The Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding

Research Paper No. 25 LMspencer/Shutterstock.com

The Legacy Of An “Unlived Traumatic Past” : The Impact Of The 1994

Genocide Memories On Young Rwandans And National Peacebuilding
By Marie Grace Kagoyire Gasinzigwa, Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding Scholar
January 2024

Introduction

More than a half of Rwanda’s population are under the age thirty. They grew up in the shadow of the genocide
against the Tutsis. The hugely traumatic events of 1994 devastated their parents – whether victims, perpetrators
or extended family members (Rieder 2014). But they have not escaped unscathed, either. Even though they
did not experience the genocide directly, the consequences for young Rwandans – who are vital to ensuring
that internecine violence remains in the past – have been significant, complex and scarcely documented. This
research paper examines how the genocide continues to impact the psychosocial well-being of young [1]
people and why improving their wellbeing is key to building sustainable peace in Rwanda.

The Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding: Centering African knowledge and agency is key to building and
sustaining peace in Africa. The Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding (SVNP) works with the Wilson Center’s
Africa Program to attain the most appropriate, cohesive, and inclusive policy frameworks and approaches for achieving
sustainable peace in Africa. Generously sponsored by Carnegie Corporation of New York since its establishment in
2011, the SVNP works to generate African knowledge to inform US and international peacebuilding policies on Africa;
help build the next generation of African peacebuilders through its scholarship program; and create a pan-African
network of African peacebuilding organizations, practitioners, and experts to collaborate and share knowledge, best
practices, and lessons learned on peacebuilding in Africa.

This publication was made possible by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and
views expressed in this paper are solely the responsibility of the author and do not represent the views of the Wilson
Center or Carnegie Corporation of New York. For more information please visit:
https://www.wilsoncenter.org/the-southern-voices-network-for-peacebuilding
Background

In the space of just one-hundred days in 1994, approximately one million Rwandans, primarily from the minority
Tutsi group (comprising 10-15 per cent of the total population), died at the hands of Hutu extremists. Prior to
1994, genocide-related ethnic cleansing was planned and executed in some parts of the country before 1994
(Verwimp 2011); the spark for total genocide was the downing of a plane over Kigali on 6 April 1994, which
carried the presidents of Rwanda and neighbouring Burundi (Fujii 2011). The perpetrators of the genocide
primarily were ordinary civilian Hutu, who had joined militias known as the Interahamwe. They were trained and
acted in close collaboration with the then Rwandan regular army (Forces Armées Rwandaise [2] —FAR).

Tensions between Hutus and Tutsis were fomented in various ways during the colonial period by the Belgian
administration, which resulted in serious outbreaks of communal violence in the late 1950s and after
independence, when large numbers of Tutsis were forced to flee to neighbouring countries. By the early
1990s, as the country attempted to forge a peace between Rwanda Patriotic Army [3], the wing of Rwanda
Patriotic Front which had invaded the country and the former government of Rwanda, that was pushing for the
elimination of Tutsis ( Richters & Kagoyire 2014).

During 100 days of genocide (From April 6th -July 4th 1994), victims were often humiliated in the course of
barbaric violence. The briefest of lists of such acts would include witnessing the death of family members or
neighbours; being forced to participate in the death of family members or neighbours; the use of rudimentary
tools or garden implements to kill people; people being buried alive; the widespread rape of women; unborn
babies being cut out of mother’s wombs and discarded; and victims being killed by people well-known to them,
often neighbours and sometimes friends (Fujii 2011).

The genocide wreaked societal destruction in numerous ways. Public and private infrastructures were destroyed;
Tutsi properties were damaged, looted or burned. Society was severely affected with deep mistrust infecting
the whole population. Millions of people were internally displaced while others took refuge in neighbouring
countries. Levels of trauma amongst both genocide survivors and perpetrators were exceptionally high – and
left untreated, as mental health care was virtually non-existent (Rieder&Elbert 2013).

Reconstruction Mechanisms

At the end of the genocide the new national government of unity implemented a range of approaches to
stabilise the country and restore peace, which had been largely absent in the years leading up to the genocide
(1990-94). These included programs that were both economic and social in character.

To be sure, aside from rebuilding a country that was physically and economically devastated, the effort to heal
past wounds and reconcile genocide survivors and perpetrators would be an even bigger challenge. The main
programs and approaches that were implemented toward achieving this goal comprised inter alia ‘memory
preservation’ through establishing genocide memorials and the ‘performance of collective memory’ through
annual genocide commemoration events. Both memory preservation and Gacaca courts [4] , take their roots in
the traditional way of mourning and resolving conflicts. For instance, Gacaca lay judges presided over nearly 2
million genocide cases, to hold perpetrators accountable but also heal the nation from past traumatic wounds
and reconcile genocide survivors and their perpetrators. Besides, the number of people working in mental health
and related services would be increased towards achieving this goal (Mukamana et.al. 2019).

