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International Journal of Cultural Policy

The creation of a Ministry of Culture: towards the definition and implementation of a comprehensive cultural policy in Peru

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International Journal of Cultural Policy GCUL-2011-0013.R2 Original Article

Peru, Cultural policy, Public bureaucracy, Arts management

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The creation of a Ministry of Culture: towards the definition and implementation of a comprehensive cultural policy in Peru
In June 2010, a Ministry of Culture was created in Peru, raising many questions regarding the ability of this new administrative structure to effectively implement a comprehensive cultural policy, which has been lacking so far, for the Peruvian State has based its previous policies almost exclusively on the preservation of cultural heritage. The Ministry inherits the flaws of the National Institute of Culture, and must address various challenges: the improvement of heritage management; the inclusion of indigenous populations in a never established national identity; a renewed scheme of promotion of the arts and incentives to cultural industries. The article discusses possible policy options for the new ministry, evidences the needs for a renovation of bureaucratic culture within the ministry, for clarification in the objectives set to the Ministry and for more comprehensive data about cultural practices in Peru. Keywords: Peru; cultural policy; public bureaucracy

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In June 2010, after years of a debate that started within the civil society, found an echo within the bureaucracy in charge of cultural policy, was supported by the international cooperation (especially Spanish) and finally reached the political sphere, a new Ministry of Culture was created in Peru. This event raises many questions regarding the ability of this new administrative structure to effectively implement a comprehensive cultural policy. Latin American and Caribbean countries have provided culture with greater autonomy from education at the Ministry level1. However, the administrative level of the highest bureaucratic unit dedicated to culture seems to matter only in political terms; the extent and content of national cultural policies, and national debates over the place of culture and arts in the society, depend more on internal and national political contexts than on the administrative rank of the bureaucratic structure in charge of the field.

The definition of cultural policies responds to different approaches. The first one emphasizes conservation as its main objective. The opposite vision supports the production and creation of new artistic and aesthetic values and expressions. A third line follows the idea of hybridization, which seeks a synergy among cultures and favours the expression of cultural diversity (Greffe and Pflieger 2009). UNESCO provides with several guidelines for the implementation of cultural policies. The Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies for Development (1998) defined objectives to be pursued by the States: linking culture and development; providing access to cultural experiences and practices to all citizens, without discrimination; fostering social inclusion within the community and (local or national) identities;

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pursuing international cultural cooperation2. Though UNESCO has been otherwise criticized for putting too great an emphasis on heritage preservation, this article shall demonstrate how pertinent the topics above mentioned are for cultural policies in Peru. The debates and initiatives over cultural policies in Peru are not new. The Ministry is the last avatar of several previous institutions. The Direction of Artistic Education and Cultural Extension was created in 1941 as an extension of the Ministry of Education, then replaced by the Casa de la Cultura in 1962, until General Velascos military government created, in 1971, the National Institute of Culture (INC) as a public organism decentralized from the Ministry of Education (INC 2002). So far, the governments of the young Peruvian republic had seen modernization as a process of copying models and values from foreign countries, mainly European, excluding more traditional (indigenous) ways of life (Lumbreras 2006). In the first part of the twentieth century, indigenista3 elites led by intellectuals such as Luis E. Valcrcel sought a greater inclusion of indigenous (mainly, Andean) populations in the national community. Nevertheless, indigenista efforts did not succeed in offering alternatives to social inclusion for indigenous people other than the abandonment of cultural markers and the adoption of more Western-oriented standards of living. The Casa de la Cultura represented an interesting moment in the history of cultural policies in the country. According to Jos Maria Arguedas, a mestizo4

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The Action Plan issued at the end of the Conference is available on: http://portal.unesco.org/culture/en/files/35220/12290888881stockholm_actionplan_rec_en.pdf/stockhol m_actionplan_rec_en.pdf 3 Indigenismo was created at a meeting of Latin American governments in Ptzcuaro, Mexico, in 1940. Drawing on the ideas of Mexican intellectual Jos Vasconselos, these governments agreed to construct a mestizo national-social identity through indigenista policies based on an integrationist, assimilationist discourse. () Perus Jos Carlos Maritegui [was] among the leading thinkers of the indigenista movement (Crdenas, 2007, p. 4).
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Mestizo: in Perus complex definition of ethnic self-identification, the mestizo category encompasses all people of mixed Spanish and indigenous ascendance.

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intellectual who directed the Casa de la Cultura, not only would indigenous people from the Andean highlands (sierra) and the Amazonian forest (selva) be hispanicized (much along the lines defended by indigenista intellectuals, indigenous people would learn to speak, read and write in Spanish and would get access to the most representative pieces of Spanish-Peruvian art), but criollos5 from the coast would also get to learn more about (and identify with) traditional artistic and cultural expressions from other parts in the country. Arguedas ambitions failed and he quickly resigned. The cultural gap among the Peruvian population could not be filled so easily, which led Arguedas to state that Peru does not exist and is a fiction for official discourses (Fell 1986). Velascos military government later took steps in favour of the recognition of Quechua as an official language6 (1969), while at the same time pushing towards the abolition of indigenous as a social category in favour of the more class-oriented term of peasants during the implementation of land reform (Yashar 2005). However, the revolutionary-military government did not introduce a real revolution in the Peruvian cultural policy (Tello Rozas and Urbano 2008). The same problematic surrounding national identity is still very much of actuality, and explains the configuration of the new institution and the challenges it will face.

The creation of a ministry: how to build an effective bureaucracy on deficient structures?

One more level of inefficient bureaucracy?

