ~ --) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ > Av. it) ‘to put’ = Hitt. as weather’.342 A. god’ < SCauc. rest (tr. as raining or sound. Yug ɛsiɛ-saŋ6. not to the NCauc. *ḳuł /*łḳu ‘lock. bolt’. *ćăŋ ‘to bring. *ʡo:Vn-. forms. qä-diń ‘holiday’. √ SCauc. Lushai kalʔ ‘to be locked or fasten’. lock’.‘to pull. compensate. quiet (of weather)’ > Ket ɛt4 / ɛŕ4. *=āčĂn ‘to go.). to lead’ < SCauc. Burush. bolt. half-clear (of sky). aštan ‘sun. 21: to WCauc. WCauc. 1994.

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7. han ‘sea’ = Hitt. aruna-. √ SCauc. *xnɦ (-ŭ) > NCauc. *xnɦ ‘water’ > Nakh *χi, Av.-And. *λ:inʔi, Tsez. *λ:, Lak š:in, Dargwa *xin, Lezgh. *λ:än:, Khin. xu. STib. *χĭw(s) ‘water, moisture’ > Tib. hus ‘moisture, humidity’, Kachin khoʔ 2 ‘to spill’, Lushai huʔ ‘wet’, Kiranti *kù ‘water’. Yen. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ > Ket āńbɔk1, Kott. en, *ēn. Burushaski *hán-chil ‘water from a wound ; watery (tea, soup)’. Basque *u-hain ‘wave’. → Phonetically Hattic exactly matches the Yen. forms. 8. han ‘to open’ = Hitt. haš- ‘to open’, and da- ‘to take’(?!). √ NCauc. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ > Av.-And. *=aχʷVn; Tsez. *=[ã]ʁ:-. 9. harki-mah ‘to be(come) wide’ = Hitt. palhi- eš-. √ SCauc. *ɦrwĔ ‘wide’ > NCauc. *ɦăr[w]Ĕ ‘wide’ > Av.-And. *a-b-, Tsez. *e-, Lak u-t:a-, Dargwa *-aʕu-, Lezgh. *hIarɨ-, WCauc. *bə(ʷ)V. STib. *qʷāŋH ‘wide, broad’ > Chin. 廣 *kʷāŋʔ ‘wide, broad, large’, Kachin (ə)wuŋ2-waŋ2, ‘to be wide, ample’, Lushai vāŋ ‘to be broad, wide’, etc. Yen. *χiG-Vĺ (~ *χiχ-Vĺ) ‘wide, broad’ > Ket qīĺ, Yug xe:ĺ /xejĺ 3, Kott. hīgal. → Yen. shows the ĺ-suffix. The second element mah in the Hattic stem is probably the same mah which is observed in kazue-mah < kazue ‘cup, bowl’, hikkir-mah ‘?’, her-mah ‘?’. 10. hel, hil ‘to strew, pour, scatter’ = Hitt. išhuwai-. √ STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘to throw (into water), scatter’ > Chin. 澣 gʷārʔ (~ w-?) ‘to wash’, Tib. skjur-ba ‘to throw, throw into water, cast’, Lushai vorʔ ‘to scatter, throw up, toss’. → STib. *q(h)ʷ- originates from SCauc. *qw, Gw-, χw-, ʁw- and so on (SCC, 89–93), while *-r- < SCauc. *-l- and *-r-. 11. hel, hil ‘to grow, ripen’ = Hitt. mai-. √ SCauc. *x(w)Vr ‘old, ripe’ > NCauc. *=ĭrwĂ ‘to ripen’ > Av.-And. *=i-, Tsez. *=i-, Lak =ija-, Dargwa *=iur-, Lezgh. *ʔi(r)ʷV, WCauc. *ṭəʁʷa- (~ -Gʷ-). STib. *grĭ ‘old, large’ > Chin. 耆 *grij ‘old’, 祁 *grij ‘great, large’, Tib. bgre

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[UF 41

‘to grow old’, Burm. krih ‘to be old; be big’. → The correspondence Hatt. l ~ SCauc. *r is strange, cf., however, Yen. *r/r1 as reflexes of SCauc. *r with unknown rules of distribution (Yen. *r1 yields l-like phonemes in the majority of daughter languages). 12. her (also hert?) ‘to hide, conceal’ = Hitt. munnai-. √ SCauc. *=ígwVł (*gwłV) (~ xgw-) ‘to lose, hide’ > NCauc. *=igwVł ‘to lose, get lost; to steal’ > Av.-And. *golV (~ -a-) ‘thief’, Tsez. *gʷVl- ‘thief’, Lezgh. *ʔik:ʷäl- ‘to lose; to get lost; hidden, secret’, Khin. dugun- ‘to lose’. STib. *koj (~ -l) ‘to hide’ > Burm. kwaj ‘to conceal, keep out of sight’, Kachin məkoi1 ‘hide, conceal’. Basque *gal- ‘to lose, corrupt, spoil’. → Sccet.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. stem with *gw, but in fact we cannot distinguish *gw and *xgw without Yen. cognates. For SCauc. *ł ~ Hatt. r, cf. SCauc. *ł > Yen. *r/r1 with unknown rules of distribution. The Hattic meaning is closer to STib., rather than to NCauc. Иванов, 1985, № 7 compares Hatt. her(t?) with an isolated WCauc. form: Ubykh qarda- ‘être assis, caché’ (Vogt, 1963, 164). 13. hukur ‘to see, look, notice’ = Hitt. auš-. √ SCauc. *Hōk ‘to look, search’ > NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look, search’ > Tsez. *hak- (~ ħ-), Lak uI=či-, Lezgh. *ʔakV-/*ʔokV-. STib. *ku (~ g-) ‘to seek, choose, understand’ > Chin. 求 *gu ‘to seek, ask for’, Tib. sko, bsko ‘to choose’, go ‘to know, understand’, Burm. (Naxi) *kh[ua] ‘hear’. Yen. *b-[]k- (~ w-) ‘to find’ > Ket bʌ:ɣə4, bʌɣ4, Yug bʌ:hk, Kott. bapukŋ. → The (verbal) suffix -rV is rather common in SCauc. languages, especially in the NCauc. sub-branch. In synchronic Hattic the r-onset is prohibited for any morphemes (both root and auxiliary) and huku-r seems the only verbal stem known to us, where we can suspect an r-suffix. Some nominal stems, however, contain a similar fossilized morpheme: zeha-r ‘building wood’ [64]. On the hypothetical Hatt. **tafa-r ‘to rule’ see tafarna [52]. Girbal, 1986 compares the Hattic stem with Georgian ur- ‘to look’—an isolated Georg. root, which theoretically may be related to Kartv. ur- ‘ear; to hear’, see Schmidt, 1962, 141.

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14. kaiš ‘horn (anatomic 18)’ = Hitt. SI. √ SCauc. *xḳəlčwí ‘forelock; horn’ > NCauc. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock, plait; horn’ > Nakh *ḳu ‘forelock, tuft of hair; mountain top’, Av.-And. *ḳʷi (~ *ḳiʷ) ‘forelock’, Lezgh. *ḳalč/*kalč ‘horn; plait, woman’s hair’. STib. *khaj ‘horn, a pair of horns’ > Chin. 觭 khaj ‘one horn turning up and one down’, Lushai ki ‘horn’. Burush. *ɣuy ‘hair’. → The loss of l in combination with an affricate is regular for all SCauc. subbranches except the NCauc. one (SCC, 87 f.). Hattic probably shows an interesting development *l >  here. 15. kap ‘moon’ = Hitt. DSÎN. √ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ > Ket qīp, pl. qi:ń3, Yug xep, pl. xejfɨn1. → For the meaning of the Hattic term see HHB2, 173, 412 f., 416 ff., 464 fn. 948 and Soysal, 2004, 364. An important Hattic–Yen. isogloss. The second Yenisseian word for ‘moon’ is *(ʔV)suj (Kott., Arin, Pump.), which probably possesses an external etymology (SCauc. *wŋŏ ‘moon’), whereas *q[e]p (~ χ-) seems an inner Yenisseian innovation. 16. kaš, kiš ‘head’, ‘Kopf, Haupt’ = Hitt. haršan-, SAG.DU √ Yen. *ʔaKsV- (~ x-) ‘temple (part of head)’ > Kott. axšei, further see Yenet.dbf #11 and Старостин, 1995, 180 with possible Ket–Yug cognates and the general discussion. → An exclusive Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Yen. *ʔa- appears to be a fossilized class prefix, causing a secondary reduction of the root vowel, as, e. g., in Yen. *saq- ~ *ʔa-sq- ‘guilty’ (< SCauc. *cVrqV). An alternative, semantically more persuasive etymology is SCauc. *q ‘head’ (NCauc. [only WCauc. *SqIa ‘head’] ~ Yen. *c[ɨ]ʔG- ‘head’ ~ Burush. *-ćáɣanes ‘back of head’), if one assumes a consonant metathesis in the Hattic root. Cf. Sum. SAG̃ ‘head’ (an unclear coincidence?). 17. katte ‘king’, katta-h ‘queen’ = Hitt. LUGAL, MUNUS.LUGAL. √ Yen. *kaʔt (~ g-, -c) ‘old (attr.)’ > Ket kaʔt, pl. kateŋ5, Yug kaʔt, pl. kateŋ5. → An exclusive Hattic–Yen. isogloss. Hattic shows a very common semantic
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18

O. Soysal, pers. comm.

346 A. *q[ä]pV ‘to cover’ (reconstructed as *HápE in Sccet.(~ χ-) ‘to close (door)’ > Ket qeńgej6. cf. Dargwa. 逑 *gu ‘to assemble. extract’ > Chin. to lie. bku ‘to extract (to make an extract of a drug by drawing out the juice)’. guard’ > NCauc. Tib.. Kachin məgap2 ‘to cover’. to put’.)’. → It seems that the NCauc..-And. *ŋ[u]a ‘gamester. → Sccet. hold.-And.B ‘to fall. conceal. Kiranti *ʔkp ‘cover’. Lezgh. Lepcha kap ‘to cover over. *Khu (~ -ua. Lezgh. attestations.‘to steal. 424 compares Hatt.dbf)> STib. but phonetically unsatisfactory (k ~ *ɦ). Tib. to cover’. *ḳə ‘to catch. catch’ (> Av. grab’. gab ‘to hide’.‘to put’.. Av. Lak. take. √ SCauc.-And. to hide. pahš-. 19. katte with Abkhaz–Abaza compound *qa-da ‘chief (adj. and STib. *HapE ‘hat. to gather. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put (together). *=Vḳ-/*ḳV-b. Lezgh. also SCauc.‘to put in. Dargwa *=ujk:-. Tsez. χέfɨne.‘to put together. STib. Khin. . *ɦĭfV ‘to guard. bkab ‘to cover’.‘to put’. ku ‘to seize’ = Hitt. to graze’ ~ STib. Hattic shows a common semantic development ‘to cover/wrap’ > ‘to protect’. to wrap round as garment’. *=oχ:-. forms reveal more than one proto-root (‘to take’ and ‘to put. cap’ (Av. g. Cf. *=oḳʷ. crumble’. put over’. *qepVn. An alternative cognate of the Hattic verb is NCauc.) here that is implausible since forms like KAPV (/PAKV) ‘hat’ are clear wandering words. guard’.dbf adds NCauc. Interesting. *ʔeḳʷɨ. 1996. conceal’. khuh ‘to take out (e. establish’. *ḳew. *=iqwV ‘to hold. to lie. Kassian [UF 41 shift ‘old’ > ‘elder’. -əw) ‘to take out. to fall down. kip ‘to protect’ = Hitt. to envelop. WCauc. Yug di-χέfɨnābdi ʔ ‘ich mache es zu’. Dargwa *=aḳ-/*=iḳ. to take. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put. Yen. to choose. Tsez. to take’ > NCauc. 18. fall’ > Nakh *=ēḳ.. *ɦĭxŋwV ‘to graze. imper. Tsez.-Urart. l-ɨ=ḳ‘to hide. √ SCauc. 蓋 *kāts (< *kāps) ‘to cover. to (be) put together’. Lak l-i=i. WCauc. Semantically the Hattic verb is close to the WCauc. collect’. to lie’). epp-. *Gāp ‘to cover’ > Chin. Chirikba. Lushai hup (huʔ) ‘to cover. conceal. *gāp ‘to thatch. *=ik:ʷ-. Hurr. Burm. boiled rice out of a pot)’. accumulate’ (?). *ʔiqɨ-.‘to fall down. a cover (of a car)’. whose elements are unclear.

20. *HŭqwĂ ‘to graze. Burm. ones. lustre. ku ‘help’. Tsez. STib. *=agwV ‘to see’ > Nakh *gu-/*=ag-. *:Iʷa (~ʷ-. displeased’. but this comparison does not explain the Hattic u-vocalism. brilliance’. handsome’. see’ > NCauc. 21 (Hatt. *r goes back to SCauc. Lushai *ku ‘help’. and Chirikba. le or ale ‘to envy (vel sim. 1994. and trans. friend. form: faku (paku. → Semantically the Hatt. *qo (~ χ-) ‘to see’ > Ket d-ba-ŋ-sɔ-ʁɔ. Dargwa *gʷ-/*=irg(ʷ)-. WCauc. companion’ > Chin. 1985.)’ or rather ‘subject(s of the king)’. Kiranti *ku ‘look after’. (H) gəri ‘to regard as undesirable’.)’ = Hitt. √ STib. glistening. № 21 compares Hatt. attestations. feed’. + WCauc. *=axgwV(n) ‘to look. Иванов. *re ‘to dislike’ > Kachin nri4 ‘to be annoyed.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 347 WCauc. → A Hattic–STib. *ḳə).(~ -ʁ:-) ‘to graze. 22. Lushai hreʔ ‘to dislike. Burm. Yug di-ba-ŋ-s-ɔ. № 23. 1985. relieve’. khrol-po ‘sparkling. Иванов. √ SCauc. beneiden (vel sim.-And. protect’.‘to be angry (at). Attested only in pl. shining’. preserve’. *=[e]gʷ. *r or *l). object to’. 21. aršaniya. √ SCauc. Yen. forms rather than to the NCauc. Pump. kun with unclear Adyghe–Kabardian *ʁʷə. Браун. companion’. dazzling’. → Morphologically the Hattic form is close to the STib. √ STib. kun ‘to see’ = Hitt. . *ʔoχIʷɨ ‘to guard. 421 (Hattic + WCauc. Av. *:Iʷa).)’. ku (or aku) ‘soldier. pay attention to’. save. *-Vg-. Lushai khon ‘to regard. Kachin khuʔ 2 ‘to become friends’.)’. isogloss (STib. 睊 *kʷēn ‘to glance at’. 仇 *gu ‘mate. *rołH ‘light’ > Chin. An epithet of the Sun-goddess = Hitt. *HŭxqwĂ ‘to preserve. *χIʷV ‘to graze (intr. guard. escort (vel sim. 救 *kus ‘to help. khrolkhrol ‘bright. ‘neidisch sein. 孌 *ronʔ ‘to be beautiful. Lezgh. auš-. *=oχ.(found in some compounds like ‘mirror’) with the possible meaning ‘to look/see’. to envy’. ʷ-)). Lezgh. root is closer to the STib. *kŭ ‘to help . (H) məkhu friend. 1996. guard’ > NCauc. lalukkima-. ləkhu ‘to guard.A. 23. waaku). to regard’ > Chin. ja-xa-ldi ‘I see’. preserve’ > Tsez. Lak k:ʷa=k:ʷa-. *leli in leliyah or leliyahu ‘source of light. STib. *ʔak:ʷä-. *kʷēn (~ gʷ-) ‘to glance at. Tib.

*hišʷä. LÚluizzi-l ‘runner. *V ‘year. intellect. and female suffix -ah [125’].‘to flee. ‘imstande sein. messenger’. ‘скороход’ = Hitt. lalukkima-)—another epithet of the Sun-goddess. → An exclusive Hattic–STib. *tut.KAM).dbf #570 tentatively includes the STib. *ƛăjV ‘time. sky’). WCauc. Kiranti *lù ‘to feel. to walk uncertainly’. können?’ = Hitt. *Łŏli ‘colour. № 15 (proposing *yah ‘bright’) and O. *ćhoʔ. The same suffixal chain -ya-ah is seen in the quasi-synonymous kašparuyah ‘source of light’ [33] (= Hitt. 25. *=[ũ]č. 24. Lezgh. Kachin lu2-na3 ‘to can’. → Apparently the Hattic stem contains the suffix -ya. 26. *ƛăjV ‘year. *ʔolʁwA ‘to think’. *ʔoʔĺ ‘hull. thu ‘to be able. shining’. day’. 1985. STib. stem into SCauc. to paint’. Soysal. Sccet.‘to run (away)’. is not clear. √ SCauc. √ SCauc. → The Hattic stem shows the well-attested “masculine” suffix -l. year. Kachin khra1 ‘time. to instruct. čä=p. Lak liI=ča‘to run’. Apparently two different proto-roots.E. isogloss.-And.348 A. present. leš ‘year’ = Hitt. can’.‘to run (away)’. Kiranti *l[o] ‘time’. liš. . to be able’. Sccet. season’. The vocalic correspondence between Hattic and STib. *lw ‘to be able’ > Tib. be experienceable’. 祀 *lhəʔ ‘sacrificial cycle. 走 *ćōʔ ‘to run. day’ > Av. Tib. lo ‘year’. *:ʷa ‘to run. stem with NCauc.‘to run away’. drive’. Khin. comm. enlighten’ (if not to STib. lu ‘to be able’. MU(.(*ƛaHi-) ‘year. today’.dbf #705 adds here Chin. season’ > NCauc. *lH ‘year. gallop’. suffusion’. however. (H) lu. STib. be affected. √ STib. *ƛaji. ‘to think’ and ‘to be able’. 喻 *los ‘to understand . season’ > Chin. which forms nomina agentis. bright. hide’ > Ket tutɨŋ5 /tutiŋ5. (comparing it with yah ‘heaven. -za tarh-. > Chin. merged in some languages. *ćhōʔ ‘to run. LÚKAŠ4. Yen. → The element -š is apparently a suffix known from some other Hattic nominal stems. make run. consider’) and unites this STib. blo ‘mind. Basque *lar¯u ‘skin’) which seems lame semantically. *Łli ‘skin. Kassian [UF 41 hrwanh ‘to be clear. Alternatively it is possible to single out the morpheme yah here: thus Иванов. Yen. *hilštwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > NCauc. WCauc. *jw ‘to understand. pers. year’. colour’ (> NCauc. *hilčwĒ ‘to run (away)’ > Tsez. in the daytime.

stand up’ > Nakh *-ātt-. Dargwa *=ic:Vr. (a)nti with the isolated Ubykh nt°á ‘door’ which is certainly less probable. 19 (Hatt. wiil. Not better Иванов. *ćhiH (~ h-) ‘to be at.-And.-And. where *pə. move’ (a preverb + root *ʷa ‘to walk’ < NCauc. go (intr. ‘(be)hausen’ = Hitt. Untenably Браун. in. pai-.for *-n. on’. the comparison seems reliable. Lak =iza-n. *pə-χ´ʷA-śʷə ‘woman’. 27. Av. 21. to stay’ = Hitt. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. Tsez. Kachin kənu4 ‘a pattern of carving or embroidery’. nu ‘to come. *nŭ ‘to tread. containing an unclear element bayna and the root wǝ ‘to enter. 29. Dargwa *bik: ‘cattle herd’. weel. √ SCauc.before labialized h. *=HuŬn ‘to go. perhaps also verbal ‘to dwell’. É(-ir). proto-form. ar-. *ṉus ‘to tread. pel?. enter’). → Браун. stay’ > Chin.)’ = Hitt. 1985. nu with Abkhaz– Abaza *nə-ʷa. Lak p:al ‘cattle-shed’. pil?) ‘house’. *λɨnɦV (~ -λ-) ‘woman. *=arč. *ʔec:ʷär-. *=VmVr ‘to stand. trample’. come’) which is not persuasive either phonetically or morphologically. Lushai hnu ‘to print. also pail?. nimhu-t (or nimhu-tu).‘to walk. Lezgh. 421 compare Hatt. fael. Lezgh. Tib. *bi:i ‘cattle-shed’. female’ > Dargwa *x:unul ‘woman’. *=rƛŬ ‘to go./ =ilc:-. 1994. + WCauc. √ STib. fil (waael. 在 *hʔ ‘to be at. uwa-. (a)nti ‘to stand. √ NCauc. go’ (< WCauc. *mt > nt seems regular. . stay. → -t(u)/-š(u) is a “female” suffix.). and Chirikba. → Hatt. -m. *=mV(r) ‘to stand. Note Hatt. 1996. STib.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 349 The shape of the Hattic stem (u-epenthesis between *l and obstruent cluster) resembles the Yen. 1994. *ṉuʔ. Although Hattic shows assimilated n. a mark’). *buƛu A (~ -ə) ‘cattle-shed. № 29 compares Hatt. stay’ > NCauc. fel. walk.for expected **l-./ *=eč-. trace’ (> Chin. 28. wait’. 30. 1985.is a fossilized class prefix and -śʷə is a diminutive suffix). Иванов. Tsez. *bēŁ ‘cattle-shed’ > Av. to bring? (trans. gźes ‘to sit./ *ħi(r):-. sit. female’. *=i:. 蹂 *ṉu. *λ:ɨn:(ol) ‘woman. № 58: to Ubykh bayna-wǝ ‘to move off/away’. pub’. nimhu-š ‘woman’ √ NCauc.

*par/*rap ‘lightning’. Lushai bar ‘very. dpar ‘glory. 81 ff. Lushai pau ‘speech. *[b]ōk ‘dwelling’ ~ Burush. *prɨăŋH ‘bright. Kassian [UF 41 → The comparison is reliable both phonetically and semantically. ae/i (as for the rare SCauc. fara-ya (paraya. but not phonetically in view of the vocalic irregularity SCauc. perayu. √ SCauc. *baltí ‘veranda. prauŋ ‘to be brilliant. thunder’. prawh ‘to speak’. *baŕ. Burm. parayu. Semantically the Hattic root exactly matches Yen. far (par. house’) which is certainly unjustified. № 62 analyzes the Hattic stem as fe-l and compares it with WCauc. *bhăr ‘abundant. numerous’. glorious’. welfare. word’. *paru ‘bright. √ STib. ‘to make a prayer’). isogloss.are not rare in nominal stems. splendour. clear’. Burm. Prefixes ka-aš. *o vs.). Tib. Lak. Lezgh. Tsez. taha-ya ‘barber’). *Iʷəna ‘house’ (< NCauc. lalukkima. *pɨr ‘lightning. LĪM. . shining’ in kašparuyah (ka-aš-paru-ya-h) ‘source of light’ or ‘luminous’.. → An interesting Hattic–STib. brilliance’ > NCauc. 32. Also in a compound with *ăj ‘fire’: *ăj-pārē ‘lightning’ (Av. abundance. 炳 *praŋʔ ‘bright. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50]. -ʕ-) ‘village. etc. The connection to SCauc. → For Hattic nomina agentis in -ya cf.‘source of light’. blazing. word’. Kiranti *brə(-n/-t) ‘speech. → In all likelihood one should analyze the Hattic stem as follows: ka-aš-paruya-h. Dargwa *paIr ‘lightning’.-And. cluster *l. baĺvɛt 6. waarayu) ‘priest’ = Hitt. *piri ‘lightning’. 1985. The suffix -ya forms nomina agentis (like para-ya ‘priest’. *bar ‘speech. Lak par ‘lightning. LÚSANGA. word’. much’. lustre’. rich. *pārē ‘lightning’ > Av. STib. although their meaning and function remain vague.-And. 33. Ket baĺbe-ś 6 ‘cross’ (“object of prayer”). numerous’ > Chin. SCC. *p(r)wH ‘to speak’ > Chin.(~ -r1-) ‘to pray’ > Ket baĺbɛt 6. *GwinʡV (~ -ħ-. 31. *[ṗ]VrV ‘to speak.350 A. *[p]ārē ‘lightning . while -(a)h is a female suffix [125’]. *bŭlV (~ -ɨ-) ‘house’ ~ STib. wealth. Burush. morning’ > Chin. outside room’) is more tempting semantically. announce’. *k and Yen. An epithet of the Sun-goddess = Hitt. *blV ‘house’ (> NCauc. Yen. waar) ‘thousand’ = Hitt. Иванов. √ SCauc. 蕃 *bar ‘to be prosperous. Yug barbɛ 5 (lit. pray’ > STib. waarai. Hatt. happiness’. Lezgh. *ĺ. 報 *pūʔs ‘to respond. note that its standard reflexes are STib. 繁 *bar ‘abundant’.).

√ SCauc. *ʷV ‘to get sour. Note that the derivation in Hattic wet (*fet) ‘to be sour’ → ša-fat ‘a k. sŭŋ-mut ‘wind’. lye’. fet/fit) ‘to be(come) sour/bitter’ = Hitt. 87 f. e. also heu. wind’ > NCauc. Hattic shows the same consonant metathesis as the NCauc. *čača-lu ‘sour’. šammalliya-. witanu ‘cheese’ [75’].. the only sensible solution is to treat Hitt. Kachin ǯum2 ‘salt’. *mlćwV ‘wind’ > Av. proto-form. šammalešš-.‘rain’ (sic!).see HWHT. bitter’. šammalliya. branches except the NCauc. 34. 35. → Hitt. *ʡimʷV-r/ ʡirʷV-m. sour’. šammalliya. *ɦwjmV/*ɦmjwV ‘sour.). which must be explained by the calqued nature of the Hittite verbs.as an occasional loan translation from Hattic with the meaning ‘to be(come) like an apple/apricot’—for the precise translation ‘to be sour/bitter’ see Soysal. angry’ is also discussed). *muš:ə A. *ćhémil ‘poison’. salty’. Lushai (KC) *hmut. salty’. verbs šammalešš-. pizi-l (errors: pzael. huwant. rather than to NCauc. Lezgh. which is probably derived from this verb. mi ‘sour’.‘to be(come) sour/bitter’. pit. . *[ǯh]ɨam ‘salt’ > Chin.‘wind’.‘sour. wit (perhaps also pet. to breathe at’. Cf. of apple/apricot’ is typologically normal (for the prefix ša.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 351 The same suffixal chain -ya-ah is found in the quasi-synonym leliyah ‘source of light’ (= Hitt. one (SCC. while Hittite shows an opposite direction šamalu ‘apple/ apricot’ → šammalešš-/šammalliya. Hatt.‘sour. *muč. lalukkima-)—another epithet of the Sun-goddess. → The Hattic stem contains the “masculine” suffix -l. Lepcha măt. 2004. The loss of l in combination with an affricate is regular for all SCauc. 鹼 *ćham (~ ch-. √ SCauc. pezi-l. *mlćwV ‘to blow. STib. STib. Tsez. wet. -e-) ‘buck. Lak uri. Lak marč. salty’ > NCauc.). mŭt ‘to blow.-And. Khin.are attested almost exclusively in the texts translated from Hattic (CHD Š. For an alternative analysis of -yah (‘bright’ or ‘heaven’) see leliyah ‘source of light’ [23] Semantically Hattic is closer to STib. 111 ff. Kiranti *mùt ‘to blow’. Dargwa *ana ‘vinegar’. 238). Since we know the Hattic word šafat ‘apple-tree’/‘apricot-tree’ [83’] and Hittite word šamalu with the same meaning. Burush. 88–92 (in the latter paper an additional semantic development to ‘to be crabby. WCauc. *močʷi (/*mičʷi). Lushai (KC) *tśhum ‘sour. Kachin (Ben) mut ‘to blow’. i. waazil) ‘wind’ = Hitt. hmut ‘to blow’. pize-l. Lezgh. *ɦmVjwĂ ‘sour’ > Nakh *musṭi-n ‘sour’. 1989 and Soysal. Tsez. šammalešš-. *mŭt ‘to blow’ > Burm.

proto-form than to the STib. № 33. WCauc. to get to know. The Hattic root can be paraš (with an occasional reduction paraš > praš in the prefixed form) or praš. branch (see SCC. Basque *oćo ‘wolf’. fēštap. 聞 *mən ‘to hear. pheštap. → SCauc. but not quite reliable in view of too general semantics. look’ = Hitt. The Hattic word cannot be a NCauc. praš or paraš ‘leopard’ (attested form: ha-praš-un) = Hitt. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’. . 1994. → The Hattic root was probably **pVnu with a reduction of the medial vowel in prefixed forms. 1985.‘rain(?)’ (found in compound). 1985. *boo ‘wolf’. to blow’ with WCauc. Av. ušk-. pnu ‘to observe. hyena’ (a Proto-WCauc. 88). *mVn ‘to perceive. Arin ṕhjástap. clusters r + affricate in Hattic. jackal’ + ‘wolf’). 1996. 20: to WCauc. № 63. Untenably Браун. *λwłʔV ‘wind. *bħĕrĭ (~ -ĕ) ‘wolf’ > Nakh *bɦor ‘wolf’. In the case of paraš one should suggest a retention of sonorant in the SCauc. feštap. but it seems strange in the case of borrowing of the name of the well-known beast (we assume that the Hattians were Anatolian autochthons and therefore were familiar with leopards). *pe(ʔ)s-tap (~ -b) ‘wolverine’ > Kott. In the case of praš Hattic shows development *CVRC > CRVC. *bɔə A ‘wolf’. *bVga ‘fox. compound : NCauc. 421 (to WCauc. Dargwa *be ‘wolf’. isogloss. *bVgV-bVV ‘jackal. Kiranti *min ‘to think’.-And. where the Hattic element zil is compared with unclear Kabardian ə. loanword in view of the root structure and semantic difference: the shift ‘wolf’ < > ‘leopard’ is possible in the case of long separate language development. prefix *pə-).352 A. of predator’ > NCauc. Yen. *bħĕr (~ -ĕ) ‘a k. Lak bar ‘wolf’. 36. Unconvincingly Иванов.TUR. to smell’. Tsez. *bA ~ *p:A ‘to see’). Not plausibly Иванов. √ STib. If so. to think’ > Chin. 58. → A rather interesting case. to perceive. *pəλ:ʷa ‘wind. and Chirikba. one. Kassian [UF 41 Vocalically the Hattic word is closer to the NCauc. which is an exclusive feature of the STib. 37. an a-anaptyxis in the old cluster is paralleled by an u-anaptyxis in the old lx-cluster as illustrated by puluku ‘leaves’ [39] < SCauc. PÌRIG. An interesting Hattic–STib. to blow’ (< NCauc.

of zo (rice)’. 12. Kachin maŋ1 ‘a corpse.in πάρδᾰλις. Yen. *HmérV ‘a k. Burm. √ SCauc. of berry’. 40. of weed’ → For an anaptyxis between l and velar in the Hattic stem cf. also ‘leopardman (a cult functionary)’ (OS+) is very similar to Hattic except for the root structure CVRC. *HmoŋV ‘to die. 33). ? WCauc. № 8. *phak (~ bh-) ‘leaf’ > Burm. tea-leaf’. *ʕemu(a) ‘burdock’. *palIʷ ‘burdock’. Kiranti *phk ‘leaf’. fire. panther’ and numerous Turkic forms brs. Grk. 20 (Hatt. bread offering’ √ STib. STib. *mŋ ‘to die’ > Chin. *p:əǴə (~ b-) ‘leaf. of rice’. mortals’ = Hitt. praš ‘leopard’ [37]. foliage. isogloss. Tsez. pwrδnk. origin (with regular NCauc. *ʕapālxw ‘leaf’ > NCauc. πόρδᾰλις ‘leopard’ (Hom. pars ‘tiger. Lepcha jă-mór-zo ‘a spec. dying’. δ. etc. + WCauc.from the phonetic viewpoint speak for the NCauc. dead’ > STib. Kachin phaʔ 2-lap 2 ‘tea.in paršna-. Lushai hmor-hāŋ ‘name of a sp.-And. see Николаев. Burush. animal.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 353 This NCauc. *ʕapālwĔ (~ ɦ-) ‘burdock . √ SCauc. phak ‘leaf (of tree)’. → An interesting Hattic–STib. 68 ff. Lushai maŋ ‘to die’. Persian pārs ‘leopard. 薨 *smŋ ‘to die (of king)’. to open (of leaves)’. *mor (~ -u-) ‘grain’ > Burm. leaf(?)’ > Av. wuun) or funa (puna. 38. used in ritual action. 39. *HabuḳV ‘burdock’. . munʔ ‘bread’.‘leopard’. Hitt. παρδ-/ πορδ. parš. root is not connected with SCauc. but the exact source of borrowing can hardly be established. * > Grk. → Hattic fulašne should be analyzed as a compound fula-šne. 1985.’ probably originate from some Anatolian Post-Hittite language. tefu-šne ‘libation’ [57]). *boŋ ‘dead man’ > Ket bōŋ. carcass’.+) as well as Iranian forms like Sogd. puluku ‘leaves. where šne [89’] means ‘offering’ (cf. In all probability the STib. dispute). Dargwa *heul(i) ‘burdock’. Lepcha mak ‘to die (said of man.–Hattic stem is widespread in Eurasia as a Wanderwort with the meaning ‘leopard’. *bilágur ‘a k. but semantically corresponds to the Hattic stem. (LB) *mhaŋ ‘corpse’. paršana. leopard. Lezgh. fun (pun. Yug boŋ. 1994. wuuna) ‘mortality.). 11. greenery’ = Hitt. *fula ‘bread’ in fula-šne ‘bread. tree.–Yen. dandukeššar. lahhurnuzziyant-. Untenably Браун.