A recent evaluation conducted in 2020 to measure the status of reconciliation in Rwanda [5] showed that in
2020, the reconciliation level between survivors and perpetrators was strong (Barometer 2020). The inability
to achieve more comprehensive reconciliation among both old and younger generation was attributed to
the continuing pervasiveness of genocide ideology spread through division and denial, associated with
inconsistencies between family and public narratives on reconciliation, lack of discussions about reconciliation
within the family sphere and inability of parents to recognize the need of their children to learn about the
traumatic past (Ingabire & Richters, 2018). Added to the reconciliation challenges were the lack of recognition

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of the suffering endured by so many, the lack of seeking and offering of forgiveness between survivors and
perpetrators, all of which has contributed to almost a quarter of Rwanda’s total population still being affected by
trauma resulting from the 1994 (Kabakambira et. al. 2018, Kagoyire; Kangabe; Ingabire 2023). In addition to the
absence of the number of people who got healed from trauma and thus reconcile, this trauma of the past is also
currently affecting the generation that was born after the 1994 genocide (Kayiteshonga et.al. 2023). Whether this
trauma among young generation affect the process of peacebuilding across generations or not, this should be
investigated.

Trauma Across Generations

There is ample evidence that trauma experienced by one generation can transfer itself onto subsequent
generations. The trauma that is transcended from one generation to another is known as intergenerational
trauma and this transfer occurs when the initial trauma was not ‘transformed’. Non-transformed trauma
also refers to unresolved trauma among the primary victim (s) of past violence. It transcends generations in
“subtle ways through stories or silences, unarticulated fears and the psychological scars that are often left
unacknowledged.” (Gobodo-Madikizela 2016).

Intergenerational trauma was widely found among second and third generation descendants of survivors and
descendants of primary victims of large-scale violence. For example, the genocide in Cambodia perpetrated
by the Pol Pot regime in the 1970s left a ruinous legacy of parental trauma on subsequent generations of
Cambodians (Burchert, 2017). Similar experiences of intergenerational trauma have been found among
holocaust survivors and the children of Nazis; children whose parents survived ethnic cleansing in the former
Yugoslavia in the 1990s; and among other post genocide population. While descendants of violence survivors
were often traumatized by their parents’ traumatic experiences or their lack off, it was more frequently the case
that descendants of perpetrators found it difficult to come to terms with the crimes committed by their parents,
suffered from guilt and shame due to their parents’ crimes (Braga, Mello & Fiks 2012), (Wiseman et.al 2006),
(Schwab 2004), (Parens 2009), (Rutayisire & Richters 2014). If not addressed, the effects of unresolved trauma
include the persistence of acute feelings of loss, guilt, fear and shame. In the context of Rwanda, traumatic
memories generated by transitional mechanisms such as genocide commemoration rites, memorialization and
Gacaca courts tend to aggravate the trauma felt by children, whilst they have been shown to help heal their
parents.

EFFECTS OF TRAUMATIC MEMORIES ON PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING OF POST-GENOCIDE RWANDAN YOUTH

“…Now I feel the effects in displaced forms, the most insidious being the guilt and fear associated with
claiming a voice as the descendant of a perpetrator nation” (Schwab, 2004, p.184).

Various effects of traumatic memories were identified in both descendants of genocide survivors and
perpetrators in Rwanda. Psychological distress was especially evident in young people, often manifest in
frequent crying, which is one of the key symptoms of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder [6] (PTSD). In the case of
descendants of genocide perpetrators, psychological distress was often triggered by learning of the inhumane
crimes their parents committed against others, sometimes exacerbated by growing up within families headed by
one parent and silence of the past that shadowed their everyday life. Psychological distress among descendants
of genocide survivors was associated with growing up feeling ‘uprooted’, resulting from the loss of many family
members (grand-parents, uncles and aunts) during the genocide. This lack of family members is associated with
lack of both economic and emotional support in daily life which render their psychological well-being more
deteriorating. Vulnerability of their parents following trauma symptoms and poor health conditions that their
families had to endure after all their properties have been destroyed, also heightened their distress. (Interview
with youth in Rwanda, 2022).

