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Providence: Studies in Western Civilization (Providence College Press) 1 (2): 51–68.
The Battle of Tours-Poitiers Revisited
By William E. Watson
from: Providence: Studies in Western Civilization v.2 n.1 (1993)
Introduction: The Place of the Battle of Tours-Poitiers in Western Historiography The Battle of Tours-Poitiers has long occupied a prominent position in Western historiography. The eighth- or ninth-century Carolingian Continuator of Fredegar wrote that Charles Martel won his famous victory over the Muslim invaders of the Frankish Kingdom Christo auxiliante.1 Eight centuries later, other clerical authors, the Bollandists, emphasized the miraculous nature of Charles' victory in their writings.2 Beginning in the eighteenth century, however, non-clerical authors began to exaggerate the significance of the battle. Edward Gibbon, for example, wrote in 1776, A victorious line of march had been prolonged above a thousand miles from the rock of Gibraltar to the bank of the Loire; the repetition of an equal space would have carried the Saracens to the confines of Poland and the Highlands of Scotland; the Rhine is not more impassable than the Nile or Euphrates, and the Arabian fleet might have sailed without a naval combat into the mouth of the Thames. Perhaps the interpretation of the Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxford, and her pupils might demonstrate to a circumcised people the sanctity and truth of the revelation of Muhammad.3 Similarly, M. Guizot and Mme. Guizot de Witt wrote in 1869 that it was a struggle between East and West, South and North, Asia and Europe, the Gospel and the Koran; and we now say, on a general consideration of events, peoples, and ages, that the civilization of the world depended on it.4 Ernest Mercier provided the first objective assessment of the battle in an article in 1878, and Leon Levillain and Charles Samaran first attempted (unsuccessfully) to scientifically locate the site of the battle in an article in 1938.5 Maurice Mercier and Andre Seguin produced the first monograph devoted entirely to the battle in 1944, entitled Charles Martel et la bataille de Poitiers in which Latin and Arabic sources were used comparatively.6 Having examined the first part of Ibn Idhari's Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi Akhbar al-Maghrib, but not the second, Michel Baudot provided an inaccurate chronology for the Muslim invasion in a 1955 article entitled "Localisation et datation de la premiere victoire remportee par Charles Martel contre les musulmans."7 Baudot's incorrect dating of the battle as 733 A.D. has been employed to this day by those unfamiliar with the sources. A revision of the previous generally-held views of the battle has occurred over the past several decades as well, resulting in the conscious minimizing of the significance of Tours-Poitiers in the textbooks of medieval European and Islamic history.8
and the Gallic inhabitants periodically revolted . and two important frontier forts (Carcassone and Nimes). Michel Rouche calls the years 719-21.11 This region did not possess the indigenous political and ethnic uniformity which Aquitaine possessed. named for the veterans of the seventh legion who settled in the vicinity of Beziers. What motivated the Muslims to move north of the Pyrenees? What do the Latin and Arabic sources reveal about what transpired in the course of the battle? Precisely when and where did the encounter occur? Can we attach a macrohistorical significance to the battle? Historical and Geographical Motives for Muslim Operations North of the Pyrenees Early Roman authors such as Caesar and Strabo noted the distinctiveness of Aquitaine in comparison to the rest of Gaul. Aquitani. and the Iberian peninsula was henceforth the center of the Visigothic kingdom. but it is clear that Aquitaine was perceived as a coherent unit in the early eighth century A. and economically stagnant area which possessed a few notable monasteries (such as Aniane). whose economy bound much of Gaul to the Iberian peninsula. In the eighth century.the Belgae. and Iberia in the fifth century.10 The Languedoc region was largely comprised of the old Roman province of Septimania. as well as a city of some size (Narbonne). This territorial coherence partly explains the emergence of a princely tradition in Aquitaine. crossed the Loire and decisively defeated them at Vouille.D. and Galli (Celtae]) is evidence that ethnographic differences were apparent in the first century before Christ. Although politically more coherent than Languedoc. however.13 Narbonne was subsequently reacquired by the Visigoths with the help of the Ostrogothic king Theodoric. judging by the lack of archaeological evidence from the seventh and eighth centuries of trade with the north or with the Mediterranean ports. before the Muslim invasions. culturally insular. killing their king (Alaric III) and wresting Toulouse from them. when the dominant power in northern Gaul. and during this time the Visigothic realm has been described as "an Ostrogothic dependency." as a result of the degree of self determination exercised by the Aquitanian princely family at Toulouse. ruled by Ostrogothic governors.In this essay I intend to suggest answers to the four most crucial questions concerning the Battle of Tours-Poitiers which have not been answered sufficiently by Frankish experts or Islamicists. Caesar's statement in the Gallic War concerning the divisibility of Gaul into three parts (or peoples . In addition."14 The Visigoths were pushed south of the Pyrenees by the Franks a few years after Theodoric died (526). it was an underpopulated. a tradition which was notably absent from the Languedoc region to the south. In addition to economic ties which had existed since Roman days. whose grandson Amalaric was the heir to the Visigothic throne. Narbonne was taken from them by Burgundian allies of the Franks. but possession of it was contested on several occasions by the Franks.9 No definite physical boundaries delineated Aquitaine from other regions of Gaul. the Frankish army of Clovis. Languedoc. Narbonne was then the capital of the Visigothic kingdom for twenty years (511-31). "the apogee of independent Aquitaine. They suffered a setback. Aquitaine was as economically insular. politico-military ties connecting southern Gaul to Iberia were reinforced by the Visigothic warriors who settled Aquitaine. Septimania remained a frontier province of the Visigoths.12 In previous centuries these areas were ruled by the Romans.
