THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE ENCYCLOPEDIA: A TEXTUAL ANALYSIS AND COMPARISON OF THE ENCYCLOPÆDIA BRITANNICA AND WIKIPEDIA A THESIS SUBMITTED

TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE MASTER OF ARTS BY MARK W. BELL BALL STATE UNIVERSITY ADVISOR: DR. JAMES W. CHESEBRO MAY 2007

ABSTRACT THESIS: The Transformation of the Encyclopedia: A Textual Analysis and

Comparison of the Encyclopædia Britannica and Wikipedia STUDENT: Mark Bell DEGREE: DATE: PAGES: Master of Arts May 2007 122

The purpose of this thesis is to explore the following research question: Are there grammatical textual differences between Encyclopædia Britannica and Wikipedia? Specifically, this study will focus on the articles for “Communism” and “Dwight D. Eisenhower” that appear in the online version of Encyclopædia Britannica and Wikipedia. Using a grammatical textual analysis, the study finds there is little difference grammatically between Encyclopædia Britannica and Wikipedia though they are very different types of systems. There are several different types of textual or contextual methods that could expand on this initial approach to find differences between Encyclopædia Britannica and Wikipedia.

Acknowledgements Many thanks to my thesis committee: Dr. James Chesebro, Chair, for guiding me through both the intellectual and mechanical process of qualitative graduate work; Dr. Michael Holmes, who directed my first work on Wikipedia; and Dr. John C. Dailey, who set important limits yet showed constant enthusiasm of my work. Thanks are also due to the entire Digital Storytelling graduate faculty and staff for their support, particularly Dr. Beth Messner, Dr. Dominic Caristi, Dr. Joe Misiewicz, Dr. Marcy Meyer, Department Chair Nancy Carlson, and Administrative Assistant Kris Scott. I would like to thank Mrs. Sarah Robbins who inspired my return to higher education and helped me realize so many dreams. I owe so much to this partner in mind, heart and spirit. You have challenged me to obtain the highest levels of what I am capable of by being a perfect role model. A special thanks to all the inspiring teachers I have had through out the years, but especially Mr. Bill Cox who taught me the search for knowledge never ends. Finally, I thank the editors, authors and readers of both Encyclopædia Britannica and Wikipedia. Collecting knowledge is a noble unending task, which you attempt with the best of intention and infinite zeal.

Table of Contents I. Introduction ..............................................................................................1 a. Argument for Significance .................................................................1 b. Encyclopædia Britannica ...................................................................3 c. The Wiki Way ....................................................................................3 d. Thesis .................................................................................................5 Literature Review ....................................................................................8 a. History of the Study of Encyclopedias ..............................................8 b. Technology’s affect on knowledge ....................................................11 c. Studies of Wikipedia ..........................................................................14 d. Critics of Wikipedia ...........................................................................15 e. Wikipedia and Britannica comparisons .............................................17 f. The Expert vs. the Collective .............................................................18 Methodology ............................................................................................24 a. The Corpus .........................................................................................25 b. Grammatical Textual Analysis ..........................................................27 Findings ...................................................................................................31 a. Readability Tests................................................................................31 b. Nominal Vs Verbal Results ...............................................................33 c. Fact and Value Statement Results......................................................35 d. System Analysis Results ....................................................................37 Discussion ................................................................................................40 a. Implications........................................................................................40 b. Limitations .........................................................................................41 c. Future Research .................................................................................42 References ................................................................................................44

II.

III.

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VII. Appendix A: Text Of Articles..................................................................49 Appendix B: Positive Terms ................................................................................102 Appendix C: Negative Terms ..............................................................................103 VIII. IX. Tables .......................................................................................................104 Figures......................................................................................................117

Introduction

Argument for Significance
Encyclopedias are attempts to create useful knowledge stores accessible to a general audience. They collect knowledge into a centralized location that is usually portable and allows the spread of information. Where did this idea come from and how did it get to where it is today? This work begins by looking at the history of encyclopedias; something Thoreau called “an abstract of human knowledge” (Thoreau, 2004, p. 176). Following that, the work describes Encyclopædia Britannica (EB) in detail and then the newest player in the game, Wikipedia (WP). This section concludes with the description of what the paper will cover and introduce a review of current literature. The notion of collecting knowledge into a centralized, accessible space is Greek in origin. The word, “encyclopedia” comes from the classic Greek " γκύκλια παιδεία"

(pronounced "enkyklia paideia") and means “circle of learning” (Kister, 1986, p. 1). Kister says an encyclopedia is “an attempt to encompass, or encircle, that knowledge deemed essential or universally worth knowing” (p. 1). An encyclopedia is certainly an attempt to make a collection. The purpose of this collection according to Collison (1966) is to “provide a well rounded education” (p. 21). This attempt to educate is never perfect, McArthur (1986) tracks the limits of this attempt in his first chapter showing all stored knowledge in any form we have today is “late, brief and fragile” (p. 3). This has not

2 stopped people from making the attempt to bridge what Yeo (2001) calls “the unbridgeable chasm between the knowledge contained in individual memory and the collective body of knowledge stored in an encyclopedia” (p. xi). This attempt started, like the word, with classic Greek. The history of the creation of a physical encyclopedia starts like most reference material with Greeks. Chinese and Arabic cultures also created these works of reference and one can assume others did so but they have been undocumented. Therefore most Western histories of encyclopedias start with Hellenic culture (Collison, 1966; Kister, 1986; MacArthur, 1986). Collison’s (1966) chronology (p. xii-xvi) begins with a family relative of Plato, Speusippos (c. 370 BCE), then mentions Canto’s Praecepta ad filium (c. 183 BCE), and Varro’s Discplinarum (c. 50 BCE). These BCE documents acted as the seeds of things to come. The encyclopedia tradition continued through Pliny’s Historia naturalis (77 CE), Richard of St Victor’s Liber exceptionum (1140), and Ephraim Chamber’s Cyclopedia (1728). The major encyclopedias of the last 300 years have been Chamber’s work, famous for cross referencing (Collison, 1966, p. 21); Denis Diderot’s Encylopédie and the Encyclopædia Britannica. Chamber’s work which was arranged alphabetically. He tried to link articles with common themes providing a “view of knowledge” diagram in the introduction (see Figure 1.1) Diderot’s work was “future directed” (McArthur, 1986 p. 105) and “animated by the idea of social progress and the desirability of change” (McArthur, 1986 p. 103). These works, in the era of the Scottish enlightenment, influenced Bell and Macfarquhar to create the Encyclopædia Britannica.

3

Encyclopædia Britannica
Colin Macfarquhar and Andrew Bell first published the EB in Scotland in 1771 (Collison, 1966, p. xv). Through out its history, EB has tried to collect all significant human knowledge into a single collection of articles. The model followed by EB is an expert creates an article, an editorial staff reviews and revises it (Pang, 1998). The articles are then published in a paper edition of the EB. There is no audience input into the data in the encyclopedia. However, while publishing models and content have changed slightly, the storage and presentation of the data remained constant until the late twentieth century when EB made CD-ROM and online versions available (Encyclopædia Britannica, 15th edition section, 2007). The 15th edition of the EB is the culmination of his process. It has acted for many years as the definitive source for encyclopedic knowledge. This study defines “encyclopedic knowledge” as a broad overview based on primary and secondary sources of a topic in the form of a short piece of prose called an article. This is not a primary or even secondary source in itself, but a tertiary overview of a topic.