*-t can originate from SCauc. blowing’ > Nakh *hu(:)p ‘to blow. → An exclusive Hattic–STib. *mt ‘to eat. № 66. 秣 *mhāt ‘to feed grain to horses’. √ STib. *pɨ-ƛʷ. *p:Vwa (~ b-) ‘to breathe. *-t/-ṭ /-d as well as to SCauc. *Prŋ ‘country’ > Chin. 210). Khin. Tib. population’ = Hitt. It is interesting that in the Dargwa group a similar root is observed: ProtoDargwa *puš(a) ‘bellows. → STib. *puʔ. *phu ‘to blow’. Kott.‘to blow.‘to blow’. KUR(-e). *pūHV ‘to blow. *wV ‘person. *pV(j) ‘to blow’ > Ket ugij. ? Burm. utniyant-. puur) ‘country . swallow’ = Hitt. 20. bladder. to swell. *-c/- and *-ć/- /-) and semantically. Burush. state’. mwat-sip ‘to be thirsty’. blow up . *-t can go back to SCauc. isogloss. I suspect that we deal with a chance coincidence here. 41. root. Kachin əphot2 ‘to blow in puffs’. soul? . Cf. swallow’ > Chin. HWHT.And. 1994. puš or puše ‘to devour. fur (wuur. who compare the Hattic root with WCauc. ed-. and Браун. pur.. prań ‘country’. The STib. *päršwA (~ -l-) ‘bubble. WCauc. Tib. √ STib. phəwʔ ‘bellows’. Kassian [UF 41 Unpersuasively Иванов. Despite the fact of the onomatopoeic nature of the SCauc. . which is known from some other verbal stems (e. people. pɨ ‘air. √ SCauc. mid ‘to swallow’. STib. persons’ and WCauc. the Hattic terminus technicus exactly matches the STib. 邦 *prōŋ ‘country. Burm. śifu. Av. to blow’. forms both phonetically (STib.354 A. ãbud ‘to blow’. self’. sbud ‘bellows’. *-t/-ṭ /-d as well as from SCauc. to whistle’. Tsez. blowing’. 43. Burm. bladder’ (< NCauc. 1985. parai-. *bŭ. → The Hattic form apparently contains the suffix -an. puš-an ‘to blow on. *[p]ūH ‘to blow’ > NCauc. g. fan (a fire or burning materials)’ = Hitt. to swell’). šam ~ šaman ‘to hear’. bŭt > Chin. *-c/- and *-ć/- /-. utne. also p(a)šun ‘breath? . *ʁʷV ‘person . lung?’ [71’]. Yen. Since there is no another evidence for Hattic–Proto-Dargwa contacts. further cf. proto-form shows a frequent reduction of the medial vowel and the common suffix -Vŋ. 42. breath’. Yug duap-pē. 弗 *pət ‘gust of wind’. bubble. Lushai phuʔ ‘to blow out of the mouth’.

se-t.can originate from SCauc. ŠAG ‘heart’ (an unclear coincidence?). *č:il ‘earth . Basque *śolho ‘meadow. earth. dust.‘often’ > Ket bōt.-And. Lak daḳ. heart’ > NCauc. 宰 *cʔ (~ ć-) ‘steward . also without the “masculine” l-suffix : aški ‘heart’ = Hitt. *dak ‘hope. *jirḳʷ. Pump. Probably the same stem without the “masculine” l-suffix šai(u) ‘lord’ and with the “feminine” t/š-suffix še-t.‘earth.> Hattic š-. *rĕḳw ‘breast. bottom (e. where š:aI. 45. As a matter of fact Lak has doublets š:aIlu ~ š:aI-. Lak š:aIlu/š:aI. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ > Nakh *doḳ. futi (wuute. ground’ > NCauc. 47. Khin. earth. re.dbf proposes the NCauc. *čHäłu/*čäłHu ‘dirt. egi. . Cf. √ SCauc. wuuti. Yug tʌga5. šaki-l.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 355 44. proto-form *čHäłu with reference to the pharyngealization in Lak š:aIlu as an indicator of NCauc. → A Hattic–STib. Av. *rɔḳʷə A. minister’. tekan. master’. Note the simplification *łH > hh in Hattic. fute. master’. ung. ground. Hurr. Lezgh. STib. queen. → SCauc. also Sum. √ STib. initial *r. Av. *čHäłu/*čäłHu ‘dirt. tíke. fur-šail ‘Land(es)-Herr’. Tsez. WCauc. √ Yen. talugi.(eš-). *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ > Ket tʌga5 /tʌɣa5. braŋ ‘chest. Tib. aški-l. Burm. ground’.-And. 46. dust. si-t ‘lady?’. isogloss. o ‘lord. Basque *śorho also speaks for the *čäłHu variant. field. *ǵʷə. royalty’. of the sea)’ = Hitt. Also found in the compounds like zihar-tail ’Holz-Meister’ (= carpenter). → An interesting Hattic–Yen. rule. igi ‘inside’. raŋ ‘breast’. *ć/  /  and *č/  / ǯ. puti) ‘(to be) long’ in temporal meaning (usually in the collocation “long years”) = Hitt. belief’. g. Lezgh. sand’ > Nakh *č(ɦ)il (~ -ī-) ‘ashes. šahhu/tahhu ‘ground. Kachin (H) ǯau ‘to rule’. lord’ > Chin. Burm. šai-l/tai-l ‘lord. Yen. *bot. → Caucet.‘earth. *H. dust’. STib. √ SCauc.. *roḳʷo. ground’. direct’. *ʔrŋ/*ʔrk ‘breast’ > Chin. 69–70). huzza-šai ‘Herd-Meister’ (= smith). 臆 *ʔ(r)ək ‘bosom’. Tib. ški-l. Burush.points to the protoform *čäłHu (for the phonetic development see NCED. *š:VlV ‘silt. ćawh ‘king. field (prepared for sowing)’. breast’. slime’. ŠÀ(-ir). isogloss. ćəwh ‘to govern. floor’. *ćH ‘to govern. Lushai eŋ ‘breast’. *ć. Dargwa *ʔurḳi. cf.

para-ya ‘priest’. although the binding vowel change u > a remains unclear. *ǯīp ‘to cover. to listen’. bevel’. to peel. 370 proposes that the Hattic loanword in Hittite Ékaškaštipa. 1998. listen (> to talk)’ > Av. listen (vel sim.dbf #836 . 2004.–NCauc. Kott. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 19 . 163. verbal stem: reduction of the medial vowel and metathesis -CR. *qhaṣ ‘to rub’. ‘Barbier (ein Kultdiener)’ = Hitt. Werner. to tear’. but the basic meaning of the plain stem is ‘to shave’ (see Yenet. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent. 20 In many compounds this verbal root has the meaning ‘to split. KÁ. The Hattic meaning exSoysal. *sVs(Vn). 2002 1.‘to hear’ < Afro-Asiatic *sim. štip (probably not tip19) ‘gate’ = Hitt. → The Proto-NCauc.20 Burush. LÚŠU.> -RC-. possessing reliable Nostratic and Afro-Asiatic cognates (Kartet. √ SCauc.dbf. to fidget. form may originate from virtual SCauc. data.‘to scratch. **sVmV (with regular morphonological processes in the Proto-NCauc. → For Hattic nomina agentis in -ya cf. tumil ‘rain’ [62]). hack. comparison is somewhat doubtful. Yen. This comparison is exact both phonetically and semantically. ha-čīp ‘to cover’. close’. *čxqV ‘to scratch. 162 compares Hatt. *čãχ:. *ǯ. hāran-čex ‘to hack.dbf. but I think that we deal with a compound wordforming here: kašku ‘gate building’ [29’] + štip ‘gate’. rub. → A Hattic–Yen. tell’.(~ -ʁ-) ‘to write’. šemû ‘to hear’ (< Semitic *šVmaʕ. isogloss. scrape. Klimov.(/ =us-) ‘to say. but proceeding from general reasons we must treat it as a mere accidental coincidence (cf. Yen. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ > Ket dɔ:3. šam(an) with Kartv. *ʔasV ‘to be silent. Lezgh.’ among the Yenisseian languages. etc. Dargwa *=urs.I. *χ:Vč. *smen ‘to listen (to)’. scrape’ > NCauc.‘to scrape’. 1 f. 49. *čVqV/*qVčV ‘to scratch. to close’ > Ket -dɔp ‘to plug’.-And. Hattic shows a very common semantic shift ‘cover’ > ‘door’.). a similar situation with Hatt.may originate from SCauc. šam(a) (and perhaps sam-an) ‘to hear. -dup ‘to close’. silent’. Afaset. 205).356 A. Kott. Yug ou3 // o:. Yug i:hp4 ‘to cover.)’ √ NCauc. taha-ya ‘barber’. Dargwa *=išq. 167). *sem. due to the scantiness of the NCauc.‘to hear’.‘gatehouse. however. see SCC. Kassian [UF 41 48.‘ear’) is not probable. Girbal. Tsez. to tear’. 50. *iχ:an.-And.‘to be quiet. rub’ > Av. The Hatt.‘to scrape. A borrowing of such a basic term from Akkad. *ć/  and *č/  / ǯ. make notches. to plug. √ Yen. 1986. portal’ is a reduplicated formation *kas(k)-kas(k)-tipa with the suffix -tipa (known as -šepa / -zipa from other Hittite stems). Lezgh.

Av. → The suffix -(e)ha in take-ha remains without clear parallels among known Hattic stems (it can hardly be identified with the feminine -(a)h [125’] as in katta-h ‘queen’. grace’. Lak imi ‘grace. 2005 w. w. and EDHIL w. 52. heathen deity. proto-form as *nV (~ sṭ-). *sṭnV ‘panther.is more preferable in view of STib. √ SCauc. 1985.MAH.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 357 actly matches the Yen. labarna-. Kachin čum ‘authority’. Tib. lit. daughter languages except the NCauc. lit.SAG(-i-). √ SCauc. also with the “masculine” l-suffix takeha-l.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. but *sṭ. (f) tawananna ‘lady’. Sccet. previous lit. etc. hero’ = Hitt. gzig ‘leopard. UR. bćom ‘pride. leopard’ > NCauc. (kjah)-sać ‘leopard’. branch. STib. haughtiness. The theory of borrowing such regal terms from Luwian or Hittite into Hattic (and Palaic) is not very probable proceeding from general reasons. Lak ini ‘tiger. 229 ff. to scrape’ (< NCauc. STib. Burm. *[]mbi ‘superpower’ > NCauc. snow leopard’. *:VbV ‘mercy. The simplification *nK > K seems regular for Hattic as well as for the other SCauc. Av. Yakubovich. ounce. mercy’ > Nakh *ēbV ‘idol. root. leopard’. *ćūm ‘honour. priest’. ‘Herrscherin’. 51. the title of the Hittite reigning queen = Hitt. master’. *hrĕgwē ‘comb’) which is not persuasive either phonetically or morphologically. 18 ff. *V ‘to comb . w. authority’ > Chin. porcupine’. tafarna (tabarna. Dargwa *ir ‘panther’. ancestor. the title of the Hittite king . arrogance’. № 50 compares Hattic ta-ha-ya with WCauc. 146 f. Sccet. *ir:V ‘lynx. (for the Anatolian origin of tabarna and tawananna). proto-form as *čqV (~ -xq-) which seems unjustified. 2009. . Dargwa *um ‘pity’. Hattic origin of tabarna) vs.and ftawananna. UR. 宗 *ćūŋ ‘to honour. pity’. god .). Despite this fact the comparison is reliable both phonetically and semantically. leopard’. lit. takiha. (both scholars advocate non-IE. gćom. tawaarna) ‘lord’. → Widely discussed Hattic words.And. snow leopard’. see now Soysal. *ch-.-And. mercy. Иванов. *chi(ə)k ‘leopard’ > Tib. 2003a. *ǟnV ‘lynx. and Melchert. *mbi ‘god. Kiranti *sík-ba ‘tiger. takiha-l ‘lion. scil.dbf reconstructs the SCauc. panther’ > Nakh *ō ‘ounce. 2008. takeha. go to pay court. tabarna. We know several dozens of Hattic loanwords in Hittite21 (especially concern––––––––––––––––––––––– 21 For the list see now Goedegebuure.

origin and morphology of Lyc. But the meaning.‘to stand’) is not persuasive either. it is strange that we find this term in Hattic archaic formulaic passages. 18 ff. First. (to IE *stā-.‘one who rules’) is unique. There are two ways to analyze Cappadocian Wa-dapra-.. The formal difficulties associated with the Hittito-Luwian origin of the term tabarna are more serious. 229 ff. A personal name dapara = Grk. tabri ‘atri––––––––––––––––––––––– The only candidate is the widespread cultural term zinar [118’] ‘lyre’ which could indeed be identified as a Luw. 1963. The third name Wašatapra may be either Luwian or not. sad. Kassian [UF 41 ing cultic and regal terminology). 2007. Waša-tapra.per se does not look like a “normal” Anatolian verbal stem. 216). morphologically doubtless Cappadocian PN Šupi-pra./daβara/ or /δaβara/ ‘power’ as a starting point of t/labarna which seems ad hoc also. Further Yakubovich refers to early second millennium Cappadocian onomastics in an attempt to find some evidence for Luwian **tabara. e. substantive **tabara. from which the adjective tabar-na. the previous paragraph). Šupi-lapra. The second and more probable solution is to divide these forms as Wada-pra-./daβara/ or /δaβara/ ‘power’. and an explanation of athematic tabar. 2003.22 If the term tabarna functioned in Hattic as a Hittito-Luwian Exotismus referring just to the Hittite king (like Καῖσαρ refers to the Roman emperors in Ancient Greek texts). e.).—and attributes them to Luwian.is inexplicable within Luwian (as was correctly noted by Yakubovich himself: 2009. 24 Yakubovich inserts an “epenthesis” between labial and r because of the Lyc. adjective **tabra.). He quotes four PN-s—Wa-dapra-. Hurr. A postulation of a hypothetical Luw. 1) The Luwian athematic verb tabar. 2003a. downcast’ (Orel. 45) is untenable both semantically and morphologically23.24 Note that Yakubovich is compelled to postulate two unique Luwian phonemes (/δ/.358 A. 2) The Luwian morphological pattern of nomen actoris in -na (tabar. 146). 18 ff. 68) or with Slav.‘mighty’ has been derived (as per Melchert.‘mighty’ (cf. since waša seems unetymologizable within Luwian . adjective *đapraz ‘heavy. sources. 2003a. who proposes not an adjective. 2009.‘to rule’ lacks IE etymology. Wala-pra. Wa-lapra-. Slightly differently Yakubovich (2002. see Neumann. tabar.. g. Wa-lapra.. they can be Hattic names with the frequent Hatt. equally well it can be.). *stā. 22 . 23 Note that Luw. Wa-lapra-. prefix wa-.‘to rule’ as a “backformation” are totally unprovable. adjective dobrъ ‘good’ (ЭССЯ 5. A dapara are unknown. The comparison with Germ. but a Luw. As a matter of fact the first element of Wa-dapra-. g. Garelli. 36). An analysis of tawananna accepted by Melchert. but not a single Hittite–Luwian loanword in Hattic is revealed up to now.(for their second element cf. /β/) in order to explain the forms in question. Hurrian: cf.‘to rule’ > tabar-na. Λαπαρας (PN Λαπαρας is known from some other Grk. and I really doubt whether this form can prove anything. loanword (for the discussion see sub v.

in Luwian loanwords in Hittite is not supported by any positive evidence and looks too complicated and factitious (note that the CLuw. for which see below. also hypothetical Linear A -du-pu2-re ‘master’.!) adj.> Luw. one can attempt to connect lapra to the Mediterranean morpheme λαβρ-. not **tabarna. 26 For the latter cf. cognate of tapra above). 27 Yakubovich. Lyc.‘to rule’ (with various Hitt. postulates the new Luwian phoneme /β/ for this case (/daβarna/). while t/labarna is uniformly spelled as labarna in CLuw. A hypothetical one-example scenario proposed by Melchert.in Luw. Of course. 4) The alternation tabarna ~ labarna can hardly be explained within HittitoLuwian phonology. tafarna can hardly be explained if one assumes a loan nature of this lexeme in Hattic. Note that we do not have any positive evidence that tapra and labra represent a single morpheme. (not Luw. Yakubovich’s examples: Myc. can hardly be justified from my point of view. tabar. tabar. *T. stable spelling labarna clearly contradicts Melchert’s phonetic theory). Finally. which is known in some divine epithets of the first millennium BC or later.with derivates as well as their Hittite counterparts (tabarija. 2002). etc.27 ––––––––––––––––––––––– The Carian city and Zeus shrine Labraunda.= Grk. 247). we know an opposite occasional process Anat.‘order. 18 ff.25 or even to the more archaic term λαβύρινθος = Myc. injunction’.< Luw.seems Hittite.) never show t/l-alternation. postulating of Luw. /δaβar/ with a unique phoneme /δ/. To sum up the onomastic discussion. for Hitt. also possible Hurr. known from some ancient Greek authors like Herodotus or Strabo (Λάβραυνδα. λαβύρινθος . but it is not obligatory due to the absence of a vowel between labial and r in tapra (cf. as proposed in Valério. 29.‘to rule’. 230 fn. texts. which was rendered by t. Λαπαρας). 2009. šuppi‘clear’. Λάβρανδα) or the epithet of Zeus in Cyprus Λαβράνιος. but by l in the title labarna and the onomastic element lapra. In any case. l. With some difficulties in Cappadocian personal names we can reveal morphemes tapra and lapra. da-pu/pu2-ri-to. t.(see Yakubovich. A PN dapara = Grk. which was being transcribed 25 . whose origin and meaning are vague. the fourth name Šupi-lapra.26 On the other hand tapra can be identified with Luw. since the element šupi well attested in Cappadocian onomastics can be rather assuredly identified with Hitt.-Luw. 3) The Luwian verbal stem tabar. On the contrary. derivates). 5) /f/ (waa) in Hatt. dapu/pu2-ri-to. l-. advocating the Luwian origin of Hattic tafarna. 2007. 2003a. The same concerns the idea that [δ]—when conjectural [δ]apra became a Mediterranean wandering onomastic root—could preserve its unique phonetic characteristics in the course of millennium and continue to be spelled either as l or as d in non-cuneiform traditions (cf.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 359 but de divinités’ (GLH.

360 A. tuwarna‘to break’ ~ Luwism :lawarriya. Kassian [UF 41 Almost all these difficulties are avoided if we treat tafarna and tawananna as proper Hattic stems. incense(-resin)’ ~ Luwoid? lu(y)essar ‘incense(-wood)’ and Hitt. *wēχV ‘stick .‘to spite’ ~ CLuw. Luwian. for statistics). Despite the fact that tawananna never occurs with the spelling waa or pa. but note that the Hittite term used in archaic rites of Hattic origin also resembles Hatt. Secondly. whose SCauc.‘to take’ ~ CLuw. His examples are: Hitt.yields Luw. A morpheme -r. etc.’) and nominal (zeha-r ‘building wood’ [64] ~ NCauc.‘id. may be a result of false etymologization.. There is an alternative phonetic explanation of the lambdacized form labarna. not **alabarna.’. even if we accept these examples. 28 Despite Yakubovich. Rieken / Yakubovich. I do not understand. Note that even if we discard tawananna from the comparison. where it competes with the proper variant tabarna (see Soysal. but the correspondence Hitt. fn. allappahh. 24. 2009a).‘id. . 2005. *cp ‘bitter’) and probably kurkupal [39’] ~ kurkufen-na [40’] (if nna < lna).29 On the ground of this phonetic ––––––––––––––––––––––– as the sign BA by the Hittites in the Hittite word and as WAA by the Hittites in the Hattic word. Akkadian. 2008. but with different conclusions. alef ‘tongue’) and the personal name Hitt. tappa. *T. The function of the sign BA in the Hittite cuneiform tradition is the task of further research.’ can hardly be rejected.‘id. 191 ff.’ (maybe < IE *lap. Meanwhile the lambdacized form labarna. ta/i5ta/i4-mi. allappahh.in Luwian loanwords. suffix known from some other Hattic stems. 2005.28 Further and less obligatory examples are: Hitt. tuhhuessar ‘smoke-substance. lick’. malalimi ~ HLuw. 21. Yakubovich. 29 Melchert. etymology (see above) is exact both phonetically and semantically.after the model Dhalipinu ‘(a male deity of the Hattic–Hittite pantheon)’ vs. 181 claims that the Hittites can render initial t. BA was being used by Hittite scribes merely as an occasional graphical indicator of loanwords (Hurrian. Hattic. Thirdly. Dhatipinu ‘(a female deity of the Hattic– Hittite pantheon)’—see Soysal. on which positive evidence Yakubovich’s theory is based. l-. 2005. since we know that in some cases Anat. 199 ff. Firstly. both verbal (huku-r ‘to see’ [13] < SCauc.is a Luwian loanword. the form in question is labarna. timber’).in tafa-r-na is a rather common SCauc. but as far as I can judge. *Hōk ‘id. I suppose that we can regard Hattic tafarna and tawananna as paronymous words and single out the Hattic root tafa/tawa-. 289–90 . The nominal suffix -na is also attested in Hattic: cf.). zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] (~ STib. la. PN ta/i5-ta/i4-mi must be read as ala-ali-mi (see Hawkins. 2003b. Certainly the queen title tawananna (never attested in a lambdacized form) has not been affected by such etymologization. HLuw. One can propose that the Hittites and the Luwians understood ta. but attested in Hittite texts.in tafarna as a feminine morpheme and attempted to replace it by the masculine la.‘to lap. The conditions of this phonetic change are unknown. ta.by l. it does not seriously affect my conclusions. which is unknown to Hattic. it is unclear to me why Hitt. 2010 .

31 ––––––––––––––––––––––– Cf. Yakubovich’s (2009. Of course both explanations (morphological and phonetical) of the t/l-alternations in Hittite are not self-evident. or pit dug in the ground’. λαβύρινθος has been recently briefly proposed by Яцемирский. 165. 251). Caesar). 231) criticism of Soysal’s morphological scenario. from my point of view the derivation of tabarna/labarna from Luw.. 2008. German family names Kaiser..= Grk. Off.30 but they seem much more probable than Melchert’s one (for which see above). On the other hand. thereupon the Hittites borrowed labarna from Luwian and began to use it equally with the proper form tabarna.. force to walk’ (Ugar. βαλλιρός / βάλε30 . e. Yakubovich. 263. g. pl.2). cf. But reanalysis according to the grammatical patterns of the source language is also sometimes observed. HJ. the linguistic fate of Lat. tabar. the name of the USA company “Keds” has been borrowed into Russian as sg.‘to rule’ looks like a modern folk etymology. see DUL. Aram. SCauc. A rather satisfactory etymology of Myc.. verbal root *dbr ‘to lead. Yakubovich is right that in the case of the morphological reanalysis of a loanword this process is standardly based on the grammatical patterns of the target language. But the second scenario is not less probable: tafarna was a Hattic regal term. g.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 361 phenomenon the only consistent scenario is the following one: Hattic tafarna was borrowed into Hittite and Palaic as tabarna and into Luwian as *tabarna > labarna (labarna is the only variant known from Luwian texts). Herzog etc. which has been adopted by Hittite king as a throne name. Thus. 2009. verb could be the WSem. As for the second element of tawa-nanna. 31 For the Greek substrate suffixes -υρ and -ινθ see Beekes. The nature and the origin of the Mediterranean scarcely attested onomastic element laB(a)r/TaB(a)r remain vague. ked. λάβιρος · βόθυνος ‘hole. since both solutions are equal... 2009. etc. *nǟnV ‘female breast.. where -s has been understood as the English plural ending and loped off.. there are no clear examples for the suffix -ιρ (cf. An assumed compound ‘honoured/powerful mother’ as a queen title fits Hattic matriarchal culture very well. 2007 (§C. The fact that tabarna/labarna was the throne name of the first Hittite king (the founder of the dynasty) is unhelpful. First. 239). probably Arab. kedy ‘sneaker(s)’. da-pu/pu2-ri-to. mother’. typologically cf. Hebr. 110: Hsch. Except for λάβιρος. however.. in all likelihood nanna reflects the universally spread nursery word ‘mother’. I cannot exclude that the Hattic stem tafa-r with the probable meaning ‘to have honour/authority/power’ might have been borrowed into Hittite– Luwian dialects as tabar.‘to rule’ together with other Hattic terms of government and kingship. see Goedegebuure. we can assume that originally tabarna/labarna was a proper name and thereupon became a regal title in Anatolia (cf. trench. The second hypothetical source of the Luw. (note that the most part of the throne names of the Old Hittite kingdom was Hattic and only two or three of them permit Luwian attribution. E.

Soysal (pers. however. frightened. comm. tree’ ~ βδαροί (Hsch. d-series) was rendering of some special phoneme of the “Minoan” language (e. e.) points. First.7): Myc. 2005 (following H. nǝ-wa-ź (ныо. the examples by S. the root na is not attested elsewhere in Hattic (except for Soysal’s theoretical ta-wanan-na ‘(lady of) wanan na-s’) which makes this monoconsonantal analysis doubtful. e. *nǟnV ‘female breast. stupefied’.] ‘a bird’ ~ κίσσιρις · εἶδος ὀρνέου [Suid. g. g. 32 O. Although the elements of the Adyghe compound nǝ-wa are not entirely clear. Yatsemirsky. the virtual collocation ta-far-na lacks the expected plural suffix fa. without possessive proclitics zihar-tail ‘carpenter’ (wood-master). nanna with WCauc. especially the doublets like τόρδῡλον ~ τόρδιλον ‘hartwort. fright’ = Hitt. comm. cf.). κᾰλᾰμίνθη ‘name of “a good-smelling plant”’. i.. наужъ) ‘old woman’ and Hatt. tafarna as ‘(lord of) thousand na-s’. But I suspect that in the case of possessive exponent omission we deal with the general principle of the Hattic compound word-forming. isogloss. other Furnée’s examples in Beekes. 53. huzza-šai ‘smith’ (hearth-master).+) ~ Pergaean λάφνη (Hsch. rtab ‘to be confused. As for the fluctuation d~l in the Pre-Greek (scil.362 A. comm. Ivanov’s etymology of Hatt. this phenomenon does not seem an exclusive feature of λαβύρινθος.] ‘a kind of carp’ and κίσιρνις [Hsch. Cf. “Minoan”) vocabulary. to be in a hurry’. The connection between Hattic tafa ‘fear’ and tufi ––––––––––––––––––––––– ρος / βαλῖνος [Arist. → A Hattic–STib. Such an analysis is rather factitious from my point of view. comparing Hatt. also δίσκος (Hom. Kassian [UF 41 Quite differently Soysal. Tib. to be confused’ > Chin. 1985. pers. mummy. 慴 *tep ‘to fear’.) ‘tree’. old woman.).32 Third.) ‘sweet bay (Laurus nobilis)’. Иванов. weridema-. № 53 analyzes Hattic tawananna as a compound tawa-nanna..-S. . tawa. tafa with Adyghe and Kabardian nǝ-wa. 2007 (§B.e. *tip ‘scared stiff. δάφνη (Hom.+) ~ λίσκος (Hsch. Ὀδυσσεύς ~ Ὀλυσσεύς.) ‘wood . fur-šail ‘lord of the land’ (land-master) etc. the elliptical construction ‘(lord of) …’ appears unparalleled by known Hattic data. *nanV ‘mother. 慹 *tep. mother’). Schuster’s idea): ta-far-na from the Hattic roots far ‘thousand’ [31] and na ‘?’. the lateral affricate). but one can draw here a parallel with the Pre-Greek suffixes -ιλ / -υλ or -ινθ / -υνθ which are well-attested in their both variants: cf. in fur-un-katte ‘king of the land’ (land-GEN king) for *fur-un-te-katte (land-GEN POSS-king). pers. Second. ἄβλαροι (Hsch.) ‘quoit’.5. granny’ (< NCauc.found in the similar collocation far-fa-šhaf/tafar-fa-šhaf ‘thousand deities’ (from šhaf ‘god’). It is possible that the primary function of the Linear B voiced series (i. *tĕp (~ d-) ‘fear. tafa (tauwaa) ‘fear.]. √ STib. Yatsemirsky. Tordylium officinale’ and maybe μυστλη ~ μιστύλη ‘crust of bread scooped out to the form of a spoon’ (the examples by S.is improbable both phonetically and morphologically. ныожъ. ka-da-mi-ta ~ Grk. to the fact that auxiliary morphemes can sometimes be dropped out in Hattic compound proper names like.