On June 24th, 2010, the Congress adopted the project of creation of a Ministry of Culture, which had been first presented by President Alan Garca Prez in 2008 (El
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Criollos are Spanish descendants born in the colonies. The article 48 of the 1993 Constitution states that Spanish is the official language and that Quechua, Aymara and other indigenous languages also are official in the areas where they prevail. See: http://www.congreso.gob.pe/comisiones/1996/constitucion/cons_t2.htm

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Comercio 2010). This creation is the result of a long debate that has existed in the Peruvian civil society and among cultural managers, and a logical conclusion to the belief, largely shared by the latter two, that it was the role of the State to take charge of the formulation and implementation of a cultural policy (Corts 2008). The proper INC (2002), until then the main administrative structure in charge of culture and arts in the country, recognized the necessity of a new structure. The debate was later carried out by the Spanish Agency of International Cooperation and Development (AECID), which led a national consultation in partnership with the INC during the years 2007-2009, in order to ensure that the civil society would participate in the definition of the needs to be addressed by a new administrative structure, clearly meant to be a Ministry (AECID 2010). This process has been extremely important in order to avoid the creation of another top-down imposed bureaucracy on the field of cultural and artistic activities. The participative consultation of all actors of the sector is in itself a novelty, and a positive sign towards improved democracy in the relations between the State and the civil society in general. One of the main questions the new Ministry will be facing is its ability to survive the weaknesses of the current existing administrative structures on which it is built. Indeed, the Ministry is not intended to be a heavy structure, but rather a limited bureau in charge of coordinating the actions of twelve pre-existing agencies7 (Ministerio de cultura 2010). The debates over the creation of the Ministry, both in the Congress and in the media, highlighted the instinctive fears that the creation of new

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These institutions are: the INC, the National Institute for the Development of Andean, Amazonian and Afroperuvian Peoples (Indepa), the Archeological Projects Chan Chan and Naylamp-Lambayeque, the National Conservatory of Music, the National School of Folklore Jos Mara Arguedas, the National Superior School of Dramatic Art and Ballet, the Unidad Ejecutora Marca Huamachuco, the National Council for the Democratization of Book and Lecture (Promolibro), the National Council for Cinema (Conacine), the National Library, the Peruvian Institute of Radio and Television (IRTP), the Academy of Quechua Language and the National Archives.

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administrative structures immediately awakes in Peru. In other words, will a Ministry be really more efficient than the INC (Alvarez Rodrich 2010)? Morn and Sanborn (2006) described the dual nature of the Peruvian bureaucracy, split between a few highly competent agencies and old-fashioned bureaucratic structures, widely inefficient and often corrupted. The INC, which is actually intended to be the main base for the action of the new ministry (El Peruano 2010), would fall within the second category. Created at the beginning of the 1970s by a military reformist regime (INC 2002), the INC is famous, among the public opinion in Peru, as well as among foreign scholars (Castillo Butters and Holmquist Pachas 2006, Silverman 2006) for being, at best, inefficient; it has been accused of corruption, and tends to be more-than-necessary quibbling when dealing with private or foreign cultural actors. In the very words of the National Council in charge of reforming the management of culture by the State,
The INC has lost all prestige, is seen as mainly bureaucratic and unable to face the challenges that are of its competency. This is a bankrupted institution, with flaws on all administrative levels (). It designs a conservative policy, which has no priority and does not define strategies able to influence our current levels of well-being8 (INC 2002, p. 9).

The overall action of the INC reflects an inner administrative culture of obstruction and no-cooperation to all projects or initiatives that appear to be threatening the established lines of control on cultural development in the country. It is then very unlikely that any kind of change will actually occur through the implementation of a weak new structure that would not profoundly affect the current patterns of the INC. Appointed in September 2010, Juan Ossio, the first Minister of Culture, who conducted the cultural policy of the country until Susana Baca was in turn appointed in July 2011, after Ollanta Humalas successful presidential race,

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All translations from articles originally published in Spanish or French are the responsibility of the author of this paper.

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seemed aware of this situation and proclaimed publicly his intention to create a very light bureaucracy that would encompass the existing structures (Pajares Cruzado 2010). Mrs. Bacas inexperience of bureaucratic culture may undermine her ability to control a young Minister that still faces high challenges of governability. The inconsistencies of policy-making in Peru

The odds for the adoption of a more comprehensive understanding of cultural policies are not favourable. Generally speaking, public policies in Peru have been made arbitrarily, have often been volatile, and tend to be easily reversed. They also tend to be of low quality and are poorly enforced (Morn and Sanborn 2006, p. 22). As a matter of fact, the principles enunciated by the military government for a reform of cultural policy in the country (INC 1977) have not been efficiently implemented; they remain the chore of this article, as promising and interesting perspectives. Clearly, so far, Perus cultural policies have mainly focused on conserving its heritage (European Commission 2007). The development of cultural management and the definition of cultural policies in Peru must be understood within the framework of the process of development of the country. In order to gain consistent and permanent political support from the parties represented in the Congress and among the population, any intent to implement a public policy in the fields of arts and culture must prove its ability to establish connections with other aspects of national development; it cannot afford to focus on the sole interests of the small national artistic community (Lores 2010). A tendency towards artistic autism would lead to the rejection of any attempt to dedicate higher budgets and means to performing, contemporary and fine arts, as they would be considered within the population as favouring the Lima elites, who enjoy considerable social, economic, political and

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cultural advantages, prestige and power. A similar defiance was already stated during the first years of existence of the INC (INC 1977). The debates around the creation of a Museum of Contemporary Arts in Lima illustrate perfectly the difficulties of aligning the interests of several stakeholders: the divided artistic community, the private initiative, public authorities and the general public (Borea Labarthe 2006). Perus example provides an interesting case study for George Ydices argument about the expediency of culture (Ydice 2003). Cultural policy in Peru is necessarily linked to other public policies such as economic development, including tourism, which is why, all through the year 2009, a debate appeared in Peruvian media about the idea of creating a Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Fortunately, this idea was finally abandoned, for it would have much restricted the scope and meaning of culture. Cortes (2008) insists on the importance of building a cultural policy not only as a tool of economic development but also as a complementary purpose to other

challenges of development.