The Wiki Way
In early 2001, a fundamental shift in technology occurred. An encyclopedia based on wiki technology, known as Wikipedia ( http://wikipedia.org) debuted on the World Wide Web. Ward Cunningham created the first wiki in 1995 to help computer developers share code portions ("Wiki," 2006, "History"). Each developer could house code samples on the wiki and allow others to edit or use them. Since then, there have been several versions of wiki software created and many wikis put online. They can be private wikis

4 with a closed network of contributors and viewers such as a school or business or have an open structure to allow anyone with internet access. The largest, most prominent wiki existing today is the Wikipedia. Larry Singer and Jimmy Wales started the Wikipedia (www.wikipedia.org) in January 2001. They formed the non-profit Wikimedia foundation to administrate the Wikipedia. Wales describes Wikipedia as "an effort to create and distribute a multilingual free encyclopedia of the highest possible quality to every single person on the planet in their own language" ("Wikipedia: Overview FAQ," 2006, "What is Wikipedia?"). Wikipedia is a collection of entries, called articles that cover any information participants choose to add. It has grown to 4.6 million articles in dozens of languages and has over three million registered contributors (Statistics, 2007). The entire project is user-created and user-reviewed content. Though some have criticized it for its openness, it is becoming a trusted encyclopedia resource. The New York Times reported on January 29th, 2007 that “more than 100 judicial rulings have relied on Wikipedia, beginning in 2004, including 13 from circuit courts of appeal, one step below the Supreme Court” (Cohen, 2007). According to the traffic-monitoring site Alexa.com, a fundamental shift happened mid-way through 2003 when based on daily traffic wikipedia.org became more popular than britannica.com. This gap has increased dramatically since then (Figure 1.2), so that wikipedia.org is one of the top 10 sites in the entire internet and Britanica.com has gone from a rank near 1000 to around a rank of 5000 in early 2007. This shows WP has become the dominant reference site on the internet.

5 The broad question of technology and its influences and ability to shape knowledge is a huge topic. To narrow this study’s focus, I will focus on technology’s affect on the most basic elements of knowledge. For this paper, these basic elements are statements or claims of facts and statements or claims of values. The core questions ar, “How are statements of facts and statements of values presented in EB and WP and will a grammatical textual analysis detect differences in how each encyclopedia identifies and characterized a statement of fact and a statement of value?”

Thesis
Before defining statements of facts and statements of values in terms of this paper, it is important to explain the contents of the statements of facts or statements on values of either publication are not the focus. The factual or ethical correctness of these works is not my concern. How those statements of facts and values are communicated grammatically through text is of interest. A more abstract view, provided by grammatical textual reference, of how editors in EB and WP create these structures will yield insight into their basic natures. For this work, Pfau, Thomas, and Ulrich's (1987, p. 111) definitions of the components of statements of facts and statements of values act as a guide. A statement of fact is the combination of a source of the evidence and the proof, provided by that source that validates the statement of fact. These component structures combine to constitute validity. This study is interested in what provides those components--not the specific content of the containers for a particular statement of fact. A statement of value has a definitive aspect and a designative one. The definitive aspect

6 provides a definition that the value is then measured against with the designative aspect (See Figure 1.3). It is clear that each artifact will contain statements of facts and statements of values, but technology may change their contents. This change may result from the product of the technologies or the process the technology facilitates. In EB, the product is the end of the process. Though EB has a policy of continuous editing (defined as revision of an article once a decade), it seems geological in speed compared to WP’s continuous real-time editing. In the case of WP, the result is the process itself, as the artifacts themselves may be changed at any moment. For EB the source of statements of facts and the proof provided is all expertdriven. Credentials define the validity of these experts. Likewise, experts define any value statements in EB and then an expert determines if the definitive criteria are met. This again shows the closed nature of EB. In the case of WP, the collective editors make statement of fact and statement of value decisions. Validity is not dependant on credentials, but on agreement. WP applies the definitive and designative model to statements of facts also. The agreement on a definition and the agreement on meeting that definition are in the hands of the collective for both statements of facts and statements of arguments. The collective, which can include experts but does not need to, provides a more open environment of continuous change. This study narrows the focus to the change in technology between the web version of EB and the material contained in Wikipedia. The artifacts of this study will be corresponding articles in the online version of EB and WP. Though it is online, the web

7 version of EB is still created, stored and presented like the paper version of EB (Pang 1989). The methods section defines why particular articles are chosen and the categories they were drawn from. This study will cover a grammatical textual analysis of EB and WP articles and measure the grammatical differences effects on statements of facts and statements of values within the articles. These differences at the fact and value level will reveal larger implications of how the change in technology to storage and presentation affect the data. The measurement of the changes to fact and value statements are determined using readability, content and systems analysis.

Literature Review To understand and place this study in context, previous histories of encyclopedias need to be reviewed. This review shows that though encyclopedic in nature, previous histories have not encompassed the new changes that WP brings to the form. The review traces the effect digital technology has had on knowledge to provide further context for WP’s affects on epistemology. The study shows the significance of studying Wikipedia and then reviews previous comparative studies of WP and EB. Finally, this study shows the gaps in current research of the effects of this technology on statements of facts and statements of values.

History of the Study of Encyclopedias
The earliest collected histories of encyclopedias were chronological catalogues with little understanding of how technology may affect them. The first comes from A. J. Patt’s Encyclopedias; How to Use and Evaluate Them (1933). Following that, the next major work is R.L. Collison’s Encyclopaedias: Their History throughout the Ages (1966). This work includes a complete chronology up to the 1960’s and includes references to not only western encyclopedias but also Arabic and Asian works. Collison centers the work on Bacon, Diderot and EB. Collison also concludes that encyclopedia’s will never “escape serious criticism” and in the end ‘the ultimate responsibility of any encyclopedia article rest with its writer – to a certain extent it remains the viewpoint of

9 one man” (Collison, 1966, p. 233) Collison, however, has no concept of the future of encyclopedias and technology’s affect on them. Early research into encyclopedias centered on readability levels and if they were appropriate for intermediate grades. Dohrman (1974) looked at the readability level of several encyclopedias, including EB and found “the readability of eight major multivolume encyclopedias presents evidence that serious questions their suitability for reference use by the majority of students in the intermediate grades” (Dohrman, 1974, p. 151). In 1982, MacCormick and Pursel performed a similar study to “assess the range of reading difficulty in three sets of encyclopedias by correlating readability with grade levels” (MacCormick and Pursel, 1982, abstract) by looking at Academic American Encyclopedia, the Encyclopedia Britannica, and World Book. These studies have provided an initial look into readability, but do not compare the readability of online encyclopedias. Measuring readability of EB and WP, may show a difference or similarity between EB and WP. Even when the idea of technological impact is introduced, it is not covered in depth. The idea of computers being the newest technology to affect encyclopedias is first seen in T. McArthur’s Worlds of Reference: Lexicography, Learning, and Language from the Clay Tablet to the Computer (1986). The work deals not only with encyclopedias, but also with all reference books. Like other histories, it covers the form from the ancient to modern world but concludes with two chapters on technological effects on reference books. Though written before the World Wide Web, McArthur predicts new technologies will change the producer/consumer relationship stating the entire relationship will undergo a “profound sea change” (McArthur 1986, p. 171).