). big’ > NCauc. very’. 21 (Hatt. Lak =ita. *tɨʔj.. thah ‘to put. *ti ‘great. Dargwa *=atVr. → Phonetically the Hattic form is close to the STib. stad ‘to put on. 54. Lushai teʔ (< *teiʔ ?) ‘much. Lushai daʔ ‘to put. Lezgh. Yug di/diʔ ‘to put. many’. te-ti (fem. load’. very much’. 1985. 1994.) √ SCauc. to stand. 55. let. phonetically. leave’. ti with WCauc. be available’. + WCauc. leave. *=it. *-´t. gda ‘to be. most. Kabard. WCauc. Similarly Браун. at all’). Lepcha tí.‘to let. large. place’. forms. taj ‘very’. place’. and Chirikba. 多 *tāj ‘much. e. place’. position’. → Hattic matches Yen. √ SCauc. 20. Burm. Adyghe–Kabardian *ətə. Chirikba. *=HVwĀn) which is impossible phonetically.‘to do. set up’. Burush. -tɨj. be there’. *tV ‘to be inside. 1994. *thiajʔ. also zi? ‘to lie. Av. gtad ‘to lean upon. 1996. for which see Hatt. *=ătV-r ‘to let. ś-tə ‘frightened’. *did. 428 (Hatt. -te suffix denoting plurality. to lay?’ = Hitt. STib. Lepcha tho-m ‘to place’. to be there’. 署 *ḏa(ʔ)s ‘to place.‘to leave’. *dHV ‘to grow.‘to leave’. Laz). + WCauc. 1996. *tajH ‘big. which can be a WCauc. load’.‘to get cold’ with a further semantic development into ‘fear’ in some WCauc. Megrel. Kachin theʔ 2 ‘and’. > WCauc.‘big’ (South Kartv. eš ‘to put’ [4]). *ə ‘cold .‘to grow’ > Ket tɨjiŋ5. *di(j) ‘to lie down. təiʔ sign of the plural. at all. make. to put (with preverbs)’. *thrājʔ ‘be great’. g. big’ in te-li (masc.) and te-te. Yug tɨjiŋ. Burm. to be’ (Abkhaz -ta-/-t(ə)-. Khin. Yen. 處 *thaʔ ‘dwell. Doubtfully Браун. form tete with Kartv. a reduplicated stem in Adyghe–Kabardian *d-da / *dá-də ‘most. t-m ‘to be great. The comparison in not persuasive. ki-. to get cold. *ƛ:ʷA ‘to sleep’ (< NCauc. much. place.‘to leave’. big’. put down’ > Ket dij ‘to put. ti. place’ > Chin. lay on’. attestations.‘to leave.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 363 ‘fear’ [102’] is unclear. deliver up’. Yen. Tib. set’. Girbal. 哆 *thajʔ. Kiranti *dV ‘big’. much’ > Chin. *=ătV ‘to put. . and Yen. 421 compares Hatt. to stay’ > Nakh *=it. *dhăH (/*thăH) ‘to put. freeze’ > Abkhaz–Abaza *ə-ta ‘cold (adj. 1986 compares the Hattic fem. te. STib. Kachin da3 ‘to put. *jatär.). *trājʔ. *dA ‘big. loanword (cf. to stay. *V ‘to lay eggs. -tij.)’.‘to be there. № 52 compares the Hattic compound tafa-tufi ‘fear (and) horror’ with WCauc. Иванов.-And. stay. leave’ > NCauc. etc.. at. *te. only: Georg.

čo2 ‘spoon’. to be scattered about’. while semantically—to the NCauc. Khin. Tsez. *ćəw (-t) ‘water. to flow.‘to found (metal)’. tih ‘to build’ = Hitt. KUŠNÍG. ćəw ‘to be wet. as stones. tʌlafɨn5.BÀR. 632 connects the Hurrian term to NCauc. ćhu ‘water’. tera-h (probably not štera-h) ‘leather covering. *čVwV ‘to pour. mould’. Lak =i=či. ãćhu ‘to ladle or scoop (water)’. *č:ar(a) ‘(milk) skin.(~ -o-) ‘to splash . shell’ > NCauc. Yug atčej / ačej. Tib. ãćha ‘to make. prepare’. pl. as stone-wall.)’ → A Hattic–STib. Burm.can originate from SCauc. and Burush. *ć. 仕 *rəʔ ‘to work. STib. Av. Yug tʌlap5 / tʌla:p3. 57. offering’ = Hitt. cream. WCauc. *ʔeč. office’. √ SCauc. isogloss (for the semantics cf. tʌĺaŋ5.-And. teh. Burush. pour. forms. fly. teh. √ STib. sap’.‘to to pour. 1995/2007. pl.‘to bathe. → Hattic tefu-šne should be analyzed as a compound. pour. as scaffold’. Lezgh. *ć/  /  and *č/  / ǯ. to build. STib. *šɔrV (~ š:-) ‘lamb’s skin (for making hats). *čɦrV ‘skin. to throw’. to vomit’ > Nakh *l-ēbč. serve. *=[ṭ]wV ‘water’). Lushai čiau ‘wet and dirty’. of Tsez. further to SCauc. shell’ > Nakh *ʡōr ‘skin.‘to vomit’. Lezgh. Kiranti Limbu cwaʔl ‘water’ Yen. sour cream. The phonetic similarity with Hurr. √ SCauc. Tsez. moist’. *ṣo ‘to wash’.‘to pour’ > Ket átij.‘to flow. also Hurr. a k. 58. Yen. to jump. strew. envelope. wede-. *=ačʷ. *ʔa-č. ǯar ‘sour cream’. liquid’. whose similarity with the Hattic root can be a chance coincidence (Старостин. to soak’. Cf. Kachin (H) ča ‘to pile or lay.364 A. the Kachin and probably Lushai cognates). *=ṭwV ‘to pour. 事 *rəʔs ‘affair’. *ǯʷə ‘to vomit’. shoes’. bćud ‘moisture. tab/w.(~ -r-) ‘bread crust’ > Ket tʌla:3. wet’ > NCauc. where šne [89’] means ‘offering’ (cf. malt[eššar]. *=ǟwčĂ ‘to emit. shell. to rinse. fula-šne ‘bread offering’ [38]). *ʔäča. Kachin ǯo3 ‘to pour into’. and Yen. ones. to vomit’. incrustation. juice. wet. išpantuzzi-. skin. *štɦrV ‘crust. ? Lushai sa (sak) ‘to build or erect (as house etc.‘to grow up (of children)’ seems accidental. *ćH > Chin. to build. fell-cloak’ = Hitt. . to bathe. *tefu ‘to pour’ in tefu-šne ‘libation. to wash. *təʔlap. to scoop’ > Tib. peel’. Kassian [UF 41 56. Phonetically and morphologically the Hattic stem is close to the STib.

*=a.-And. *=V ‘to eat. 419 compares tuh with Abkhaz–Abaza *tǝ-xǝ ‘to take from inside’ (where *tǝ is a locative preverb and *xǝ means ‘to take’) which is unconvincing. tuh ‘to take. to eat’ > Av. who arbitrarily singled out the Hattic root u[f] and compared it with WCauc. Yen.‘to drink’. gzan ‘to eat. *sī. → Note the similarity between the Hattic and STib. *fV ‘to eat’ (possibly < NCauc. 1985. Tib. Yug sī ‘to eat’.‘to gather. to bring’. *tA. coverlet’ which is less satisfactory both semantically and phonetically.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 365 → Note the simplification *štɦ. Pump. Kott. grasp’. *ĭrqā ‘carpet. Lezgh. → The Hattic u-vocalism is unclear (cf. √ SCauc. to take’. 216. to gulp. *śi/*ṣi/*ṣu ‘to eat’. tiya-. *ĆŏH ‘to seize’ > Chin. Kachin ša3 ‘to eat’. Burush. WCauc.‘to give’ (< NCauc. Improbably Иванов. √ SCauc. *=ač. carry’. tuk ‘to step’. *=ăčw > Av. envelope’. collect.> t. *ʔačʷɨ. and Hattic retain the primary meaning ‘leather covering. 取 *ćhoʔ ‘to take’. roots. šat2 ‘boiled rice.in Hattic. ‘hintreten. 61. (-za) da-. Dargwa *=uč. Arin šau ‘Speise’. Despite this fact. Tsez. ? har(k)-. 59. zan ‘fodder. Tsez. ãu ‘to seize’. porridge’. shows a further semantic development. *ṣu). STib. *ʒhaH ‘to eat’ > Tib. tu ‘to eat’ = Hitt. Lushai fa ‘rice’. Lezgh. № 48 compares the Hattic root with WCauc. to take away. Burm. 22 (Hatt. Basque *eući ‘to take. √ SCauc. beistehen?’ = Hitt. Kiranti *ʒo (? /*ʒə) ‘to eat’. seize. 60. *ʔVV (~ -:-) ‘to drink’. sogo ‘to eat’.‘to eat’.‘to take. rice for eating’. too. *ČQV ‘to step. + Abaza). graze’). faʔ ‘to feed with the mouth’. *=Vt ‘to give’) which is unconvincing. ćah ‘to eat’. the same process as in Yen. *=ắčw ‘to take’ > NCauc. *=aš(:). № 59. devour’. *čʷV ‘to take. Yen. hold. za ‘to eat’. 1994. STib. 1996. Chirikba. to keep?’ = Hitt. № 41 compares terah with NCauc. Иванов. 1985. *ɦĭfV ‘to guard. For the Hattic suffix -(a)h see HWHT. Иванов. Burush. Untenably Браун.‘to eat’ > Ket sī ‘to eat’.(~ -o-) ‘to carry’. drink’ > NCauc. ed-. šig ‘Speise’. *=VV ‘to drink. *:a. the comparison seems reliable. run’ > .-And.‘to find’. while NCauc. 1985.

see SCC. but in all likelihood we deal with a chance coincidence here—the same case as Hatt. piece of wood. √ SCauc. timber’ = Hitt. ēmbiŕaŋ. → A Hattic–Yen. wood. 1986.> -m. (for such a “non-disappearing” *m in Yen. 162 compares tumil with Kartv. beam. but the comparison cannot be rejected. STib. timber’ → Hattic stem contains the suffix -(V)r. 1998. *t[e]mb-Vĺ. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ > NCauc. zihar ‘(building) wood. thempul. Such a dissimilation uw > um is a good parallel to a similar phenomenon of Hittite morphonology. 秋 *ćhiw ‘autumn’. log. Note an occasional retention of *m in Yen. only: Georg. Yen. 1985.‘to run’ > Ket tɔq-tət5 ‘to run’.. and regular cluster simplification in Hatt. *cōjwlɦV ‘autumn. √ Yen. Laz. Av. *ćek (~ -) ‘to tread. Tib. timber’ > Tsez. *thēmpul. see Kartet. Yug sīr. Lak s:u-t ‘autumn’.‘to rain’. chip . Megrel. tup (probably not štup) ‘root’ = Hitt. trample’ > Chin.‘summer’ > Ket śīĺi1. winter’. zehar. Khin. (ã)ćhags ‘to tread. winter’. to move’. *wēχV ‘stick. čāganthagākŋ ‘to run’. Kott. Lezgh. *cowɨl: ‘autumn’. 62. which is rather common in SCauc.) autumn’. šurki-. *iχ: (~ -ɨ-. trample’. *s:ɨbə(rV) A ‘autumn’. № 56 analyzes the Hattic stem as tu-mil and compares the first element with unclear Ubykh tʷá. šilpaŋ. 63. 蹟. (Sal. The nominal ĺ-suffix is not rare in Yen. 41). čaganthak ‘running’. cuwa-ž ‘autumn’. to walk. WCauc. forms. *oχ:an (~ *Vχ:ʷan) ‘perch. 64. isogloss. Basque *asaro ‘November. Kott. Иванов. Klimov. small piece of wood’.dbf.-And. → The nasalization *-w. It could be possible both phonetically and semantically (if we single out the frequent suffix -l from the Hattic stem). *ć:ə (~ *ə) ‘autumn . *čɔʔq. tumil.366 A. → Note the vocalic similarity between the Hattic and Proto-Yen. Lezgh. šam ‘to hear’ [48]. *wim-a‘rain’ (South Kartv. 312). winter (rainy season)’ > Nakh *sṭab(ʡ)V/ *bʡastV ‘autumn . *əxʷə ‘to urinate. Yug čat-tat5 ‘to trot’. Dargwa *c:eχ:eni ‘beam. lan- . *c:ibirV ‘autumn . Kassian [UF 41 STib. crossbeam’. -ʁ) ‘chip. pole.in tʷá-x ‘hail’ (x goes back to WCauc. *wim. √ NCauc. with a secondary assimilation tumin (also šumin?) ‘rain’ = Hitt. tenbir. Yen. Girbal. spring’. Arin šil. 跡 *ćek ‘footprints.‘root’ > Kott. GIŠ-ru. *sir1. to rain’) which is unconvincing. > Chin. heyu-.in the Hattic form is not quite clear. Arin ēmbirgaŋ. Tsez.

zipina with the WCauc. № 81 compares Hatt. Hatt. pungent. *Hă(r)ǯwī (~ -ē) ‘a k. notice’ [13]. e. + WCauc.‘to fall’ to NCauc. especially in the NCauc. which is possible only theoretically: we must suppose assimilation ł-r > r-r in NCauc. № 73 compares Hatt.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 367 guages. huku-r ‘to see. *ɦmVjwĂ ‘sour’ + *=wVn ‘to be sufficient. *lĭwŁĔ / *Łĭwl ‘man. 1994. 1985. The Hattic word might have been borrowed into Hurrian as a cultic term. and double metathesis in STib. 20 (Hatt. pungent’ > Burm. *k(h)rīl (~ -ł) ‘to fall. be bitter (as egg-fruit)’. of tree’) + WCauc. and Chirikba..). testiculus’ (< NCauc. the analysis zipi-na seems natural. *də(ʔ)q. *:ʷə ‘a k. *d. *s-/ś-/š-. pungent’. 65. Иванов. zipina ‘sour’ (substantivized?) = Hitt. The proto-form with the initial *t-/ ṭ. For the suffix -na cf. branch. ćhip ‘poison’. Иванов. drop’. .. *A ‘male.dbf #865 with doubts connects Yen.) in rituals’ [40’] vs. g. mauš-. Semantically unpersuasively Иванов. Yug dʌkŋ. zik with an unclear Ubykh double-morphemic form. of tree’ (< NCauc. Sccet. (Bogh.(~ *dək.and (in the case of Yen.?) ‘to fall’ > Ket dʌkŋ 5. Lushai thīp ‘to smart. zik ‘to fall’ = Hitt. *=[a]rkVr ‘to fall’ and STib. peppery’. √ Yen. *də(ʔ)q. of pastry used in rites)’ (GLH. kurkupal ‘peg’ [39’] (if -nna < -lna) and maybe tafarna ‘lord’ [52]. zehar with the Adyghe–Kabardian compound *č:-ɣə ‘tree’ < WCauc. 1996. compound *ʷV-ʷV ‘to get sour. sour’ (< NCauc. Untenably Браун. enough’) smart is not persuasive phonetically. ćap ‘to be hot. 305). 1985. √ STib. 1985. look. məǯap3 ‘red pepper’. № 72. who compare Hatt. proto-form *łVkVrV / *rVkVłV. Yen.is the most natural solution here.dbf).) NINDAzippinni ‘(a k. 423. *cp (~ ć-) ‘bitter. male’). Although the Hattic suffix -na is not entirely clear. Hurr. *n. 66. For -(V)r cf.can originate from SCauc. EMṢU. → An interesting Hattic–STib. For Hattic secondary z < t before i see the phonetic section above. proposing the SCauc. *ʔ-tone) from SCauc. *t-/ ṭ-. isogloss. *l-/ł-. → An important Hattic–Yen. The original meaning of Adyghe–Kabardian *č:-ɣə was probably ‘acorn’ (see Caucet. cf. isogloss. Kachin ǯap2 ‘to be hot. kurkufenna ‘wooden stand (vel sim.

but not very apt either semantically or phonetically. 1994.–Burush. *ʔʷă (s-. Av. isogloss. Urart. pl. princess’. + WCauc. *hejVŋ ‘to go’ > Ket ējeŋ1 / ɛjeŋ5 . *=ʔ-. and Браун. Arin kes. *wŏjV (~ --) ‘woman. ehu. čʌʔŋ. HUR. paradigm is the result of a secondary morphological reanalysis. *wjV (~ sṭ-. female’ > Nakh *psṭuw ‘wife. hejaŋ.‘female’. Yen. + East Cauc. travel’ > NCauc. *čɨʔs may be a singulative suffix (cf. STib. Similarly Иванов. set in order. . *:ʷijV ‘female’.dbf #140 unites Yen. WCauc.2 Loans. Pump. STib. *pə-zV ‘female. Basque *a-ćo ‘old woman. ‘setzen. Sccet. Tsez. *sʷə(mə)V ‘woman’). Lak c:u. wah) ‘to set. Av. to command’. čʌŋa:n3 ‘rock’. 19 (Hatt. but probably the Yen. *ʔwVʔwVŋ < *ʔVʔwVŋ (SCC. the protoform of plural). Probably *hejVŋ developed from Early Proto-Yen. Kassian [UF 41 67. and roots without etymology 1’. Basque *e-oHa-n ‘to go’. ziš ‘mountain’ = Hitt. ana ‘come (here?)!’ = Hitt. dai-. befehlen” = Hitt.-And. *pə-zV). tʌʔŋ / tʌŋa:n3. nun. Synchronically *-s in Yen. *=Vʔwŋ ‘to go.368 A. √ SCauc. *čəʔ-ŋ ‘rock’ > Ket tɨʔś. № 83 (Hatt. Yug čɨʔs. *ɨšV (~ č-) ‘stone. ~ --) ‘female’ > NCauc. *=VʔVn-. šīš. Lak na-. Yug ejiŋ1 . *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’.‘to walk (go)’. → Hattic -tu is the “female” suffix -t(u)/-š(u). Hurr. ah and/or fah (waah. -ŋ) ‘to go’. zuwa-tu ‘wife’ or rather ‘concubine’ = Hitt. Burush. pl. *wV ‘small stone’ (reconstructing the SCauc. *čɨʔs ‘stone’.SAG. imp. mountain’ > Yen. 68. and Burush. (Sal) grandmother’. √ SCauc. 雌 *ćhej ‘female’. kit. Burush. 5. bitch’. pl. watarnahh-. 29). Kott. DAM. > Chin. cf. un-. Kott. *né. šeŋ. an ‘to come (here?)’. 2’. pah. (ein)ordnen.-And. dubia. pl. root as *wV ‘stone’) which seems theoretically possible.‘to come’. + incorrectly WCauc. 1985. → A Hattic–Yen. *=VʔwVn ‘to go’ > Nakh *ʡo-. forms with NCauc. √ SCauc.

root *pʷa (~ p:-. Chirikba. pišnatar. although the initial m. haifenamul (haipinamul. Chirikba. GIŠ. -) ‘birch . 牡 *m(h)(r)ūʔ ‘male animal’. LÚeguttarra. In their turn. Иванов. going back to NCauc. Иванов. LÚ-tar.in Hattic -mul in the non-initial position. son’). hamuruwa with the WCauc. 7. to milk’.(< egu. note the retention of *m. rafter’. then perhaps ha-muru-a with the nominal prefix ha-. one can see a compound haipina-mul here. In this case the second part -mul may correspond to: SCauc. 1999.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 369 → If the comparison is correct. LÚhakazue-l ‘drinker. male child. which theoretically can be the source of borrowing . *=āmʒŬ. *morƛ:ɨl/*uorƛ:ɨl ‘man. virility. *zwA.‘to drink’ corresponds to ECauc. 4’. which is unparalleled by the Sino-Caucasian daughter proto-languages.in an inherited root is unlikely. the well-attested noun haippin with an unknown meaning (probably abstract. timber’). Dargwa *marga ‘male’. According to Caucet. Hattic shows the phonetic development *ʔw > . 3’. > Chin. № 82 unconvincingly analyzes Hatt. 7’. 170. It is self-suggesting to single out the “masculine” suffix -l: haipinamu-l. denoting some wooden instruments. → Morphologically opaque.)’ > Nakh *mār ‘husband’. 164–165. STib. derived from fin ‘child. 5’. brave man. *mōr[Ł]V ‘male’ > NCauc. hero’. On the other hand.and the “masculine” suffix -(i)l. 1985.dbf. MUŠEN. see Soysal. further to SCauc. male. fn. timber’ (< NCauc. № 5 compares Hatt. 1996a. *=āmśd ‘milk. noun kazue ‘bowl’ [32’] (< Semitic) with the frequent prefix ha.‘to drink’). ašti or šti ‘bird’ = Hitt. 1996. *mħĕrqwĕ (~ -ʕ-. ‘(Dach)balken’ = Hitt. *aw ‘to come’(?) in awa ‘come here!’ = Hitt. 1983. For its first part cf. 6’. cross-beam’.‘to drink’. Lezgh. WCauc. comparing zu with WCauc. 1985. 59. courage’ = Hitt. hamuruwa ‘beam. → The stem is apparently derived from the Hatt. *mōrŁV ‘male (subst. If so. toaster’. ʷ) ‘wood. ‘to milk’. ehu. Ардзинба. hakazuel as ha-ga-zu-el.ÙR. used in compounds. *zwA. → If genuine Hattic. quote the Abkhaz–Abaza compound *qʷǝ(m)bǝlǝra ‘beam over the hearth. ‘кравчий’ = Hitt. 423. haiweenamul) ‘manhood. Phonetically unsatisfactory.

Ugar. If genuine Hattic. Valério / Yakubovich.-And. Hurr. of metal’ (Reiter. 17. parallels. know’.‘to summon up’.‘to say. (D)hanfašuit ‘Throne-goddess. where in all likelihood it should be regarded as a Hattic loanword. borrowed probably via Hurrian intermediation. The Hattic terminus technicus was borrowed as Akkadian (OB. parzillu ‘iron’.370 A. *ga. 1997. γέφῡρα (~ β-.. 351ff. reconstruct SCauc. WCauc. *ʔalga(n). Further cf. SCauc. *ħānħV ‘fat’. *khān (~ *gh-) ‘to see. kul. hapalki ‘id. cf. 12’.33 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 33 Cf.) that reflects the same term. Lezgh. hanail. etc. see below sub kinawar ‘copper’ [34’] for detail (for the first time the idea about the . *=alg[w]Ăn ‘to speak’ > Av. hanau ‘food?’ → Cf. kamurǰ ‘bridge’. 15 . δ-) ‘dyke. Dargwa *=[a]lgwVn. 8’. 11’. GIŠDAG. if we reject the STib. Arm. GIŠhalmaššuitta-. Nuzi) amrû ‘beam. → Apparently a compound: hanfa-šuit.’ [12’]. 10’.’ see an extended discussion in Martirosyan. ship)’ (CDA. galliš.BAR. brḏl ‘iron’. who tentatively propose that Hatt. *=alg[w]Ăn > NCauc. **palki ‘iron (ore?)’ was borrowed as Luw. bridge’. habalginnu ‘a k. Lak =uk:i-. → Cf. forthc. Turk. *hana in hanal. 399 f. hanti (hant?) ‘to summon up?’ =? Hitt. throne’ = Hitt. MAss. 9’. Dubious STib. *köper ‘id. to pronounce solemnly’. 2010. On similar Grk. parza ‘iron ore’ and subsequently the Luwian form was adopted by neighboring Semitic dialects: Akkad. abalgi ‘iron’ < Hatt. LÚhantipšufa ‘cook’ = Hitt. hapalki ‘iron’ = Hitt. LÚMUHALDIM. CAD A2.as observed in Hurr. Kassian [UF 41 of the Hattic term. AN. dam. → The same word is found in Hittite (habalki ‘iron’) and Hurrian (habalgi/ abalgi ‘iron’).. then probably ha-palki from the hypothetical root *palk. look. NCauc. The comparison is possible. *gʷVl-. *xg[w] instead of *g[w] and treat -ti in the Hattic form as a suffix of unclear nature. 78) probably via Hurrian with the same loss of h. fn. timber (in construction of house. → An unclear compound.

An alternative and more probable interpretation of Myc. w. The theory of the Hattic origin of the Luwian term seems rather vague. ‘smaragd. κύᾰνος ‘dark-blue enamel. hapalki is quite unclear (clusters like /lkV/. lapis lazuli. palatalized uvular fricative *Iʷə > ki and WCauc. Caucet. hapalki. whose old conjunctural translation is ‘silver’. not as ra-kV) Kazansky’s idea has been accepted by some scholars. lit.). is virtual Luw.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 371 On the other hand. /rkV/ must be rendered as kV in Linear B. the only case where we can suspect ki > Luw. see Melena. pa/pa3-ra-ku and Hatt. z. *Iʷə-pəə ‘(red) copper’. which is phonetically a more probable candidate for the source of borrowing of hapalki despite semantic difference: WCauc. are totally unsupported by other data. and discussion) with alternative rendering of “exotic” phonemes: WCauc. *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ > Hattic/Hittite/Hurrian. in all likelihood we deal with a late reanalysis here (ha-palki). In any event. but without phonetic explanation due to the lack of the Luwian link). palatalized labialized lateral fricative *ʷ > Hatt. cf. *maʷV with the WCauc. connecting pa-ra-ku to Hatt. pa/pa3-ra-ku. 34 On the phonetic shape of the reconstructed WCauc. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar’. barraqtu ‘emerald’. . (Luwoid) kiklu(b)-/kikli(b). ha-palki and the Semitic words was proposed in Ancillotti. *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ was independently borrowed as Hitt. Despite the fact that the morphological and phonetical relationship of Myc. lki (cf. 1997 / 2007. 66 propose the meaning ‘iron’.dbf (following Vjač. Luw.rendering *Iʷ.rendering the lateral affricate --)”. z in a loanword. Ivanov’s theory about a particular relationship between Hattic and WCauc. bluish-grey’ (Hsch. since the West Caucasian origin of the Hattic term seems very probable. 224 ff. *ḱ > Luw. ‘metal + blue’: “it seems very tempting to relate *Iʷə-ʷV to the attested Hatti name for ‘iron’. ku-wa-no.’). languages have another form. Note that aside from parza. if we accept Yakubovich’s theory about the borrowing from Hattic into Luwian. favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. z can be theoretically explained within the Proto-Luwian process IE *ḱ > Anat. 174 f. blue copper carbonate’. Another problem case is Myc. however. 1987. but Казанскене / Казанский. 35 For meaning shifts in names of metals cf. Starostin.35 WCauc. On the other hand. throne’ < Hurr. labialized lateral affri––––––––––––––––––––––– relationship between Hatt. βαρακίς · γλαύκινον ἱμάτιον ‘bluish-grey cloth’. Akkad.‘iron’ (on this stem see HED K. the only idea we can discuss is the loan of WCauc. It should be noted.34 Since the proposed phonetical correspondences between Hattic and ProtoWCauc. *Iʷə-ʷV see esp. 1986. also Hatt. 711–712 (the discussion with Chirikba). where the palatalized lateral fricative * is rendered by Hatt.) connects Hatt. Grk. however. that WCauc. lit. ‘metal + red’ (reconstructed on the basis of Adyghe–Kabardian *ʁʷapλá ‘id. kešhi without the assibilation. kinawar ‘copper’ [34’] ~ Grk. χap/walki (with χVw. Indeed the development ki > Luw. kuwanna(n) ‘copper (ore)’ ~ Myc.and -lk. GIŠkišhit‘chair. hapalki to the Proto-WCauc. but the change l > r is unmotivated (the late toponymic evidence with the fluctuation l~r can hardly prove anything here. *kinnar (see below sub zinar ‘lyre’ [118’]). but this etymology is rather hypothetical likewise. **zinar ‘lyre’ < WSem. lit. from my point of view). pa/pa3-ra-ku is. Hatt. compound *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’. 1975. Hitt. lhip). etc. malhip ‘good.

*χäla (~ -l:-). . Kott.‘to cry out’. *Iʷə-pəə ‘(red) copper’ (‘metal + red’). see Старостин.Pr. this term may independently originate from WCauc. assign. assign. Yen.).-And. who was famous for the preparation of steel). → Cf. boy. her. Arin karam-pat ‘elbow’. Kassian [UF 41 cate *ʷV > klu(b). *Iʷə-λʷV ‘copper. maniyahh-. bronze’. 1985/ 2007. also as an enclitic particle of direct speech = Hitt. SCauc. to hand over. √ SCauc. Balto-Slav. Hattic (adj. hir ‘to allocate. Kun Chang. 1972. shout’ > Nakh *ʡaχ-. to administer’ = Hitt. Thai *hlek ‘iron’..’.-And. perhaps a self-designation of Hattians. 304. ka-ko) ‘copper’. *χĕłHe (~-a) ‘sleeve’ > Av. maniyahhis a factitive verb from the unattested nominal stem *mani-. 14’. Pump. etc. Arin ḱit. *k > Hatt. hit. *geleǵ. *[k]wn[ṭ]V ‘man’ > NCauc. *kʷo-χ:al (~ -ol). ĺi1 ‘arm’.)’ Exoethnonym ‘Hattians’ used by the Hittites (as well as the Old Assyrians: cf. *=aχ-. → The connection is possible. h seems irregular (the same concerns the simplification of the NT-cluster). Av. Eventually one or more of the three WCauc. *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ also (as per Старостин. Yen. hu ‘to exclaim. kārum Hattuš). hero’. *kwnVṭV (/ *ḳwnVtV) > Nakh *ḳanat ‘young man. Hdt. № 49). 13’. μάρη ‘hand’. especially the Ket ethnonym). male’. kit. 15’. -wa(r). steel’ (A. 1985/2007. As for Grk. *kʷinṭa ‘husband . Then the word penetrated (via Hittito-Luwians?) into Ancient Greek as Χάλυψ / Χάλυβος—the Chalybes (a tribe in north Anatolia. hatti in Hitt.‘iron’. → Semantically very tempting (cf. lit.). which can be tentatively reconstructed on the basis of Ubykh wə-sʷá ‘id. χαλκός (Myc. hatti-li ‘in Hattian language (adv. tapariya-. Grk. ‘metal + white’.-And.. Av. sleeve’ > NCauc. *Iʷə-λʷV ‘(white) copper’ (‘metal + white’)—spread all around Eurasia: cf. √ SCauc. *keʔt ‘man. to entrust. Lak ka-χ:a. etc. person’ > Ket kɛʔt (also as self-designation of Kets). *χłHé ‘arm. *HarχÚ ‘to speak. if we assume for the Hattic verb the same meaning shift as attested in the Hittite counterpart maniyahh-: Hitt.372 A. terms discussed above—*IʷəʷV ‘iron’ (‘metal + blue’). but its semantically more preferable source seems WCauc. but the fricativization SCauc. manus ‘hand’. *xɨre ‘arm’ > Ket ĺ. 304 (№ 49). Lezgh. which corresponds to Lat. halzai. *HarχU ‘to sound. also as an appellative ‘hardened iron. pronounce’.. Tsez. shout’ > NCauc.