The decentralization of cultural policy: reaching out to departments and municipalities?

The regional offices of the INC in Peru follow a pattern of deconcentration proper to a centralized State. The extremely low levels of budgets allocated to these offices do not allow them to play an important role, unless they are provided with special grants for specific archaeological projects. Occasionally, more dynamic regional directors (as it has been the case in Iquitos or Chiclayo-Lambayeque in the years 2008-2010), who are young administrators (not necessarily civil servants) dedicated to the promotion of the arts and culture in their regions and have been trained in arts and culture management, are capable of mobilizing local talents, energies and sponsorships to improve the records of their regional office. Unfortunately, these

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cases are still too exceptional to indicate a new trend in local public cultural management. At the level of the municipalities, no sustained policy in favour of the arts has been observed in the long run. The ups and downs of arts and culture in each constituency follow the vicissitudes of the local political life. For instance, Limas mayor Alberto Andrade led an active cultural policy in the 1990s, which was unfortunately not followed by his successor. Thus valuable efforts, such as the performing arts festival, have not been sustained after Andrade left the City Hall. The newly elected mayor (October 2010), Susana Villarn, declared her interest to invigorate the municipal cultural policy (Planas 2010). Early actions, such as the programs Vamos al museo (visits to museums organized by public schools), Cultura viva para la nueva Lima (cultural or artistic interventions in five districts of the capital, aimed at integrating a widely fragmented city) or Lima camina (downtown streets closed to traffic to favour the reencounter of pedestrians with their city), as well as the municipal participation in a plan based on the Brazilian experience of puntos de cultura, in coordination with the Ministry, are encouraging. However, it is too early to draw any conclusion at this stage. Only the sustainability of such initiatives in the long run will reverse a trend that has not been favourable to municipal cultural policies so far.

Overall, this situation is a mirror of the structural deficiencies of local governments and bureaucracies. The European Commission (2007) points out to the lack of local capacities in the public administration. The inconsistencies in the implementation of initiatives to favour the development of arts and culture at the municipal level make hazardous any attempt to describe the characteristics of municipal cultural policies in Peru. The same conclusion can be drawn for the other

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levels of local governments (Morrn and Sanborn 2004). Two conditions are thus necessary for the development of sustained cultural policies at the local level: the definition of a national cultural policy, and a reform of the State that will foster the capacities of local governments to implement the national policies or develop their owns.

The necessary improvement in the management of cultural heritage Legislating over tangible heritage Protecting cultural tangible heritage is not a new idea in Peru. As early as 1822, laws have been passed to protect national heritage; decrees and laws from 1836, 1837, 1841, 1893, 1911, 1929, 1971 have intended, with very relative success, to protect monuments, prevent looting and illegal exportation of cultural goods or rule the archaeological excavations (Silva 2010). The current problems in tangible heritage conservation in Peru do not relate so much to the law itself: the tendency towards exaggerated legalism can hardly hide the flaws in the enforcement of the law and the low budgets that are assigned to the tasks of conservation.

Lumbreras (2006) distinguishes several phases in the policy sustained by the INC since its creation: first, in the 1970s, an attempt to protect a whole set of monuments (from the pre-Columbian and colonial periods); then, the ruin of the country in the 1980s and the neoliberal policies implemented by Alberto Fujimori in the 1990s led to the abandonment of these efforts, that were only revived at the end of the 1990s. Policies aimed at preserving and promoting material (archaeological, colonial and, to a lesser extent, republican and modern) heritage can serve both goals of fostering a stronger sense of identity among Peruvians and sustaining the development of a tourism industry (Silva 2010), and consequently the general purpose

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of economic development. In return, only an improved sense of national belonging, and the consciousness that conserving heritage is necessary in order to maintain constant flows of tourists, will ensure greater compliance with the laws that already protect, theoretically, the Peruvian national tangible heritage. Linking heritage and economic development: the bittersweet fruits of cultural tourism

The work of UNESCO has established a close link between culture and development (understood in its political, economic, modernizing, social aspects), giving to culture a strong grasp on the realities and needs of the developing countries (Corts 2006). In Peru, tourism has always been linked to cultural heritage (INC 2002). Tourism started to expand in the 1950s but collapsed during the 1980s because of the terrorist activities of the Shining Path. Tourists only started to come back massively after 1992. More than 2,1 millions of international tourists arrived to Peru in 20099, many of them interested in visiting archaeological sites and historical monuments. Tourism is a clear example of an economic sector where different bureaucracies dedicated to distinctive fields (culture, economy and development, external trade and tourism) must cooperate. The structural deficiencies of the Peruvian (local or national) governments are obstacles to further developments of tourism outside the already established touristic roads.

The necessity of developing tourism is generally unquestioned in Peru, though many NGOs and academics have raised concerns about possible negative aspects and destabilization of communities through their insertion in touristic circuits. They also question the reality of the economic development induced by tourism (Baud and Ypeij 2009).
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Source: MINCETUR (http://www.mincetur.gob.pe)

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The exploitation of archaeological sites and the creation of new museum sites can help the development of new routes for international and national tourists. In the case of foreign tourism, the levels of exigency by international tourists, who expect to be well treated and attended (in restaurants, hotels, museums), are not always met. Locals also expect a lot from international tourists and might be disappointed when the latter only spend a few hours (and a few dollars) in their village (Onuki 2006). A general improvement in accommodation and services is thus needed in order to attract more tourists and encourage them to stay longer. Better infrastructure is needed for any policy of tourism development to be achieved. Local communities must get conscious of the importance of their own cultural heritage, for their own empowerment as well as for the preservation of the site itself (Onuki 2006). Economic development can be achieved only if a program is implemented with the participation of local communities in the process of rescue and opening of the site; inhabitants can be employed as excavation workers, guides, restaurant employees, art craft sellers, etc. This is also a key solution to the problems of looting: low incomes and unemployment are likely incentives to the plunder of cultural material heritage.