10 This simplistic notion of technology’s effect continued into the 1990’s. K.F. Kister’s 1994’s Best Encyclopedias: A Guide to General and Specialized Encyclopedias continues McArthur’s electronic notions in encyclopedia studies. The book is essentially an annotated list of encyclopedias, which lists the bibliographic facts, an evaluation and ways to purchase over seventy reference books. Where Kister’s work is interesting is in the introductory sections. He includes a short description of an encyclopedia and why anyone would need one. He then describes in an almost quaint fashion what makes a good encyclopedia salesman and if there is any value in a second hand encyclopedia, Kister (1986) touches on a new notion. He answers the question “won’t computers replace encyclopedias?” (p. 10) Kister concludes that computers, though becoming more pervasive, will never replace encyclopedias. Computerized encyclopedias are just electronic versions of printed material that are expensive and require advanced technology like modems and “CD platters” (p. 11). Kister, of course, had no idea of the huge changes to come. These changes may have effects on online encyclopedias, like WP and EB, at the fundamental levels of use of parts of speech or use of statements of fact and value. The first interpretations of the effects of technology on EB were how it would affect EB commercially. Aucter (1999), a reference librarian at Ohio State University, saw the digitizing of encyclopedias changing Britannica. She wrote that EB had decided to go online and was going to face increased competition in the new marketplace. However, several of these works begin to hint at a massive shift coming in encyclopedias and knowledge management; the history of reference material is being written at an intense pace in a period of constant change. The changes this will have on knowledge

11 itself begin to become a topic of much interest as the computer revolution begins in earnest.

Technology’s effect on knowledge
MacArthur’s (1986) work is the beginning of the link between technology and a change to reference material. Further work centered on the changes to scholarship. In Provenzo’s (1986) Beyond the Gutenberg Galaxy: Microcomputers and the Emergence of Post-typographic Culture continues these ideas. Provenzo discusses the emergence of the information culture as product of a post-typographical culture. He parallels the Guttenberg printing revolution with the information revolution still its infancy while he was writing. Provenzo (1986) also predicts the development of an “electronic scriptorium” (p. 49) where scholarship will change and concludes, drawing on McCluhan, that there is a fundamental shift in the concepts of knowledge and intelligence coming in the future. Both McArthur and Provenzo dealt with computers as stand-alone tools, not as nodes in a network. The concept of networking these machines together to create knowledge networks began to show how the new information revolution would take shape. Haywood in 1995’s Info Rich/info Poor: Access and Exchange in the Global Information Society began to see how that digital divide would affect knowledge management. Haywood traces how knowledge moves through past cultures to the connected open systems of the present. This open concept adds another corner piece into the puzzle of how technology will affect knowledge.

12 These changes were seen to affect the business community. In 1995, D. Murray’s Knowledge Machines: Language and Information in a Technological Society takes a linguistic approach to knowledge dissemination in a networked age. Murray centers on the technology’s effects in the workplace. He also sees the computer taking on different roles. Instead of being for just computation, it becomes a medium of communication, acting like a “knowledge broker” (Murray, 1995, p. 128). The notion of information and community being created in a virtual community is shown by Fernback’s (1997), “The individual within the collective: Virtual ideology and the Realization of Collective principles” (p. 36). The article amounts to a high-level view of the nascent communities on the internet like the WELL and Usenet groups. She covers not only how the communities work, but also how dissent is realized and celebrated in the anarchist culture of these communities. Most of these descriptions of the effect of technology still end in vague futurist comments and relied on metaphors to past revolutions. Robertson (1998) continues the theme of information revolution in terms of older revolutions with The New Renaissance: Computers and the Next Level of Civilization. He sees the technology affecting everyone down to the tools school children use to learn but again the exact form of how the changes to knowledge by technology would take place are hedged in vague future-ism. That is until, Lévy (2001). Lévy put together the notions of collective collaboration and a world of networked computers to create the idea of collective intelligence. In doing so, Lévy essentially predicts WP. Lévy defines collective intelligence as “a form of universally distributed intelligence, constantly enhanced, coordinated in real time, and resulting in

13 the effective mobilization of skills” (Lévy, 2001, p. 13). Lévy not only takes the notion of connected computers facilitating knowledge exchange and community building but it moves a step further, asserting, that this knowledge space was inherently a social practice that had an open structure and is a sharp contrast to the rational, closed nature of book culture. His ideas seeded later works to come, Jenkins (2006), and certainly influence the creation of WP by Wales in 2001. After the creation of the wiki and WP’s rise in popularity, speculation on its effects on knowledge became more common. In Norman’s(2005), From Gutenberg to the Internet: A Sourcebook on the History of Information Technology WP is mentioned as a novel new form of internet publication. The introduction compared WP to EB and noted how it had already superseded EB in number of articles and languages. Naturally, the ideas of Lévy were linked to WP. Benkler (2006) and Jenkins (2006) begin to connect the concept of knowledge sharing in WP to Levy’s ideas of collective intelligence. Benkler’s Wealth of Networks describes at a high level WP’s working and how it is an example of peer production and sharing of knowledge. He also compares EB and WP to show how Wikipedia is part of a “networked information economy” (Benkler, 2006, p. 70). In Jenkins’ Convergence Culture (2006), three concepts are related to each other: “media convergence, participatory culture and collective intelligence” (p. 2). Though Jenkins spends most of his time on popular culture, in his conclusion he states the Wikipedia process works because of a “moral economy of information” (p. 255). Therefore, a shift to more networked collective knowledge systems is becoming a topic of interest. The effects on knowledge are still becoming clear but more research into

14 the differences between older forms of knowledge delivery and new ones will yield more insights. The most prominent player in what Lévy (2001) calls the “knowledge space” (p. 210) is Wikipedia. First, in terms of traffic and popularity, Wikipedia is extremely important. It is the only non-commercial site in Alexa’s top ten (Wikipedia.org, Current Position, 2007) and has over 1.6 million articles with 116 million edits (Statistics, Site Statistics, 2007)). Judges have used Wikipedia as a citable source (Cohen, 2007) and both congress and the intelligence community are using wikis to share information.

Studies of Wikipedia
Most published commentary written about Wikipedia and wikis in general over the last few years has been in trade or business publications, such as Fernando (2005) and in publications like Strategic Collaboration Management, or on blogs. Some academic research has been done though. Most early academic mentions are of whether Wikipedia should be used or cited; see, for example, McArthur (2006). In recent years, research into Wikipedia has been semantic in nature. Holloway, Božicevic and Borner (2006), have reported a semantic analysis of Wikipedia covering a number of articles and categories of articles. The paper however does not contain a grammatical textual analysis of those articles. This data reveals semantic clusters in Wikipedia based on categories that are well maintained by editors and bots. The rapid growth of WP has also been a subject of study. Capocci et al in “Preferential attachment in the growth of social networks: the case of Wikipedia” uses social network modeling with Wikipedia to predict the growth patterns of Wikipedia.