17’.).2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 373 *=eχ. Adyghe ʡʷa vs. that the Abkhaz–Abaza enclitic -ħʷa is the result of a secondary late development in Abkhaz–Abaza. *jonHV > Yen. 1996. enough’ (without SCauc. 422). Lezgh. ‘großes? Ištar-Instrument’ = Hitt. WCauc. Yug dūɣ. + WCauc. theory (e. *jṓn ‘all’. *hun ‘big?’ in hun-zinar ‘a k. since the particle status of this WCauc. → Cf.‘to say’. 1985. *raχa-. STib. *huxV.(~ x-) ‘many’ ~ STib. *qo ( ~ *χ-) ‘full. which is probably secondary due to contamination with some other labialized roots (see Abadet. 謂 *wəts ‘to say. № 8. Kachin hɔ ‘to preach’ (an irregular onset in Chin.. hujei ‘shouting’ (a dprefix in Ket–Yug?). which is used both as a verbal root ‘to say. Burm. but synchronic y. Kabardian ʡa. cf. sich bewegen?’ =? Hitt. *k(h)a ‘word’. of lyre’. hut ‘to get free. 曰 *wat. SCauc.‘to cry. Chirikba. also Yen. *χʷV ‘to speak’ > Chin.‘to set in motion’. GIŠ(. talk’. Probably an onomatopoeic expressive root with an unclear loss of the final cluster *rχ in Hattic. 2002. Alternatively Иванов.).is known to Hattic. cognates).)?’. Improbably Иванов. g.D)INANNA.. 1996. *χʷV ‘to shout’. *=xV (~ *xHV) ‘word’ (> STib. *ha-n. 267 f. however.(~ -ʁ:-). As is truly noted by proponents of the Hattic–WCauc. Typologically such a grammaticalization process ‘to say’ > a quotative exponent is not rare. ‘loskommen. but can be included into SCauc. 1994. WCauc. tell’ and as an enclitic quotation marker.> Hatt. so I suppose that we deal with a chance coincidence here. 1985.lacks East Cauc. hu ‘to speak. hu also functions as an enclitic particle of the direct speech that strikingly corresponds to the aforementioned Abkhaz–Abaza ħʷa. Ubykh a-). . Burush. root is not supported by Adyghe–Kabardian and Ubykh data. 1994. showing labialization in some daughter languages (Abkhaz–Abaza ħʷa. 20 (Hatt. move (intr. 云 *wən. root with WCauc. 21 and Chirikba. *j. cognates. the Hatt. 16’. nini(n)k. speak’. *qäʔG ‘word’).dbf).GAL. *Ia. Untenably Браун. *jw ‘all’ ~ Burush. *h-.‘to call’ Basque *ean ‘to say’. *Ia. The comparison with Hattic is possible only if we assume SCauc. Kott. Yen. shout’ > Ket dūɣə1. Yen. № 9 (see below sub zinar [118’]). *ʔōn. Heine/Kuteva. 422 compare the Hatt. It is very likely. Браун. Cf.

can merely be a graphical representation of /SP-/. → The anlaut spelling iš-pí. For the second element -Cazi. *ua should point to an old labial consonant. → Иванов. ‘in that way(?)’ = Hitt. dankui.TUR. terrestrial. SCauc. ita.tagn-. demonstr. Double -rr. comparing ippi with Adyghe–Kabardian ʡa-pa ‘hand. sand’ ––––––––––––––––––––––– 36 See Kassian / Yakubovich. therefore one can divide it as ištarCazi-l ‘dark earth’ with an unknown sandhi. stem’ [> Yen. it is natural to single out the “masculine” suffix -l from the Hattic stem: išpe-l. *jmćV ‘earth. Erdboden. in dieser Weise’ = Hitt. finger’ which is not likely phonetically (see sub zinar [118’]).36 Cf. Kachin gəšun3 ‘to coerce. that’ ~ STib. *mV ‘he. Yug sel/sejl1. but ima. 篡 *chrōns ‘take by force. SCauc. *sel. imallin ‘this (demonstrative pronoun)’. and adv. to criminally assault (a woman).D)INANNA. *mV ‘(demonstrative pronoun)’] 19’. Lushai sual ‘bad. g.‘that’] and SCauc. Yen. *ʔĭ ‘this’ ~ Burush. QĀTAMMA. extort. *ʔi ‘this’ [> NCauc. usurp’ (< *t-srōns?). A unique case of SCauc. der Irdische(?)’ = Hitt. SP-cluster? On the other hand. *ʔi ‘this’ ~ STib. of lyre’. also adv. hand-lyre’). to assault’ > STib. take by force’. naughty. earthly(?)’. be in trouble to others through ill health. idaluš UN-aš. Kassian [UF 41 18’. demonstrative stems: SCauc. 2002 for this orthographic rule in the Hittite cuneiform. sinful. to sufficiently poison (a pool)’. *wV ‘he. → -l is probably the “masculine” suffix while the rest of the stem seems to be a compound of the pattern “adjective + substantive”. inta. “kleines? Ištar-Instrument” = Hitt.‘this’. 21’. imallen. . ‘(schwarze) Erde. *mV ‘this. → The element -llin is unclear. *šVł (~ -) ‘bad . GIŠ(. *ippi ‘small?’ in ippi-zinar ‘a k. śēĺi1.‘earth’ cf. ‘so.should point to an old cluster.. conj. išpel ‘evil man’ = !? Hitt.374 A. tittah-zilat ‘throne’ < ‘great’ + ‘seat’. ka. kiniššan. in this way’. № 13 translates ippi as ‘finger’ or ‘hand’ (ippi-zinar ‘fingerlyre. e. 20’. like. ‘(eben)so. 1985. daganzipa-. she’ ~ NCauc. soil. *i. wicked. *ś(r)uał > Chin.(~ -r-) ‘bad’ > Ket śēĺ. Note that STib. ištarrazi-l ‘(dark/black) earth. 22’.can be a compound of two SCauc.

365 proposes quite a different analysis: is-ta-araz-il ‘earth’ from *araz ‘earth’. *ĂwnV ‘dark’). 1994. 56 and Chirikba. *mĭʒV ‘sweet’). 23’. -ʒ-) ‘damp sand’ ~ Basque *hauć ‘ashes’].‘on the ground’. *ʡV(n)ǯV ‘good’ > Tsez. *=äƛĔw ‘to lie. big’ > Tib. *xQw-claster). 2004. see Caucet. erṣetu. *-g should originate from SCauc. good’. Kott. to lead’. yah ‘sky’ = Hitt. Untenably Браун. 20. Soysal. Иванов. *jōmćV ‘earth. ýrṣ. ajakan. Lezgh. benefit’. № 15 compares Hatt. 1985. *(mV)-rəʁa ‘sun’ (< NCauc. 2006. sand’ ~ Yen. izzi with WCauc. Иванов. *ṗə-źA ‘clean. 1994. → Not quite reliable in view of too general semantics. № 40 analyzes it as išta-razil and compares išta with WCauc. A more plausible cognate could be Na-Dene (Eyak.dbf.(or *ə-ta-. also in Dizzištanu ‘god of the Good Day’ < izzi ‘good’ + eštan ‘sun. Kachin (H) tiŋ-ǯa ‘great’. 414 unpersuasively single out an element (i)šta-. *ʔič:V.dbf). ćah ‘to be big (compared to smth. dark’. etc. to put. -g) ‘thunder’ > Ket ēkŋ1 / ɛkkiń5 / ɛkŋ5. *ʷa ‘black’ (< NCauc. *hõže (~ -ž:-) ‘well. *ʔa-j[a]k (~ x-. *ə. good. → Cf. izzi ‘favorable.. Basque *onća ‘well. 20 (Hatt. Probably *ṭa. if the Abaza glottalization is secondary). yah ‘sky’ with WCauc. The comparison is phonetically acceptable (Yen. 2002.‘good’. all right’. Иванов. nebiš. *ća ‘great. *araz with Proto-Semitic *ʔar‘earth’ (Akkad. where *ə goes back to Common WCauc. Ugar.SIG5. DUD. pl. alternatively he segments it as ištar-azil. Abadet. *ʡV(n)ǯV ‘good.‘to lie’ < NCauc. but semantically too far.‘tin’. Both solutions do not seem probable. Athabaskan) *jā ‘sky’. Браун.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 375 [> NCauc. *ʷə ‘good’ (maybe < NCauc. 24’. ʔere. good’). √ SCauc. STib. *ʔeʔǯ. ajak. comparing it with the Abkhaz–Abaza preverb *ṭa. big’ > NCauc. ćhe ‘great’. see Semet.originates from the Abkhaz– Abaza verbal stem *ə-ṭa. 1996. comparing Hatt. comparing ištar with NCauc. . Arab. Hebr. Yen. Браун. ʔarḍ. is-ta-arazil to Hitt. 1985. 1985. 112 attempts to connect Hatt. *VndV (~ -m-) ‘black.)’. + WCauc. *wirĂ ‘sun’) which is improbable phonetically.dbf. Yug ekŋ1. day?’ [5] = Hitt. Burm.(~ x-. As an alternative solution Soysal. № 80 compares Hatt. In this case cf. the same phonetic process r +  > rr in Hittite. arzili.

Despite Иванов. ay ‘to give’ = Hitt.‘vine. w. of vessel’. -εύτρια. 1985. Николаев. ku-re-ku ‘a k. pick?’ (DUL.]) or Hsch. Mehri karmaym ‘mountain’. cf. ai. see CDA. karam ‘wine’. 1985. kade—NCauc. wheat’ (> Tsez.‘roast barley’ (κοδομεία ‘barley-roasting’ [Poll. + WCauc. perhaps Hurr. ŠE.-And. κοδομεύς ‘one who roasts barley’ [Hsch. further probably to Akkad.].‘rake’ cannot be kept apart from these forms either. Dargwa *q:Iʷač:. grapevine’ etc. kade ‘grain. obscure Lyc. *kwərV ‘a k. 26’. 1976. as proposed by Иванов. karm ‘vineyard’. krk. *ǯ ~ Hatt. Kassian [UF 41 25’. halki-. Ugar.. 158 f. Hsch. of instrument.]. 37 . kait ‘grain. and discussion. see GLH. 2007. ya. kait ‘grain’ is a Hurrian loanword.dbf). Phot. karkar ‘to rake. lit. Probably a Wanderwort of unknown origin. yay. *karm: Ugar. etymology for Hurr. Pre-Greek κοδο. *q:Vrχ:V—the second element of the Av. t and NCauc.‘to rake. mound’ (Bab. 1978. M/NAss.]. however. Aram. Arab. krm ‘vineyard’. *qHwōǯĀ ‘corn. *o ~ Hatt. corn. also in LÚfintu-kkaram ‘cupbearer’ → A long ago recognized cultural term.. 133) should not be separated from this Hattic stem.dbf.376 A. № 18.can hardly be related here. WCauc. ‘ruin mound’.-And. Cf. A χθθα. Similarly Chirikba. 135 f. hahhariya. .‘rake’). Cf. 28 propose a NCauc. κοδομεύω ‘to roast barley’ [Hsch. *Łədwi/*ŁəŁədwi ‘corn’ which seems convincing. → Can be a reduplicated stem (kar-kar). *qečV.And.). ––––––––––––––––––––––– The migratory way of this term might be longer. Hitt. seem irregular... As fairly noted in Haas/Thiel. The Hattic word has been borrowed from some West Semitic form going back to WSem. scrape’ (derived from hah(ha)r(a). Suid. In view of this I tend to suppose that Hatt. 28’. for which see Afaset. scrape’ = Hitt. karm. grain-crop’ (also deified) = Hitt. ‘grain heap’. → Cf. Harsusi kermaym ‘mountain’ with the external Afro-Asiatic cognates. The correspondences NCauc. (see Semet. compound *:iχ:ʷVq:Vrχ:V ‘rake’ [where the first *:iχ:ʷV goes back to NCauc. *VχwV (~ Ł-) ‘rake’].37 27’. 23. piya-. 61 proposes a borrowing Proto-Av. NCauc. In fact karkar is very similar to Av. 1996 (Hatt. karmu ‘heap. also deified : Dkade-na. *k:ʷač:ə (~ -c:-)). Poll. Neumann. barley’ (= Sum. Not to NCauc. > Hitt. 149). 455). καδρεμα · σίτου φρυγμός. hah(ha)r(a). κοδομεῖον / κοδομήϊον ‘vessel for roasting barley’ [Poll. 1986. Diakonoff/Starostin.

jug’ by Старостин. KI. carry away’. katakumi ‘witchcraft. ‘Läufer-Kundschafter’ = Hitt. Abkhaz–Abaza *qV. drag’ originates from NCauc. 700. messenger’. 370. 1994. which is tentatively compared with NCauc. racer’ from the Sem. cup’. carry’. (D)kašku ‘(deified) gate building.) kaz(z)i/kaši ‘goblet’ (Catsanicos. → An unclear compound? 31’. kazue ‘goblet. A Wanderwort (‘red mineral’)? Soysal.E. root *ḳll ‘to be quick. take out. but the origin of toponym Κύπρος ––––––––––––––––––––––– 38 For the Hattic loanword in Hittite Ékaškaštipa. 22 proposes a typical bringen-Sie-etymology: Abkhaz a-ḳl-χra ‘to take off. magical?’ = Hitt. DUL. 7). 365 tentatively connects Ancient Greek Κύπρος and Hurr. forms with similar semantics: Ugar.‘to pull. Браун. 32’. kāsu ‘goblet. kab(a)li ‘copper’ to this Hattic term. but in reality should represent the same areal cultural term (further see Soysal.) ḳal ‘light. nimble. fast riding animal. (see AHw. . 632. *gaǯinV ‘jar. red?’ =? Hitt. (Bogh. 33’. fn. alwanzena-. gatehouse’ = Hitt. HALOT). Cf. to drag. *=HīqV(r) ‘to pull. 459). which probably contains the root χa (á-χara) ‘to pull.‘gatehouse.LAM. 34’. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar’. I am not sure that both unmotivated loss of medial -n.). sorcery . rapid (said of messengers). ḳl ‘courier. something speedy. Hebr. 164–165. 1995 /2007.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 377 29’. also Hurr. → Resembles WSem. 1996. kazza ‘blood red?.’ etc. portal’ see štip ‘gate’ [49]. LÚNÍ. kap ‘moon’ [15] above) see Soysal. ks ‘id. loanword with the (Hattic?) h-suffix. URUDU.and change l~r can be so easily accepted. Hence it might be a WSem. LÚkiluh ‘courier-spy’. 1999. kinawar ‘copper’ = Hitt. drag’ with the frequent preverb ḳǝl. 242 f. (Bibl. → For the new translation ‘gate-building’ (not ‘Moon god’. → Without doubt the Hattic word relates to Grk. Ugar. cup’ → A long ago recognized Semitic loanword: Akkad. assuming the development knwr > knpr > kpr. 2004. 454 . cf. išharweškiya-. 2004. rapid’ (see DUL.38 30’.ZU LÚKAŠ4.

but an exonym derived from a metal name. Some authors (Neu. and connect Alašiya to cuneiform alaš ‘copper’ or ‘bronze’ attested in a Nuzi vocabulary. The island name Κύπρος ‘Cyprus’ is known from the most archaic Greek authors (Hom. Neu. 1. Two easiest etymological hypotheses about Κύπρος can be proposed : 1. There are three similar shapes of designations of a “default” metal (copper. KPL in the northern area. Hurrian.was a self-designation of the Cyprus natives. 4) and Tsezian–Avaro-Andian *kʷibV-l‘a k. g. (Andian only) *kʷibV ‘iron’. κύπρῐνος ‘1. B texts (ku-pi-ri-jo/a.was a word of the “Minoan” language with whatever meaning used by the Cretans as an exonym referring to the Cyprians and later adopted in this function by the Greeks. This Greek and Latin development ‘Cyprian’ > ‘copper’ took place very late (the beginning of the 1st millennium AD?) and cannot clarify the inner sense of the island name in question. It is presented in Hurr.. bronze’ probably does not exist. see discussion in Knapp. but lacks external NCauc. of metal’: Av. lit. Tsez. made from the flower of Cyprus. whose name continues the aforementioned Hurrian term.39 In fact. kupr. was unknown in the Near East. prev. Semitic-. 2. The earliest dependable evidence for copper export from Cyprus to Levant as well as to Crete dates back to the early 2nd millennium BC (Knapp. 356) and starting from this time the island was always associated with copper in the Near East. cognates (Caucet. 76 ff. lit.+) and perhaps from Lin. 2. 1996). At the same time—especially after the discovery of the Hurrian word kab(a)li ‘copper’—some authors (e. 39 . Ebla ga-ba-lum ‘copper’ (Neu. 4 w. 1997. 166 w..-And. see also Reiter. This stem.) suppose that Alašiya was not an autonym. 76). κύπριος ‘of copper’ and so on. however. 2008. Sum. *kʷɨbu A ‘lead’. Kassian [UF 41 requires some additional comments. made of copper’. 1997. however. 1997. 1997. I suppose.). 2008.dbf reconstructs its virtual ––––––––––––––––––––––– The earliest exploitation of Cyprus’s copper deposits took place during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC (Knapp. kupr. whose language is unknown to us. where the name of Cyprus sounded as Alašiya (Alasiya)—a toponym/ethnonym widely used among Hittite-. The similar shift from toponym to metal designation is attested in Latin : cuprium [aes] > cuprum (probably under the Greek influence). kab(a)li ‘copper’. In Classical and Hellenistic Greek this stem possesses some derivates with the general meaning ‘of Cyprus’: Κύπριος ‘Cyprian’. bronze or iron) attested in the Ancient Near East as wandering stems. that the real situation is more complex. lit. which is well attested both in Tsezian and Andian sub-groups. prev.and Egyptian-speaking peoples from the late 3rd to the 1st millennia BC (Knapp.) made an attempt to interpret Κύπρος as “copperland”. 2008.378 A. however. ALAŠ ‘copper. see Reiter. 1997. 303 ff. 295 w.

zabar (ME). 1995 / 2007. The vocalic correspondence between Hurr. 1982. Aram. 3. kabali and Tsez. Argobba bräd ‘iron’.-Arabic isogloss is unrelated to the African terms (the ––––––––––––––––––––––– According to glottochronology. Gurage brät. the split of the Tsezian–Avaro-Andian proto-language occurred ca. however. ESA frzn (CAD P. 236 . 2100 BC (see fig. for this stem see Valério/Yakubovich.–Av. on the one hand. Amharic bərt ‘metal basin’. Cf. Arab. Hebr. the virtual Proto-Nakh form could be *borza-n41). 1273. guesses about the connection of PRZ-forms with Semitic forms of the shape BRT ‘iron’ or ‘a metal artefact’: Akkad.‘anneau en fer qu’on passe dans la narine du chameau. the foreign oblique marker can have been interpreted by Hurrians as a native suffix. Luw.dbf). Additionally the following Nakh forms must be included into this nest: Chechen and Ingush borza ‘bronze’. kabali > Tsez. *kʷibV-l-. Godoberi kubi-la-. I suppose. brät ‘iron’. who connects NCauc. that we deal with a wandering stem here.–Av. ZPR in the southern area: Elam. *kʷibV is uncertain: -(a)l-i is a Hurrian suffix. however. et qui tient lieu du frein’. g.-And. The bulk of the Semitic forms was analyzed by Rendsburg. kabali was borrowed < Tsez.can be reconstructed at the Proto-Tsez. Tigre brät ‘iron’.–Av.-And. the early 2st millennium AD. root *kʷibV forms the oblique stem in -l among the modern Tsezic and Andian languages (e. Akkad. Sum. Amor. bræs ‘bronze (also brass?)’ and some others) and. bräd ‘iron’.– Av.40 2.dbf. 1987. DUL. ePSD.-And.-And. where Hurr. maybe OEng.– Av. Artzi. burt. 1310 . Arab. also Старостин. ZABAR. /barzillu/. Isolated Modern Svan berež ‘iron’ seems continuing this ancient stem. Karata kuba-l-). although its geographical distribution is rather suspicious and probably the Akkad. If Hurr. firzil. burat. The relationship between Hurr. 212 ff. 2006.. 296 ff. where these forms are united under Proto-Sem. level. brass’. zubar (ME) ‘copper’ (also ‘bronze’?). The opposite scenario looks similar: Hurr. -b-)). who. if < *fersum. /ʷi/ which makes the idea of a direct borrowing somewhat suspicious. 41 The split of the Chechen-Ingush proto-language occurred ca. PRZ in the central and northern areas. 40 . plausibly adds a number of European attestations (Latin ferrum ‘iron’. and Tsez. so the oblique stem *kʷibV-l. known from some other nominal stems . forms remains. parzillu (OA. *bi/urt-. in its turn the Tsez. 2 above). forthc.+) ‘bronze’. Ugar. ZUBAR (ED IIIb+) ‘bronze’.–Av. *kʷibV-l-. Krebernik.-And. parza. Bezhta / Gunzib kobo-li-. *kwiwV (~ -ē-. see Hinz/Koch..) and various Semitic forms with the meaning ‘iron’: Akkad. protoform as *kwiwV (~ -ē-. pace Militarev (Semet. and in the Ethiopian branch—Geez bərt ‘copper. Harari brät ‘iron’. brḏl.. flèche’. CAD S. uncertain: /a/ vs. OB+). -b-) and Hurr. but I am not sure that it is justified for such a cultural term. (OB+) bi/ertu ‘Band. Fessel’. kabali as inherited etymological cognates. see Semet. Chechen borzanan ‘of bronze’ (the word is unattested in the Batsbi language.-And. brzl. przl.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 379 NCauc. siparru (OAkk. 1969). bərat ‘iron’. on the other hand. and Phoen. 83.‘iron (ore?)’ (attested in derivates.‘hache. 632. -ali was reanalyzed as an oblique exponent.

see Afaset.dbf sub *bir.‘metal’. kitat and? kišat or mere tat/šat ‘to be(come) arrogant’ = Hitt. secondly. . EDE 2. Luw. Phoenician and other Semitic forms originate from the Akkadian word. however. Other shapes like KNBR (Hatt. Tsez. 1997. None of these sound combinations directly matches Grk. supporting such a scenario so far. The only scenario one can suspect is the borrowing of one of the aforementioned stems into “Minoan” language with the meaning ‘copper’. but somewhere (e. Sumerian BAR ‘metal’ seems representing the same term.dbf sub *bir. w. Κύπρος. lit. ‘bronze’ ‘iron’. There is no any positive evidence. forthc.). Omotic). however. šullai-. small stone’. Back on Semitic PRZ: Valério/Yakubovich. EDE 2. The modern state of Afro-Asiatic research.380 A. *wāwV(-łV) ‘seed. kuka in the compound zifi-kuka ‘posterity. walnut’. 123 ff. parza. parza-. parzillu which further was adopted by other Semitic languages where we find PRZL-forms. egg. 123 ff. grain.‘metal’ and Takács. however. propose the meaning ‘iron (ore?)’ for Luw. where zifin [121’] means ‘grandchild.-And. In any case. but rather is an African wandering root (the factual absence of this root in the Semitic branch supports such a solution). κιννάβαρι above) or KBR (Sum. Dargwa *IʷaI ‘grain’. where the word underwent some phonetic changes and later became adopted by the Greeks as a name of copper-exporting land. 35’. BIRT-forms with the meaning ‘iron’ are also attested among various Cushitic (and Omotic?) subgroups (see Afaset.. 294 f. Takács. kinawar ‘copper’ ~ Grk. Reiter. walnut. Kassian [UF 41 Ethiopian words can probably be a Coptic loan.) are more marginal. *uV-LV ‘nut. in South Cushitic) they are probably derived by native T-suffixes from the stem bir. The stem bVr (standardly bir) itself with the meanings ‘metal’. KA. Takács. 124). descendant’ √ SCauc. seed. descendants’ (< *zifin-kuka with regular simplification nk > k). it is rather unlikely phonetically that Ugaritic. *ʷaʷal ‘nut.BAR = /zabar/ ‘a metal’/‘bronze’. egg’ > Av. somewhere they can be explained as Ethiopian loans. *wāw(-łV) ‘grain. and I tend to suppose that bVr (bir) ‘a default metal’ cannot be projected onto the Proto-Afro-Asiatic level.and claim that it was the Luwian stem that served as the source for Akkad. does not permit to discriminate between interlingual borrowings and inherited cognates. ‘silver’ is attested in the all African Afro-Asiatic branches (Egyptian. 36’. Chadic. hail’ > NCauc. remains unetymologizable within Luwian or Indo-European (although the l-suffix can be easily explained within the Luwian morphology) and. ‘copper’. Cushitic. g. sub bjꜣ (with a more accurate analysis and discussion). EDE 2.

38’. in view of Hatt. kur ‘to stay . throne’. A metathesis in Hattic? 39’. throne’ etc. throne’. SCauc. kunkuhu. not from WSem. *qoK.eš-. e.(~ q-. kurtapi ‘foliage?’ =? Hitt. the stem contains the suffix -na (-al-na > -enna). *Hrāgw ‘to stay. Lushai kok ‘grain’. GIŠarimpa-. DUL. kurkufenna [40’]. Cf.ZA ‘chair. to stand?’ = Hitt. → From kurkupal ‘peg’ [39’]? If so. *kōk ‘grain’ > Chin. kussiu-m ‘chair. *-´k ‘children’. leave’ > NCauc. give birth’ ~ STib. *kej. hušuwant. 37’. place’ ~ Yen. stool. kurkupal ‘peg’. testiculus’. *ʔākV. g. In its turn the Sem. *Ki(j) (~ -e(j)) ‘bear. kusim. to be born’ > NCauc.(~ χ-) ‘hail’ > Ket qɔgdəm 5. of rice’. 41’. → Morphologically opaque. ksÿ ‘seat. (GIŠ)GAG. kuka was ‘seed’. → Probably the meaning of Hatt. to keep alive (trans. 460). fried eggs. to be born’ ~ Burush.‘to stay’. probably reflecting the Akkadian mimation. Nagel’ = Hitt. kukkuhu (also kunkun?) ‘to be alive (intr. *=Hixqw ‘to bear. g-) ‘to bear. Pump. SCauc. kurkufenna (also kurkupun?) ‘wooden stand (vel sim. 40’. ar-. Note that it is the only Hattic word. GU. kussû-m. xoxdámon. dialects. Yug xɔksl 5 /xɔksɨl 5.. which should be treated as a borrowing from the Akkadian language. . GIŠhappuriya-. -m. *olo ‘egg . word has probably been borrowed from Sum. → Cf. → Cf.)’ = Hitt.). STib. ‘Pflock.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 381 Lezgh.) in rituals’ = Hitt. Ugar. 42’. kušim ‘throne’ → A long ago recognized Semitic loanword : Akkad. Burm. 穀 *kōk ‘grain’. give birth’ ~ Yen. *=HiqwĀ(n) ‘to bear. kauk ‘a k. (see. *=argwV-n ‘to stay’ ~ STib. Yen. *rak ‘to lay.

loanword. conjunction ‘and’. ma. disposition’ > Ket kōqt ‘das Innere. → Иванов. 1996. *-hált. 45’. *=Vŋ ‘to wash’ (> NCauc. 428. GADA. SIG5-in. kut ‘soul’ = Hitt. . 79 unjustifiedly segments the Hattic stem as ku-zan. № 22. mane. representing WCauc. kuzan. lianu or elianu ‘implement?. so daß?’ 48’. to weep’ ~ STib. also huzza ‘hearth. 1985. 47’. *maʷV ‘good. favorable’ = Hitt. SIG5-ant-. UNŪTEMEŠ. malhip ‘good. 44’. aššu. The etymology was proposed by Иванов. linen cloth’ = Hitt. 446). SCauc. Further Ivanov’s cognates (WCauc. 2002 1. 1985. stem. Probably a WCauc.‘to wash’). proposing some unconvincing WCauc. *wēnλwē ‘luck. → It is tempting to compare Hatt. *. lin ‘to drink? (vel sim.)’ → Cf. 441. utensil?’ = Hitt. kut with the following Yen. *ăj ‘fire’ for -zan. → Morphologically opaque. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’) are not provable. *ǵʷə ‘heart’ < NCauc. 426 follows Ivanov and adds Abkhaz *gʷə-ta ‘centre. cf. form possesses reliable external etymology: NCauc. As was noted by Chirikba. pour. therefore the Hattic–Yen. lki. luck’. assuming KT > T in Hattic: Yen. stem has an atypical shape and should be rather analyzed as *koqtV with an unclear dental suffix. temper. mai(u) ‘a valuable cloth.and NCauc. where the palatalized labialized lateral *ʷ is rendered by Hatt. ZI. Chirikba. hapalki [12’] for Hatt. The WCauc. lhip. Kassian [UF 41 43’. № 22. very similar to WCauc. kuzzan. 49’. Gemüt’. hašša-. ‘dann?. 46’. comparison seems dubious. *=VVn ‘to wash. GUNNI. *ƛēŋ (~ -ā-) ‘to wash (by pouring water over). Hatt. aššiyant-. As a matter of fact the Yen. The meaning shift ‘to pour’ > ‘to drink’ is typologically possible. tete-kuzzan ‘big hearth’ = Hitt. to spill’ ~ Burush. conjunction ‘then?. Yug kɔxtɨ6 ‘das Innere’ (Werner. also fa.‘heart’ + -ta ‘place of’). and so?’.382 A. etymologies for ku. core’ (*gʷə. good’. *koqtV (~ g-) ‘the inside. 1996. brazier’.

fortune’ < Arab. 2009. standardly forming craftsman names like kug. → Morphologically opaque.dím ‘gold or silver smith’ ––––––––––––––––––––––– 42 Adyghe mǝλkʷ ‘property. as proposed by Vl. meš. comm. milluw?) or lup?? ‘bull. Of course. further cf. → Initial m. com. Yen. 586 . (ED IIIa+) MUḪALDIM ‘cook’ (probably borrowed as Akkad. 272). 22 quotes a strange Abkhaz form. Hatt. The Hattic-Yen. bullock’ etc. slash’ = Hitt. Ugar. also mit?.in an expressive lexeme. 52’. mṣltm ‘cymbals’ from Sem. comparison is possible if we suppose a shortening (the loss of the final consonant) in the Yen. . Ugar. Yen. 43 On the other hand. + Arabic loanword in Adyghe42). 332 . 51’. milup (also milip?. if one assumes a m-prefixed form (unattested elsewhere) of Common Sem. mu. where. → Cf. *ʔalp ‘cattle’: Akkad.)’ 55’. 20 (Hatt. hašša-. ox’. tinkle’ (see DUL. LÚALAN. Yug ma.43 Браун. Vjač. mä ‘take!’ in various Mongolic and Turkic languages. -za da. mṣl ‘cymbal player’. one can single out the element -dim (< dím ‘to fashion. 1994.should point to a non-inherited word. miša ‘take (for yourself )!’ = Hitt. ma. allegro forms. create’). clown?’ = Hitt. an exceptional case of preserving m. alpu ‘bull. Purely theoretically can be a Semitic loanword.‘to take (for oneself)’. and Иванов. mistress (vel sim. cf. ýlp ‘(head of) cattle. nuhatimmu ‘cook’ with serious phonetic corruption). Arin ma ‘tribute’ [the meaning is probably corrupted]). (RS) māṣilu ‘(a musician. imp.(!) ‘to put’. ox’ = Hitt. 54’. me. mar or kamar ‘to slit. 50’. ṣll ‘to clink. miš. LÚmaššel (or LÚparšel) ‘cult performer. iškalla-. lady. 1994.). 53’. dai. Ivanov (pers. loanword: Ugar. 1977 1.ZU9. Emelianov (pers. HALOT). (SED 2. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ can be an areal form. 8) advocates a Semitic origin of the Hattic term. Akkad. muh and muhal ‘hearth’ = Hitt. millaw?. Hebr. GU4. muhal is rather similar to Sum. performer)’. *ma(ʔ) ‘take!’ (> Ket maʔ /ma. mǝṣiltajim. chanter. piš? ‘to take (for oneself)’. also fu ‘mother. → If the first sign has the phonetic value MAŠ. Bibl. the stem is a WSem. property’ (Шагиров. mulk ‘ownership. #4). not PÁR. CAD M1. mis.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 383 Untenably Браун.