A strong problem caused by the linkage between heritage protection and tourism is the overinvestment (and over-interest) in some symbolic monuments, according to the idea that only impressive monuments must be preserved, which has led to the virtual abandonment of many minor sites or monuments. These are officially protected through their inscription to the register of National Cultural Heritage, but in reality, are not granted any kind of effective support (Silva 2010). There is also a risk of over exploitation of certain archaeological sites: this is particularly the case of Macchu Picchu, which is regularly examined by international

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scholars on behalf of UNESCO. The site has a limited daily capacity to welcome visitors; though the entrance to the area has indeed been reduced over the years, the number of tourists allowed on the site is still considered too high by many specialists in order to ensure the sustainability of the archaeological area in the long run (Regalado-Peza and Arias-Valencia, 2006). Part of the solution lays in the development of alternative sites of interests for foreign tourists, such as the preColombian cities of Kuelap and Choquequirao. Palliating internal bureaucratic weaknesses: the necessary cooperation with foreign countries and international institutions

The INC regulates all archaeological sites but does not enjoy the financial means necessary for exploration and exploitation (Jennings 2006). With a meagre annual budget of approximately US$ 20 millions, a third of which is provided by the State (Lumbreras 2006), the institution has sought the support of international organizations to finance its efforts in favour of conservation of cultural heritage. Peru has obtained the inscription of several monumental ensembles, archaeological sites and natural areas on the UNESCO World Heritage List10. Countries usually look to have their heritage registered by UNESCO in order to obtain greater international recognition, to improve the protection of this heritage and obtain international support in doing so, to foster economic and social improvement, and to promote tourism in the country (Leask 2006). Thus it comes as no surprise that inscription of new sites on the List is actively promoted by Peru, with success (CaralSupe, one of the oldest cities of the American continent, was inscribed in 2009), and highly publicized at the national level, in order to promote national tourism and reinforce nationalist consciousness. Again, it is important to recall that the action of
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See: http://whc.unesco.org/en/statesparties/pe/

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UNESCO, as the main cultural international policy-maker, has also been criticized for the lack of involvement of the mass of the population in the process of inscription (Baud and Ypeij 2009). The whole process seems more appealing to foreign or national tourists than to the people who actually live in the places considered for their special meaning in the history of mankind. Little room is left for the locals to engage in extra-tourism activities, such as agriculture, and development policies of archaeological sites (especially in Macchu Picchu) create greater exclusion of local population than they generate improvement in their everyday life (Maxwell and Ypeij

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2009).

Another focus of Peruvian international cooperation is bilateral. Many foreign governments implement programs of cultural cooperation with Peru, especially in the field of heritage conservation. Among the most active countries are the United States, Japan, Spain, France, Germany and Italy. International archaeological missions are entrusted a specific archaeological area, under the strict control of the INC, which is not without producing occasional tensions between foreign academics, archaeologists and local bureaucrats (Castillo Butters and Holmquist Pachas 2006, Jennings 2006,

Onuki 2006, Silverman 2006).

Peru has also used the system of debt swap, through which part of the foreign debt is forgiven, in exchange for an involvement in co-development projects (Thapa 2010). This is how an agreement between France and Peru allowed more than 10 million Euros to be invested in the conservation of archaeological sites such as

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Choquequirao, Huaca de la Luna or Cerro Ventarrn11. Peru has signed comparable agreements with other countries like Finland and Japan.

Finally, Peru has been very proactive in pursuing the restitution of cultural goods illegally exported out of the country. Peru has ratified and tried to make use of international legislative tools such as such as the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property and the UNIDROIT Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects. Recently, Peru obtained the restitution by Yale University of highly symbolic archaeological material, a case that clearly falls out of reach of the international conventions. These artefacts had been taken away by Hiram Bingham, the American archaeologist credited with the rediscovery of Macchu Picchu in 1911. More than their scientific value, the Peruvian insistence on recuperating these objects can be explained by the necessity of officially displaying, nationally and internationally, greater concern for heritage and culture. Besides, Macchu Picchu is one of the main reasons why millions of tourists visit the country every year. The campaign for the restitution is also an operation of worldwide public relations. This undeniable success has been obtained by intensive lobbying from the Peruvian government, including President Alan Garca (Snchez 2010). On the long run, more cases similar to this one are likely to appear, and will fall under the competency of the Ministry.

The progressive inclusion of cultural diversity, or the pursuit of national identity

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For more details on the Fondo de contra-valor Francia-Per: http://www.ambafrancepe.org/spip.php?rubrique486

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The new Ministry is bound to foster a greater sense of national identity in a country that has restlessly debated over this concept. If the Vice-Ministry of Cultural Heritage and Industries has an obvious role to play in this policy, an even greater challenge is proposed to the new Vice-Ministry of Interculturality, which will have to deal more specifically with the social and cultural integration of indigenous people in the national community (Vallejo 2010). Fostering a Peruvian national identity through heritage

Through the twentieth century, the Peruvian State has intended to foster a national identity along indigenista lines, intending, without much success, to connect the Inca past to a modern national identity (Mendoza 2009). Velascos military government also put a strong emphasis on this topic, adding a strong nationalist flavour to the concept of identity (INC 1977), but did not prove more successful in closing the debate, which remains a permanent feature of Peruvian public life. Political discourses, media, NGOs still deal with the topic of identity on an everyday day basis, thus showing that the mestizo model of nation is being questioned. It is then not surprising that the INC, institution in charge of culture, has had as a main objective to promote the self-identification of the Peruvian people (INC 2002).