15 They find that this growth pattern is a “close analogy with that of the World Wide Web, despite the very different growth mechanism” (Abstract). Zlatnic et al. performed similar analysis (2006) but compare the linking between articles in different languages and find similarities pointing to a “unique growth process” (p. 9) across languages. There has been textual analysis done of WP, but it is centered on genre. In Elia’s 2006 analysis of the writing in Wikipedia as compared to EB, she finds Wikipedia creates a new textual genre. This genre includes “WikiLanguage, the language used in official encyclopaedic articles” and “WikiSpeak, the spoken-written language used by Wkipedians” (Abstract). Her work covers a hundred articles and provides textual analysis statistics on the articles but the textual analysis centers on the forms created by the new genres. The comparison of EB and WP on several levels (readability, nominal vs. verbal, and statements of facts and values) could show the differences or similarities between expert-driven and collective-driven systems. In the last few months, the economic and business benefits of wikis and Wikipedia have become known in the work of Tapscott and Williams and the articles of Semple.

Critics of Wikipedia
With Wikipedia’s success came increased criticism. Such a new mode of creation upsetting of the expert-driven apple cart was sure to create discontent. Most of these criticisms center on the reliability, validity and place in education of this new encyclopedia. One method of WP criticism is to take an evaluative model of expert-driven systems and apply it to the collective-driven system of WP. This type of analysis does not

16 take into account the nature of the differences between EB and WP. In 2005, Wallace and Van Fleet applied the reference evaluation criteria from Katz’s Introduction to Reference Work to Wikipedia. These criteria are purpose, authority, scope, audience, cost, and format. Wallace and Van Fleet find Wikipedia does not “stand up to the kind of scrutiny typically applied in evaluation of reference resources” (p.102), but also admits by its nature, Wikipedia is “unlike any other encyclopedic source in existence” (p. 103). Also, in 2005, Denning, Horning, Parnas and Weinstein, warn that relying on Wikipedia presents numerous risks including accuracy, motives, uncertain expertise, volatility, coverage and sources. They conclude that Wikipedia is “an interesting social experiment in knowledge compilation and codification. However, it cannot attain the status of a true encyclopedia without more formal content-inclusion and expert review procedures” (p. 152). Both these works apply expert-driven criteria to a collective-driven system. An editorial in Nature advises researchers to “read Wikipedia cautiously and amend it enthusiastically” (Nature, 2005). The editorial offers a solution to the validity issues in the fact that anyone can update Wikipedia. Critics have also claimed WP robs humanity. The most visible and public critic of Wikipedia over the last year has been Jaron Lanier. In his May 2006 article in Edge entitled “On "Digital Maoism: The Hazards of the New Online Collectivism". Lanier criticizes Wikipedia’s rise in status and he sees this as a resurgence of the idea the “collective is all-wise” (Lanier, ¶ 2). Directly contradicting Lévy, Lanier feels this hivemind is a dangerous tool to any extreme ideology and fears for the individual mind’s future that loses the individual’s contribution in the knowledge. Criticizing a collective knowledge project with millions of registered users (Statistics, 2007) removes much of

17 the weight of Lanier’s argument. Looking at the statements of facts and values in WP and EB might give insight into the effect the collective writing process has on ethical issues like Lanier is concerned about. The effect WP will have on humanity is a concern of many critics but again a lack of understanding of how WP works may cause vague fears and predictions. In “Can History Be Open Source? Wikipedia and the Future of the Past” Rosenzweig (2006) describes how history is being written by Wikipedia and how contrary it is to individualist view of historical scholarship. Again, he ends with more questions than answers about how Wikipedia will affect the study of history. Also, works like Skiba (2005) ask the questions of how Wikipedia will influence academic research among students and how to evaluate student work dependant upon Wikipedia. These critiques come as Wikipedia grows and increases its reach. The single most reoccurring question about Wikipedia is the validity of its articles and how that stands against the flag bearer of the old guard, EB.

Wikipedia and Britannica comparisons
A dozen metaphors could be applied to comparing WP to EB. WP certainly is the new gunslinger in town or the new kid in the playground but all of these add up to the same inevitable conflict. How does the new mode of the collectively created online encyclopedia compare to the expert-driven EB? WP now has hundreds of thousands more articles that EB. Who determines what makes one valid or not? This is a value argument, but that has not stopped people from trying to determine the most correct reference work. Comparing EB and WP and a basic building block level may give insights into similarities and differences.

18 The most well-known of these comparisons was done by Nature magazine in 2005. Nature chose 50 articles from the online versions of WP and EB in the areas of science. Nature stripped each of these entries of identifying material and sent them to be peer reviewed. Nature selected these reviewers based on their credentials. This methodology results in the finding that “the average science entry in Wikipedia contained around four inaccuracies; Britannica, about three.” This article caused more debate on the subject and has since been contested by EB (Giles, Update 2). In a written statement from EB on its corporate website, EB described the Nature study “focused exclusively on factual accuracy, disregarding other important properties of encyclopedias, such as the organization of information, the quality of writing, and the readability of the articles” (Fatally Flawed, 2006, p. 3). Reminiscent of Dohrman (1974), and MacCormick and Pursel (1982) readability is an important measure to EB. Studies of encyclopedias and especially the effect of digital technology on them have been happening for years. Such studies need to go beyond the high level listing of differences. Researchers need to do further comparisons between these two reference giants. This thesis aims to expand on the work of Elia (2006) to compare the text of WP and EB. This study is not a test of factual validity. Rather this analysis begins at a more fundamental level, and it asks how the texts of the two encyclopedias are and are not different. Once such textual differences and similarities are known, questions of reliability and validity can be defined and then assessed. Accordingly, the focus here is on how the text on the same subject in EB and WP is or is not different. This thesis uses grammatical textual analysis methods outlined in the next chapter to determine the effects of the technologies on the text.

19

The Expert vs. the Collective
The greatest difference between EB and WP is how each is written and edited. EB is expert-driven. EB authors, a group of people that meet a certain level of credentials defined by EB, write the articles. The work of these authors is then reviewed and vetted by a group of editors who are in the employ of EB. All of these people are expected to be experts, meaning they are knowledgeable in the area they are writing on and have more than likely attained credentials in that area. Anyone can write a WP article. There is no language, education or skill level required to create an article. Some level of computer knowledge is needed to navigate to WP and click the edit button but this is the minimum required. Similarly, anyone can edit someone else’s article. Again, there are no credentials required to edit the text in WP. It is not unimaginable that such a fundamental difference in the mechanics of creation might have an effect on the text of articles on the same subjects. Therefore, it could be asked what are there differences between statements of facts and values or what are there difference in how open or closed are the systems of EB and WP. More specifically, DuBay (2004) shifts our attention two how readable the two encyclopedias are, and he defines readability as “what  makes  some  texts  easier  to  read   than  others”  (p.  3).  It  uses  different  statistic  measures  of  the  text  (number  of  words,   average  number  of  syllables,  average  number  of  words  per  sentence)  to  gauge  at   what  level  a  text  can  be  understood.  In  the  past  (Dohrman,1974; MacCormick and Pursel, 1982), these readability tests have been done on encyclopedias. The expert-driven encyclopedia systems were shown to require high levels of reading ability for