relating to tree. → The Hattic stem contains the “masculine” suffix -l. eš-. 1996. 59’. cheek’). 56’. At the present stage of research.dím ‘bow maker’ (pana ‘bow’). 421 proposes a monophonemic comparison with WCauc. . body. 61’. *-moq. The root may be nte. sich setzen’ = Hitt.‘face. paššu-. form. ešri-. → Can hardly be compared with SCauc. Kassian [UF 41 (kug ‘silver’). dai-. zi-ntil(-) = Hitt. Dargwa *ʔant:a. Meaning shifts ‘face’ < > ‘forehead’ and ‘face’ < > ‘body(-frame)’ are wellattested cross-linguistically. ‘sitzen.(> ni-) ‘his’. also pa?) ‘podium. etc. iš. the idea of Hattic–Sumerian lexical contacts is unsupported by other data and cannot be discussed in earnest.dím ‘wood carver’ (iš ‘wood’). *sǝ ‘to sit’ which is nor persuasive. waa) ‘to put. *wĕm ( ~ -x-) ‘eye. nif (and nf ) or nifaš. šakuwa. witness’ (> NCauc. etc. √ NCauc. bed stone’ = Hitt. ntel ‘shape. *muna in redupl. Lak niIṭa ‘face’. 62’. pedestal’ = Hitt. ente or (with the reduction of the medial vowel in prefixed forms) nite.384 A. ha-le-lmah. fa (pa. *näṭ(a) ‘forehead . true’ ~ STib. eyebrow. → Chirikba.-And. Or alternatively to NCauc. *maṭa ‘forehead’. Note that the Hattic onset ni. fruit?’ 58’. *mjk ‘eye’ ~ Yen. WCauc. muna-muna ‘foundation. *nHǟṭV ‘forehead. pana. since the known attestations explicitly contain this possessive morpheme: li-nimah. fa (waa. muš or muša ‘smth. *ʔĕndū ‘forehead’ > Av. *hondV (~ ħ-). base.cannot be explained as the possessive prefix le/li. šamana-. *wĭmV ‘witness. body-frame’. eyelash’. lay. stand’ = Hitt. nimah and via a contact dissimilation lmah ‘eye(s)’ = Hitt. 57’.( ~ -χ-) ‘to be visible’ ~ Burush. 60’. *ʔəqa. however. Lezgh. nfaš ‘to sit’. face’ > Tsez. The following attestations are known: le-ntel. *naṭa ‘forehead’.

battle-axe’ [RV+]. conjunction ‘and. 68’. for Iranian data see Абаев 1. *bAlka. of aromatic woody plant or its product’ = Hitt. the same as NCauc. Dargwa *barɣʷi. (OB+) pilakku (~ -a-. *babVju ‘father’. namma. parnulli ‘a k. papaiya?) ‘father’ = Hitt. Lak burg. *babaj ‘father. grandfather’ > Nakh *babV (~ -ā-) ‘grandfather’. kite’. NB: Sum. mema-. IE *peleu. Lak waIrq:u ‘magpie’. *blVgwi ‘hammer’ (> Nakh *barVg. fafaya (waappaya. Dwaašiul ‘(deified) fecundity. Dwaašil. GIŠparnulli-. faku can represent a proto-Wanderwort of unknown origin. daughter languages in the cultural word).dbf). BALAK ‘spindle’ and Akkad. 67’. Cf. WCauc. № 61. A universal nursery stem PaPa ‘father’/‘mother’. Mong. battleaxe’ [Hom. *ḳŭnʡV ‘handle’). Unlikely Иванов. fama. waal-waal or waal-waal-at ‘(verbum dicendi)’ =? Hitt. πέλεκῠς ‘two-edged axe. see Altet.‘good’. wakku-pakku ‘hammer’ = Hitt. *uħālGV ‘a bird of prey. Hatt. abundance.‘magpie’. GIŠNÍG. pakku-paku. grandfather’. plenty’ = Hitt. → Probably onomatopoeic. waawaah-šul ‘in eagle-fashion’ = Hitt. iyatar tametar ‘fecundity and abundance’. *faku in redupl. and Altaic *pằluk῾V ‘hammer’ (> Tung. 1985. so.+]. *paluka. -qq-. *fafah ‘eagle’ in wapah-šul. → Cf. irregular correspondences between NCauc.‘axe’ (> OInd. Dargwa *waIrq:. ? aššu. 69’. -ma. waawaaya. big bird’ > Nakh *mɦāqqVl ‘kite’. 66’. *baba (~ p:) ‘grandfather’. then’. . *bəʁIa ‘eagle. → If one assumes the reduction of the medial vowel and strange simplification lK > K. atta-. Grk. -gg-) ‘spindle’ are certainly unrelated here. NCauc. ‘axe. -(y)a. *faš(i) in Dwaašul. 64’. conjunction = Hitt. *ḳʷə ‘handle’ (< NCauc. *babajV ‘father.GUL. *haluka. → Onomatopoeic? 65’. *babajV and Hatt. Tsez. WCauc. fala. Turk. *fal in redupl. Striking similarity between NCauc. haranili. paraśú. where the Hattic root is compared with WCauc.m. 451). Lezgh. nu. fafaya may speak for a contact nature of the Hattic stem.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 385 63’. Lezgh *p:ul[k] . NCauc.

from which Yen. *Poj (~ -u-) ‘to bear. bīnu. *=HrjśĒ ‘thick. dense. 2) WCauc. DUMU. soul.‘to get tired’. it finds an interesting parallel in Yen. № 44 treats the Hattic root as šul.(a former class exponent?). *pa ‘son’.). Kassian [UF 41 → Note the “masculine” suffix -l in the Hattic stem. fan’ [43]. 1996. breath . soul? . child’). god’. comparing it with the WCauc. vapour’). *seŋ ‘liver’. suffix *pǝ-). root *sĭHwV ‘breath. form of a very similar phonetic shape: 1) WCauc. cloud . dbon ‘grandson. 424 (Hatt. SCauc. *bin ‘son’ (Akkad. but the borrowing of such a basic term from Semitic is very unlikely proceeding from general reasons. and STib. Av. > Hatt. which is analyzed as pə-sA. spirit’. → A compound of karam ‘wine’ [27’]. however. 1985. Abkhaz–Abaza adjective *pəśə-la ‘fat. pen. 19. *pəśʷA ‘to breathe. On the other hand. fat’ with the frequent WCauc. 8): Sem. and Chirikba. paštae. g. prefix. *pHV ‘son. which is. = Hitt. and Chirikba. pšun. e. to breathe’ (Nakh *sa ‘soul’. Ugar. thick’ from the noun *pəśə. If f(a)šun indeed meant ‘breath /soul/lung’. fen (pin. Since the Hattic morphological system has no counterparts of the WCauc. pintu-kkaram ‘cupbearer’.and the common NCauc. 2009. pašun. Ivanov. ZI. son’ = Hitt. puš-an ‘to blow on. *puʔn ‘daughter’. *s:uh. where *pə. Иванов. ween) ‘child. 1994. daughter’ (> WCauc. See Браун. fašun? ‘breath? . nephew’) were derived. while the root *sA goes back to NCauc. *beʔjiŋ ‘light’ + Yen. it is possible to see an old Semitic loanword here (as per Vjač. + WCauc. Иванов. prefix *pǝ. to get tired . usually explained as a late compound of Yen. in this case. bludgeon (vel sim.386 A. 1996. *pəsA). *fintu ‘?’ in LÚwiintu-kkaram. *pəsA ‘soul. Cf.-And.-ɨ) ‘sky.. one can guess only about the borrowing WCauc. → Cf.is a frequent WCauc. STib. + WCauc. *PVn (> Tib. 73’. 20. containing the same prefix *pə. ‘Weinschenk. Not probable. to die’. . pšatae (pšattai) ‘cudgel. 424 (Hatt. Mundschenk’.‘fat’ (< NCauc. Cf. LÚSAGI. lung?’ =? Hitt. Браун. 70’. *puʔb ‘son’. bn etc. 72’. wiin. 1994. Lak s:iħ ‘breath. On the other hand. (Ket) beńśiŋ5 ‘lung’.). *ʡămsa (~ -ə. → Unfortunately the meaning of the Hattic stem cannot be established with certainty.)’ 71’. also Hatt. fin. there are some WCauc.

76’. Khin. pupišet ‘fire…’. STib. *=ăhwV(r) ‘to do’ > Nakh *=a-. → Untenably Браун. + WCauc. wit ‘to be(come) sour/bitter’ [34].AG. 1996. to act’. Burm. and Hattic forms. Urart. № 67 quotes enigmatic Proto-East Caucasian *uintV ‘sour milk’ without references. Yen. Lak =a-. Иванов. Yen. Dargwa */-i-r-. to divide.). GA. 1985.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 387 74’. STib. puli. Cf. Tib. palzahai-.-And.‘to make. Lezgh.KIN. 1985. u/or. do. Kott. INIM. pip ‘stone’ = Hitt. paw ‘to appear’. to distribute’. pu ‘to do’ = Hitt. happen’ = Hitt. 75’. 79’. 78’. iya-. some STib. lamb. *wə. witanu ‘cheese’ = Hitt. 20 (Hatt. to do. Иванов. kiš-. *=Vw-. ‘Feuer(stelle/-stätte)’ = Hitt. Note the similarity between WCauc. make’ > Ket bɛ:ŕi 4. 419 (Hatt.. put and putu? ‘to be’ = Hitt. 為 *waj ‘to make. pwuuli? ‘to become. *qʷ[i]ăj (~ ʔʷ-) ‘to make. → Probably derived from wet. + WCauc. . *wə). → Cf. → Phonetically unclear. Av. eš-. Yug bɛ:h. Arin ša-pi-te ‘I make’. *-ih-. √ SCauc. *=ăhwV ‘to do’ > NCauc. A suffixation in Hattic? 80’. putu or put? ‘to stretch (a sheep.IZI ‘mouth of fire’ = ‘fire pit/location’: see Süel/Soysal. Kiranti *b(h)ó(-ks) ‘to be’.IZI[…] or rather KA. forthc. wij ‘to divide. ba-paj-aŋ.. act’. *wǯ. № 4. to manufacture. kid) out (on a flat surface for sacrifice)’ = Hitt. 1994. and Chirikba. Tsez. =ar. NA4. pule. *phɨw (~ -i-) ‘to appear’ > Burm. 77’. cf. distribute’ > Chin. *ʔaʔa(r)-. WCauc. Kachin po1 ‘to appear’.(~ b-) ‘to do. to work’. bgjid ‘to make.

Burush. Av.) ŝaʕar ‘heavy gale’. *ħämč ‘apple’. *ćh(r)iH (~ h-) > Chin. 82’. for the prefix ša. plene writing can reflect WSem. HALOT). As a matter of fact. mɨč ‘apple’. It seems more probable that šafat was derived from the verb wet ‘to be(come) sour/bitter’ [34]. → Cf. (Bibl. SCauc. persimmon’.44 Theoretically Hatt. 柿 *hrəʔ ‘Diospyros. Burm. Khin. DU. *ʔẽš: A ‘apple’. but the Hattic ša-prefix remains unexplained in this case. Hurr. Dargwa *hinc ‘apple’. *bVc:ʷV ‘medlar’ here. HUL-lu-. 20 (Hatt. one can suspect a borrowing from WCauc. Untenably Браун.-And. WCauc. (D)taru ‘Storm-god’ (the standard spelling is ša-a-ru and ta/da-aru) = Hitt. Hebr. and therefore cannot be compared with Hattic fat in any way. hinz-uri ‘apple’/‘apricot’. ʕ. šrr ‘to pour’. 83’. 84’. + an Abkhaz–Abaza compound). On the other hand. air. šafat (šāwaat) or mere fat ‘apple-tree’ or ‘apricot-tree’ = Hitt. *ħämč. ŝʕr ‘to be stormy’ (CAD Š2. № 6 compares Hatt. Tsez. 1985. *ʕämćō ‘apple. with b-prefix *bVc:ʷV ‘medlar’. 1994. Lezgh. 238. 133 ff. Ivanov’s Avar weč ‘apple’ probably does not exist (the correct form is ʕeč). šah (also tah?) ‘bad. šāru (OAkk. 20 (to WCauc. 1994. fat with some modern East Caucasian forms. of fruit’ > NCauc. → It looks strange. *ʷa ‘apple’). *ŝaʕar > Akkad. SIG5-ahh-. breath’. Lak hiwč ‘apple’. Basque *mahanć ‘grape’. but this divine name might be a Semitic loanword : Sem. Untenably Браун. GIŠHAŠHUR ‘apple(-tree)’ or ‘apricot(-tree)’.. . *ʔimči ‘apple’. while the Hatt. evil’ = Hitt. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 44 Deir Alla šr ‘heavy rain’ (HJ. *ʕämćṓ ‘a k. Zizyphus jujuba’. idalu-.see HWHT. ćhih ‘the jujube. fluctuation t~š reflects a lateral. ŝəʕārā ‘high wind’.+) ‘wind (also mythologized or even deified). DIM. STib. while Tabasaran wič ‘apple’ is the result of a late phonetic development with the labialization of the initial laryngeal < *ħäwč < Proto-Lezgh. proto-form is quite unclear. Иванов. 1191) probably relates to Arab. the phonetic relationship between the Hattic stem and the SCauc. *mićíl/*bićíl ‘pomegranate’. Despite the semantic similarity. (D)šaru. medlar’ > Nakh *ħamc (~ -ā-) ‘medlar’. šaip (or even aip) ‘to make good’ = Hitt. cf.388 A. Kassian [UF 41 81’.

A. 147 fn. Turk. šēpu ‘foot’ ~ Soqotri ŝab. 86’. but SCauc. šahaw) ‘god’ = Hitt. mest.‘soft morocco footwear. ŝaf ‘foot’ and other MSA). the consonant metathesis in Hattic (the same process as in Proto-Lezgh. 1994. 425 support old Mészáros’ comparison of the Hatt. 20 (Hatt.‘bull.-And. šezzit ‘a k.).SIR. DINGIR(-u-). mesṭi etc. № 37. *māčVj ‘boot. 87’.‘chaque côté de la chaussure’. (Anat. KUŠE. . šōr etc. *Cri ‘leopard’. Ubykh wa-šχʷa ‘thunder and lightning’ < *‘heavenly blasting powder’ (the Ubykh word does not mean ‘god’.)’ → Found in compounds fula-šne ‘bread offering’ and tefu-šne ‘libation’. šūru.‘(a k. STib. *l ~ Hatt. Untenably Браун. šabāt. ox’ (Akkad. which can goes back to Sem. 112). (see Абаев 2. šep-šep ‘footwear. seems less apt phonetically.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 389 An alternative connection to Sem.) mest. 88’. Georg. šep somewhat resembles NCauc. see Шагиров. para-šni ‘ein Gegenstand. + WCauc. On the other hand. 81 and Schwemer.). *ṯawr. der den Göttern zugeeignet ist’. *maču(jV) (~ -o-). mucro nasi’ and Arab. 1977 2.. Burush. šahaf (šhap. If the etymology is correct. god’ + *šʷəχʷa ‘grey. 1996. 126. šhezni ‘fox’ = Hitt. *šʷVm(a)) and Osset. #269 for the discussion. powder’: Adyghe–Kabardian *wa-šχʷa ‘sky’. šhaw. shoe’ (> Nakh *māčVj. #241). 1985. *chwōlĕ (~ -ă) ‘fox. šēpā ‘scapus (caligae). Hatt. see SED 2. *hal ‘fox’) is interesting. KA5. Differently and untenably Браун. plural form fa-šhaf ‘deities’ with the Adyghe– Kabardian and Ubykh compounds of WCauc. 1994. Klinger. 871. *wa ‘sky. 89’. StBoT 37.) occurred after the regular anlaut denasalization *m. Certainly unconvincing. jackal’.> *p-. Av. 89 f. *chwōl ‘fox’ (> NCauc. for which cf. Hebr. → SCauc. a Wanderwort. shoes’ = Hitt. tahafaiu-šni or faiu-šni ‘etwas Nützliches’. Cf. *šep in redupl. šahap. see SED 1. → Similar to some Semitic forms with footwear semantics: Syr. of stone?)’. → Иванов. alhari. чувяк’. also fapu-šne or pu-šne ‘etwas Nützliches’. 2001. fn. *(a)šne ‘offering (vel sim. and Chirikba. Lezgh. ‘ein unheilvoller Stein?’ =? Hitt. ṯr. of stone?’. 85’. *ŝayṗ ‘foot’ (Akkad. Ugar. zn is inexplicable. 19. šhaf.

e.should be singled out (ha-talu-). № 51 compares the Hattic root with NCauc. release exhaustively’.with a t-suffix. where the Hattic nominal prefix ha. 1985.45 Vs. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 45 I prefer the traditional translation ‘liver’ (see. → The meaning ‘lock’ seems to be the best candidate for (GIŠ)huimpa. pBibl. beam. e. HEG T. № 45 segments it as š-u-l from the hypothetical root *-u-. walk. Hardly justified. to let in’. ṣuppu ‘white sheep’ (OA+. → Morphologically opaque. Иванов. cross-beam’. tahalai[n…] ‘liver’ 45 = UZUNÍG.‘raw’. šuw) ‘ox’ = Hitt.. 1985.. 22 ‘further they spray the temple top to bottom from the huimpa’). DUL.GAR. conifer’ or *ṭwēlʔe (~ -ʡ-) ‘stick. tarna-. šul ‘to let. Both comparisons are unprovable. *HläV ‘liver’ that is not persuasive. Ugar. 1985. *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ < NCauc. *ṭiḥāl ‘spleen’ (Ugar. wǝ is a frequent verbal root ‘to enter. 1994. № 49 compares the Hattic stem with NCauc. 1963. 787). 22 : to the WCauc.GIG ‘liver’ or huišu. 728) interprets it as an adjective ‘raw. 93’. Kassian [UF 41 90’.390 A. GU4. walk. 248). OB+). (in ein Gebäude) zulassen’ = Hitt. LÚtagulrunail ‘tent-man’. where a. g. The same root talf.according to the known Hittite contexts (cf. (GIŠ)huimpa-. 94’. 92’. lock’. 91’. ‘Zeltmann’ = Hitt. whereas Soysal (HWHT. comparing Hatt. 11).LAM. *daro ‘tree. Иванов. lock?’ = Hitt. g. š-u-l with Ubykh a-wǝ-la ‘to let. ṭḥl. verbal root *ŁʷV ‘to enter’ (< NCauc. KBo 24. → Formally resembles Sem. The Hattic stem should be analyzed as talfi.. Hebr.NITA. see SED 1. ‘lassen. while -la is a regular exhaustive suffix. go’ (< WCauc. *=rƛŬ ‘to go. ṣp ‘white sheep’ (AHw.is contained in the Hattic loanword in Hittite: hattalu.‘bolt. → Resembles some Semitic forms: Akkad. 104). šuf (šup. 1113. Untenably Браун. *=rƛŬ ‘to go. talfit (talwiit) ‘(a wooden part of building). .. ṭǝḥōl etc. which is attested in modern languages with different preverbs. enter’). → Иванов. enter’). LÚ GIŠZA.is a preverb used with verbs of motion (Vogt. fresh’.

herald’ [95’]. 101’. LÚtušhafadun tanišawe ‘(ein Angestellter bei Hofe)’ = Hitt. 96’.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 391 95’. LÚtanišawa ‘sceptre-bearer. LÚ GIŠGIDRU. 226 f. . broken?’ =? Hitt. stone block’ = Hitt. ziuz ‘rock. GIBIL. tiuz. walhant-. tufi (tupi. ziš ‘mountain’. 1998 3. tataet or mere taet ‘new’ = Hitt. if one assumes a metathesis of obstruents in Hattic or Burushaski. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 46 The Luwian verb :tarši. 104’. *ćhard ‘stallion’ (see the data in Berger.TAR. tur ‘to hit. 100’. for the list of attestations46). tuwii) ‘fear. LÚGAD. uddaniya-. 97’. tuntu ‘to bewitch’ = Hitt. also known as a Cappadocian PN: taršipiala/taršipiali . fright’ = Hitt. → Cf.RA. nahšaratt-. → Morphologically opaque. tuhul ‘four pillar construction (an element of house)’ = Hitt. walh-. 4-aš šarhuliuš. → Cf. √ Burush. LÚtanišawa ‘sceptre-bearer. teatanna ‘hit?. → The connection is plausible.with an unknown meaning seems unrelated here. This Hattic root can probably be revealed in the Hittite term LÚtaršipiyala‘charioteer’ (OS. → The same stem as tafa ‘fear’ [53]? 103’. NA4piruna-. strike’ = Hitt. see HEG S.KUR. 98). newa-. with the NH variant LÚtaršipala-. herald’ = Hitt. although the nature of the element (i)pi(ala) is unclear. 99’. tariš ‘horse?’ =? ANŠE. 102’. 98’.

110’. pond’. 濆 *bər ‘gush forth’. whirlpool’. TÚGkureššar. well’).‘wet. urana ‘angular?’. Pump.here. Kachin npun1 ‘a spring’. SCauc. uk conjunction ‘as. lake’ > NCauc.-And. Dargwa *ħeru-ḳ > *ħerḳʷ ‘river’. Kachin (H) numra ‘water’. 1994. 1996. ūl. Although the fate of SCauc. stream. pond’ > Av. STib. On the other hand cf. Adyghe–Kabardian *warǝ) which is phonetically not better. 106’. ul. *x-. *ʁador(V). Lak baIr ‘lake. 426 compares Hatt. Arin kul. spring. rij ‘water’.dbf lack this WCauc. *ri(a)j ‘water’ > Burm. Kassian [UF 41 105’. proto-forms). *hur. pond’. Burm.in this case (virtual Hatt.dbf and Abadet. *ħwir ‘water. Alternatively Chirikba. ‘kantig?’ =? Hitt. *ħwirɨ ‘lake. Untenably Браун. tatrant-. *ʡʷir ‘lake. East Cauc. Kott. cognates of WCauc. but the loss of *P. perhaps also relative pronoun ‘what’. LÚduddušhiyalla-. 瀵 *pərs ‘source. ‘was’ = Hitt. torrent’ (Abkhaz–Abaza *ʕʷarǝ. stream’ (> Nakh *ʡadurV. for general reasons one could expect Hatt. 20 (Hatt.(and *ħ-) in Hattic is unknown. Yen.And. wave. ur with WCauc. but one can think about its connection to NCauc. *ʁHwadVrV ‘river. tuwahši ‘wall?’ =? Hitt. **hVr)—cf. Lak aItara. 109’. upala ‘cut of cloth’ = Hitt. Yen. *Iʷarǝ ‘stream. h. kutt-. gush forth’.in Hattic remains unexplained. jet’ (> Chin. *Iʷarǝ are not clear (Caucet. GIM-an. one could expect Hatt. overripe. Lezgh. hu. LÚtuttušhiyal ‘(ein Angestellter bei Hofe)’ = Hitt. → Cf. panh ‘to jet.392 A. ? kuit. well’ = Hitt. *ʔin-ħʷVrV ‘lake. Yug ur. *xur1 ‘water’ > Ket ūĺ. *[Pŭ]r ‘to gush forth. pond’. + Abkhaz). . Burush. 108’. Av. PÚ. (H) kəpun ‘to spring. becoming wet. gush forth’. Dargwa *q:I(ʷ)art:) with an irregular drop of the medial consonant in WCauc. STib. initial *ħw. juice of overripe fruits. 107’. ‘wie (es ist)’. ur or uri ‘spring. just as’.

*źʷə (the Adyghe–Kabardian cognate is *źa-jə ‘young. later this NCauc. Second. *šele. 20 (supported by Chirikba. → Resembles Hittite ura/i. *šeĺe. etymology was rejected in NCED. which originates from WCauc. form is tentatively compared with NCauc. CLuw. *ə-śə. 112’. 78 ff. *hn ‘goat’. Pump. e. 1996.). Браун. HLuw. UDU(-u). zar ‘sheep’ = Hitt. sheep’ accepted. *musVrV ‘goat (wild or domestic)’. šeli.‘great’ which seems an accidental coincidence.dbf #697 *sVr (?). 1858. plur. uri ‘strong. which lacks NCauc.is unclear.dbf: ‘wild animal’) which appears an erroneous translation of the answer of the Russian speaking informant. com. while previously the Kets had represented a hunter-gatherer society. Although the meaning shift ‘sheep’ > ‘deer’ seems natural in the case of the Yenisseian culture. sálat. *sēr1e ‘deer’ > Ket śɛĺ 4.‘goatling’ (sg.).‘to make great’. *wasa ‘price . ura-nnu. vigorous’ = Hitt. 426 compares the Hatt. Cf. 1988/2007. Kott. 2009. since the Russ... → Not quite reliable comparison. 1996. √ Yen. № 69. > IE which is not likely in my opinion).‘ram’ (Chechen üstaʁ ‘ram (one and more years)’. adjective дикий (‘wild’) is substantivized in the meaning ‘dear (both wild and domesticated)’ among many Russian dialects of Siberia. *wasa ‘price’ is regarded as an Indo-European loanword (Старостин. 334 f. g. parallels. sheep’ which is morphologically impossible. 1934. collect.48 Chirikba. 99 f.). At least about Kets we know that reindeer breeding was borrowed by them from the neighboring Selkups and Nenets in the immediate past (Долгих. Starostin. small’. Although the Abkhaz–Abaza collective plural ––––––––––––––––––––––– 47 Castrén. 2002 2. Алексеенко.to WCauc. 1985. ura-zza. if the Kottish meaning is indeed ‘wild animal’. ure.. 1967. 1994. who compares Hatt. pers.47 Arin sin. u-ra/i. where the Yen. 426) unpersuasively compares Hatt. Sccet. plural form fa-zar with WCauc. bride price. 1988 / 2007. etc. Semantically satisfactory.. e.‘great’. is very doubtful . 48 The connection of Nakh *ʔustiʁ. zar with Abkhaz–Abaza *ə. but the status of the element *mu. . in Старостин. 65 ff. 334 f. Yug sɛ:hr. zar with unclear Nakh *ʔustiʁ. 183 and Yenet. g. advocates the contrary direction of borrowing : WCauc. innarawant-. in the Russian speech of the modern Kets (Albert Davletshin. forceful..2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 393 111’. *a-ra). used only as an element of compounds) < NCauc. it may reveal another semantic process in the Yenisseian family. Traditionally WCauc. *wasa ‘price. it should be noted that we are not aware of any evidence that reindeer breeding was inherent for Yenisseian tribes. Unconvincingly Иванов. 213 translates the Kottish words as German ‘Wild’ (repeated in Werner.‘great’.

zel. Kassian [UF 41 suffix *-ra has obvious East Cauc. → Borrowed as Hittite zinar ‘a k. → Иванов.394 A. lyre’. son’ [72’]) 117’. *ćwĭjo ‘man. 115’. etc. Ivanov. 520 .D)INANNA. man’ (< NCauc. zari. 116’. of harp’ is debatable (cf. HJ. ‘mortal.-And. zinir ‘a k. 1994. of musical instrument. under (preverb)’ < WCauc. cheep. zari-l. zar(aš) with WCauc. zare-l. person’) which is not persuasive. 118’. From this source the term was borrowed as Akkad. № 70 compares Hatt. lyre’ (“Ištar-instrument”). Av. Akkad. 114’. *ʔḳ:V ‘prince’ (without references). 1999. Ugar. The most ancient attestations of kin(n)ar come from West Semitic languages: Eblaite gi-na-rúm = Sum. Иванов. tilat. zar or zaraš ‘to exclaim. *-r-. wail?’ =? Hitt. wai-. kinaru ‘harp. throne?’ = Hitt. for kin(n)ar see Franklin. 1985. but not obligatory in view of too general semantics. The connection between this term and the more widespread Near Eastern cultural word kin(n)ar ‘a k. lit. etc. 1996. knr ‘lyre’. *Hŏnŭ ‘bottom’) and enigmatic Proto-East Cauc. *ǝrǝ ‘to chirp. halzai-. plur. zar with Abkhaz–Abaza *a-ra ‘goatlings’ seems a bringen-Sie-etymology (see 2. lower part. howl’ which is theoretically possible.). 2009. w. zelaš. → Браун.A. zi ‘?’ (maybe ‘small’) in the compound zi-fin ‘grandchild.) kinnōr ‘staff-zither’. zil ‘to cry?.). (Bibl. the comparison of Hatt. prop’ (probably from the root a. zannaru (almost exclusively in OB/NB lex.1. GIŠŠÚ. Hebr. → Both Ivanov’s comparisons (Иванов. № 74) are unconvincing: Kabardian a-t ‘support. and Chirikba. under (preverb)’ < NCauc. also as a command ‘Music!’ = Hitt. zari with the Proto-Nakh compound *sṭ-aḳ ‘person. male’ + *HĭrḳwĔ ‘man. 450 f.. kalleš-. stand. *V ‘bottom. parallels (Nakh plur. *-r. descendant’ (see fin ‘child. 21. BALAG. cry out’ = Hitt. squeak. lists only) ‘a k. zinar. zilat (perhaps also dilat. human being’ = Hitt. 8 ff. peep’ and Abkhaz–Abaza *arǝ/*ǝrǝ ‘to shout. 2006 w. zilas) ‘chair. Old Aram.). of lyre’. (see HALOT.‘bottom. dandukeššar. . GIŠ(. knr. yell. lit. 113’. of lyre’.2 above). 422 compare Hatt. DUL. 1985. Armenian ǰnar ‘harp’.