The heritage policy has been aimed at fostering a greater consciousness and sense of pride among the whole population about their historical (indigenous or Spanish) roots, as well as the necessity and interest the people have in preserving this heritage. Creation of on-site museums, programs of involvement of local populations in the work of archaeological excavations and conservation, and education about national history, have been the main efforts sustained to help building this renewed and proud Peruvian identity (Silverman 2006). Attention has also slowly shifted,

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within the country, towards the valorisation of immaterial heritage through the dedication of special days in the calendar to the celebration of afro-Peruvian culture (June 4th), criolla song (October 31st), afro-Peruvian music (November 1st) and, even more recently, of pisco sour (February 5th) or national cuisine and gastronomy (December 10th). The promotion of internal tourism can link the objectives of economic development, national identity building and integration, as it can provide Peruvians with a better self-image and reduce inner prejudices about pre-Colombian cultures and people (Elera and Shimada 2006). Tourism, as a discursive machine (Vich 2006, p. 54), plays a major role in the self-definition of the way Peruvians feature themselves to the world.

However, together with the institutionalization of very living practices such as traditional dances or music, now embedded in official celebration days, tourism bears the risk to folklorize the national identity around a series of representations that fit better the expectations of foreign visitors (representations that are largely spread by the official organism in charge of the promotion of international tourism, PromPer) than the reality of living cultures, i.e. constantly evolving (Mendoza 2009). The risk is high that the State, in its tourism-oriented policies, broadcast the image of a fossilized (and necessarily detached of all reality) Peruvian identity, in strong opposition to the movement of construction and inclusion it pretends to lead within its borders (Maxwell and Ypeij 2009). Vich (2006, p. 64) sees in the possible implementation of a new cultural policy a chance to deconstruct nationalism in its antagonistic and contradictory dimensions. While Lumbreras (2006, p. 109) argues that policies led by the INC have failed and provoked a progressive deterioration in [the Peruvian] identity, will a new Ministry be able to build a more inclusive cultural

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policy that will foster a new Peruvian identity? Beyond official discourses, which have promoted mestizaje as a way of cultural inclusion, could the tools of intercultural policies be of any use? The National Institute for the Development of Andean, Amazonian and Afro Peruvian People (INDEPA) and the Vice-Ministry of Interculturality: new steps towards interculturality?

The efforts by UNESCO to convey the ideas of cultural diversity are slowly taking roots in Peru; multiculturalism has progressively been integrated to official discourses (European Commission 2002). This approach focused on diversity as the main source of cultural wealth for the country. The first step was the official recognition of this diversity: Peru is a pluricultural, multiethnic and multilingual country (INC 2002, p.

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However, such recognition of cultural diversity is not new per se. Following indigenista proposals and the actions undertaken by North-American NGOs and churches, programs of bilingual education have been implemented in the Amazon as well as in the Andes since the 1950s, with only mixed results. These policies have sometimes been rejected by communities, which argued that they preferred their children to be taught in Spanish, a language that would provide their kids with better opportunities for the future (Garca 2003). Beyond any official recognition of diversity, which has been stated for decades (INC 1977), what is really at stake is the capacity of any public policy to provoke the societal changes that would provide indigenous people with equal opportunities to the most favoured ethnic and social classes. The embodiment of interculturality in a vice-ministry (which virtually absorbs INDEPA) acknowledges that various cultures can inhabit the same territory and interact. Implicitly, the processes of cultural assimilation or of passive

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multiculturalism are outweighed; interculturality, seen as a more proactive policy by activists in the field of intercultural education, would mark a new step in the relations between the State and indigenous populations, as well as between these communities and the rest of the population (Garca 2003). In this context, the nomination of Susana Baca, who is the first Afro-Peruvian Minister in the history of the country, represents, beyond President Humalas obvious political coup directed at to those who accused him of radicalism, a strong signal that social and racial inclusion is a priority of the new government.

Taking into account the centrality of this question in Peru is essential in order to understand why interculturalism is embodied in a new vice-ministry (Vallejo 2010). Beyond the cultural question lays the structure of the country as a whole. If the Ministry really follows the principles of interculturalism, it could deeply impact on the Peruvian society and would mean a definitive rupture with indigenismo in terms of national identification and integration, through a valorisation of diversity instead of a never-ending pursuit of unity through assimilation. It would reject folklorization as a mean of construction of a frozen identity, thus largely questioning the marketization of the country for touristic purposes. It would also open new gateways between indigenous concerns and culture, on the one hand, and criolla and contemporary artistic creations, on the other (Corts 2008). The real effects of official celebration (such as the dedicated days mentioned above) as factors of social integration will have to be analyzed. Also, the opportunity of an involvement of the State (and, specifically, of the Ministry of Culture) in traditional cultural expressions (such as dances performed during local fiestas, the very organization of religious celebrations or the production of artefacts the latter being under the supervision of the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Tourism) will have to be questioned: these expressions have

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flourished for centuries without any intervention of the State. Should they now be the objects of specific policies, in the broader context of the development of public support to the arts? The role and the scope of actions of the Ministry are not yet clear. These questions are all the more relevant in a country where social and political mobilization on ethnic indigenous grounds has been weak until now. The indigenous question has been mainly considered from an economic perspective (land reform) and indigenous people have been categorized as peasants; closed political spaces have not allowed the development of strong ethnic-based political parties (Yashar 2005). A strong distinction of treatment by and relations with the State has been established between populations from the Andean highlands and the Amazonian

lowlands (Remy 1994).