20 comprehension (Dohrman;1974). The online version of EB would be expected to continue this trend because a group of experts also controls the content of the text. It could be asked then how might a collective writing and editing process effect readability. When a WP article is entered into the system or edited it is not automatically tested for a level of readability. This could create articles of mixed readability levels. A Phd’s sentence in WP could be followed or edited by a nine-year old having difficulty with remedial reading. If fact, even before WP, there were concerns about stylistic congruity in collaboratively written texts (Glover and Hirst, 1995 and Baljko; 1997). WP is collaboratively written and there is no automatic assessing of the readability of the text, so its level of readability could be vastly different from the controlled and monitored system of EB. Comparing the readability of EB and WP would show how the collective writing and editing processes of WP matches up with the established high level in EB. Therefore, in this thesis I sought to determine if there is or is not any difference between the readability indexes of EB and WP. At  an  equally  important  level,  the  texts  of  EB  and  WP  might  be  analyzed  in   terms  of  building  blocks  of  sentences,  verbs  and  nouns.  They  are  essential  to  each   sentence.  A  text  heavy  in  nouns  vs.  one  heavy  in  verbs  may  have  fundamentally   different  characteristics.  For  example,  “A  dog  is  a  four-­‐legged  barking  animal”   defines  and  it  does  so  with  a  strong  emphasis  on  nouns  giving  the  sentence  a   definitional  or  nominal  quality.  Compare  that  to  the  more  functional  analysis  in,   “The  dog  eats,  plays  and  jumps.”  The  second  sentence  is  about  action,  not  concrete   definition.    In  this  thesis,  I  sought  to  determine  if  some  types  of  encyclopedias  were   more  nominal  (defining  the  world  in  terms  of  things)  or  more  verbal  (defining  the  

21 world  in  terms  of  functions).    Santini  (2006)  has  applied  this  type  of  nominal/verbal   analysis  to  the  text  of  web  pages.    Santini  defines  nominal  texts  as  “nouns  are  the   main  bearers  of  information,  therefore  all  features  connected  to  nouns  are  included   here,  for  instance  noun  phrases,  prepositional  complements,  pre-­‐modifiers  of  a   nominal,  determiners,  etc.”  (p.  86)  and  verbal  texts  as    “verbs  and  their  attributes   represent  the  core  features  of  this  text  type,  together  with  many  other  verbal   features,  for  instance  verb  particles,  finite  auxiliary  predicators,  non-­‐finite  auxiliary   predicators,  etc”  (p.  68).  As  a  working  hypothesis  on  might—for  example—suggest   that  the  expert-­‐driven  system  of  EB  would  seek  to  establish  definitions  of  what   exists  in  the  texts,  phenomenologically.    Accordingly,  in  EB  would  include  a  higher   percentage  of  nouns  and  definitions  than  the  action-­‐oriented  WP.  In  this  way,  we   could  expect  EB  to  possess  a  quality  of  definition  in  its  articles  and  therefore  it  s   expected  it  would  be  predominantly  nominal  in  nature.      The  collectively  written   and  edited  WP  may  have  a  very  different  make  up.  Again,  since  there  is  no  expert   hand  guiding  the  process,  the  resulting  text  might  not  even  define  the  subject  of  the   article.  Thus,  in  this  thesis,  a  powerful  question  emerges:  Is  a  collectively  written   document  be  as  nominal  as  an  expert  created  one  can?   In  terms  of  facts  and  values,  the  editors  of  an  encyclopedia  can  have  many   approaches.  McArthur  (1986)  defines  these  as  ranging  from  dogmatic  to  naive  (p.   55-­‐56)  and  includes  the  attempt  at  neutrality.    The  expert-­‐driven  system  of  EB  is   expected  to  have  this  neutrality  and  credibility.  On  the  EB  website,  the  main  reason   someone  should  use  EB  is  that  it  “offers the quality and breadth you have come to trust”

22 ( Frequently Asked Questions, 2006). In Reason magazine, David Weinberger is quoted as saying, “If you open up a copy of Britannica, you are right to believe that what you read is credible. Something gets credibility simply by being in Britannica, though it is not necessarily true.” (Mangu-Ward, 2006). WP attempts to attain this level of neutrality by having a policy of Neutral Point of View (NPOV). WP states, “All Wikipedia articles and other encyclopedic content must be written from a neutral point of view (NPOV), representing fairly and without bias all significant views that are attributable to reliable published source(s).” (Wikipedia: Neutral point of view, ¶1, 2007). It also recommends “assert facts, including facts about opinions — but do not assert the opinions themselves.” (Wikipedia: Neutral point of view, A simple formulation section, 2007). In this sense, facts are defined as “a piece of information about which there is no serious dispute” (Wikipedia: Neutral point of view, A simple formulation section, 2007) and value or opinion as “a piece of information about which there is some dispute" (Wikipedia: Neutral point of view, A simple formulation section, 2007). Again, these are guidelines for the writing of articles in WP. An editor my never read the NPOV in WP. So does the collectively written, WP obtain the level of neutrality and credibility expected from EB? Comparing the statements facts and value statements between EB and WP may give an indication of how close WP is to an assumed neutral credible source. Finally based on Brock et al’s criteria each of these systems is open but to what degree. The expert-driven system certainly has governors on who enters information and at what rate it enters. The collective-based WP has a completely different rate o change with thousands of edits happening daily. As an analogy, EB is a faucet dripping into half

23 filled bath tub monitored by a trusted hand. WP is the same bath tub being filled by dozens of fully engaged fire hoses. Does this rate of change in an open have any effect on the text itself? The rate of water in the analogy would certainly have an effect on the tub and the bathroom. In all, given the survey of literature provided in this chapter, several questions have emerged. A formal statement of these research questions is appropriate.

Research Questions
RQ 1 - Are there differences of readability indexes between EB and WP? RQ 2 - Are there grammatical nominal vs. verbal differences between EB and WP? RQ 3 - Are there grammatical differences in fact and value statement differences between EB and WP? RQ 4 – Does the rate of change effect in the open systems of EB and WB effect the text?

Methodology The main method of this paper is textual analysis. This method is not uncommon in communication studies (see Gottschalk,1997 and Franzosi, 1997 among many others). This textual analysis will center on parts of speech and explicit language forms. In this section, this paper describes the articles used and the corpus drawn from the subjects. The choice of articles in WP and EB is explained. Then, the grammatical textual analyses methods used to compare the corpus are outlined. This includes readability indexes, nominal vs. verbal frequency, and fact and value statement analysis. Finally, the paper does a systems analysis of both the online version of EB and WP. This compares Brock et al.’s (1973) criteria for an open system to the online version of EB and WP to determine if each system is open or closed.