Other Visigothic nobles made separate treaties with the Muslims.18 The authority of the Umayyad Caliphate of Damascus was firmly established in the peninsula by Musa's army. and that the Visigothic king. whose treaty with the Muslims in 713 allowed him to retain his principality as a Christian entity under Islamic suzerainty. This was indeed the case in 711 when the Visigothic army was defeated by a North African Muslim army comprised of Arabs and Berbers commanded by the Umayyad general (and manumitted slave) Tariq Ibn Ziyad.16 By virtue of the Roman and Visigothic ties which bound Iberia and the Languedoc region together. Arabic authors invariably referred to Murcia as "Tudmir" (an Arabic transliteration of the prince's name). the Umayyad amir Musa Ibn Nusayr. 717-18) and of King Alfonso I (ca. Those urban centers which did resist Muslim occupation were systematically destroyed with the help of certain disaffected Visigothic nobles and local Jewish communities which had suffered under economic and social restrictions placed on them by the later Visigothic kings.against the central authority in Toledo. an Arab empire which stretched from Iran to the Atlantic. Some of the Visigoths who refused to submit to the Muslims fled to the mountainous region of Asturias in the northwestern section of the peninsula. and this is reflected by the preponderance of Gothic bishops in Septimanian bishoprics. the lands north of the Pyrenees could potentially be threatened by problems faced by the Visigoths within Iberia proper. ultimately settling on the North African coast.15 The Visigoths who resided in Septimania from the third decade of the sixth century until the termination of the monarchy were a small military and ecclesiastical elite. however. was killed in the action. The name "al-Andalus" is generally believed to be derived from the Vandals.17 The initial wave of invasion in the spring and summer months of 711 was followed by a larger force commanded by Tariq's former master. the only other region of the Visigothic kingdom not taken by the time of Musa's departure for Damascus in 714. a distant. and was accom–panied by the settlement of many Berbers and a small Arab military/religious elite who imported Arabic/Islamic cultural forms into Iberia. . 739-57). Such is the case with Prince Theodemir of Murcia. rather insignificant outpost of the Umayyad Caliphate. and whose capital was the bustling Syrian city of Damascus. such as the successes of Pelayo (ca. was the province of Septimania. Although the accuracy of many of the details of the Muslim invasion of Iberia recorded by later Arabic historians has been questioned by many scholars. the ephemeral early Germanic tribe who stayed for a time in southern Iberia before continuing their wanderings. which indicates that service to the king north of the Pyrenees was not as desirable as service in Iberia. from which region came the strongest early resistance to the Muslims. were strengthened after the conver–sion of the Visigoths from Arianism to Catholic orthodoxy in 589 under King Recared. With the defeat of the regular Visigothic army and the death of the monarch. The Iberian peninsula was reorganized as the province of al–Andalus and was. Ecclesiastical ties between Septimania and Iberia. many Visigoths lost their resolve to resist the invading Muslim forces. which was never taken by the Muslims. in this early period of Muslim settlement. in deference to Theodemir. The members of this elite resided in Septimania for very short periods of time. Roderick (710-11). Subse–quently. The high rate of attrition of the Gothic residents has been attributed in part to the hostility of the Gallic population towards the Visigoths.19 Aside from Asturias. we know that the backbone of the Visigothic army was defeated in one fateful battle on the Rio Barbate.