Finally, for public administration scholars, the Peruvian case is particularly relevant in a comparative perspective of cultural policies. Indeed, indigenous concerns are quite particular (but not specific) to Peru, and the Peruvian cultural policy shall not be examined through Western frameworks on cultural policies. The political meaning of the incorporation of INDEPA in the new ministry must be questioned: indigenous affairs include wide and complex issues that cannot be limited to arts and culture. They regard social inclusion, economic development, land reform, hydrocarbon and mining exploitation, etc. An excellent example of this ambiguity is provided by the Ley de Consulta Previa (Law of Previous Consultation), first voted in 2010 but not signed by President Garcia, then passed again in August 2011, this time with the support of President Humala. The Vice-Ministry of Interculturality is clearly mentioned as the State entity in charge of indigenous affairs12: therefore, the Ministry

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See the text of the law: http://es.scribd.com/doc/62953577/Ley-de-Consulta-Aprobada-23-08-2011

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of Culture will be directly involved in projects of economic development (mining and hydrocarbons, mainly) that will take place on traditional indigenous lands. In the indigenous matters more than in any other topic, the new Ministry of Culture will have to deal with other ministerial units in order to address the specific needs of indigenous populations, thus extending the scope of a more narrow-based concept of a Ministry of Culture.

Towards a comprehensive cultural policy: expanding the actions of the new Ministry

The last section of this paper explores various aspects of cultural policies that ought to be included in the agenda of the new Ministry in order to complete the range of actions of the new administrative unit and give it back part of the legitimacy that the INC has lost over the years.

The State as a promoter of the arts

The arts have been, so to speak, abandoned by the State. As described below, the creative arts have been left to the initiative of the private sector, which has excluded most of the population from newer form of artistic activities, limiting many people (especially in the Andes and in the Amazon Basin) to the practice and attendance of traditional art forms, often seen as folkloric expressions. Located essentially in Lima and, within the capital, in a few neighbourhoods only, the non-traditional artistic life of the country is dominated by the higher-middle classes. Many artists would not survive without a support from their families or without secondary jobs, and most of the public lives in the neighbourhoods where galleries and theatres are concentrated. Public bureaucracy and politicians are slowly integrating the idea of a cultural policy

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that would also deal with the arts, as a complementary meaning to the concept of development for the country. Fine arts. The main museums of arts in Peru are private. The Lima Museum of Arts (MALI) has been closed from August 2008 to April 2010 for renovation. The cost has been assumed by the Museum and its private sponsors, with a support only from MINCETUR, the Peruvian Ministry of Tourism (Trivelli 2010), which again illustrates the strong link established between culture and tourism in the highest levels of political decision in Peru. The INC has not brought financial support to the project. Lima, though a city of nearly nine million inhabitants, does not have a Museum of Contemporary Arts: a project, started thirty years ago, should finally come to a conclusion at the beginning of 2011 but, again, as a private initiative. In Trujillo, one (private) museum of art displays the collection of the owner, painter Gerardo Chvez. The Arequipa Museum of Contemporary Arts is also privately held. Only the Municipality of Cusco runs a small Museum of Contemporary Arts. The (mostly unimportant) museums of fine arts managed by the INC (such as the Museo de Arte Italiano in Lima) have very scarce financial means, which hardly allow them to

remain open to the public.

The situation of art schools is not better. The National School of Fine Arts (recently included in the new Ministry) features an old and unpractical building, even though it has educated the most famous generations of Peruvian painters and sculptors. Private schools (in particular, the Art School of the Catholic University) are now favoured by the students who can afford to pay for the tuition fees. The most positive note in the field of visual arts comes from the apparition of new private galleries, which have boosted the local scene. Benefiting from one decade

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of strong economic growth and the increased economic welfare of the higher-middle classes in Lima, these galleries play an important role in the discovery and the promotion of new artists, and are the main prescribers on the local market. They reinforce the action of institutional cultural centres, whose galleries are among the most important in the capital and remained open through the most difficult times in the 1980s. Performing arts.

The performing arts have suffered from the same flaws than the visual arts: all production outside the direct sphere of control of the INC (National Ballet and National Orchestra, mainly) has been abandoned to the private initiative. The mediocre quality of the productions proposed by the national companies (the Municipality of Lima also sponsors the Municipal Ballet, with somewhat better results) has mainly acted as a foil to private production. Creators (writers, directors, choreographers) have essentially relied on cultural institutions, such as universities (Catholic University, San Marcos National University) and foreign cultural centres (Centro Cultural de Espaa, PeruanoBritnico, Peruano-Nortemamericano, Alianza Francesa, Instituto Goethe, etc.) for both the financing and the presentation of their works: these centres are indeed the main producers and venues in Lima. A few private producers (for theatre, circus, dance, classical music and opera) also propose more commercial products, with growing success. A few small private companies have started to settle and open their own cultural spaces, offering major diversity in the artistic life of the capital. The recurrent lack of adequate infrastructures is slowly being addressed by the State and the Municipality of Lima, which have restored the Municipal Theatre

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(accidentally burnt in 1998 and finally re-inaugurated in October 2010), and are building a new National Theatre that is meant to become the main venue for performing arts in the city. But in the matter of performing arts, everything is still to be done in Peru. The new Ministry may take example from other Latin American countries, which have implemented systems of subsidies through fellowships for investigation and creation, special funds for new productions (distributed through open contests), financial support for international travel (either for presentations in festivals or museums, or for participation in workshops or master-classes) and a modernization of artistic education at all levels (from primary to specialized schools). International cooperation is also developing with Latin American and Iberian countries through the IBERESCENA program, which co-produces several projects every year. The artistic scene in Peru is composed of a variety of actors for whom the creation of a Ministry creates high stakes and expectations. The State must play a role in reversing the geographical imbalances within the country and within the capital Lima; it must also lighten the bureaucratic and financial burdens that unnerve and unnecessarily complicate both the production and the diffusion of the performing and

visual arts in the country.