Subjects
This paper compares similar items of the web version of EB and WP. The paper version of EB may have constraints, such as article length, and copying it into electronic form would open the possibility for textual errors. The web version of EB, britannica.com, opened in 1994. It is a pay service that requires a subscription fee of $69.95 per year. According to britannica.com, the online version of EB contains “over 122,264 articles, an updated world atlas, thousands of images and videos, an online dictionary and thesaurus, and thousands of articles from 403

25 respected magazines and journals” (Free Trial Activation page, 2007). The online version of EB is found at britannica.com. The WP is “is a multilingual, Web-based, free content encyclopedia project” (Main Page, 2007). WP is free for anyone to use. WP has “over six million articles in 250 languages, including 1.6 million in the English edition” (Statistics, 2007). WP is found at wikipedia.org.

The Corpus
The articles looked at in this paper were chosen by relevance sampling. The criteria for choosing relevant articles are availability, completeness, and level of controversy. To accurately study differences between EB and WP, the sample article must be present. Since WP has hundreds of thousands more articles than EB, this paper uses articles that appear in WP and EB. These articles would need to have a lasting cultural resonance. The “Communism” article appears in both EB and WP. It meets EB and WP standards of completeness and is a controversial topic. The “Dwight D. Eisenhower” article also appears in both WP and EB. It also meets EB and WP standards of completeness and any description of a presidential term includes numerous fact and value statements. The articles must be complete. This is not a large problem in EB but WP has what are called “stub” articles. Wikipedia defines a stub as “a short article in need of expansion” (Stub, ¶ 1). The articles chosen for this study are not stub articles. Both articles were 2006 Wikipedia CD Selections. This CD was created in April 2006 and is intended to be “of particular interest to schools or children” (2006 Wikipedia CD

26 Selection, ¶ 2). Each article has also received a “B” classification on WP’s quality scale. (Communism talk page, Dwight D. Eisenhower talk page). This scale is defined by the Wkipedians to gauge the quality of certain articles. Also choosing an article in flux, such as Anna Nicole Smith or President George W. Bush, would be problematic to evaluate. A moving target may lead to inaccuracies. Finally, the articles chosen should include both statements of facts and statements of values. For instance, an article on “8-track tapes” may be nostalgic but would not harbor many value statements. The “Communism” and “Dwight D. Eisenhower” articles both involve politics, which is certainly a value-laden topic. In addition, a number or people, places, things and dates meet the factual requirement for the corpus. It is important also when dealing with WP to understand that the articles are in constant update. For this reason, the corpus includes the revision of the Eisenhower article time stamped 21:41, 9 March 2007 and the communism article time stamped 21:08, 9 March 2007. The two articles were downloaded from britannica.com on March 9, 2007. To perform an accurate grammatical textual analysis the corpus must be in the most textually pure format possible. This includes removing formatting, web mechanics not relevant to the article and graphics. What should remain is only the text of the article and any punctuation. Each article is downloaded as a print version, selected and copied to the clipboard, pasted into MS Notepad and stored as a text file. This strips out any text formatting and graphics. Each article may contain residual web text, which is deleted. This residual web text includes things like citation information and phrases like “Back to top”.

27

Grammatical Textual Analysis
Grammatical textual analysis or content analysis is defined by Krippendorff (2004) as “a research technique for making replicable and valid inferences from texts (or other meaningful matter) to the contexts of their use” (p. 18). This paper uses the online versions of EB and WP and compares their readability, nominal vs. verbal nature, and presentation of statements of facts and statements of values. WP and EB will be compared on the content of the text not the context of correctness or validity. These measures will show any structural differences between the same article in EB and WP. Readability is an index variable that is applied to texts. Krippendorff (2004) states an index is “a variable whose significance rests on its correlation with other phenomenon” (p. 58). He goes on to list tests by Flesch and how those tests are used by insurance companies and the military (p.58). Like Dohrman, MacCormick and Pursel before, EB feels readability is an “important property” (Fatally Flawed, 2006, p. 3) of an encyclopedia. Though readability on its own may not draw significance, if there was a wide difference between EB and WP something may be inferred. The readability tests used are Gunning Fog index, Coleman Liau index, Flesch Kincaid Grade level, ARI (Automated Readability Index), SMOG, and Flesch Reading Ease. The source of each of these scales, calculations involved and results expected are shown in Table 1. The website, Online Utility - Free Online Software, Computer Programs, Computer Tools, Widgets... (http://www.online-utility.org/), is used to run these tests. Averaging the scores for the two articles and comparing EB to WP will answer RQ1.

28 Whether each text is verbal or nominal is another index variable that will answer RQ2. This paper compares EB and WP to determine which is more nominal and which is more verbal. This method focuses on explicit language forms or parts of speech such as verbs and nouns. This is only one level that a nominal/verbal analysis could be done. Looking at the definitional modes could be done through the lens of nominal/verbal along with a more functional analysis. The method of the paper deals with grammatical text building blocks, such as nouns and verbs, to see if there is any difference between EB and WP at this level. This paper uses four methods to determine the nominal or verbal nature of a text. First, the 100 most frequently used words (excluding Glasgow Stop Words) are classified by part of speech and the ratio of verbs vs. nouns calculated. This paper uses the “List Words” tool, which is part of the TAPoR Text analysis tool from McMaster University (http://taporware.mcmaster.ca). This tool lists the words, excluding the Glasgow Stop Words, and gives the number of occurrences of each. The 100 most frequently used words of each of these texts is entered into an Excel spreadsheet and the researcher determines the part of speech of each word. Some words are clearly nouns, some verbs and some could be other parts of speech or it might depend on context. This study is interested in words that are clearly verbs or nouns. From these counts, the researcher will calculate the percentage of verbs, nouns or other parts of speech that are in the 100 most frequently used words in the article. Next, the researcher compares the two texts for word frequency in each article relative to its counterpart article. The top 25 words with the greatest ratio or difference between EB and WP are then compared. Using the TAPoR Text analysis tool

29 “Comparator” a list of all the words in two documents compared to each other and their ratios are displayed. For instance, if the word “dog” appears in only one of the two documents it will have a higher ratio in one document over the other. This study will take the 25 words from each document that have the highest ratio of difference for each document, and then determine their type of speech. From this, the researcher will count the number of verbs and nouns. This test also removes the Glasgow Stop Words. Next, the researcher uses the TAPoR Text analysis tool “word pair” to list the top 100 word pairs of each text. The researcher will then code each pair as verbal or nominal. The researcher then calculates the ratio of nominal to verbal phrases for each text. Finally, of the first 100 words of each article, the researcher counts the number of nouns and verbs and calculates a noun/verb ratio for each article. This again will be using the TAPoR Text analysis tool but will not exclude the Glasgow Stop Words. To understand the fact and value statement definitions from the introduction the presence and importance of statements of facts and statements of values in the text are indexed. He researcher will again use the TAPor tools. First, the number and variety of dates in each text is counted. The years in each article will are compared between EB and WP to find any differences. Second, in the 100 most frequently used words for each article, the researcher counts each unique proper name. Then, the researcher compares these numbers between EB and WP. Finally, the researcher analyzes each corpus for positive and negative judgment words. Occurrences of these value judgment words (Appendix B and Appendix C) are counted and the totals will be compared for each article. These measures will answer RQ3.