his son Abd al-Aziz was chiefly occupied with the further consolidation of al-Andalus until his assassination in 716. The Frankish army invaded Aquitaine on two separate occasions in 731. the Visigothic garrisons holding the key Languedocian forts at Carcassonne and Nimes were subdued in 724 by amir Anbasah Ibn Suhaym al-Kalbi. he contracted an alliance in 729 with Prince Eudo of Aquitaine in order to strengthen his position.22 The Languedocian Muslims were likely affected by the confusion in al-Andalus. Michel Rouche suggests that the treaty between Munusa and Eudo was similar to the treaties of capitulation signed by Visigothic Christian leaders during the Muslim invasion of the Visigothic kingdom. Anbasah engaged in daring operations far to the north in the Rhone valley as far as Autun. had held sway since the reign of Roderick. the amir of al-Andalus soon invaded the region held by Munusa.27 According to this account. Some of the Muslims of northern Iberia separated themselves from the Umayyad province of al-Andalus during the five-year period (725-30) in which the Andalusi leadership was chiefly occupied with an internal power struggle.20 It was probably in response to this action that the first trans-Pyrenean expeditions were launched by the Muslims in 717 and 719. After Anbasah died suddenly in 725. capturing a great deal of booty and decisively humbling Eudo. The city was subsequently transformed into an Islamic city and was brought into the political orbit of the Umayyad Caliphate and the cultural orbit of the Andalusi Muslims who settled there. however.Within Septimania.25 Both Munusa and Eudo.26 The principal Latin source for the alliance. however. the purpose of which was simply to reconnoiter the region. as well. causing the . in the very next year after the fall of Carcassonne and Nimes. To this end. although it is not apparent that they wished to break with the Umayyad province. Although some of the partisans of the House of Witiza accepted Islamic suzerainty over Septimania in 714 (including Witiza's three sons. Visigothic supporters of the former king. did indeed wish to assert his independence from al-Andalus.21 In 717. ended in 719-720 when amir as-Samh Ibn Malik al-Khawlani captured the city of Narbonne for the Umayyad Caliphate. The next Muslim expedition into Septimania was put off for two years because ethnic tension between Arabs and Berbers in al-Andalus kept the Umayyad authorities preoccupied with internal difficulties. six amirs followed him in rapid succession. led a small raiding party into Septimania. Musa's successor as amir. Witiza (700-10). the Mozarabic Chronicle of 754 attests that Eudo's daughter was given in marriage to Munusa to solidify the alliance. al–Hurr ath-Thaqafi. many of the Septimanian Visigoths revolted against the Umayyads and made one Ardo their king. who were guaranteed provisions similar to those of Theodemir). when they acknowledged the legitimacy of Witiza's son Akhila over Roderick. however. After Musa left for Damascus in 714. The conquests definitively ended the Visigothic kingdom and gave the Muslims several bases for further expansion to the north. soon paid for their alliance. The reign of Ardo and the independence of the Septimanian Visigoths. and some Frankish chroniclers noted that Eudo's alliance with Munusa was viewed by the Merovingian major domus Charles as an attempt to abrogate the Frankish Aquitanian treaty (although this is by no means certain).23 A Berber leader named Munusa based at Llivia in Cerdagne.24 Eudo had earlier entered into alliance with the Merovingian Franks. however. Indeed. He was too concerned with Andalusi problems to be concerned with Ardo. Although as-Samh died before the walls of Toulouse in 721.