A recent study has reported that young people whose parents survived or perpetrated the genocide also suffer
disproportionately from depression (Biracyaza & Habimana 2020). With few people to rely on for assistance
(when parents were unable to provide it) and most young Rwandans growing up within families that simply
accepted depression as a consequence of experiencing the genocide, the spectre of suicide has been ever-

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present in most people’s lives. Other young people interviewed have tried, through various ways, to ‘numb’
the pain, in part to try to inoculate themselves against chronic fearfulness and recurring nightmares about the
genocide. Even the act of staying at home has been a source of fear, as parents – scarred by the memories of
neighbourly violence during the genocide – have often advised their children to stay at home to avoid being
harmed by a neighbour from the ‘other’ group. Next to fear instilled by parents to them, some youth were
afraid of being attacked by trauma crisis [7] and consequently opt to avoid attending commemoration events.
(Interview with youth in Rwanda, 2022).

The Gacaca courts process, for all its positive impacts, has forced many young people to confront the spectacle
of face-to-face meetings between survivors and perpetrators, which involved the retelling by genocidaires of
how he or she killed people during the genocide; or learning that a parent participated in killing people during
the genocide, which remains a source of great shame in society. Descendants of the latter have internalised
considerable fear, mistrust and anxiety at the thought of retribution being carried out against them for the
sins of their parents, most of whom knew their victims, sometimes intimately. Similarly, memories transmitted
through genocide commemoration events and memorialization serve as amplifiers. The two transmit stories of
a horrible past that not only leave trauma in their minds, but also confusion about which identity to belong to—
between parental identity versus “nationally promoted identity” (Ndi umunyarwanda [8]) in the current Rwanda.
Feelings found among the youth born after the genocide are well-founded, given the understandable rage felt
by children of victims at what their relatives had to endure and the resultant thirst for revenge felt by many [9].

EFFECTS OF TRAUMATIC MEMORIES ON SOCIAL LIVES

The learning of parents’ genocide memories has also been associated with feelings of shame and guilt, causing
many young people affected to withdraw from social life. In the case of victims, their descendants have had to
contend with the shame associated with sexual violence and rape that their female relatives experienced en
masse and the consequent impact that that had on their status in their communities [10]. Moreso, this shame
resulted from social stigma, or rejection by their family or community members, due to mental health problems
which are not widely understood – or accepted – within Rwanda (Biracyaza 2021).

Descendants of genocide perpetrators have felt profound guilt and shame at what their parents did. In the
contrary, the descendants of survivors tended to feel guilty about inhabiting a country where such horrific
events took place and that they are now powerless to help those who were attacked. The combination of self-
isolation – disconnecting from friends, peers, communities – and self-stigma have contaminated interpersonal
relationships among some youth and contributed to acute problems around identity and self-actualisation. An
example is associated with genocide commemoration events, one of the cornerstones of national healing and
reconciliation in Rwanda, have become highly problematic for traumatised young people to such an extent that
many will avoid them, lest they suffer fear and trauma due to attending. Yet, disconnecting from such events also
disconnects them from gaining knowledge about the past, interacting with others and healing and these would
perceptibly help in peacebuilding.

Implications Of Traumatic Memories On Peacebuilding

Peacebuilding is understood as a set of strategies and actions to ensure basic human needs of the population
are restored after conflict, comity within and between communities is (re)built, and sustainable measures are
implemented that prevent the reoccurrence of violence (McNamee and Muyangwa 2021). The world over, it is
not easy for people who have experienced violence and suffering to work for peace in their societies once violent
conflict ends. Their memories can hurt them, haunt next generations and prevent them from healing, forgiving,
and getting along. Also, they may feel scared, angry, and suspicious of others, especially those who were their
enemies. According to Schwab (2004), this is because the damage left by the trauma of the past manifest
themselves on both sides of the divide and such damage is likely to facilitate the vicious cycle of repetition to
recur.

Needless to say, social cohesion is weakened when young people seek to avoid one of the stated pillars of nation
(re) building and other ceremonies during the official genocide commemoration period carried out to heal and

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reconcile the nation. At the same time, research suggests these mechanisms of nation reconstruction may also
negatively influence the way young Rwandans shape their views towards the ‘other’ and increase the likelihood
of seeding further trauma crises (Kang et al. 2021), (Kayiteshonga et.al. 2023). This tendency is probably
exacerbated by the lack of awareness about trauma, lack of home and/or community-based follow-up on trauma
cases identified during the commemoration events and the emotional burden associated with memories these
events generate and well-trained trauma counsellors within Rwanda to aid parents and their descendants who
are still challenged by memories of the past (Kayiteshonga et.al. 2023; Muhorakeye & Biracyaza 2021). Such
feelings typical amongst the primary victims of war can cascade down to subsequent generations and replicate
themselves, creating a sense that they too have some experienced the conflict and are victims. And in many
ways, that is the case; they too are traumatised. The negative feelings that trauma causes, such as rage, guilt,
shame, and sorrow, can trigger vicious cycles of violence and revenge (Gobodo-Madikizela 2016) (Wiseman
et.al 2006). In other words, where trauma – whether at individual, social or collective levels – is not addressed,
there will always be the risk, if not the likelihood, that the social fabric of communities will not mend and social
cohesion will not be achieved.