30 Finally, to answer RQ4, a systems analysis the EB and WP sites is performed. This systems analysis is based on the Brock et al (1973) model of an open system. In this model, an open system has four major operating characteristics:

1. Open systems import energy from the environment and transform energy in order to export some product in to the environment, which furnishes the source of energy to repeat the cycle. 2. Open systems may store energy and arrest entropy or the natural tendency of a system to disorganize. 3. Open systems may import inputs of an informative nature which provide signals about the nature of the environment and the functioning of the system in the environment. 4. The ratio of energy remains the same in an open system until the system moves in the direction of differentiation and specialization of function. EB online and WP will be held up to these criteria to determine if it they are closed or open systems. The results of these methods will give an overall difference or similarity between EB and WP to infer general characteristics about each encyclopedia.

Findings Grammatical textual and systems analysis was performed on the texts to determine any difference between them based solely on the text. The bodies of the text are different but the subjects are the same. The major difference between the texts is how they were created and what gives the statements of facts and statements of values in each article authority. The text was analyzed for readability, nominal or verbal characteristics and presentation of statements of facts and statements of values. A systems analysis was also done to discern if each system was open or closed. These results answered the research questions posed earlier. In this section, the articles will be referred to in the following manner: • • WP-COMM – Wikipedia Communism article dated 21:08, 9 March 2007 WP-DWIGHT – Wikipedia Dwight D. Eisenhower article dated 21:41, March 9, 2007 • • EB-COMM - Encyclopædia Britannica Communism downloaded March 9, 2007 EB – DWIGHT - Encyclopædia Britannica Dwight D. Eisenhower downloaded March 09 ,2007

Readability Tests
This was the first test performed after the texts were prepared in the method mentioned in the previous section. This included getting several statistical and readability

32 indexes for each text. These tests were performed using the website, Online Utility Free Online Software, Computer Programs, Computer Tools, Widgets... (http://www.online-utility.org/). Each text was entered into the website and the statistic and readability indexes were calculated. Table 2 shows the results of these tests. The mean of the indexes for the WP and EB was calculated. The difference was determined by subtracting the EB mean from the WP mean so a negative value favors EB and a positive value favors WP. In terms of size, numbers of characters (without spaces), number of words and number of sentences, WP-COMM was smaller that EB-COMM. The reverse was true between WP-DWIGHT and EB-DWIGHT. The large difference between the articles in the “Communism” articles accounts for the difference favoring EB. Nothing can be inferred from the statistics other that in these cases on average EB has longer articles. These measures are also used in readability index calculations. The next three mean statistics (average number of characters per word, average number of syllables per word and average number of words per sentence) are also used in calculating the readability indexes. The results show that though EB has longer articles the mean statistics between EB and WP are very close. The difference between average character per word and average syllables per word is only 0.02 in favor of WP. In addition, WP has on average 1.71 more words per sentence. Considering an average number of words per sentence of over 20, this difference was not meaningful. The next four readability indexes (Gunning Fog, Coleman Liau, Flesch Kincaid Grade level, ARI) showed the grade level of the texts. Anything over a 17 is “difficult for university students” (Fog Index Formulas, Gunning Fog Index section, n.d.) The mean

33 values range from 13.16 to 16.50 for WP and 12.96 to 15.35 for EB. All of the differences in mean grade measures, except the Gunning Fog, are less than one grade level and the difference in the Gunning Fog index is 1.71 grades. This showed, in terms of these readability measures, there is no meaningful grade level difference between these WP and EB articles. The SMOG index measures the years of education needed to understand the texts. The mean value for WP was 15.31 and EB’s mean was 14.57 showing a difference of less than a year (0.74) of education difference between the SMOG index of the texts in WP’s favor. The Flesch Reading Ease index measures reading ease with the lower the number the easier the text is to read. The difference between the mean WP and EB Flesch Reading Ease values was only 3.29 (less than 10% of the index value) again show no significant mean difference. Therefore, RQ 1 is answered that there are no significant differences in readability indexes of the texts of these articles. The readability indexes on their own cannot infer anything about the texts but these results showed there was no significant difference in terms of readability between EB and WP for these articles.

Nominal Vs Verbal Results
These tests were performed to see if there was a dominant figure of speech in any of the texts. This was done by performing four tests: • • Parts of speech of the 100 most common words in each text excluding stop words. Parts of speech of the most unique words per article excluding stop words.

34 • Verbal or nominal phrase form of the 100 most common two word pairs of each text. • The ratio of nouns to verbs in the first 100 words of each article.

These measures showed all the texts were predominantly nominal and there was no significant difference between WP and EB. The first test performed was to count the part of speech of the 100 most common words in each text excluding stop words. The results are shown in Table 3. Roughly, 75% of the most common 100 words of the each article were nouns. Between 7 and 11% of the most common words of each article were verbs. No significant difference between EB and WP was shown with these articles. The second measure was parts of speech of the 25 most unique words per article. This was calculated by comparing the words of the WP-COMM to the EB-COMM article and the WP-DWIGHT article to the EB-DWIGHT article excluding the Glasgow Stop words. The twenty-five most unique words of each article were determined by the highest difference ration of each word. Then the part of speech of was determined for each of these words and the results were compared between all articles. The results are shown in Table 4. These results showed that roughly 72-84% of the most unique words in each article compared between WP and EB were nouns and 8 to 20 percent were verbs. This showed no significant difference between WP and EB between these articles. The third nominal vs. verbal measure was obtained by determining the type of phrase of the top 100 word pairs in each article including the Glasgow Stop words. The nominal to verbal phrases were then expressed as a ratio (Table 5). When compared the WP-COMM article and its EB equivalent had the exact same ratio of nominal phrases to

35 verbal phrases. With the Eisenhower articles the ratios decreased but when compared the WP had a lower number of noun phrases to verb ones (5.3) but it was not significantly lower than its EB counterpart (6.7). The final nominal vs. verbal test was done by calculating the ratio of nouns to verbs in the first 100 words of each articles text including the Glasgow Stop words (Table 6). It was found the ratios in the WP-COMM article (2.1) and the EB article (2.5) were not very different. The EB-DWIGHT article’s ratio (4.5) was higher than the WPDWIGHT article (2.9) but due to the number of words, this difference cannot be seen as significant. The nominal vs. verbal test results showed no significant differences grammatically between EB and WP in these articles answering RQ2. The grammatical nature of each of the articles are similar showing a preference for a nominal format. Other nominal/verbal analysis may yield different results depending on the measures used.