(very late) kiṁnarā ‘a k. *ḱ > Luw. Second. musician’. whose internal structure and WCauc. and so forth. Egyp. 2009. perhaps tafarna ‘lord’ [52]). loanword in Hattic (for tafarna [52] see above). it is found in a couple of fossilized stems only (hukur ‘to see’ [13]. of lyre’. (New Kingdom) knnr ‘lyre’. also Myc. bow and wind instruments (in compounds)’). First. zinar might have been reinterpreted as the Adyghe– Kabardian absolutive case ending *-r. Hattic does not show any evidence for such a palatalization. e. zinar appears to be the only clear Luw. it is very likely that Hatt.) the scholar adopts a migratory nature of the Adyghe–Kabardian stem. 313–316. of stringed instrument’. however. zinar continues the same wandering word. 51 Maybe except for even more dubious Luw. but the change ki > zi remains unexplained within Hattic. 427) compares Hatt. parza ‘iron ore’. One can suppose. is Luwian. zehar ‘wood’ [64]. Grk. which can be suspected of a similar phonetical process.. Of course. etymology are unclear. Some facts. kinds of stringed. Hitt. for which see sub hapalki [12’] above.. g. zinar might be recognized as a Luwian loanword (similarly Ivanov. Paris / Batouka 1 / 1. (as well as NCauc.– WCauc. 50 49 . 2008.51 Иванов. Despite Иванов. we do not find any traces of virtual Luw. prefix *pǝ. 2009. z.– WCauc. ––––––––––––––––––––––– Cf. the only neighboring language.53 it is obvious that genetic relationship cannot be proven by such cultural terms. Third. Hurr. comparison is one of the main Ivanov’s arguments for Hatt. however. form **zinar is the only example where borrowed ki is rendered by Luw.) LÚkinnaruhuli ‘musician’. Hence Hatt. RS) kinnāru ‘a k.(a former class marker?) and loss of final -r. Although this Hatt. 54 The final consonant of Hatt. zi. k‘nar ‘a musical instrument played by plucking’.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 395 (Mari. ki-nu-ra ‘player of kinura’(?). b) the suffix -r is not productive in Hattic. > Hattic zinar) is not probable: a) both Adyghe–Kabardian *p:ǝna and Adyghe–Kabardian absolutive case ending *-r lack WCauc. of lute’. the virtual Luw. 1985.‘singer. zinar with Adyghe–Kabardian *p:ǝna ‘non-percussion musical instrument (in general)’52 (Adyghe pǝna. 1996. Middle Tamil kiṇṇaram ‘a k. **zinar (as well as **kinar) in the known Luwian lexicon. genetic relationship.49 Arm. 631 (‘musical instrument (in general)’).54 A contrary direction of borrowing (Proto-WCauc. (Bogh. 1999). where IE *ḱ > Anat. № 75 (supported by Chirikba.) cognates. possibly OInd. LÚkinar-talla.50 In fact. Kabardian pšǝna ‘accordion . 8 ff. (LXX) κῐνύρα [ῠ] ‘a stringed instrument played with the hand’. contradict this hypothesis. that Adyghe–Kabardian *p:ǝna reflects the same Wanderwort with the very frequent WCauc. 53 But in his recent paper (Иванов. Franceschetti. 52 For the proto-meaning of *p:ǝna cf.

The second known Hattic compound ippi-zinar ‘small? lyre’ is compared by Иванов. compounds like WCauc. descendants’. descendant’ → A compound of zi ‘?’ [116’] + fin ‘child. → A compound of zifin ‘grandchild’ [121’] + kuka ‘seed?’ [36’] with the regular simplification nk > k. ÉRIN. ‘стольник’ = Hitt. → Иванов. *Haṗ ‘paw. Further to WCauc. Kassian [UF 41 Futher Иванов. The comparison of Hatt. ‘Nachfolger? . *HəqwV ‘big’) cannot be compared with Hatt. Kabardian ʡapa-pšǝna ‘a k.ṗa > *ʡa-pa as in some other similar cases). *čʷəχʷa ‘big. 1985. zizentu ‘posterity?. TÚG.MEŠ UZU. garments’ = Hitt.—the first part of Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa ‘hand. Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa ‘hand. finger’ can hardly be separated from Ubykh ā-ṗá ‘hand’ and the other WCauc. *ṗV ‘extremity’ (< NCauc. extremity’). 124’. *Ia (~ *:Ia) ‘hand’ (< NCauc. ippi and Adyghe–Kabardian ʡa-pa is witty.dbf. ––––––––––––––––––––––– Pace Caucet. 55 . of lyre or accordion’). of knife?’ =? GÍR. finger’—goes back to WCauc. ‘Enkel (und) Urenkel’ = Hitt. *a-ṗV ‘foot’. assuming reverse order of the elements in the Hattic form. hun in any way. 122’. *čoqajV ‘clothing. 123’. № 9 compares the Hatt. strong’ < NCauc. zipah ‘a k. 1985. Abkhaz–Abaza *na-ṗə ‘hand’. zifi-kuka (zipikuka. of hand musical instrument’ ((Old) Adyghe ʡapa-pǝn. *w[ǟ]łʔ ‘arm. but Adyghe -šxʷa ‘big’ (< Adyghe–Kabardian *-čxʷa < WCauc. garments’ without references. ziwiin) ‘grandchild. *ṗ > Adyghe–Kabardian *p (probably the secondary dissimilative deglottalization **ʡa. 119’. № 13 with Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡapa-p:ǝna ‘a k. son’ [72’]. zipen. LÚ GIŠBANŠUR.396 A. zizintu. hašša. armpit’)55. zulufe (LÚzuluwee) ‘table man’.hanzašša-. zuh ‘clothing. 1985. zifin (zipin. 120’. of big musical instrument’. seed?’. bosom. 121’. despite the irregular development WCauc. where Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa. compounds hun-zinar ‘great? lyre’ (see hun [16’] above) with the standard Old Adyghe compound pǝna-šxʷa ‘a k.dbf and Abadet. Samen?’ = Hitt. ziweekuka) ‘posterity.GÉŠPU ‘Truppen der Körperstärke’. but unpersuasive phonetically. № 78 quotes enigmatic NCauc.

h. -a. 72. Av. WCauc. 1995. 55 (Hattic + WCauc. cf. WCauc. Tsez.) comparative’. 55. 33.). 55 propose some alternative WCauc. Yen. Urart. 413). Perhaps two original morphemes (*-k. aš-/iš-. 168.). Tsez. *-š:w.-And. (adj. ha-. *-. *-χV ‘ad series’. *xa-. 1858.). Dargwa *-V. 402 f. . Av. morpheme. *ḱʷə-/*ǵʷə. Tsez.) comparative’. 70. -ko-li ‘lative’. 2002 1. → Note that WCauc. 1999.-And. imperative > Nakh *-V. Hurr. -i. -aš ‘plural suffix’. -a. -u. *-V.preverb ‘super. cf. Dargwa *-ʁI (~ -ʕ-) ‘ad series’. *-š ‘oblique stem plural’. languages have imperative in - as opposed to Hattic and East Cauc. *-ka. Браун. 1996. Khin. Kott. Thus Браун. 2002. -χ ‘inessive 1 (“about”)’. inessive I. *-V. preverb ‘super. close to’. Yen. languages cannot be established. the diachronic comparison between the verbal preverb and the nominal locative suffix seems reliable. Khin. super series’. to’ √ NCauc. *-o. -ä. *-g-). Tsez. 471 f. ad. plural of the accusative case √ NCauc.). Lezgh. (adj. Alternatively to WCauc. cognates for the Hatt. ka-. -kai. *-k-/*-g-. *-χ ‘ad series’. verbal preverb > Ket–Yug k(i)-. *-k ‘lateral series’. ad series > Nakh *-x ‘inessive I. *-š(:) ‘plural direct stem marker’. Alternatively to NCauc. Lak -. 34 ff. 71. 2002. 1985. inter’ (thus Иванов. *-GV ‘ad close / in series’ > Nakh *-ʁ ‘terminative (causative) case. -kā ‘prelative’. cognates 69. -ga ‘dative’ (Castrén. Chirikba. languages.‘lative preverb (towards the speaker)’. *-V. 1996 and Браун.-Urart. *-. Kott. *-g (= *-k?) ‘elative. Yug -kej/-gej ‘locative’ (Werner. Khin.(Старостин Г. -. *-q:I ‘in filled series’.. imperative (slot 1) √ NCauc. Lezgh. ablative and dative semantics √ NCauc. -i. WCauc. but rather hard to distinguish. → Chirikba.-And. *-qV ‘ad close/vertical series’. Although synchronically the meanings of the preverbs in the described Yen. Av. *k-. locative case > Ket -ka/-ga/-ɣa ‘locative’.1 Auxiliary morphemes with reliable SCauc.vs. nominal and verbal (slot –3) morpheme with locative and dative meaning ‘in. Lezgh. 2002. *-χV. nominal and verbal (slot –2) morpheme with locative. Lezgh. *q:Ia. plural stem marker > Nakh *-ši ‘plural’. some locative series > Nakh *-go ‘ad series’. Решетников.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 397 6 Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons 6.

Решетников. Av. Kachin ŋai1 ‘I’. me’. Kott. Burush. possessive case.398 A. Basque *ni ‘I’. translative’. plural marker *-ŋ. subject ‘I’ √ SCauc. The enclitic status of the Yen. Lak -n ‘dative I.> *d-. we. Yen. le. Kassian [UF 41 73. *l. as opposed to the possessive proclitic pronoun še-/te. Lushai ŋei ‘self’. (d)ŋos ‘I. *a. we’ > Chin. 462 f. → Иванов. Kiranti *ʔòŋ/*gòŋ ‘I’. 1st pers. 我 *ŋhājʔ ‘my. → Alternatively Hatt. ŋan ‘we’ (C). 153.).etc. Kott. fa-/fi-. pronoun of the 3rd person sing. 357. infinitive’. plural of the nominative and oblique cases √ NCauc. sg.> *P-. *-nə ‘ergative and general indirect case. -be-r. 卬 *ŋhāŋ ‘I. Tsez. own’. we’. *d. Yug ap.).‘her. sing. of adjectives and participles. STib. we’. 1st p.with the regular anlaut development *l.‘I.) > Ket āp. genitive > Nakh *-n ‘genitive. *-bV. Yen. fem. *ŋā. Khin. Yen.(both in nouns and verbs). 吾 *ŋhā ‘I. *-b-. 74. 1995. if one assumes the phonetic development . poss. me’. 1985. terminative. Dargwa *nu (not a very reliable isogloss). fa-. ŋed ‘I. sing.(*ʔab-) / *aŋ ‘my’ (attr. poss.. Av. *-nV ‘ablative. (the possessor is probably animate masculine. → In all likelihood Hattic shows the same development of initial *ŋ.). subject (see Старостин Г. pronominal prefix. WCauc.(Abkhaz-Abaza only). ŋaŋ-ma ‘self. *ba-/*-aŋ 1st person sg. Lezgh. *-nV. marker of the genitive case.. temporal. ergative’. + optionally gen.-And. *n ‘I’ (1st pers. -aŋ (Решетников. proclitic fa-/fi. subject. class marker ‘her’ and fem. 29 (Hatt. *da ‘his’. 1999. -a). *b. object > Ket b-. 言 *ŋhan ‘I. Tib. 75. possessive proclitic pronoun of the 3rd person sing. 1999. an-še. plural > Nakh *-bi.‘his’. elative. does: *ŋ. adjective and participial suffix . self’.may correspond to the Yen.as ProtoYen. we’. *-bV (~ -i. transformative case’. *di ‘her’.in the proclitic possessive forms can be explained as *l. 461 ff. *ŋV ‘I’ > NCauc. subject markers is obviously secondary. Burm. -e. m-inšo. ŋa ‘I’. suff. -n. 348. + WCauc. *-n ‘genitive. Arin b(i)-. infinitive’. verbal morpheme (slot –7). we’. 2010) √ NCauc.> *m. Dargwa *-bi. ŋa ‘I. Lepcha kă ‘I’.-And.‘I’. Lezgh. lative. *-b-. ending -n (for details see Soysal. √ WCauc. Dative semantics standardly is expressed by prepositions like ha. sg. pronoun) > Lak na. 76. *-dǝ ‘she’. *-du ‘he’. 148. its’).

415) incorrectly compares Hattic fa-/fi.> *P-. *mə ‘thou’ (2nd p.56 77. Pump.POSS-PL-king). real conditional’. *-dV. optative √ NCauc. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 56 As was truly noted by Chirikba. A. 55. 1996. Lezgh. 1967. we ‘thou’ (2nd person sg.preverb ‘in. WCauc. → Proposed by Иванов. Tsez. *uō ‘thou’ (2nd p. desiderative’ > Av. pr. comm. 189. Lak wi. [*-da] ‘conditional’. Dybo (pers. Yen. 1996. 79.). 33 . *da-ħVnV ‘concessive. desiderative’.‘thy’ (2nd person sg. *uo-n ‘thou’ (2nd p. *-da ‘desiderative.‘your’ (2nd person pl.) > Nakh *waj ‘we (incl. u. verbal morpheme (slot –8). 149.)’. verbal morpheme with locative semantics ‘in(to)’ (slot –4) √ WCauc. *wA ‘thou’ (2nd p. 175. but this Ubykh feature seems unparalleled within WCauc. WCauc.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 399 *ŋ. pr. Arin au. fa. Дьяконов.-And. Chirikba. *mi-n ‘thou’ (2nd p. subject) √ SCauc.with Ubykh w-. *wV ‘thou’ > NCauc. super’. conditional. persons’. people. *tV. *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ > Ket ū. morphosyntactically the Ubykh chain POSS-PL-ROOT is identical to the Hattic possessive constructions like te-fa-katti ‘its kings’ (3SG.-And.). Lezgh. ta-. Av.‘desiderative. (Vogt. Hurr. see Hewitt.) proposed to compare Hatt. Браун. family and therefore can hardly serve as a reliable comparandum. personal pronoun). 1979. . this Abkhaz morpheme goes back to the Common WCauc root *wV ‘person . Kott. 1963. *u-n ‘thou’. possessive pronoun). sǝ-tʷ ‘my father’ ~ sa-w-ǝ (> sō-ǝ) ‘my horses’. pr. temporal gerund . Khin. u-p. *-dV ‘conditional. cf. Of course. 78. te-. u-‘thou’ (2nd person sg. Yug u.with Abkhaz -wa (plural marker in the animate class). Burush. pr.). which appears only in combination with proclitic possessive pronouns: ɣa-ǝ ‘his horse’ ~ ɣa-w-ǝ (> ɣō-ǝ) ‘his horses’.> *m. ǝ-tʷ ‘our father’ ~ a-w-ǝ (> ō-ǝ) ‘our horses’ etc.‘thou’ (obl. 223). wɨ ‘thou’ (2nd p. 413. Tsez. pronoun). In reality Abkhaz -wa forms the names of races (both in the singular and plural). future. *-da. 173 (followed by Chirikba. past conditional. stem). we ‘thou’. possessive pronoun). conditional’.). sing. 2002. V. 1985. au. nominal proclitic marker of plural. pr. úe.

noun kazue ‘bowl’ [32’]. → Possible. -i. (Ubykh and /or Abkhaz–Abaza) see Chirikba. found in Hatt. 228) √ NCauc. *-Hi. anim. *i ‘below. *-: ‘below.2 Some auxiliary morphemes with dubious or improbable SCauc. *-jV ‘dat.. below’. 37 (followed by Chirikba. cognates I do not list here all Hattic auxiliary morphemes lacking SCauc. 126’. hakazuel ‘drinker.-And. dat. *-V(j) ‘erg. locative case √ NCauc. Dargwa *-ɣ(u).-And. *ƛɨ-. goes back to NCauc. dat. *-ƛ ‘down. it seems that Soysal’s -ah2 is the same femininum suffix) → Иванов. Lak -j-nu. ka-la. 127’. 125’. Tsez. below. probably forming femininum (found in katta-h ‘queen’ [17]. toaster’ (according to Ivanov: ha-ga-zu-el from the root zu ‘to drink’ which is not attested elsewhere). 208. *-i (-Vj) ‘deverbative nominal. but for ver––––––––––––––––––––––– An example. Av. Браун. which in its turn is borrowed from Semitic (Akkad. Note that Chirikba and Braun propose their etymologies not for nominal la-. 2002. deverbative nominal suffix’. whose meaning and function are unknown or were incorrectly understood by previous etymologists. hakazuel ‘drinker. In particular the list does not include phantom morphemes57 and morphemes. 34) postulates the Hatt. 415) compares it with WCauc.. *:i-. down . infinitive’... 414. further see HWHT. at’). Lak luw. -i(j) ‘ergative/genitive. frequently stands with the locative morpheme ka-: ka-la(HWHT. “causative prefix ka-”. infinitive’. Tsez. -ija ‘instrumental. -l.. 1996. instrumental’. masdar’. *ʁ is unpersuasive also. -(a)h. infinitive’. *pə-ʷA ‘daughter’ etc. Lezgh.400 A. toaster’ [6’] is derived from the Hatt. la-. dative(?) > Av. As a matter of fact. 1985. Ivanov (Иванов. Khin. Phonetically the comparison of Hatt. k with WCauc. *qwnV ‘woman’) which looks very factitious. *ʷA ‘woman’ (found in stems like WCauc.‘down. nominal suffix. in two epithets of the Sun-goddess ka-aš-paru-ya-h ‘source of light’ [33] and leli-ya-h ‘source of light’ [23]. and compares it with the Abkhaz–Abaza– Ubykh causative prefix *ʁa-. Lezgh. kāsu ‘bowl’ with reliable Semitic cognates). For alternative locative preverbal cognates in WCauc. 57 . Dargwa *-Hi ‘ergative. → Note the similarity between Hatt. 1996. cognates. unclear nominal morpheme perhaps with the locative meaning (‘on. Kassian [UF 41 6.‘sub series’. 1985.and Proto-Nakh *ḳa-l(e). locative suffix (series Sub)’. also maybe in the name of goddess Dzintuhi. 55. *-:i ‘locative suffix (series Sub)’. below’. but not obligatory. locative suffix (Sub series)’. down’ (an adverbial stem) > Nakh *ḳa-l(e) ‘down.

~ šeš-.verbal morpheme (slot –4) with some locative semantics → Cf. 414 compares Hatt. Adyghe–Kabardian *a.‘under’. śedag. /č/ seems slightly strange. sing. tu. particle of the negative of assertion). *č[ŭ] ‘self. 2002.~ šaš. oneself (reflexive pronoun)’. *d-. śa-sdag ‘for oneself only.and teš. *-ƛ. Basque *es ‘not’ (the basic particle of the negative of assertion).‘for oneself (prefix of the subject version)’.< WCauc. nose’).2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 401 bal **li. *Łʷa. g. amidst smth. *pŭrV ‘part of face under the nose. * /*. śe. oneself (3rd–4th class)’ > Lak cu ‘self. za. WCauc. fe-. * /*. lower part. → The origin of the second element (-š) of the Hatt.’. Tib. in front of’. only. oneself’.. Lezgh. privately’. 私 *səj ‘private. Браун.‘in(to) the mass. Improbable semantically and morphologically. oneself’. Tsez. negative particle > SCauc. ‘from topdown’).with WCauc. 132’. pronoun)’.with the Ubykh preverb wa. *-ič(ʷ) ‘self. theoretically can be the indirect object reflexive exponent (‘for oneself’). *čʷə. WCauc.‘under’. taš. negative particle > Nakh *ca ‘not’ (used as a separate word). verbal morpheme. Lezgh. Ubykh .‘preverb inter’ < NCauc. obj. *V ‘bottom. 131’. 56 compares Hatt. to smbd. *-. *č:V (the basic Proto-NCauc. 128’.–WCauc. fe. STib. but the Ubykh morpheme has reliable cognates in Abkhaz–Abaza *la-/*lə.‘from down’. morpheme is unclear.(uncritically following old Forrer’s analysis). zi-. oneself’ > Chin. *-i.‘(one)self (reflex. 130’. but in reality the status and function of this morpheme is opaque √ WCauc.‘in filled series’ which makes the Hatt. could be an exponent of the plural(?) direct object in the verbal wordforms (slot –5). nominal prefix with allative/illative semantics → Chirikba. The phonetic correspondence SCauc. t-. Av. anim. Slot –6 √ SCauc.-And. Dargwa *če-/ču. *[č]V (~ št-) ‘self’ > NCauc. which has an additional meaning ‘front’ in some WCauc. 129’. fe. *pʷA ‘nose’ (< NCauc. nominal morpheme with ablative semantics (e. verbal prohibitive morpheme (slot –9) √ NCauc. *ǝ. under (preverb)’ (> Abkhaz–Abaza *a.~ šu-. 1996. marker (reconstructed for Abkhaz–Abaza level only). comparison phonetically impossible. which does not exist. *śəj ‘private. languages and may function as a preverb ‘before. * /* ~ Hatt.

timber (in construction of house. 55 and Chirikba. māṣilu ‘(a musician.–Hitt. kussû-m. not a single doubtless Anatolian loanwords in Hattic is revealed up to now: the most appropriate candidate here is Hattic zinar ‘a k. regal and technical terms into Hittite (see Goedegebuure. kait ‘grain. In the opposite direction: Hurr.2. barley’ > Hatt. West Semitic loanwords: karam ‘wine’ [27’] < WSem. for which see 4. phonetic isogloss is assibilation /ti/ > /ʦi/. 146 f. and maybe Hatt. 1996. but I claim that there is no positive evidence that these terms represent inherited Luwian or Hittite forms. throne’ (further to Ugar. vine’. Cf.). Hattic was a donor of several dozens of cultic. clown?’ [51’] < Ugar.2. The first Hatt. originating from NCauc. ks ‘id. performer)’. Ugaritic Akkad. lower part’.2. The second one is dissimilation /u/ > /um/.)’ [52] together with the parallel female title tawananna ‘lady’ [52].) and into Palaic. Nuzi) amrû ‘beam. . etc.2. w previous lit. Hattic has a number of borrowings from Semitic languages. Besides lexical borrowings one should note two phonetic processes shared by Hattic and Hittite. As opposed to the Indo-European languages of Anatolia. corn’ [26’]. where Hattic -m probably reflects Akkadian mimation. Hurrian shows rather sparse traces of linguistic contacts with Hattic which is somewhat surprising. Kassian [UF 41 -a ‘bottom. not Akkadian loanwords prevail in the list. ship)’ probably via Hurrian. rafter’ [7’] > Akkad. but not into known Luwian.) NINDAzippinni ‘(a k.2–3 above. 414. (OB. An Akkadian loanword : kusim. kušim ‘throne’ [42’] < Akkad. kade ‘grain.). (Bogh. *karm ‘vineyard. Hatt. *Hŏnŭ ‘bottom’. chanter. habalgi/abalgi ‘iron’. of lyre’ [118’]. kussiu-m ‘chair. An Akkadian or West Semitic loanword: kazue ‘goblet. throne’ etc. hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] > Hurr. see 4. 2008. It is noteworthy that West Semitic. The comparison was proposed by Браун.402 A. maššel ‘cult performer. mṣl ‘cymbal player’. ksÿ ‘seat. cup’ [32’] < Akkad.’ etc. 7 Contacts with neighboring languages As is well known. cup’. kāsu-m ‘goblet. hamuruwa ‘beam. The second candidate the is widely discussed Hattic word tafarna ‘lord (vel sim. which theoretically might have been borrowed from an unattested Central or North Anatolian Luwian diaect.1 above. 2002. of pastry used in rites)’. On the contrary. zipina ‘sour’ [66] >? Hurr. Hatt. but phonetically unacceptable. Ugar.

‘chaque côté de la chaussure’ (further probably to Akkad. but from some Luwian dialect. In one case we must suspect a borrowing of a Hattic term into WCauc. contacts add new . nimble. languages belong to the syntactic SOV type and the same feature should be reconstructed for the WCauc. (D) ? šaru. šabāt. šuf ‘ox’ [91’] ~ Akkad. ŝəʕārā ‘high wind’.) habalginnu ‘a k. messenger’. *šVmaʕ. šam(a) ‘to hear. ? tahalai[n…] ‘liver?’ [92’] < WSem.)’ [48] ~ Sem. Akkad. ṣp ‘white sheep’ in all likelihood is accidental also. proto-language. Nuzi) amrû ‘beam’ were borrowed probably via the Hurrian intermediation (see hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] and hamuruwa ‘beam. favorable’ [49’] < WCauc. šāru ‘wind. of lyre’ [118’] > Adyghe–Kabardian *p-:ǝna ‘non-percussion musical instrument (in general)’. (Bibl. The fact of Hattic–WCauc. which may be supported also by some archaeological evidence. No good examples of the contrary direction of borrowing (Hattic > Semitic) are known. *Iʷə-ʷV ‘iron’ or rather *Iʷə-pəə ‘copper’. (Bibl. loanwords: hapalki ‘iron’ [12’] < WCauc. of lyre’ might have been borrowed not from Hattic. šēpu ‘foot’ ~ Soqotri ŝab. malhip ‘good. luck’. Ugar. is rather interesting. breath’). Vs. (MAss. šēpā ‘scapus (caligae). mucro nasi’ and Arab. ox’ [52’] ~ Sem. since all known WCauc. A very important fact is the presence of lexical contacts between Hattic and the Proto-West Caucasian language. ? hamuruwa ‘beam. son’ [72’] ~ Sem. air. A phonetic similarity between Hatt. Hebr. Despite Vjač.‘to hear’ and Hatt. ḳl ‘courier. *maʷV ‘good. rafter’ [7’] < Abkhaz–Abaza *qʷǝ(m)bǝlǝra ‘crossbeam’. contacts. (D)taru ‘Storm-god’ [84’] < Hebr. *pəśʷA ‘to breathe’. ? pašu-n ‘breath?’ [71’] < WCauc. ŝʕr ‘to be stormy’ (further to Akkad. *ʔalp ‘cattle’ and fin ‘child. ŝaf ‘foot’). ṣuppu ‘white sheep’. Goedegebuure’s (2008) schema of Hattic–Luwian–Hittite interferences at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC (with some remarks). listen (vel sim. *ṭiḥāl ‘spleen’. lists only) ‘a k. rafter’ [7’] above).2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 403 ? LÚkiluh ‘courier-spy’ [33’] < Ugar. zannaru (almost exclusively in OB/NB lex. Although I generally agree with P. of metal’ and (OB. Ivanov.: zinar ‘a k. the Semitic origin of the two following Hattic words does not seem probable for some reasons: milup ‘bull. rapid (said of messengers)’ with the (Hattic?) h-suffix. Akkad.) ŝaʕar ‘heavy gale’.) ḳal ‘light. Hattic–WCauc. At least two Hattic stems can be assuredly recognized as WCauc. ? šep ‘footwear’ [87’] < Syr. *bin ‘son’.

proto-language must show a smaller number of lexical isoglosses with Hattic than the NCauc. 4. If malhip is really a borrowing < WCauc. *maʷV ‘good. and STib.58 The similarity between Hatt. 7–24) I suppose that the hypothesis of Sino-Caucasian attribution of the Hattic language can be considered very probable. but some seem probative). muh(al) ‘hearth’ [55’] and Sumerian muhal-dim ‘cook’ seems unsupported by additional positive evidence (except for a surprising isogloss Hatt. 58 . proto-languages do. according to the general comparative procedure (see Campbell/Poser. Бурлак/Старостин. It means that in the general case the Yen. 8 Conclusion 8. reconstruction is generally based on the three languages: Ket. The most part of Hattic etymologized lexemes belongs to the basic vocabulary. the Sino-Tibetan ––––––––––––––––––––––– malhip seems the default Hattic word for ‘good’.e. 2005. database (Stibet. it belongs to the most basic and stable part of vocabulary (the Swadesh 100-wordlist). 2008. whose phonetic similarity with Grk. luck’. database (Caucet. ŠAG ‘heart’) and should be regarded today as a chance coincidence.dbf includes ca. 70 reliable Hattic–Sino-Caucasian root comparisons and ca.404 A. Yug and to a lesser degree Kottish). Unfortunately kinawar is unetymologizable within Hattic. see Николаев. 2800 (!) entries in the STib. Kassian [UF 41 options in the sociolinguistic scenarios discussed by Goedegebuure. i. The system of Hattic–Sino-Caucasian phonetical correspondences is rather simple and logical. Two points should be stressed before we start to discuss genealogical trees.dbf) and ca. 2) I assume that some of the aforementioned Sino-Tibetan etymologies of Hattic lexemes may turn out false in the future.dbf). first. since. šaki ~ Sum. The current verion of Yenet. κιννάβαρι ‘cinnabar (a bright red or brownish-red mineral form of mercuric sulphide)’ can hardly be fortuitous.1 Linguistic affiliation Above I list ca. 1050 entries as opposed to 2300 entries in the NCauc. The location of the Hattic branch within the Sino-Caucasian tree is a more difficult question. 10 reliable Hattic–Sino-Caucasian auxiliary morpheme comparisons (note that we know in sum less than 200 Hattic words whose meaning is established). 1985 (some Nikolaev’s connections are highly questionable. 1) Due to the relict nature of the Yenisseian family (the Proto-Yen. Thus. its proto-vocabulary is relatively small. it suggests that Hattic–Proto-West Caucasian interferences were much more intensive than we can judge today from the available Hattic data. In view of this one should note the Hattic term kinawar ‘copper’ [34’]. Ancient Greek dialects possess a number of North Caucasian loanwords. so it may be treated as a common Hattic–Greek wandering word (‘red mineral’) of unknown origin.

next. broad’ ~ Yen.) ~ Burush. the reduction of root structure in Proto-Sino-Tibetan opens an additional space for external etymologization.1. *hilčwĒ ‘to run (away)’ ~ STib. luizzi-l ‘runner. *a. *=agwV ‘to see’ ~ STib. *=HuǯV-n ( ~ --) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ ~ STib. šaki. *qo ‘to see’. *dak ‘hope. (Chin.: 15 etymologies.‘to be(come) wide’ [9] ~ NCauc. hide’ fa. *ɦăr[w]Ĕ ‘wide’ ~ STib. han ‘sea’ [7] ~ NCauc. harki. *xnɦ ‘water’ ~ STib. choose. *ƛep ‘tongue. *n ‘I’ ~ STib.‘I’ [75] ~ NCauc. *b. *ćhōʔ. *ćōʔ ‘to run’) ~ Yen. Yenisseian The question is whether the Hattic language is closer to the Sino-Tibetan– Na-Dene branch or to the North Caucasian–Yenisseian one. *kʷēn ‘to glance at. *H[o]kV ‘to look. we’ ~ Yen. moisture’ ~ Yen. *ŋā. *ǯin ‘bright day’ ~ Burush. A relatively high number of Hattic–SinoTibetan isoglosses (see below) should be explained by these factors. *ʔrŋ/*ʔrk ‘breast’ ~ Yen. the core lexicostatistical schema of Sino-Caucasian macrofamily looks as following : Sino-Caucasian / \ Sino-Tibetan–Na-Dene North Cauc. look’ [13] ~ NCauc. *tut. much’ ~ . *ʔēǯ. The root comparisons from 5. *ćhoʔ.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 405 reconstruction as it is presented today is somewhat preliminary (work in this field is in progress) as opposed to the North Caucasian and Yenisseian ones. *ʔen ‘now’. understand’ ~ Yen. *ku ‘to seek.1 can be summarized in the following statistic chart.‘I. eštan ‘sun’ [5] ~ NCauc. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ ~ STib. when’ ~ Yen. anna ‘when’ [2] ~ NCauc. search’ ~ STib. messenger’ [26] ~ NCauc. belief’. *ānpV ‘lip’ ~ STib. watery (tea. As mentioned in 4. (WCauc. *āŋ ‘clear (of sky)’. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ ~ Burushaski *hán-chil ‘water from a wound. big’ [54] ~ NCauc. to regard’ ~ Yen. soup)’ ~ Basque *u-hin ‘wave’.–Yen. and STib. *b-[]k. Hatt. *ʔalVp ‘tongue’. broad’ hukur ‘to see. The primary meaning of the proto-root was probably ‘to lick’. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ ~ Burush. / \ / \ STib.‘I’ ~ Basque *ni ‘I’. *qʷāŋH ‘wide. *χĭw(s) ‘water. *tajH ‘big. *χiGV-ĺ ‘wide. and Yen.‘clear (of weather)’. to lick’ ~ Yen.‘to find’ kun ‘to see’ [21] ~ NCauc.‘heart’ [47] ~ NCauc. te ‘great. *h[ä]nV ‘now’ ~ STib. *dA ‘big’) ~ STib. *n[ǝ] ‘time or place of.(*ʔab-) / *aŋ ‘my’ (attr. Na-Dene North Cauc. *Ćj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ ~ Yen.‘to flee. ~ NCauc. alef ‘tongue’ [1] ~ NCauc.