Eudo then gathered his army to meet the Muslims on the banks of the Dordogne. resulting in the defeat of Eudo's Aquitanian army. and the Muslim drive towards Tours. Undoubtedly 'Abd ar-Rahman's decision to take a northwestern route in 732 was partly based on the knowledge that as-Samh had failed before the walls of Toulouse. and occupied Bordeaux. The Activities of 'Abd ar-Rahman according to the Latin and Arabic Sources 'Abd ar-Rahman set off in 732. or an attempt to conquer the entire Christian world. marching in a northwestern direction through the Pyrenees at the Roncevaux Pass. It is also possible that 'Abd ar-Rahman did not trust the loyalty of the Muslims in the vicinity of Narbonne."29 Despite his success against Munusa. 'Abd ar Rahman set off on the military expedition against "the most distant enemies of al-Andalus " because "he was a virtuous man. A decade earlier." According to this account. 'Abd ar-Rahman marched "with a large army of Saracens" from Pamplona through the Pyrenees. Ibn 'Abd alHakam reports that'Abd ar-Rahman "took a great deal of booty. alHaytham's tenure as amir of al-Andalus was short-lived.he [al-Haytham] died in the year 113 . and he was unable to decisively suppress the desire for independence on the part of northern Andalusi Muslims. and call 'Abd ar-Rahman "Abderaman. and then sacked the city.28 Some of this is corroborated by al-Maqqari. According to the earliest Arabic source for the campaign. 'Abd ar-Rahman may have been aware that the Muslims of Narbonne would not be particularly cooperative when he passed through with his army. The power struggle in al-Andalus was resolved in 730 when Abd ar-Rahman was determined to straighten out the uncertain political situation along his northern border. and both types of sources distinguish between two phases in the invasion: the Muslim drive to Bordeaux.rebellious Berber to commit suicide (and Eudo's unfortunate daugh–ter was sent along with the severed head of Munusa to Damascus). The Annals of Aniane and the Chronicle of Moissac contain the same text. Rather than being merely a raid for plunder in the dar al-Harb. the Annals of Aniane and the Chronicle of Moissac. as well as the Chronicle of Fredegar.and pearl– encrusted golden objects. across the Garonne. the Futuh Misr of Ibn 'Abd alHakam (c. Given the fact that north Iberian Muslims had rebelled against the Umayyad province under Manusa prior to 732. apparently arriving too late to save Bordeaux. to ensure that the Aquitanian prince would no longer be capable of tempting northern Andulusi Muslims from the Umayyad fold. 803-71). the king of Spain. The border region between al-Andalus and the Principality of Aquitaine remained a problem for the Umayyad leadership for decades after Munusa's defeat. and he quickly prepared an expedition aimed at Aquitaine..31 The destruction of Bordeaux is described in the previously mentioned common corpus of material found in two Latin monastic chronicles composed in the ninth century. the northern expedition of Abd ar-Rahman was designed to eliminate the strategic threat that Eudo of Aquitaine posed to the Andalusi Muslims. The expedition is recorded in a number of Latin and Arabic sources."30 He gained a swift and decisive victory over Eudo's army before Bordeaux. who writes that "al-–Haytham Ibn Ubayid al-Kinani attacked the land of Munusa and conquered it . resulting in the defeat of 'Abd ar-Rahman's army by the Franks between Poitiers and Tours.32 ." including gem.. as-Samh took the most direct route from Narbonne to the Aquintanian capital at Toulouse.
in the likely anticipation that they were eliminating future sites of resistance and demoralizing the enemy.36 The Chronicle of Fredegar reports that the Muslims specifically targeted the Church of St. and Charles assembled the Frankish army to meet 'Abd ar-Rahman's force before it reached Tours. The large amount of plunder taken at Bordeaux described by Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam was undoubtedly being continually enlarged by the Muslims in Aquitaine (for example. and stated that the Aquitanian casualties in the encounter were so high that “only God knows how many died and [simply] vanished. and the strongest and most charismatic of its princes in an age when the Merovingian "Long–haired Kings" were said to have become "Do-nothing Kings. and they intended to sack it. the Muslims became aware of the existence of the wealthy shrine of St." or engaged in simple piratical raids. Eudo had managed to alert the Merovingian major domus Charles of the Muslim threat.40 When one is described as a ghazi in Islamic literature. but Abd ar-Rahman was challenging the integrity of the regnum Francorum. The Annals of Aniane and the Chronicle of Fredegar describe the general depredations that attended the Muslim advance northward through Aquitaine. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam refers to the northward extension of 'Abd ar-Rahman's operation into the Frankish kingdom as a separate campaign: 'He then led another military expedition against the Franks. and he [and his companions] were martyred for the faith. and this added weight probably slowed their progress. writes of the battle in his annalistic history of the world.e.41 One can imagine that both aspects of the ghazi ethic were present in 'Abd-ar Rahman's army and both Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam and Ibn al-Athir describe 'Abd ar-Rahman as a sincere. causing Eudo to flee north into the Frankish kingdom.33 The ensuing Battle of Bordeaux is recorded in the Annals of Aniane and the Chronicle of Moissac.34 The Mozarabic Chronicle of 754 also mentions the Battle of Bordeaux. a continuation of the ancient Bedouin practice of brigandage into the Islamic era. the Muslims were not only threatening to damage or destroy the Frankish kingdom's most sacred shrine (and also one of the greatest in all Latin Christendom)."35 Following their victory over Eudo's army. hoping to catch Eudo. one can either be engaged in a border war for Islam waged against "infidels. "forts") and burned churches on the way. Ibn al-Athir writes that 'Abd ar-Rahman went out ghaziyan ("going out as a ghazi") into the land of the Franks."39 The greatest medieval Arabic historian. and the Mozarabic Chronicle of 754 mentions that the Muslims specifically destroyed "palaces" (i.Confusing 'Abd ar-Rahman with Munusa. From Charles' perspective. al-Kamil fi t' Ta'rikh. which contain the same account: the Aquintanian army was decisively defeated and incurred many casualties. Hilary in Poitiers for destruction on their northward advance.37 At some point in the campaign. 'Izz ad-Din Ibn al-Athir (1160-1233). just Muslim. The Chronicle of Fredegar states that Bordeaux's churches were burned and its inhabitants slain by the Muslims. Like Ibn Abd al-Hakam. the Chronicle of Fredegar reports that Eudo lured the Muslims north as the result of an alliance between the Andalusi Muslims and the Aquintanian prince (who here receives the less illustrious title of duke). at Poitiers). the Muslims ad–vanced through Aquitaine."38 Ibn Abd al-Hakam says: "He went out as a ghazi." it was natural that Charles would be the man to lead the Frankish army in the field against the Muslims. Martin at Tours. As major domus of the Merovingian kingdom. The resulting battle between Charles and 'Abd ar-Rahman is described in a large number of Latin and Arabic sources.42 . In the meantime.
Ibn al-Athir writes in al-Kamil that some Arabic chroniclers had placed the battle in 113 A. or "path" was identified by Levi-Provencal and others with the Roman road connecting Poitiers and Tours. The details of this encounter. presumably to recapture the treasure that had been taken from the Aquitanian churches.H. with a great deal of plunder having been left behind in the tents.D.). as Frankish scouts discovered on the following morning that the Muslim camp had been abandoned in haste during the night.46 The Chronicle of Fredegar contains a more substantial account of the battle: the Franks killed 'Abd ar-Rahman in the operation and overran the tents of the Muslim camp. there is a consensus in most of the Latin sources that the battle occurred on a Saturday in October.D. Levi-Provençal argued for a date between October 25 and October 31. as die sabbato is added to the same account.Again following Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam. 732. Ibn al-Athir writes that 'Abd ar-Rahman and his companions died in the battle as shuhada'i. herein called the Battle of Tours/Poitiers. 'Abd ar-Rahman and many of his men found martyrdom on the balat ash-Shuhada'i ("the path of the martyrs). but that 114 A.H. "martyrs for the faith.50 The Dating of the Battle Neither the Mozarabic Chronicle nor the Chronicle of Fredegar date the battle.53 Thus. Although he does not mention his sources.55 Considering this evidence. so that they were "like an immovable wall" and a "glacier. Amand report sub anno 732: Karlus bellum habuit contra Saracinos in mense Octobri. 732. ceased when night fell.D."48 The Muslims threw themselves at the Frankish square in fruitless attempts to break the formation. and many Muslims were cut down by Frankish swordsmen. Conclusion: The Macrohistorical Significance of the Battle . According to Ibn Idhari.54 Ibn Idhari states in the first part of al-Bayan that the battle occurred in 115 A. 732. al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi Akhbaral-Maghrib.). driving the survivors back to alAndalus. at a site known as Moussais-la-bataille. and Michel Rouche has argued specifically for October 25.). (731 A.44 This balat. The discipline and resolve of the Franks was apparently too much for the Muslims. but he corrects the date in the second part of his work to Ramadan 114 (October-November 732 A. however. Two of the Arabic sources also place the battle in 732. The Annals of Aniane and the Chronicle of Moissac contain the same account: Charles and his large army met the Muslims in suburbio Pictavensi ("in the vicinity of Poitiers") and defeated them in a great slaughter.52 Both the Annals of Lorsch and the Annals of Alamannia report sub anno 732: Karolus pugnavit contra Saracenos die sabbato ad Pectavis.45 The Franks intercepted the Muslims on this road a short distance from Poitiers. (732 A. The battle is also recorded in brief notices in several other monastic chronicles. (733 A. who mentioned the battle in his history of theMaghrib. The Annals of St."43 This idea is reiterated by the thirteenth-century Moroccan au–thor Ibn Idhari alMarrakushi.56 This particular date is acceptable when one recognizes that the evidence contained in the Latin and Arabic chronicles does converge rather clearly on this point. as the Arabic sources are silent on the specific events of the battle.51 The Annales Petaviani are more specific.H. but the event is recorded sub anno 732 in the Annals of Aniane and the Chronicle of Moissac.49 The Muslim assault. are contained exclusively in Latin sources.D.47 The Mozarabic Chronicle of 754 describes the battle in greater detail than any other Latin or Arabic source: the Franks drew themselves into a large infantry square.) is the correct date.