Conclusion

Intergenerational trauma among young Rwandans is the crisis of the past in the present day. In the context of
this study, we have seen how trauma can wreak havoc on the lives of young people with no direct experience of
the conflict and violence experienced by their parents or grandparents. In many ways, Rwanda is an example for
the rest of the world in peacebuilding: there have been no outbreaks of major intercommunal violence within
its borders since the genocide thirty years ago. That is a remarkable achievement, given the scale of the violence
which tore the country apart in 1994. And one that is vitally important to the security not just of Rwanda but the
wider region, in which it is deeply integrated and its nation-building challenge are widely shared. But, it is also
important to note that trauma that is not ‘transformed’ will always be an obstacle to peace.

At the same time, there remains considerable work to do in order to cement peace in the country and build
prosperity. Evidence that millions of young people are still being affected by the legacy of an ‘’unlived’ genocide
is considerable. This paper argues that this is a public health crisis in current Rwanda which has serious
implications for the future stability of the country.

The evidence presented here is based on a limited study within Rwanda. A large-scale study on how various
forms of exposure to traumatic memories of genocide victims and perpetrators has affected youth and
opportunities to recover and reconcile is necessary. But from the findings presented here, it is clear that more
national efforts focused on the challenges facing young people is needed to ensure that Rwanda’s largely
successful peacebuilding thus far is not derailed.

1. In Rwanda, a young person is anyone aged between 14-30 years old

2. Most of these are now part of FDLR, based in Democratic Republic of Congo where they took refuge since 1994 after committing the
genocide.

3. Rwanda Patriotic Army was a Rwandan-led exile Wing of Rwanda Patriotic Front, a leading party in Rwanda today.

4. Gacaca courts were modernised form of a traditional approach to conflict resolution. It ran from 2002until 2012.

5. The indicators to measure reconciliation status among Rwandans included: 1) Understanding the past, the present and envisioning
the future of Rwanda, 2) citizenship, identity and responsibility, 3) Political culture and governance, 4) security and wellbeing, 5) Justice,
fairness and rights and 6) social cohesion

6. Diagnostic Statistical Manual (DSM) -IV

7. A form of panic attack

8. The program aims to strengthen unity and reconciliation among Rwandans by providing a forum for people to talk about the causes
and consequences of the genocide as well as what it means to be Rwandan (Benda 2017)

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9. Ibid.

10. Ibid.

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org/10.1037/0002-9432.76.2.176.

Marie Grace Kagoyire Gasinzigwa is a Ph.D. candidate in the faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Department
of Psychology at the University of Stellenbosch, South Africa. Her work experiences centred on mental health
and psychosocial support in post conflict society. Her research interest focuses on understanding how young
Rwandans descending of genocide perpetrators and survivors make sense of the traumatic past and envision
their future role in making the genocide never again a reality. The effects of genocide among women survivors
of rape, intergenerational legacies of the genocide, and intersection between intergenerational trauma and
reconciliation among second-generation in Rwanda are among some of her publications. She was a Southern
Voices Network for Peacebuilding Scholar for the Fall 2023 term in Washington, DC.

SVNP Policy Brief and Research Paper Series

For the accompanying Policy Brief and the full series of SVNP Research Papers and Policy Briefs, please
see our website at https://www.wilsoncenter.org/the-southern-voices-network-for-peacebuilding

Wilson Center - Africa Program | 8

The Africa Program
The Africa Program works to address the most critical issues facing Africa and US-Africa relations, build
mutually beneficial US-Africa relations, and enhance knowledge and understanding about Africa in the
United States.

The Program achieves its mission through in-depth research and analyses, including our blog Africa Up
Close, public discussion, working groups, and briefings that bring together policymakers, practitioners,
and subject matter experts to analyze and offer practical options for tackling key challenges in Africa and
in US-Africa relations.

The Africa Program focuses on four core issues:

i. Good governance and leadership

ii. Conflict prevention, peacebuilding, and security
iii. Trade, investment, and sustainable development
iv. Africa’s evolving role in the global arena

The Program maintains a cross-cutting focus on the roles of women, youth, and technology, which are
critical to Africa’s future: to supporting good governance, to securing peace, to mitigating poverty, and to
assuring sustainable development.

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