*=igwVł ‘to lose. day’ ~ STib. a pair of horns’ ~ Burush.‘summer’ ~ Basque *asaro ‘November. tumil ‘rain’ [62] ~ NCauc. and Yen. *=iĂ ‘to give. (Chin. leaf(?)’ ~ STib. *ʔa-č. place’ ~ Yen. set up’. *=VmVr ‘to stand (up)’ ~ STib. (Chin. bolt. morning’ wet ‘to be sour/bitter’ [34] ~ NCauc. autumn’. tu ‘to eat’ [59] ~ NCauc. tafa-r-na ‘lord’ [52] ~ NCauc. horn’ ~ STib. shining’ [33] ~ NCauc. *ćhémil ‘poison’. *=ĭrwĂ ‘to ripen’ ~ STib. wet. *ćhiH ‘to be at. female’ ~ STib. *mbi ‘god. *mŭt ‘to blow’ puluku ‘foliage’ [39] ~ NCauc. Kassian [UF 41 Yen. to gulp. to stay’ [28] ~ NCauc. *dhăH ‘to put. *koj (~ -l) ‘to hide’ ~ Basque *gal. escort (vel sim. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock. *sir1. compensate.‘to eat’ ~ Burush. of weed’ take-ha ‘lion’ [51] ~ NCauc. halu ‘bolt. *ćhej ‘female’) ~ Basque *a-ćo ‘old woman’. *=ătV-r ‘to let. to vomit’ ~ STib. *=ǟḳĂw ‘to put (together). to stay’ ~ STib. paru ‘bright.406 A. hel. *ƛăjV ‘year. large’ her ‘to hide’ [12] ~ NCauc. eš ‘to put’ [4] ~ NCauc. to steal’ ~ STib. panther’ ~ STib.)’ [20] ~ NCauc. *Khu (~ -ua. *ćhiw ‘autumn’) ~ Yen. guard. *[ǯh]ɨam ‘salt’ ~ Burush. Hatt. *grĭ ‘old. *-´t‘to do. *ćəw ‘water. *ḳuł /*łḳu ‘lock. put down’ ~ Burush. extract’ (a)ku ‘soldier. make. *phak ‘leaf’ ~ Burush. *kălH ‘bolt. tefu ‘to pour’ [57] ~ NCauc. *ʔes. *=ǟwčĂ ‘to emit. lock’.: 15 etymologies. ku ‘to seize’ [19] ~ NCauc. pour.‘to pour’ ~ Burush. *śi/*ṣi/*ṣu ‘to eat’.‘to lose’. -əw) ‘take out. take’ ~ STib. *khaj ‘horn. preserve’ ~ STib. friend. key’ ~ STib. *lH ‘year. *wŏjV ‘woman. *pārē ‘lightning’ ~ STib. authority’ zuwa-tu ‘wife’ [68] ~ NCauc. *=VV ‘to drink. Hatt. to eat’ ~ STib. *ćūm ‘honour. *ʕapālwĔ ‘burdock . *ɦmVjwĂ ‘sour’ ~ STib. *bilágur ‘a k. sit. mercy’ ~ STib. ti ‘to lie. stay’. to lay?’ [55] ~ NCauc. to scoop’ ~ Yen. *ʒhaH ‘to eat’ ~ Yen. to put’ ~ Yen. kaiš ‘horn’ [14] ~ NCauc. plait. and STib. ripen’ [11] ~ NCauc.: 5 etymologies.‘to grow’. companion’ liš ‘year’ [24] ~ NCauc. lock’ [6] ~ NCauc. *ṣo ‘to wash’. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ ~ STib. *chi(ə)k ‘leopard’. ~ NCauc. *prɨăŋH ‘bright. pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] ~ NCauc. leave. *kŭ ‘to help . *ɣuy ‘hair’. *sī. *di(j) ‘to lie down.‘to . ~ NCauc. season’ (a)nti ‘to stand . *ǟnV ‘lynx. *HŭqwĂ ‘to graze. *tɨʔj. hil ‘to grow. *mlćwV ‘wind’ ~ STib.

*bŭ. fun ‘mortality’ [40] ~ STib. shell’ ~ Yen. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ ~ Burush. *bar ‘speech. hel ‘to strew. rest (tr. *pūHV ‘to blow. *mor ‘grain’ fur ‘country. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. Hatt. population’ [41] ~ STib. trample’ ~ Yen. ~ STib. sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow. beam. *u-n ‘thou’. *pe(ʔ)s-tap ‘wolverine’ ~ Basque *oćo ‘wolf’. *=aχwVn ‘to open’ nimhu. *ćH ‘to govern . *mŋ ‘to die’ ~ Yen. blowing’ ~ Yen.‘woman’ [27] ~ NCauc. and Yen. swallow’ puš. *bēŁ ‘cattle-shed’ šahhu/tahhu ‘ground. word’. šam(a) ‘to hear. timber’ Hatt. han ‘to open’ [8] ~ NCauc. go’ [29] ~ STib. timber’ [64] ~ NCauc. we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. swallow’ [42] ~ STib. *qepVn. bŭt ‘to blow. *baŕ. *ćek ‘to tread.: 4 etymologies. kip ‘to protect’ [18] ~ STib. trace’ far ‘thousand’ [31] ~ STib.: 6 etymologies.‘to close (door)’ fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] ~ STib. *q(h)ʷār ‘throw (into water). *təʔrap‘bread crust’. chip . to think’ fula ‘bread’ [38] ~ STib. p(a)raš ‘leopard’ [37] ~ NCauc.‘to fan (a fire or burning materials)’ [42] ~ STib. Hatt. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman. *qhaṣ ‘to rub’.‘to pray’ ~ Burush. *boŋ ‘dead man’.‘to run’. *mt ‘to eat. master’ [46] ~ STib. *bħĕrĭ ‘wolf’ ~ Yen.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 407 put’ ~ Basque *ecan ‘to lie down. taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] ~ NCauc. female’ fel ‘house’ [30] ~ NCauc. numerous’ pnu ‘to observe. look’ [36] ~ STib. *čɔʔq. *pV(j) ‘to blow’ ~ Burush. *rołH ‘light’ lu ‘to be able’ [25] ~ STib. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc.)’ [22] ~ STib. ~ STib. to fan’ (further to onomatopoeic NCauc. zihar ‘(building) wood. *re ‘to dislike’ leli ‘source of light’ [23] ~ STib. *phu ‘to blow’). scatter’ (a)le ‘to envy (vel sim. listen’ zehar. rub’ ~ Yen. *p(r)wH ‘to speak’ ~ Yen. ~ NCauc. lord’ . *Gāp ‘to cover’ ~ Yen. *Prŋ ‘country’ puš ‘to devour. field’. *nŭ ‘to tread. bottom’ [45] ~ NCauc. šai-l/tai-l ‘lord. *lw ‘to be able’ nu ‘to come. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent. pour’ [10] ~ STib. *bhăr ‘abundant. piece of wood. *wēχV ‘stick. listen’ [48] ~ NCauc. *čɦrV ‘skin. ground. *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush.: 16 etymologies. *mVn ‘to perceive. *čHäłu/*čäłHu ‘earth.) to put down’. *čVqV/*qVčV ‘to scratch. tuk ‘to step’ [61] ~ STib.

59 The situation changes if one tries to analyze Hattic words from the Swadesh list. large — — — — te ‘great. Yakhontov’s items are marked by the “+” sign. zipi-na ‘sour’ [66] ~ STib. *t[e]mb-Vĺ. 2007) with 10 additional words from S. *tajH ‘big. Yakhontov’s 100-wordlist.)’ [22] ~ STib. e. *rołH ‘light’ which are formally acceptable. *ʔēč. hold. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’ kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen..: 9 etymologies. *cp ‘bitter.‘to let come. No. *ʔa-KsV. .408 A. to close’ tup ‘root’ [63] ~ Yen. 12—13 for detail). taken from the second part of the Swadesh 200-wordlist (see Бурлак/Старостин 2005. grasp’).‘to fall’ ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. in various publications by S. *ćH ‘to work. 2. to build’ tuh ‘to take’ [60] ~ STib. ~ Yen. 59 bird ašti or šti ‘bird’ [3’] ––––––––––––––––––––––– Cf. etymologies do not look obligatory.‘to grow’. *tĕp ‘fear. The table below includes the standard Swadesh 100-wordlist (as it is accepted. e. to be confused’ teh ‘to build’ [56] ~ STib. (a)le ‘to envy (vel sim. but can hardly prove some specific relationship. ENG all (omnis) ashes bark belly big. (WCauc. even through some of these Hatt... 4. 5. pungent’ Hatt. g. 1. aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] ~ Yen. *=ăčw ‘to take. g. *bot. *re ‘to dislike’ or Hatt. *də(ʔ)q. leli ‘source of light’ [23] ~ STib.‘often’ štip ‘gate’ [49] ~ Yen.‘root’ zik ‘to fall’ [65] ~ Yen. *kaʔt ‘old (attr. to plug. see Старостин.–STib. Hattic Sino-Caucasian 6. big’ [54] NCauc. carry’ ~ Basque *eući ‘to take. Kassian [UF 41 tafa ‘fear’ [53] ~ STib.. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ A high number of exclusive Hattic–Sino-Tibetan isoglosses (16 entries) is noteworthy. 2010. Starostin.‘temple (part of head)’ katte ‘king’ [17] ~ Yen. *ǯīp ‘to cover. Hatt. For the general principles of the compilation process now see Kassian et al. seize. much’ ~ Yen. *ĆŏH ‘to seize’ (further to NCauc. *tɨʔj.)’ fute ‘long (in temporal meaning)’ [44] ~ Yen. 3. *dA ‘big’) ~ STib. let enter’ kaš ‘head’ [16] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush.

to eat tu ‘to eat’ [59] NCauc.) cloud cold to come — — — — — — — — Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Hattic Sino-Caucasian 409 aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] an ‘to come (here?)’ [2’] Yen. sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow . 17. soil . to eat’ ~ STib. ENG to bite black blood bone breast to burn (trans. Cf. *sī. *=VV ‘to drink . lmah ‘eye(s)’ [58’] — — . terrestrial. field’. *ʒhaH ‘to eat’ ~ Yen. egg eye fat feather — nimah. ground. 12. to gulp. ištarrazi-l ‘(dark / black) earth. 7. 21. puš ‘to devour. 18. let enter’ 16. *ʔēč. 14.‘to let come. *mt ‘to eat. *čHäłu / *čäłHu ‘earth. 15.‘to eat’ ~ Burush. 11. 8.2009] No. 26. 25. šahhu / tahhu ‘ground’ [45] NCauc. earthly(?)’ [22’] 22. swallow’ Cf. 20. STib. *śi / *ṣi / *ṣu ‘to eat’. to die dog to drink dry ear earth — — ? lin ‘to drink? (vel sim. swallow’ [42] 23. 13. 24. 9. 19.)’ [46’] — — Cf. 10.

trace’ (a WCauc. 30. of weed’ . NCauc.‘temple (part of head)’ NCauc. to kill knee to know leaf — — — puluku ‘foliage’ [39] NCauc. fire fish to fly foot full to give to go good green hair hand head to hear ENG — — — — — A. go’ [29] malhip ‘good. 44. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ ~ Burush. *ʔa-KsV. *ŋā. *ʔrŋ / *ʔrk ‘breast’ ~ Yen. 37. *phak ‘leaf’ ~ Burush. STib. 33. *jĕ-rḳwĭ ‘heart’ ~ STib. 31.) ~ Burush. I fa. NCauc. *nŭ ‘to tread. *ɣuy ‘hair’. *b. 39.‘I’ ~ Basque *ni ‘I’. *dak ‘hope. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent. heart šaki. 27. listen’ NCauc. 28. 46. loan) 40.(*ʔab-) / *aŋ ‘my’ (attr. favorable’ [49’] — — — kaš ‘head’ [16] šam(a) ‘to hear. 36. 32. 45. Kassian Hattic Sino-Caucasian [UF 41 yay ‘to give’ [25’] nu ‘to come. *n ‘I’ ~ STib. listen’ [48] Yen. horn’ ~ STib. leaf(?)’ ~ STib. *khaj ‘horn. a pair of horns’ ~ Burush. *ʕapālwĔ ‘burdock .410 No. 35.‘I’ [75] 43. plait . 38. 34. we’ ~ Yen. 29. *a.‘heart’ [47] 41. horn kaiš ‘horn’ [14] 42. *bilágur ‘a k.‘I. *ḳəlčwi ‘forelock. belief’.

set up’. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ Yen. 58.2009] No. 51. liver long louse man (male) man (person) many. (a Sem. autumn’. to lay?’ [55] Sino-Caucasian 411 NCauc. to stay’ ~ STib. (Chin. 53. 65. leave . *di(j) ‘to lie down. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’. 47.~ šeš— tumil ‘rain’ [62] Yen. kazza ‘blood red?. 64. red?’ [31’] . 57. 60. 67. place’ ~ Yen. *sir1. *dhăH ‘to put. teš. *=ătV-r ‘to let.‘to do. 62. red Cf. loan??) 48. ENG to lie Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Hattic ti ‘to lie .‘summer’ ~ Basque *asaro ‘November . a lot of meat moon mountain mouth nail name neck new night nose not one rain ? tahalai[n…] ‘liver?’ [92’] — — — — — — kap ‘moon’ [15] ziš ‘mountain’ [67] — — — — tataet or taet ‘new’ [97’] — — Cf. 56. 52. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. 50. 55. *-´t. 63. 54. make. put down’ ~ Burush. the prohibitive morpheme taš.~ šaš-. 59. 61. NCauc. 66. 49. *ćhiw ‘autumn’) ~ Yen. *cōjwlɦV ‘rainy season’ ~ STib.

412 No. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. ENG road root round sand to say to see — tup ‘root’ [63] — —

A. Kassian Hattic Sino-Caucasian

[UF 41

Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’

Cf. hu ‘to exclaim, pronounce’ [15’] hukur ‘to see, look’ [13] NCauc. *H[o]kV ‘to look, search’ ~ STib. *ku ‘to seek, choose, understand’ ~ Yen. *b-[]k- ‘to find’ NCauc. *=agwV ‘to see’ ~ STib. *kʷēn ‘to glance at ; to regard’ ~ Yen. *qo ‘to see’. STib. *mVn ‘to perceive ; to think’

kun ‘to see’ [21]

Cf. pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] 74. 75. 76. seed to sit skin — nif or nifaš ‘to sit’ [59’] Cf. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] — — — (a)nti ‘to stand ; to stay’ [28]

NCauc. *čɦrV ‘skin, shell’ ~ Yen. *təʔrap- ‘bread crust’.

77. 78. 79. 80.

to sleep small, little smoke to stand

NCauc. *=VmVr ‘to stand (up)’ ~ STib. *ćhiH ‘be at, sit, stay’.

81. 82. 83.

star stone sun

— pip ‘stone’ [74’] eštan ‘sun’ [5] NCauc. *=HuǯV-n ( ~ --) ‘to clear up (of weather)’ ~ STib. *Ćj (~ -l) ‘clear (of weather)’ ~ Yen. *ʔēǯ- ‘clear (of weather)’, *ǯin ‘bright day’ ~ Burush. *āŋ ‘clear (of sky)’.

84.

to swim

2009] No. 85. 86. 87. 88. tail that this tongue ENG — —

Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language Hattic Sino-Caucasian

413

imallen, imallin ‘this’ [18’] alef ‘tongue’ [1] NCauc. *ānpV ‘lip’ ~ STib. *ƛep ‘tongue, to lick’ ~ Yen. *ʔalVp ‘tongue’.

89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98.

tooth tree two warm water we what white who woman

— — — — — — — — — nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman, female’ (not a default NCauc. root for ‘woman’)

99. 100.

yellow you (thou)

— we ‘thou’ [77] NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/ *ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n ‘thou’.

101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108.

far + heavy + near + salt + short + snake + thin + wind + worm +

— — — — — — — pezi-l ‘wind’ [35] — NCauc. *mlćwV ‘wind’ ~ STib. *mŭt ‘to blow’

109.

414 No. 110. ENG year +

A. Kassian Hattic li-š ‘year’ [24] Sino-Caucasian

[UF 41

NCauc. *ƛăjV ‘year, day’ ~ STib. *lH ‘year, season’

The exclusive lexical isoglosses between Hattic and the North Caucasian-Yenisseian branch and between Hattic and the Sino-Tibetan branch can be summarized as follows: Hatt. ~ NCauc.—Yen. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. *čɦrV ‘skin, shell’ ~ Yen. *təʔrap‘bread crust’. we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n ‘thou’. Hatt. ~ Yen. aš ‘to come (here)’ [3] ~ Yen. *ʔēč- ‘to let come, let enter’ kaš ‘head’ [16] ~ Yen. *ʔa-KsV- ‘temple (part of head)’ ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’ tup ‘root’ [63] ~ Yen. *t[e]mb-Vĺ- ‘root’ kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’ Hatt. ~ NCauc. šahhu/tahhu ‘ground, bottom’ [45] ~ NCauc. *čHäłu/*čäłHu ‘earth, ground, sand’ ~ Basque *śorho ‘meadow; field’. šam(a) ‘to hear, listen’ [48] ~ NCauc. *=a(m)sV ‘to be silent, listen’ nimhu- ‘woman’ [27] ~ NCauc. *λɨnɦV (~ -ɨ-) ‘woman, female’ Hatt. ~ STib. puš ‘to devour, swallow’ [42] ~ STib. *mt ‘to eat, swallow’ nu ‘to come, go’ [29] ~ STib. *nŭ ‘to tread, trace’ pnu ‘to observe, look’ [36] ~ STib. *mVn ‘to perceive; to think’ As one can see, the exclusive Hatt.–STib. isoglosses are rather weak. Generally speaking, Hatt. puš ‘to devour, swallow’ and pnu ‘to observe, look’ should be excluded from the Hattic list of Swadesh’s lexemes. In turn, Hatt. nu ‘to come, go’ [29] does not coincide semantically with its STib. counterpart. On the contrary, the Yenisseian and North Caucasian proto-languages possess a number of reliable cognates of Hattic basic lexemes. The most striking of them are Hatt. we ‘thou’ [77] ~ NCauc. *uō ‘thou’ ~ Yen. *ʔaw (/*ʔu) ‘thou’ ~ Burush. *u-n ‘thou’, Hatt. ziš ‘mountain’ [67] ~ Yen. *čɨʔs ‘stone’ ~ Burush. *ćhiṣ ‘mountain’ and Hatt. kap ‘moon’ [15] ~ Yen. *q[e]p (~ χ-) ‘moon’.

Retention: harki. well’ [109’] ~ Yen. Etymological ST-clusters > t. *ʔēǯ-. see the list above). *ħwir ‘water. but the supposition of a specific Hattic– North Caucasian relationship is not likely due to a minimal number of exclusive Hatt. / \ Hattic Yenisseian The Schema (b) might be more realistic in view of some specific phonetic processes that Hattic shares with Proto-Yenisseian (see 4. 2) Retention of initial laterals and *n-. *bħĕr . *pe(ʔ)s-tap < SCauc. Some particular cases of semantic development. *tɨʔj. *ǯin < SCauc. *=Hǯ(-n) . *n/*m + labial stop. han ‘sea’ [7] ~ Yen.> P-. fun ‘mortality’ [40] ~ Yen. Hattic shows: 1) Retention of *w. *n/*m + velar/uvular stop (common STib.> *m. *xäń < SCauc.–Na-Dene North Cauc. Hattic Yenisseian (a) (b) Sino-Caucasian / \ STib.–Yen. te ‘big’ [54] ~ Yen. *xnɦ.< SCauc. shared both by Hattic and Proto-Yenisseian. As opposed to Proto-Yenisseian. Loss and retention of laryngeal phonemes in the same roots. *χiGV-ĺ ‘wide’ < SCauc.‘wide’ [9] ~ Yen. may also speak in favour of the theory of the common HatticYenisseian proto-language.: ––––––––––––––––––––––– Loss: anna ‘when’ [2] ~ Yen.(*m.2 above for detail): 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) Denasalization of initial m. *xur1 ‘water’ < SCauc. *ɦrwĔ. *ʔen < SCauc.–Yen. lexical comparisons (6 entries only. features). and so on. / \ North Cauc.-NCauc.> P-). / | \ North Cauc. 3) Retention of sonorants in the combinations *r/*l + velar/uvular. lake’. eštan ‘sun’ [5] ~ Yen. *dHV .2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 415 I believe that the statistic data above speak for a specific Hattic–North Caucasian–Yenisseian relationship.2.–Yen. In such a situation two trees are possible: Sino-Caucasian / \ STib. Cf. A possible exception: ur(i) ‘spring.–Na-Dene North Cauc.60 Loss of a sonorant in the combinations *l + sibilant affricate. *hn . praš ‘leopard’ [37] ~ Yen. Of course in some points Hattic (the first half of the 2nd millennium BC) is more archaic then Proto-Yenisseian (its split: the first half of the 1st millennium BC). *m + sibilant affricate. 60 . Hattic–Yen. Initial *ŋ. *HmoŋV . *boŋ < SCauc. Fricativization of sibilant affricates in the non-initial position.

shell’ vs. fara-ya ‘priest’ [32] ~ Yen. lit. and STib. Kassian [UF 41 alef ‘tongue’ [1] ~ Yen. Na-Dene. *baŕ. *təʔrap. For the North Caucasian.‘heart’ [47] ~ NCauc.61 8. NCauc. NCauc.62 Such a phonetic simplification should ––––––––––––––––––––––– 61 As far as I can judge. Yenisseian. Yen. STib. . Basque and Burushaski families borders of the late XX c. languages allow us to suppose that during millennia the Sino-Caucasian tribes were being gradually forced out of their habitats or assimilated by neighboring peoples. prev. *čɦrV ‘skin. (proto-)languages.2 The NCauc. *ʔrŋ/*ʔrk ‘breast’). 62 We cannot argue about the Hurrian and Hattic phonemic inventories due to their simplified cuneiform transmission. NCauc. proto-language possesses the richest phonetic system among known SCauc. 2007. proto-languages or the development ‘breast’ > ‘heart’ separately in the NCauc. where Hattic meanings coincide with North Caucasian : šaki. 8. Approximate borders of the Yenisseian family in the XVII c. their main confrontations occurred with various Nostratic tribes (the split of the North branch of the Nostratic proto-language dates back to the first half of the 11th millennium BC. We can suspect here either the development ‘heart’ > ‘breast’ separately in the Yen. STib. The only thing I can do here is to outline some points of future discussion and propose one of the possible scenarios of the Sino-Caucasian expansion.2. rub’. Can be explained as a subsequent semantic specification in Proto-Yenisseian. *tə(ʔ)ga ‘breast’ (cf. *ǯ[e](ʔ)χV ‘to shave’ vs. *ānpV ‘lip’.1 Location of the Sino-Caucasian homeland and ways of prehistoric migrations of Sino-Caucasian tribes are uninvestigated questions.2 Geographical problem 8. AD are shown. Basque and Na-Dene show more trivial systems. *xnɦ ‘water’. Semantic shift ‘heart’ < > ‘breast’ is typologically rather common.2. *čVqV ‘to scratch.‘bread crust’. *jĕrḳwĭ ‘heart’ vs. Sino-Tibetan. Burushaski. 5. *ʔalVp ‘tongue’ vs.‘to pray’ vs. proto-language and Hattic. Yen. 4 w. *p(r)wH ‘speak’ taha-ya ‘barber’ [50] ~ Yen. Historically attested areas of the Sino-Caucasian languages are illustrated by the map (prepared with the help of Yuri Koryakov): fig.416 A. see fig. tera-h ‘leather covering’ [58] ~ NCauc. han ‘sea’ [7] ~ Yen. These examples are opposed to the following etymologies. *xäń (~ ʔ-) ‘wave’ vs. AD are given after Pakendorf. Sino-Tibetan. 8 for detail). Territorial coverage and high dispersion of the known SCauc.

2007. but not through North Caucasus into steppes. which was imported from Balkans). homeland to the modern NCauc. 2001. 29 f. e. cf. see now Lyonnet. but not through North Caucasus (see. . 13. 2007. Maykop-related cultures may be divided into three successive phases: Chalcolithic Meshoko (4500–3850 BC). Yenisseian. Sino-Tibetan. 2007b.2. 1994. some other artefacts and metal. Maykop (that includes the great Maykop kurgan and related complexes. 1994. dialects and a relatively short migratory way from the SCauc. 8. lit. On the other hand. 8. Bellwood/Oxenham. 2009 Northwest Caucasus was uninhabited during Neolith. g. similarly in Trifonov. lit. Bar-Yosef. even those with a penchant for emphasizing autonomous evolutionary processes”. 243.4 One of the clues to the reconstruction of the sociolinguistic situation in prehistoric Near East could be the Maykop archeological culture (Early Bronze Age). 2002): fig. For the periodization and dating see Lyonnet. These facts could indicate that the NCauc..3 The map of successive stages in the distribution of copper and bronze artefacts by E.. 3850–3300 BC) and its successor Novosvobodnaya culture (3300–2500 BC). with which SCauc. 2007.). some connections with southern regions can be traced also: Трифонов. 2007a. 6) demonstrates that in the 7th–4th millennia BC the way from the Near East to Europe came through West Anatolia into Balkans. Kohl.: “the general spread of the Neolithic foodproducing economy from Anatolia into southeastern Europe is accepted by all scholars. tribes contacted pending their movements. languages. languages. made of obsidian imported from Transcaucasia (Мунчаев. only in Chalcolithic time that region was reoccupied by Meshoko people.2. 189 w.. 7. 2009. It is important that according to Трифонов. Diamond /Bellwood. 10 ff. Burushaski. As noted in Kohl. which went into Europe through West Anatolia and into Asia through Iran. It correlates with the routes of agricultural expansion. area. 17 ff. 135 w. for details see Мунчаев. 2007.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 417 be explained by the influence of non-SCauc. 73. and Basque demonstrate clear morphological relations with neighboring non-SCauc. Kohl. The Meshoko culture is rather associated with northern/northwestern steppe regions and Balkans (it concerns pottery. 2008. also Meshoko lithic tools. 194 claims that Meshoko pottery is close to the Chalcolithic Eastern Anatolian tradition. Chernykh (fig. Ivanova. 170. The same considerations may be applied to morphology. 2003. proto-language had minimal contacts with non-SCauc.

418 A. Historically attested areas of the Sino-Caucasian languages . 5. Kassian [UF 41 Fig.

. V = XVI / XV centuries BC to the IX / VIII centuries BC (from Chernykh 1992. 1014. .63 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 63 A similar map of the exploitation of copper ores and naturally occurring copper metal in the 11th–7th millennia BC can be found in Roberts et al. I = 7th to 6th millennium BC . IV = mid-3rd millennium BC to the XVIII / XVII centuries BC . 2009. 2). Distribution of copper and bronze artefacts.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 419 Fig. II = 5th to first half of the 4th millennium BC . III = mid-4th to first half of the 3rd millennium BC . 6.

2002. 17 ff. 243).” 64 . — Early Maykop complexes are located rather in the northwest area. Four C14 dates were run from the site of Tepe Gawra (…). from Anatolia and/or Mesopotamia). 7. got dates of 4920–4450 BC for XII. i. using another calibration. 50–55. with approximate radiocarbon dates (from Diamond / Bellwood. 1977. on the other hand. 13 . Lyonnet. Using the Clark calibration. according to which the Maykop culture originates from the south (i. 2007a.420 A. Мунчаев. 53–54). and an attempt to run bone dates failed. The new OxCal calibrations should yield a date of somewhere between 4700–4400 BC. Indeed it is obvious that some kind of Maykop pottery is rather close to the pottery of the Amuq F cultures of southern Anatolia and northern Syria (Андреева. Traditionally Amuq F pottery is derived from the earlier Tepe Gawra (northern Mesopotamia) ware (Gawra XII–IX. Kohl.64 see Андреева. while ––––––––––––––––––––––– Gawra XII represents the transitional phase between the late Ubaid and early Uruk epochs. 51: “Unfortunately.) The phenomenon of a sudden emergence of the Maykop culture is more important to us. there is some evidence of northern /northwestern sources of the Maykop culture. 148). 2009. i. 169. 2008. 2007b. C-14 dating moves the Maykop culture from the 3rd millennium BC (a traditional dating) to the beginning of the 4th millennium BC. 73) or rather to the Early Uruk period. 2003. the samples from Level XII yielded a date of 3837 + 72 years BC (…) Aurenche and Hours (…). 2007. For the dating see Rothman. the Meshoko culture (see above). Bellwood / Oxenham. e. The modern cal. to the transitional period between late Ubaid and early Uruk times (Kohl. 1994. Kassian [UF 41 Fig. Agricultural homelands and spreads of Neolithic / Formative cultures. 1977. The Amuq F period is now treated as contemporary to Maykop culture: 3850–3000 BC (Lyonnet. only one C14 date exists for Levels XII to VIII of Gawra. But. This dating makes questionable the traditional view. e. e. — Traces of Balkans–North Caucasus trade routes are known already from the pre-Maykop phase.