Promoting the democratization of the arts? Taking the arts to the provinces and to less-favoured areas

A program of improved infrastructure and decentralization is necessary, even within the capital Lima. Indeed, as public transportation is often inefficient in Peruvian cities, it is extremely difficult and expensive for people living in outlying suburbs to travel to the central neighbourhoods where cultural facilities are located. Most cultural centres are concentrated in a few neighbourhoods of Lima; there is no adequate

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infrastructure for the presentation of art exhibitions or performing shows outside these venues. Cultura viva, as mentioned above, is a first publicly coordinated effort aimed at decentralizing the cultural life within the city. However, occasional events shall not make up for the lack of permanent infrastructure. Decentralization also means the necessity to build infrastructures and offer access to artistic creations to the inhabitants of the provinces. Even in the most important cities such as Arequipa, Cusco or Trujillo, the artistic scenes are poorly developed; adequate venues are dramatically lacking for artistic presentations. This is in part due to an obvious lack of financial means (with little or no help from the municipalities or the regions), but also to the poor artistic education provided with in art schools and conservatories. The circulation of artists among cities is still limited; it may be difficult for artists from provincial cities to draw on their local successes to obtain national recognition.

A limited but essential access to culture for lower social classes is ensured by NGOs which work in shantytowns and peripheral districts of the capital and the main provincial cities: they organize festivals (for example, FITECA13, in the Northern Lima district of Comas), and link democratization of culture to education and social development in their everyday actions (for instance, Arena y Esteras14 in Villa El Salvador). According to their approach, culture and arts are ways to create links among local communities, often constituted by the most destitute or emerging segments of the population, emigrated to the capital from remote regions of the country, then cut from their familiar and cultural grassroots. Access to the arts is seen

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http://www.fitecaperu.com http://www.arenayesteras.org or http://teatroarenayesteras.blogspot.com

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as a fundamental part of education, self-esteem and identity building processes, especially for children. The lack of interest from the State and the municipalities for the tasks performed by these NGOs is striking. The latter had to build their own capacities of fund raising and still stand on precarious financial grounds. Bureaucracies have to learn to deal with these new actors and value their contribution to the society, while the latter seem to avoid contacts (when possible) with the authorities, which have never been supportive to their work. The replication of the Puntos de cultura program, implemented with success in Brazil since 2004, has been initiated; a first project was concluded in the outskirt district of Carabayllo in June, 2011. Promoting performing and visual arts, literature and music in marginalized sectors of the capital (and hopefully, in other areas of the country in the near future), this program is aimed at promoting culture as a vector of social transformation. Through this program, understanding and interaction between authorities and local cultural agents may improve.

The cultural industries: arts and economic development

Various recent phenomena have raised a sudden interest among Peruvian politicians and businessmen for cultural industries:

The impressive success of massive concerts given by foreign artists in Lima. Discarded from most international tours after the economic decline and the political turmoil of the 1980s-1990s, Peru has again welcomed, in the last few years, worldwide acclaimed artists. The concerts have generated tax incomes of more than US$ 15 millions in 2009 for the Peruvian State (Peru21 2009),

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and suddenly awoke a consciousness that culture and arts can also be linked to big and interesting business. Various recent Peruvian feature films have gained important awards in international movie festivals15. Though the economy of Peruvian cinema remains underdeveloped and linked to foreign co-productions (especially with Spain, through the program IBERMEDIA), a sudden interest rose among the population for an industry that had been largely abandoned in previous decades. The inclusion of Conacine in the ministry is a sign of renewed interest from the State in an industry that can support the efforts of the country for its promotion abroad.

Book fairs (in Lima but also in other cities like Arequipa) have met with increasing success in recent years. The prices of books are still high in a country with few bookstores; the publishing industry has remained confined to small companies or to the universities presses. An increased demand may change this situation, if the State manages to control the growing market of

pirated editions.

These three examples have evidenced that it was possible to build economically sustainable activities in the field of the arts. The topic of cultural industries is particularly important because it has developed without the support of the State. The cases cited above are only but a few examples of developments in the field; popular music industry in the Andes (and in the outskirts of Lima, where migrants relocated) or digital video productions have developed dramatically without State incentives and encompass parallel markets that also generate substantial incomes
15

Besides movies such as Octubre (directed by Daniel y Diego Vega) and Contracorriente (directed by Javier Fuentes-Len), which both have won several awards, it is the feature film La teta asustada, directed by Claudia Llosa, that has impacted the country: the movie won the Golden Bear at the Berlin Film Festival in 2009 and was nominated to the Oscar in the category of Best foreign-language film.

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(Alfaro 2006); this phenomena is also interesting for its social meaning, as it developed as a popular (lower middle class) and provincial response to the more elitist artistic forms presented in Limas theatres and museums. The State must size the cultural industries up, in order to foster their development and suppress useless bureaucratic burdens that jeopardize their consolidation. If the sectors of music production, cinema and publishing are added to new technologies, radio and television, the whole field of cultural industries is so intimately linked to the everyday life of the whole population that it cannot be ignored by the State (Quiroz 2006).