There is clearly some justification for ranking Tours-Poitiers among the most significant events in Frankish history when one considers the result of the battle in light of the remarkable record of the successful establishment by Muslims of Islamic political and cultural dominance along the entire eastern and southern rim of the former Christian. The impact of "the Franks" has persisted in Modern Standard Arabic (Fusha): the verb tafarnaja (root=fr-n-j) means "to become Europeanized. We find a great many references to the Franks in medieval Arabic literature. Had Charles Martel suffered at Tours-Poitiers the fate of King Roderick at the Rio Barbate. and of "Europeans" in general.and Greek-rite Christians of southern Italy as "those from ar-Rum (Byzantium) and those from al-Franj (the Franks). Syria. and the Hispanic Christian population took seven long centuries to regain control of the Iberian peninsula. which launched an offensive against the remaining Muslin bases to the south only a few years after Charles won his victory at Tours-Poitiers and earned himself the title Martel ("Hammer"). Moreover. 1233) included many references to the Franks in al-Kamil fi 't-Ta'rikh and he distinguished between the Latin.After examining the motives for the Muslim drive north of the Pyrenees. His invasion was neither simply a raid nor part of a grand scheme to conquer all Christendom. as Charles was the progenitor of the Carolingian line of Frankish rulers and grandfather of Charlemagne."59 The word "Franj " entered the Arabic language in the eighth century with the meaning of "Franks" (and later.57 The Arabs attached a greater significance to their confrontation with the Franks than with any other European people save the Byzantine Greeks. End Notes . of course. 956). the Frankish army." alIfranj means "the Europeans. The rapid Muslim conquest of Palestine. preserved a list of sixteen Frankish kings (examined by Bernard Lewis). especially when one considers the attention paid to the Franks in Arabic literature and the successful expansion of Muslims elsewhere in the medieval period. The Visigothic kingdom fell to Muslim conquerors in a single battle on the Rio Barbate in 711. The Reconquista. one can even say with a degree of certainty that the subsequent history of the West would have proceeded along vastly different currents had ‘Abd ar-Rahman been victorious at Tours-Poitiers in 732. Lured on by the promise of plunder and by a desire to catch Eudo." Firanja and bilad al-Firanj mean "Europe. The Baghdadi geographer al-Masudi (d. it brought a determined new participant into the field of combat.58 The Iraqi historian Ibn al-Athir (d. only months before Columbus received official backing for his fateful voyage across the Atlantic Ocean. for instance. "French–men") in particular. 'Abd ar-Rahman extended his campaign towards the regnum Francorum." and so on. as well as various references to Frankish-Arab military contacts in his Muruj. Egypt and the North African coast all the way to Morocco in the seventh century resulted in the permanent imposition by force of Islamic culture onto a previously Christian and largely non-Arab base. Rather." the adjective mutafarnij means "Europeanized. the battle did not decide the outcome of the Christian-Muslim struggle in Francia. it was a failed attempt to elimi–nate a strategic threat located north of the Andalusi border. was completed in 1492. one can attach a macrohistorical significance to the encounter between the Franks and Andalusi Muslims at Tours-Poitiers. Roman world. it is doubtful that a "donothing" sovereign of the Merovingian realm could have later succeeded where his talented major domus had failed. Indeed. as well as a desire to defeat more foes of Islam.