Troy II–III. e. (esp. Akhundov. But such a technology is also attested from the beginning of the Late Tripolye period (Tripolye C1: 4000–3300 BC . This may allow us to trace prehistoric movements of peoples who used and valued gold. Kohl. 2002. Kura-Araxes culture. On the other hand. 2009. Lyonnet.. 57 ff. 244. 65 It is very important to us that for the 4th–3rd millennia BC we should assume some migrations and/or trade routes from the Maykop region to the south into Anatolia. Royal Cemetery at Ur and so on (cf. see Kohl. 74–75 . 2007. see Chernykh. 2007a. 54 .2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 421 the later Novosvobodnaya culture spreads into southeast (Мунчаев. have been recently discovered in southern Caucasus—northwestern Azerbaijan and central Georgia (Kohl. Kohl. 150 supposes that some Mesopotamian pottery styles can be borrowed from Maykop (“(…) l’apparition de la céramique grise polie et lissée. Gold-rich complexes are known from Chalcolithic Balkans (the second half of the 5th millennium BC. 41–43. An alternative solution is the supposition that it was a local Maykop invention. Some resembling Maykop tradition burial mounds. See above about post-Maykop kurgans in northwestern Iran. See Kohl. Lyonnet. 142–144 . — The sudden emergence of the metal-rich Maykop culture chronologically correlates with “the collapse of the earlier Southeast European hearth of metallurgical activity or the so-called Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province” (Kohl. 2007b. 150). from the transitional phase between late Ubaid and early Uruk of Tepe Gawra—Gawra XII (Rothman. used by both the Maykop and Novosvobodnaya people (Мунчаев. then from the Early Bronze Age Maykop culture (3850–3500 BC). 2007b. Kohl. some materials of which show clear parallels with Maikop remains (Мунчаев. pre-Maykop kurgans are known from Central Ciscaucasia. 178–179 . 2009. Lyonnet. 2009. 245 w. Tepe Gawra X. Mesopotamia and so on. 1992. lit. (contra Трифонов. probably the second half of the 4th millennium BC) allow us to trace the north to south movement of Maykop-related people before the expansion of the Kura-Araxes culture at the end of the 4th millennium BC.. Ахундов/Махмудова. lit. Avilova. 1994. 171– 173). ––––––––––––––––––––––– 65 Note that the traditional argument for the southern origin of the Maykop culture—slow potter’s wheel. lit. Kuban area. 2007. belonging to the Leilatepe culture (the first half of the 4th millennium BC). then during the second half of the 4th millennium BC and the Middle Bronze Age they spread into Transcaucasia. 59). 2007. 78–79 for details. 1996. ou l’introduction du décor peigné en Mésopotamie sont. Varna necropolis). 2008. 2000). 2007. — The so-called “problem of gold”. g. 1994. 242 w. Zbenovich. Indeed slow potter’s wheel is known. — Kurgan burials are not typical of Near Eastern traditions. 75–86) w. 85. Kohl. 230). 2009). Hattic Alaca Höyük. 2002. Lower Volga and Lower Don. 17. Anatolia and Mesopotamia: Maykop-related Se Girdan kurgans. 2007. 59) that is earlier than the Maykop culture. Later a number of Maykop-like kurgans in northwestern Iran (the so-called Se Girdan tumuli. . 1994. 219)—does not seem reliable. Charvát. for the general discussion about possible north(west) roots of the Maykop culture. 2007).

see Канторович и др. Starostin as part of the ongoing research on the Preliminary Lexicostatistical Tree of the world’s languages (within the “Evolution of Human Language” project. 2007. From my point of view. supported by the Santa Fe Institute). lit. 8. Therefore I suppose that the most natural scenario is the opposite one: borrowing of some prestigious elements of the Maykop culture by the Leilatepe people or even the intrusions of the Maykop people into the Chalcolithic Transcaucasia in the 1st half of the 4th millenium (what could mean a somewhat vassal status of the Leilatepe region). Further see Ivanova. 2007. 2007. such a scenario is not very realistic.2. They have been compiled by G. which are traditionally interpreted as cheekpieces (psalia).422 A. K. Ахундов /Махмудова. Later Early Bronze Culture (scil.5 Fig. 2008. and discussion. later (the 3rd–2nd millennia BC) analogous þ-objects are known from the Mesopotamian iconography. 209 similar paired þ-rings were found in Hattic Alaca Höyük burials (as is well known. lead us to ancient Mesopotamia. lit. about the stylistic uniformity between Maikop and Late Uruk applied art. The most striking Maykop–Leilatepe isogloss is kurgan burials to which some particular parallels. where during some decades they mastered highly developed bronze metallurgy seems strange.. 2007. 1994. but in reality they are bull nose rings. 72) statement: “(…) the various analogies for the gold ornaments and for some of the bronze tools. ––––––––––––––––––––––– 66 The South Caucasian Chalcolithic Leilatepe culture is synchronic to the early Maykope phase (the 1st half of the 4th millennium BC. Material culture of Early Bronze Age was also created under the influence of these chalcolithic traditions”. 96 attempts to adapt the traditional concept of south to north intrusion for the new chronology: “While migrating from Mesopotamia to the north a group of North Ubaid tribes did not stop for a long time in South Caucasus.—A. 2 above for detail). 2009 for details.66 Cf. Akhundov. 22 w. 2007). see Museibli.) appeared on the basis of these chalcolithic traditions. then immediately made a quick march to the North Caucasus. . to sites of the late fourth and third millennia BC—Uruk. but continued their way and with their already transformed chalcolithic culture settled in North Caucasus. found in some Novosvobodnaya burials from the second half of the 4th millennium BC on. the Maykop culture. 2000. 18. 8 represents the rather preliminary glottochronological trees of three Eurasian macrofamilies: Afro-Asiatic. The trees are based on 50wordlists (see com. 92 ff. Nostratic and Sino-Caucasian (DeneSino-Caucasian. An idea that some tribes could create a Chalcolithic culture with poor copper metallurgy in South Caucasus. also concerning rulership or religion sphere (like lithic sceptres). très probablement d’origine caucasienne”). 259 w. For metallurgical isoglosses see Chernykh’s (1992. An appropriate particular example of such north to south influence are paired þ-shaped bronze objects. another striking Maykop–Alaca parallel is theriomorphic standards). As such a mediator between Syro-Mesopotamian Ubaid-Uruk tradition and the Maykop culture the South Caucasian the Leilatepe culture can be considered (for the Leilatepe culture see Museibli. According to Мунчаев. Jemdet Nasr—and even as far away as Early Dynastic Ur”. can be added. but excluding the Haida language). Museibli. for C-14 dates of the settlement Beyuk Kesik). Трифонов. Kassian [UF 41 eux. whose cults are associated with a bull. where they serve as a symbol of some deities. on fig.

the north borders of the Kura-Araxes culture seem to correspond roughly to the historically attested area of Hurro-Urartian dialects. 2006.. on fig. . 2009. e. Semitic tribes moved so far to the north. 1989): (a) there is no evidence that in the late 5th / early 4th millennia BC. g.. Militarev). such as Proto-Berber. as per. 297.). 22 ff. 1994. e. The Maykop people cannot be identified with the Proto-Kartvelians. 69 Cf. Not to mention that the idea of separate migrations of Hittites (through North Caucasus) and Luwians (through Bosporus). see Микеладзе. the Proto-Hurrians (Proto-HurroUrartians) could be identified with the Kura-Araxes (Early Trans-Caucasian) culture (the middle of the 4th [or even earlier] to the middle of the 3rd millennia 68 BC) at least at its late phases. intermediation). who is inclined to the same linguistic attribution of the Maykop culture. also much more cautiously Kohl. Kelly-Buccellati. for a very short list of Semitic loanwords in Proto-Kartvelian (some of them penetrated into Kartvelian via the ECauc.. 4 above. Proto-Cushitic.69 ––––––––––––––––––––––– 67 Cf. 2007a. 2007 (cf. e. 1997. Burney. Сафронов. g. 817 f. 252). 1989. (b) metallurgical terminology is not reconstructed for Proto-Semitic—the same concerns other Afro-Asiatic families. 68 On the Sino-Caucasian attribution of Hurro-Urartian see com. On tentative Hurro-Urartian attribution of the KuraAraxes culture see. g. 2007. etc. 1990. The Maykop people cannot be Indo-Europeans (despite some M. into Central Anatolia looks too fantastical from the linguistic viewpoint. (despite some linguistic investigations by A.67 The Proto-Kartvelians (the split of the proto-language in the end of the 4rd millennium BC) are rather assuredly associated with the ProtoColchidean (Protokolkhskaya) culture (from the end of the 4th millennium BC. Buccellati/Kelly-Buccellati. also Anthony. Сафронов. Middle Bronze Age). 2004. Diakonoff.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 423 The Maykop people can hardly be Semitic speakers (despite. Gimbutas’ theories) either. As has been proposed by various scholars. In terms of this I believe that among known proto-languages the only linguistic candidate for the Maykop culture is the North Caucasian linguistic family. since we are not aware of any Indo-European cultural dominance in the Anatolian and/or Mesopotamian regions of Early/Middle Bronze Age. since there are no linguistic traces of close contacts of Kartvelian tribes with Semitic in prehistoric epochs. or Hurr. The archaeological data support movements of the Kura-Araxes people from north to south /southwest during the late 4th to the middle of the 3rd millennia BC (see Kohl. Starostin.

Kassian [UF 41 Fig. 8. Nostratic and Afro-Asiatic macrofamilies (50-item wordlist-based) .424 A. Glottochronological trees of the Sino-Caucasian.

with the Proto-IE language. e. g.6 The split of the Basque–NCauc. proto-language possessed a rather developed agricultural and stock-breeding terminology and probably the richest metallurgical terminology among other reconstructed proto-languages of comparable time depth. g. proto-language was probably situated in some part of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province (cf. The NCauc. where the only one Narrow IE term *a-es ‘copper > bronze > iron’ is reconstructable. (i. there are at least six underived Proto-NCauc.. *ṭtV(wV) ‘silver . gold’. Старостин. 1985/2007. Near Eastern regions) is not very likely due to Occam’s razor.). blue metal > iron’. above. Another localization of the early NCauc. According to these lists the NCauc. 1985/2007 for the reconstruction of Proto-NCauc. *rĕwcwi ‘red copper .7 below).2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 425 8. see now Caucet. light’ (see Caucet. As was correctly stated by S. Therefore some Chalcolithic cultures of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province of the 5th millennium BC should be associated with the early phase of the NCauc. Note that none of them possesses Basque cognates. *ṭš(w)ɨ ‘lead’. but the first homeland of the NCauc. ––––––––––––––––––––––– *ɦĕrVcwĭ ‘silver’. 99).71 or with a similar situation of Proto-Semitic. attested both in ECauc. According to Caucet. Starostin. An important linguistic problem to be discussed here are the contacts between Proto-Indo-Hittite and Proto-NCauc. offers a solid list of Indo-European–NCauc. see 8.. some Anatolian metallurgical sites of that epoch like Çatal-Höyük could hypothetically trace the migratory way of the Proto-NCauc.dbf sub *nHǟw ‘blue . the source of these loanwords was not the NCauc. Starostin (1988/2007. e. 70 . proto-language into the Basque and NCauc.). people from the SCauc. *riƛ(w)e ‘brass . cultural vocabulary. proto-language.. 71 Other IE quasi-proto-terms either have the clear migratory character or are derived from color names which can be later independent developments. IE *H-ent/ *Har-ent.). gold’. It is hard to guess about the localization of the homeland of the Basque–NCauc. 2009.. branches glottochronologically occurred in the first half of the 7th millennium BC. *ɦĕrVcwĭ ‘silver’ and secondarily contaminated with IE *H. homeland (e. Старостин. 334. .‘silver’ was probably borrowed from NCauc. secondly and more importantly. *lŏʒ ‘a bright metal’. branches) terms for various metals70 which sharply contrasts. 304 originally meant ‘blue’. proto-language per se : firstly. 302 ff. E. 2007.. 1988/2007. 1985 / 2007. proto-language (South Anatolia or Balkans. e. As the emergence of the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province is connected with the expansion of food-producing economy and copper metallurgy of northern Mesopotamia and Anatolia into southeastern Europe during the late 7th–6th millennia BC (Kohl. 29 f. gold’. g.2.2. the source language demonstrates some innovative phonetic developments as compared with the reconstructed NCauc. about Varna culture). homeland into Balkans. g.dbf. 1988 / 2007. 125 ff. and WCauc. lexical parallels (including some Indo-Hittite–NCauc. the most part of which must be explained as loanwords in IE./ *Har.‘white. See Старостин. Starostin 2009. 356 ff. word ‘iron(?)’ quoted in Старостин.dbf and Старостин. there are no borrowings in the opposite direction (IE > NCauc. 2009. isoglosses).

various trees. ox’ etc. 1988 / 2007. 2002. e. šūru.. Ugar. Gimbutas’ Pontic-Caspian steppe model (the kurgan theory). 1994. ‘leopard / panther’. cf. e. the first half of the 5th – the first half of the 4th millennia BC) could at a stretch satisfy these conditions. the similar linguistic fate of designations of ‘lion’. ṯr.. where Sem. Aram. according to which the Neolithic / Chalcolithic homeland of the Proto-Indo-Hittites was situated in the Carpatho-Balkan region (cf. which are wandering words and cannot be reconstructed at the Proto-IE level. SED 2. is not very realistic chronologically: according to glottochronology the split of Indo-Hittite dates back to ca. hills / mountains together with numerous agricultural and stockbreeding terms which is strikingly opposite to the absence of typical steppe vocabulary. The main argument for the Anatolian location of the IE homeland are lexical borrowings between Proto-IE and Proto-Semitic. Hebr. splits ca. 72 . stock that bordered on the Indo-Hittite area in the Chalcolithic Carpatho-Balkan region. The second probable candidate is Narrow IE *tar-os ‘aurochs’ < Sem. Kartv. ‘monkey’ or ‘elephant / camel’... Starostin. I will not discuss it here.‘7’.426 A. 2007b (a draft published post mortem) attempts to breathe life into the IE–Semitic contact theory and proposes the solid list of items borrowed from IE into Semitic . 1982a and 1982b for the heavy criticism of these connections.) seems to be borrowed from an ancient language of the NCauc. 2009). but in fact these isoglosses seem a mirage. its NCauc. Kassian [UF 41 proto-language (loss of *n in combination with affricates. 2006). that IE *ewo. appears precluded due to a significant number of ProtoNarrow IE (or even Proto-Indo-Hittite) roots and stems denoting forest. but the absence of proper steppe floral terms or specific terms of mobile pastoralism make such a supposition unlikely.‘bull. g. Starostin assumes that these Indo-Hittite stems have been borrowed from a specific NCauc.‘horse’ (which can be not a Narrow IE. placing the IE homeland to the east of Dniepr. dialect after the NCauc. secondly. etc. Of course. See. but the same scenario is likely: the word was borrowed into Proto-Greek from some Semitic dialect. see the discussion in EDHIL.). 1997 for an overview of the existing hypotheses. noted in Старостин. while NCauc. probably Hurr. 315 f. but these contacts date back to the Indo-Iranian epoch. Therefore I believe that the donor of discussed loanwords was an extinct member of Basque–NCauc. prev.. *ṯawr. Various Anatolian / South Caucasian models reflect rather the Nostratic expansion than posterior Indo-Hittite migrations. but Indo-Hittite term. I claim that this numeral penetrated into IE dialects after the split of the IE proto-language (Kassian. *l > r in some positions. g.72 ––––––––––––––––––––––– The discussion about the Indo-European homeland is not a purpose of my paper . thereupon spread into the Western IE dialects—cf. twr ‘bull. but. 246 ff. a few riverside sites of Sredny Stog community (Dniepr–Don region. descendant *ɦɨ[n]čwĭ (~ -ĕ) ‘horse’. see Mallory.). lit. 237 ff. 4000 BC. however. stock discussed above. ox’ (Akkad.. šitta. Diakonoff. Starostin. not earlier (Proto-IE–ProtoUral. for the traditional list of Proto-Semitic loanwords in IE and Дьяконов. I share the opinion. firstly. The most probable Proto-Semitic loanword in IE is the designation of ‘7’ (Blažek. 1999. #241). 1989 w. A sometimes proposed argument for the kurgan theory is the IE–Uralic lexical contacts. 1999. proto-language split. 2009.‘7’ and Etruscan semφ). Such a scenario. Dolgopolsky. *šwid. also Дыбо. isoglosses which belong mostly to the basic vocabulary represent the Nostratic heritage). 1985 . *ṯ tended to shift to [t]. it was a wandering word in that region (cf. g. but I am sure that these isoglosses either are chance coincidences or represent the common Nostratic–Afro-Asiatic heritage. Off. 80. 3800 BC. reconstructed IE cultural vocabulary might be theoretically present in the language of some steppe people: e. The non-steppe homeland of the IndoEuropeans can also be proven by the fact. šōr.

and Proto-ECauc. and Proto-Semitic or Proto-Cushitic and so on. Today’s theories of the Proto-Basque substrate of western IE languages (cf. As shown in Старостин.. see above). 73 Eight connections labeled as “Proto-Afrasian–Proto-North Caucasian isoglosses” by A. On the contrary.) could reflect not the Proto-Afroas. I want to stress that if we follow the model of the steppe homeland of the Proto-IndoEuropeans (which seems still mainstream among Indo-Europeanists). Hurrian and other inhabitants of the corresponding regions. Gimbutas’ mounted warriors from the steppes. Proto-Kartvelian does not demonstrate reliable lexical traces of contacts with Proto-NCauc. Kohl. also appear a myth—see the extended discussion in Kohl. but later they have been forced back to their historical area in the North Caucasus or assimilated by Semitic. the proposed list illustrates interlingual interferences after the splits of the main proto-languages.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 427 Basque-like tribes started moving towards Central and West Europe. e. 1985/2007. dialects and Afro-Asiatic languages. 224. tribes descended to the south. Therefore these contacts must date back to the second half of the 4th–3rd millennia BC which chronologically fits the ECauc.–Proto-NCauc. 2005. 879 f. On the contrary. Then (the second half of the 4th millennium BC) Proto-WCauc. and WCauc. stock-breeding. agriculture. 2007a. 77 f. 2007. Mailhammer. but were later (during the 4th to the 2nd millennia BC) superseded and /or assimilated by various IE tribes. 2007. into Anatolia and Mesopotamia (where we find some Maykop-influenced cultures. It is important that the overwhelming number of these isoglosses cannot be treated as borrowings between Proto-NCauc.). Proto-NCauc. About the west to east expansion of the Tripolye culture and its consecutive occupation of the steppe regions during the 5th–4th millennia BC see Manzura. people made their way from Balkans to the north. the source language of North Caucasian borrowed elements in Proto-Kartvelian lexicon resembles rather Proto-Nakh or Proto-Hurro-Urartian (that corresponds to the later character of Proto-Colchidean culture). lit. g.) should be revised from methodological positions of modern comparative linguistics and macro-comparativistics. 3800 BC). (scil. As noted in Starostin. 126–144.. forthc. whose dating (3850–3300 BC) exactly matches the glottochronological split of the NCauc. but I suspect that the general idea of some Basque–North Caucasian substrate in Europe may turn out to be true.. who sweep away Chalcolithic “Old Europe”. 819. 1994. Proto-NCauc. 2007. but the . 51. Militarev / G. where they probably occupied some sizable areas. w. Starostin (Милитарев / Старостин. Милитарев/Старостин. textile and metallurgy that exactly fits the Maykop culture (see Мунчаев. rounded the Black Sea and created the Early Maykop culture. proto-language (ca. it will not contradict the theory of the Proto-North Caucasian–Proto-Indo-European contacts within the Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province. people knew horse-breeding.73 ––––––––––––––––––––––– From the archaeological viewpoint. 2007. M. 876–881 list some interlingual cultural borrowings between NCauc. Maykop-related people) intrusion into Anatolia and Mesopotamia very well. 310 f. contacts (which is impossible chronologically).

This process of morphological rebuilding should be explained by contacts with the Proto-Hurrians (probably the Kura-Araxes culture. Abkhaz–Abaza *na-ṗə. 1985).)’. Ubykh ā-ṗá ‘hand’.—coincide with the transition to the Neolithic in Levant area. Kassian [UF 41 As is noted in 2. Nostratic (the early 14th millennium BC with subsequent splits of the two main branches in the 12th and 11th millennia BC respectively) and Sino-Caucasian (the middle of the 11th millennium BC.). but some seem probative. e. i. 198574) and even in Ancient Greek (Николаев. 8 above for detail). *-ṗV ‘human extremity’ (attested in compounds only: *λ´a-ṗV ‘foot’. Guerrero et al.. e. no reliable archaeological records of Kaska in the Late Bronze Age are revealed so far. lit. which retains verbal prefixation as a basic morphological pattern. dialects were donors of some loanwords into Hattic (see above). 2003 and vari––––––––––––––––––––––– Proto-Afras. as opposed to the more archaic West Caucasian stock. verb for ‘to eat (of humans)’ *fV goes back to NCauc. 2007. O.3 above. however. interferences. with the transition to sedentism and foodproducing economy (cal. and WCauc. which interfered with the Late Maykop. There are. The WCauc. *=āmʒŬ ‘to milk’ . Unfortunately. 75 For general reasons. obl. West Caucasians?). *Haṗ ‘paw’. 2008 w. finger’) originates from NCauc.75 8. basic vocabulary can illustrate such a cultural shift towards a (mobile) pastoralism. who demonstrate the same shift from Proto-Sino-Caucasian prefixation to suffixation. . Singer.2. Hitt. 74 Some Nikolaev’s connections are highly questionable. WCauc. Hitt.) proposes a number of additional plausible Proto-Nakh etymologies for the Hittite cultural vocabulary like. this fact has led J. mariš (“From the mou[th(?) …] evil saliva […] evil m. ECauc. but I am not aware of any reliable arguments pro or contra such a localization. […]”) < Nakh *marš ‘snot’. Yakar (2008) to the supposition that Kaska were semi-nomadic communities. muh(ha)rai ‘fleshy part of sacrificial animals’ < Nakh *moħ.2. During the late 3rd – 2nd millennia BC. 4th–3rd millennia BC. feed’ . family demonstrates the shift from prefixal verbal morphology to suffixal systems.–Proto-SCauc. the Kaska tribes which started to bother the Hittites in the middle of the 2nd millennium BC should be considered as North Caucasians (scil. 9–14). Adyghe–Kabardian *ʡa-pa ‘hand. i. whose homelands can be suspected of being located in the Near East—Afro-Asiatic (the late 11th millennium BC after the break-up of Omotic). C-14 dating of the Early Natufian phase: 12 450– 11 000 BC. the WCauc.7 One of the possible scenario of the Sino-Caucasian (Dene-Sino-Caucasian) expansion can be illustrated by the following maps (fig. For convenience I place the Sino-Caucasian homeland into the Syrian region. and so on. Novosvobodnaya culture). who supposes that Kaska were the remnants of the indigenous Hattic population. e.‘fat (n. Alternatively cf. comm. the ECauc. stock of the NCauc. Mudrak (pers. verb for ‘to drink (of humans)’ *zʷA goes back to NCauc. It is interesting that some semantic developments in the Proto-WCauc. base *maħar. g. some considerations according to which we cannot move Sino-Caucasian homeland too far away from the Fertile Crescent: a) Glottochronological splits of the main linguistic macro-family.428 A. see fig.. See Diamond /Bellwood. Hittite (Николаев. *ɦĭfV ‘to graze.

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ous authors in Bocquet-Appel/Bar-Yosef, 2008 for general effect of Neolithic demographic transition and subsequent language diversity. b) A. Militarev/G. Starostin (Милитарев/Старостин, 2007, 879 f.) propose eight cultural lexical borrowings between Proto-Afro-Asiatic and Proto-SinoCaucasian (the title “Proto-Afrasian—Proto-North Caucasian isoglosses” in their paper is a misprint). c) As noted above (8.2.6), Anatolian metallurgical sites of the late 7th – 6th millennia BC (Çatal-Höyük and others) could hypothetically trace the migratory way of Proto-NCauc. people from the Sino-Caucasian Near Eastern homeland into Balkans. Phase 1. The break-up of the Sino-Tibetan–Na-Dene branch (the middle of the 11th millennium BC ; the Haida language is excluded).

Fig. 9. The Sino-Tibetan and Na-Dene migratory ways.

430

A. Kassian

[UF 41

Phase 2. The break-up of the North Caucasian–Basque and Yenisseian–Burushaski branches (the second half of the 9th millennium BC).

Fig. 10. The split between the North Caucasian–Basque and Yenisseian–Burushaski branches.

Phase 3. The split of the Yenisseian-Burushaski branch. I tentatively include Hurro-Urartian and Hattic languages into the Yenisseian–Burushaski stock, although the formal lexicostatistic evidence remains insufficient so far (see 4.1 and 8.1 above for detail). The Proto-Hurrians start moving towards the Caspian Sea, where later they create the Kura-Araxes culture (the first half of the 4th–3rd millennia BC). Theoretically some earlier (late Neolithic) cultures of that region can be identified with the Proto-Hurrians also. The Proto-Hattians dislocate into East Anatolia (cf. the Hattic Alaca Höyük royal tombs of the 3rd millennium BC), while the Proto-Burushaski-Yenisseians go their way to the east towards the Himalayas. According to glottochronology the Burushaski–Yenisseian proto-language splits at the middle of the 7th millennium BC, hence Karasuk culture (Late Bronze Age; ca. 1500–800 BC) certainly cannot be identified with the Burushaski–Yenisseian proto-language per se (cf. van Driem, 2001, 1186 ff.), but could represent the Yenisseian proto-language, which split in the middle of the 1st millennium BC (see the balanced discussion about Karasuk culture in Makarov /Batashev, 2004).76 Janhunen, 1998, 204 proposes the Yenisseian
–––––––––––––––––––––––
76

Some authors object to the Yenisseian attribution of the Karasuk culture. E. g., Legrand, 2006, 858: “It shows that this transformation [from the Andronovo culture into the Karasuk culture.—A. K.] did not result from the arrival of a new culture group, but from changes in the local economy and way of life that occurred in the particular geographic and climatic context of the Minusinsk Basin”. Cf. also Клейн, 2000, where the Karasuk culture is connected to the Proto-Tocharians (but Klejn’s Fatyanovo-Karasuk

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attribution of the Tashtyk culture (Minusinsk Basin, the first half of the 1st millennium AD) that seems doubtful; the Tashtyk culture rather represents early Turkic migrations into the region of Scythian Tagar culture.77 For that late epoch it is more natural to connect Yenisseians to the “forest” valik pottery (banded, чешуйчато-ленточная, обмазочно-валиковая, защипно-пальцевая), known from the Middle Yenisei to the Minusinsk Basin during the 1st millennium AD ; see Леонтьев/Леонтьев, 2009, 67, 76–83 w. lit.78

Fig. 11. The split of the Yenisseian–Burushaski branch (including Hurro-Urartian and Hattic). The Hattian, Hurro-Urartian, Burushaski and Yenisseian migratory ways. Scenario 1.

–––––––––––––––––––––––
conception seems rather dubious, however). 77 As far as I can judge from the data of Han and Tang chroniclers, the so-called Yenisei Kirghiz, with which the Tashtyk culture is traditionally associated, were Turkic in language, see Ligeti, 1950 (for Yenisei Kirghiz kaša ‘iron(??)’ see now Дыбо А., 2007, 97) 78 Note that, according to Леонтьев / Леонтьев, 2009, the Yenisseian valik pottery arises under the influence of the corresponding “Hun style”.

Fig. Hurro-Urartian. 13. The Proto-Basques and Proto-North Caucasians separate out (the first half of the 7th millennium BC). The Hattian. The split of the North Caucasian–Basque branch (scenario 1) and the migratory way of the Proto-Basques. Scenario 2. Kassian [UF 41 An alternative hypothetical scenario is separate migrations of Proto-Burushaski and Proto-Yenisseian people. The Proto-Basques move into Europe. Phase 4. Fig.432 A. 12. An alternative scenario is to locate the Proto-North Caucasian–Basque homeland in the Balkans. Yenisseian and Burushaski migratory ways. In the first half of the 7th millennium the Proto-Basques start .

14. for detail). . SCC. 3 ff. Language name abbreviations. but later go their way towards the North Caucasus.2009] Hattic as a Sino-Caucasian Language 433 moving into Europe. 2) interdental fricative (in Semitic) ejective consonant tense or geminated consonant voiceless laryngeal (glottal) stop voiceless pharyngeal stop voiced pharyngeal fricative voiceless hissing affricate (the same as ʦ) voiceless hushing affricate the same as ŋ (in Sumerian) voiced uvular stop / affricate voiced velar fricative 1) voiceless glottal fricative . 2) a velar of post-velar fricative (in cuneiform languages . 90 f. Fig. whereas Proto-North Caucasians stay in the Balkans (Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province of the 5th millennium BC). 9 Phonetic symbols. References 9. The split of the North Caucasian–Basque branch (scenario 2) and the migratory way of the Proto-Basques and Proto-North Caucasians. the simplified transcription of traditional ḫ) . The North Caucasian proto-language splits into the West Caucasian and East Caucasian branches in the first half of the 4th millennium BC that coincides with the North Caucasian Maykop culture.1 Phonetic symbols (selectively) □´ □ □ / □˙  □: ʔ ʡ ʕ c č  G ɣ h palatalized consonant 1) a prosodic feature of the Proto-NCauc. fricatives and affricates (see NCED.

Egyp. Burm. Arm. (Proto-)Afro-Asiatic Akkadian Amorite Arabic Armenian Aramaic (Proto-)Avaro-Andian Babylonian Burmese Burushaski Chinese Cuneiform Luwian (Proto-)East Caucasian Egyptian Elamic ESA Grk. CLuw. the same as c / ʦ and ʒ) voiced hissing affricate voiced hushing affricate 9. Hebr. Burush. Bab. Hurr. HLuw. Epigraphic South Arabian Ancient Greek Hattic Hebrew Hittite Hieroglyphic Luwian Hurrian Indo-European (Proto-)Kartvelian Khinalug Kottish (Proto-)Lezghian Luwian Lycian A Middle Assyrian . IE Kartv. the same as ħ) voiced glottal fricative voiceless pharyngeal fricative unidentified laryngeal (used in reconstructions) after any vowel or consonant signifies pharyngealization (in NCauc. ECauc. Aram. Chin. Arab. Kassian [UF 41 ḥ ɦ ħ H I j ł L Ł λ ƛ ŋ q ʁ š ŝ ʦ θ x χ z ʒ ǯ voiceless pharyngeal fricative (in Semitic . the same as s) voiceless lateral fricative (in Semitic) voiceless hissing affricate (the same as c) voiceless interdental fricative voiceless velar fricative voiceless uvular fricative 1) voiced hissing fricative . Hittite and Hurrian cuneiform. Akkad. Kott. used in reconstructions) voiced lateral fricative voiced lateral affricate voiceless lateral fricative voiceless lateral affricate velar nasal resonant voiceless uvular stop / affricate voiced uvular fricative 1) voiceless hushing fricative . 2) hissing affricate (in the Hattic. Hatt. Luw. Khin. Av. Elam.434 A.2 Language name abbreviations Afroas.) palatal resonant a lateral resonant (different from plain l . Lyc. Hitt. 2) voiceless hissing fricative (in the Hattic. Hittite and Hurrian cuneiform. A MAss. Lezgh.-And. Amor.

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