The economic impact of cultural industries can be studied in terms of employment, share of GDP, exports, copyright or even production of counterfeit copies of cultural products. A major limitation to the evaluation of the importance of arts and culture for the country is the recurrent lack of reliable data. A study published by the University San Martin de Porres (Instituto de investigacion 2005) tried to evaluate the cultural GDP of the country. This effort is worth mentioning for its ambition to take into account the broad vision of the creative economy (including advertisement and the media in the studies). Unfortunately, the attempt falls short of its good intentions. In the case of performing arts, it only evaluates the impact (number of spectators, income obtained) of presentations by ensembles belonging to the INC, which are far from being representative of the performing arts scene in Lima (not to mention the rest of the country). The same conclusion can be drawn from the chapter about museums: examining only museums (including archeological sites) managed by the State, the study does not take into account some of the main institutions in Lima, especially in the category of art museums. The study does not even mention art galleries or more traditional forms of artistic expressions.

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Much is needed in the field research to get a clearer view of cultural and artistic practices in Peru (attendance to events, involvement in arts as amateur or as professional, etc.) and the real extent of this sector within the Peruvian economy. Better and more comprehensive data on cultural and artistic practices in Peru could then help the State play a double role: - Sustain the momentum in the Peruvian economic development. The creation of the Ministry has been accompanied by a Law of cultural patronage, which issues new rules of fiscal exemptions for sponsorship of cultural and artistic projects by private companies (Maldonado 2010). This long-awaited tax incentive reform will hopefully drive major private funding towards cultural and artistic projects, though the impact of the law will only be measurable within a few months. - Support the diversity of artistic expression forms, which ranges from the most traditional (indigenous, criollas, afro-Peruvian) music, celebrations and arts, to newer and innovative expressions (from contemporary dance in Lima to huyano-pop in the Andes).

The window of opportunity is economic as well as social and can help reinforce inclusion through the acceptance of new artistic forms, no matter the social

classes where they were born. Professionalizing cultural management

One key factor for the success of the new Ministry will also lay in its ability to develop the professionalization of cultural management in Peru. Many administrators in the institutions newly embedded in the Ministry are either civil servants without any special knowledge of the specificities of the sector or specialists of a focus area (archivists, anthropologists, historians) who lack comprehensive knowledge in management or administration. The situation is similar in private institutions of the

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Peruvian artistic world: many persons in charge of cultural centres are actually artists empirically converted to cultural management. An important step to take for the Ministry may then be the implementation of training sessions dedicated to create a new generation of cultural managers, with a comprehensive view of the artistic, cultural and administrative challenges posed by cultural management. To our knowledge, only two universities in Lima (the Catholic University, which created a diploma in cultural management in 2009, the Universidad del Pacfico and the Universidad San Martin de Porres, which typically offer courses integrated in other curricula, related to tourism or social and corporate responsibility) currently propose specific classes on these matters to their students. Clearly, a greater specialization will help in the future design and implementation of consistent and efficient public policies (Corts and Vich 2006), as well as in the elaboration and recollection of more accurate data. The professionalization of cultural management is also necessary among the ranks of the bureaucracy that pretends to deal with the field. The lack of knowledge of the sector and its specificities will only lead to renewed schemes of inefficient or inexistent policies designed and implemented by bureaucrats without the vision and the understanding of what is at stake when dealing with cultural policy. On the other hand, the cultural managers who, on a daily basis, do the cultural job, have the responsibility to take part of a process of democratic renovation: they physically and metaphorically open and run new spaces of expression (Vich 2006). Part of the training task has been carried away by foreign institutions: the AECID has for instance organized various sessions not only in Lima, but also in cities such as Ayacucho, Iquitos or Trujillo. In this sense, cultural management training follows the example of capacity-building programs implemented since the 1950s by NGOs in

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indigenous communities: these programs had dramatic results in improving the organizational capacities of these communities, which have been able to articulate and coordinate their demands to the State, and are now recognized (though not sufficiently taken into account) actors on the political, local and national, scene.

Conclusions

The future of cultural policies in Peru depends primarily on the political will at the State, provincial and municipal levels. Heritage and interculturalism are likely to be the priorities of the new Ministry, as they relate more immediately to highly sensitive debates in Peruvian politics: economic development (as far as heritage can help promote tourism) and identity building (a permanent debate in the Peruvian society). The pertinence of the structural framework of the new Ministry, divided into two vice-ministries (one dedicated to cultural heritage and industries, the other to interculturality), can be questioned. The former will deal with traditional attributions of a Ministry of Culture, while the latter will extend the concept of culture to topics of educational, social and political inclusion of indigenous people. It is not clear whether this division can bring successful results, for the assumptions on which it has been decided have already been evidenced decades ago, without further consequence. Besides, both vice-ministries may overlap in their actions or, on the contrary, ignore themselves.

The creation of a comprehensive cultural policy in the forthcoming months will be a difficult task. Fundamental topics for the future of the country, such as democratization, social inclusion and economic development, are at stakes. These questions have been central in the history of the country in the second half of the

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twentieth century, and cannot be ignored in a post-violence era, when the question of memory is of primary importance for the future (Retegui 2006). Cultural policy is not a luxury device; it is a tool of renovation of the State and of its relations with its citizens. How effective this renovation will be will constitute an interesting topic for further investigation, even more so after the election of the new President, Ollanta Humala, in June 2011. The highly symbolic designation of the Afro-Peruvian singer Susana Baca as the new Minister opens new perspectives: in particular, further reflexion on the inclusion of the Afro-Peruvian community into the national identity is expected; on the other hand, the resistance of a highly complex bureaucratic structure and its outdated administrative culture towards a politically inexperienced Minister raises questions over the likeliness of effective changes. Hopefully, Mrs. Bacas highprofile personality shall provide the Ministry with a new impulse to definitely mark a shift in the course of cultural policy in Peru.

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References
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