216. Ibid." 7. Bachrach.1:154. 11-15. James. The Goths in Spain (Oxford. A History of France (New York." Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History ed. 1979)." Le Moyen Age 74 (1968)." English Historical Review 85 (1970). mais sans grande portee. "Charles Martel. Jr. the Stirrup. Wallace– Hadrill (London. Thompson. 10. Guizot De Witt. Baudot's article was first brought to the attention of English-speaking scholars by Lynn White. Guizot and Mme. 223. Visigothic Spain: New Approaches (Oxford. 1950. Edward James. 113. . "Septimania and its Frontier: An Archaeological Approach. 93-105. " Bibliotheque de 1'Ecole de Chartres 99 (1938). 8. M. 1975). M. 3: "une etude recente. 3. Mounted Shock Combat. 218-28. n.5-26. The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. See. 55-56. Ernest Mercier. "Sur le lieu et la date de la bataille dite de Poitiers de 732. O'Callaghan. White's comments on the stirrup on 2-12. E. 418-781: Naissance d'une region (Paris.1. Bowsky. 7 (1970). 4. Bernard S. 9. 6:16. 1969). L'Aquitaine des Visigoth aux Arabes." 225. 5. William M. 226. Edward Gibbon. Michel Baudot. Ibid. 24367. 6. Leon Levillain and Charles Samaran. and Feudalism. 12. 15. Michel Rouche challenged Baudotin 1968 article entitled "Les Aquitains ontils trahi avant la bataille de Poitiers?.1-13. Ibid. J. Maurice Mercier and Andre Seguin. for example. Michel Rouche.The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar with its Continuations. 1960). Ibid. A. 1944). Bullough in "Europae Pater: Charlemagne and his achievement in the light of recent scholarship." Revue Historique 7 (1878). 90. "Localisation et datation de la premiere victoire remportee par Charles Martel contre les Musulmans. who based some of his theories in Medieval Technology and Social Change (Oxford 1962) upon Baudot's misinterpretations. 50-51. See also the comments of Donald A. Joseph F.1: 60. 239-40. Charles Martel et la bataille de Poitiers (Paris. A History of Medieval Spain (Ithaca.. ed. 226. "La bataille de Poitiers et les vraies causes du recul de l'invasion arabe. 73 and 85. 13. "Septimania. 41. (New York. Evariste Levi-Provencal wrote (I believe unjustly) in Histoire de I'Espagne omusulmane (Paris. 11." in James.1869)." Memoires et documents publies par la Societe de 1'Ecole de Chartres 12. i (1955). 2. 1974). 14. 16. ed. 1980).
Chronicle of Fredegar. 32. MGH SS 1:291. Wallace-Hadrill. 36. Annals of Aniane. 1922). eds. Chronicle of Moissac. Arthur Zuckerman. 28. Bernard S. 17. Ibid. 15. Chronicle of Moissac. Ibn'Abd al-Hakam. Dugat. Islamic and Christian Spain in the Middle Ages (Princeton. 2:2:5.). 1979). Ibid. 33. 251. 113. 27. 24. Islamic and Christian Spain. 26. Histoire 1:80-81. 1:60-61. 30. 89-90. G. AI-Maqqari. 216. Annals of Aniane. Ibid. Torrey (New Haven. 35. . and W. 34. ed. 113. Ibid. Thomas F. The Jews of Moslem Spain (Philadelphia.19. Levi-Provencal. Futuh Misr. Dozy. R. William Montgomery Watt and Pierre Cachia. 1967). Charles C. Glick. Watt and Cachia. Histoire generale du Languedoc (Toulouse." 11. L. Bachrach.17. ed. 24-26. 25. 98-9. 1972). Cronica Mozarabe. Chronicle of Fredegar. Krehl.M. 14. 768-900 (New York. J. The Jew as Ally of the Muslim (Notre Dame.113-14. Michel Rouche. Cutler. 21. The Goths. History. n. 98-99. Chronicle of Moissac MGH SS 1:291. ed. 89-90. Cutler and Helen E. 31. Jose Eduardo Lopez Pereira (Zaragoza. 19. Idem. 2:2:5. 1977). 216. 18. Evariste Levi-Provencal. 10-24. 93. Cronica Mozarabe. Eliyahu Ashtor. Rouche. Glick. "Les Aquitains. 22. 12. Allan H. Annals of Aniane.l. A Jewish Princedom in Feudal France. 14 and 32. Early Medieval Jewish Policy in Western Europe (Minneapolis. Analectes sur 1'histoire et la litterature des Arabes d'Espagne par al Makkari. L'Aquitaine. 37. Wright (Amsterdam. Rouche. 1986). "Les Aquitains. Cronica Mozarabe de 754. MGH SS 1:291. Histoire. 11. Ibid. n. 12. 23. History. 1875). 25. 20.d. ed. in Claude Devic and Jean Vaissette. 2:2:5. A History of Islamic Spain (Edinburgh. Thompson. Watt and Cachia. 96-99. L'Aquitaine. " 5-26. 1980). 29. 1977).
The successful establishment of this preda–tory base in Provence in 888 and its long duration (almost a century) was a sign of how ineffective local Christian resistance was by the late ninth century in the former Carolingian realm. 5:174. Charles Martel. AI-Kamil. 5:174. 44. Melikoff. 47. Histoire de 1'Afrique et de I'Espagne intitulee al-bayano 1– Maghrib. 1:49. Ibid.1:49. Levi-Provencal. Cronica Mozarabe. 217. Futuh Misr. Ibn al-Athir. 55. 46. Rouche. Ibn Idhari al-Marrakushi. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam. 2:39. 1985). 53. MGH SS 1:24. AI-Kamil fi t-Ta'rikh (Beirut. 41. Annals of Alemannia. Annals of Aniane. MGH SS 1:291. 54. Annals of St. Annals of Lorsch. Carcassonne. Chronicle of Moissac. 2:2:5. Ibid. Mercier and Sequin. Levi-Provencal. yet another Andulusi Muslim base was estab–lished in Francia at a coastal Provencal site called Fraxinetum in the Latin sources (jabal al-Qilal in the Arabic sources). 43.1:62. 2. 52. 45. Ibid. ser. Histoire. Eventually. 48. MGH SS 1:9. 42." 26. Fagnan (Algiers. 5:174.38. and Nimes.1:62. Ibn'Abd al-Hakam. AI-Kamil. Ibn al-Athir." Encyclopaedia of Islam. Futuh Misr. however. 56. 217. Ibn Idhari. 49. 39. ed. E. Charles was unable to capture Narbonne. I. 1901). AI-Kamil. Ibn al-Athir. While he decisively established Frankish supremacy in the Rhone valley. MGH SS 1:8. 51. Histoire. 89-91. "Ghazi. Avignon. Amand. Annales Petaviani. 50. "Les Aquitains. 17-19. 57. The purpose of Charles' subsequent drive south along the Rhone River in 737 was to dislodge the Muslims from their bases at Lyon. Chronicle of Fredegar. Ibn al-Athir. MGH SS 1:24. Without the Frankish army to assist them local military leaders were finally able to push out this last . Later. his son Pepin III ("the Short") succeeded in taking Narbonne with the assistance of the indigenous Christian population (759).1043-44. Histoire.100-01. 5:174. 40. after Carolingian power waned in the second half of the ninth century.
1990). l Sarraceni in Provenza in Liguria a nelle Alpi occidentale (Bordighera. Idem. Bruno Luppi. Franks.2 (1993)." Al-Mas udi Millennary Commemoration Volume (Aligarh. 1976). Stephen Weinberger. Les invasions des sarrasins en Provence (Marseilles. University of Pennsylvania.D. "The Hammer and the Crescent: Contacts Between Andulusi Muslims. 1982)139-40. 800-1100.1973). Provence et piraterie sarrasine (Paris.Muslim base under the skillful leadership of Count William of Arles (thereafter known as "the Liberator") in 972. 58. The Muslim Discovery of Europe (New York. and Their Successors in Three Waves of Muslim Expansion into Francia." in Speculum 48 (1973). "Mas udi on the Kings of the Franks. This article was first published in Providence: Studies in Western Civilization v. 61-97." in En terre d'Islam 1944/ 4 (Lyon. 1960). dissertation. Watson. 1971). 59. 7-10. Ibn al-Athir. 1944). reprinted in Etudes sur 1'histoire socioculturelle de 1'Islam (London. "Les Sarrasins en Avignon. 6:520-21. William E. . Al-Kamil." (Ph. Bernard Lewis. 1982). We thank the Department of Western Civilization at the the University of Providence and William Watson for their permission to republish this article. Gonzague De Rey. See especially Charles Pellat. "Peasant Households in Provence: ca. Philippe Senac.