Fact and Value Statement Results
To test for differences in presentation of statements of facts and statements of values three tests were performed. The first one compared dates in the same article in WP and EB, the second compared use of proper names and the final test compared each article against lists of positive and negative judgmental words to see if one format contained more or less judgemental text than the other. These tests were done using the TAPoR Text analysis tools. For the Date test, the number of dates in each article was counted and then the years mentioned in article were compared to the counterpart article (Table 7). These dates

36 were not compared in context or for authenticity. For the COMM articles, WP and EB had very different amounts of dates. EB (82) had more than three times the dates than the WP article (24). It is expected then that there were many more unique dates in EB (77%) over WP (19%). When the DWIGHT articles were compared, the differences were not as great. The WP-DWIGHT article contained 65 dates and the EB-DWIGHT article contained 51 dates. In addition, as expected with similar numbers of dates in each article the ratio of unique dates was similar, 48% for WP and 30% for EB. This small sample size shows a wide differences in dates between EB and WP. The next test counted the number of proper names in the top 100 most common words of each article excluding the Glasgow stop list. Like the dates comparison, the content of the names were not compared or checked for accuracy. The results (Table 8) show a lack of prominence of proper names across all articles. Compared to each other WP (with five proper names in the COMM article and four in the Dwight article) and EB (with three proper names in the COMM article and four in the DWIGHT article) have similar numbers of proper names. There is no difference in use of proper name counts between these articles. Finally, the use of value-based or judgmental language was compared between the articles. This was done be determining if the article contained words from the positive (Appendix B) and negative (Appendix C) word list. The mean value for EB and WP was then calculated (Table 9). These results showed the mean value of positive judgmental between WP (38) and EB(40) were similar. The negative word means (WP = 19.5 and EB =26) were also similar. This does not count the number of instances of these words only their occurrence. On the whole, the articles had more positive language than

37 negative but the difference between WP and EB were minimal showing no clear bias in any format. So again, and answering RQ3, there is no significant difference between these articles in the grammatical presentation of statements of facts and statements of values. Looking at the fact and value statements in context may yield different results. The grammatical textual analysis, in general showed no definitive textual difference between EB and WP. In all of these measure, there was minimal differences between EB and WP. The dramatic differences in production of these articles have not affected the readability, nature and notion of statements of facts and statements of values grammatically in these articles. This contradicts critics of WP and cast new light on the quality of collective knowledge creation as compared to expert-driven knowledge creation in these articles.

System Analysis Results
The open systems characteristics proposed by Brook et al (1973) were applied to both EB and WP. The results help address RQ4. For characteristic one (Open systems import energy from the environment and transform energy in order to export some product in to the environment, which furnishes the source of energy to repeat the cycle.), WP is certainly an open system. Anyone can edit WP and add their energy and knowledge to the system. On the main page of WP it states WP is “the free encyclopedia that anyone can edit” (Main Page, 2007) Any user is also free to take from WP thus completing the cycle. For EB, the system is relatively closed. Only a select few experts and editors can contribute. According to EB’s page on

38 itself, in the latest edition (the 15th) there were “more than 4,000 contributing authors” (Encyclopædia Britannica, 15th edition section, 2007). In 1928’s 14th edition, there were “more than 3,500 authors of all nationalities” (Encyclopædia Britannica, 14th edition section, 2007). This numbers are so much smaller than WP’s amount of contributors. On top of that, it is a pay subscription service making it closed on the viewing end also. The free trial page of britanica.com states a subscription cost is “$69.95/yr (Save $1,325.05 off the print Encyclopædia Britannica)” (Free Trial page, 2007). This excludes anyone unable to afford the subscription or lacking a credit card. In terms of this characteristic, WP is an open system and EB a closed system. The second characteristic, open systems may store energy and arrest entropy or the natural tendency of a system to disorganize, applied to WP and EB both are seen to be open. Each system has a team of editors that arrest entropy the difference being for WP that role can be filled by anyone and for EB it is a select group of EB employees. In WP, any page can be edited and WP provides guidelines of how to edit WP (Wikipedia:How to edit a page, 2007), delete pages (Wikipedia:Proposed deletion, 2007) and use bots to automatically edit pages (Wikipedia:Bot Policy, 2007). For EB, the contributors are authors and EB employees paid to edit. Alex Soojung-Kim Pang, a Deputy Editor for Encyclopaedia Britannica, describes the relationship as “one defined by the sharing of expertise” (Pang, Relations with Authors section, 1998). This relationship is not always seen as a positive thing though with an outsider saying the process is a “shameless clerical force [that] castrated a famous work of reference” (McCabe, 2007).

39 Thirdly, open systems may import inputs of an informative nature which provide signals about the nature of the environment and the functioning of the system in the environment. WP does this by providing discussion or “Talk” pages for each article (Wikipedia:Talk page, 2007) . EB does not allow feedback or comments on its articles and any changes are done without notice or approval of readers. The fourth criteria, the ratio of energy remains the same in an open system until the system moves in the direction of differentiation and specialization of function is not really relevant to WP and EB since they both work to be general authorities with no movement towards specialization. On WP’s page on Wikipedia it states, “As a general encyclopedia, Wikipedia seeks to describe as wide a range of topics as possible” (Wikipedia, Editorial Process section, 2007). In EB’s article on Encyclopædia Britannica, it states EB is “the oldest English-language general encyclopedia” (Encyclopædia Britannic, ¶ 1, 2007). Therefore, in these terms WP is a far more open system than EB answering RQ4. Both are open systems but the degree of openness is markedly different. This level of openness has not affected the grammatical textual qualities of the articles (As seen in RQ1, RQ2 and RQ3) so for these articles the textual presentation of knowledge is no different in an open and closed system.

Discussion

Implications
Grammatically, there is little difference between EB and WP for the analyzed articles. There is a significant difference in the type of system at work. WP is an open system while EB is a closed system. Thee has been little research done in this area; this is just the beginning of methods of comparing WP and EB. After this study, other methods can be applied to the same articles to discover other differences or similarities (Table 10). These other methods can be applied but their results are beyond the scope of this thesis. For a Burkean rhetorical critic may find that EB and WP may have vastly different pentadic ratios and therefore motives. EB being expert-driven may center on agent and act. WP might center on scene and agency, since without scene there is no WP. This analysis might be able to delve into differences of motives based on the findings of the method (Burke, 1969). In WP quality is consensually defined by the collective. Also ethically, EB defines knowledge in terms of absolutisms. The statement of facts is how it was, is now and ever shall be. WP has a more evolving relativist view of knowledge. Each article becomes a snapshot of the best view of knowledge at that instant. These different methods could yield more differences between EB and WP but again go beyond the scope of this work. The grammatical analysis done here provides an initial layer of investigation that may inform other methods or act as a point in a larger argument. This

41 thesis seeks to explore the nuances between these reference works to inform and aid in future research directions.

Limitations
One limitation of this study is the size of the corpus. Though WP and EB offer thousands of articles only four were studied. A larger sample size may result in different results and more reliable results. The articles were collected using a relevance sample but other sampling techniques like random, systematic, stratified or cluster sampling could be used. These different sampling methods may produce different results. The types of relevance sampling criteria may also shape the results. One future approach, might be to compare all presidential entries against each other or to compare entries based on countries. Another limitation was the coding of the data into grammatical categories. One researcher, without context in the article, did this coding. Looking at the context of the word in the article may yield different results. Also, another researcher may code the same material differently and may produce different results. In addition, a strength and limitation of this work was the reliance on technology. When using software not created by the researcher the criteria of evaluation used may be different then exactly what the researcher is testing. These differences may not be discernable and only revealed upon analysis of the programming code. This code may, or as in this case, may not be available to the researcher to inspect, so there is some level of control out of the researcher’s hands. The benefit of using technology in this manner is by automating routine tasks and speeding up calculations so a greater sample size could be

42 analyzed. When analyzing larger texts and a greater number of articles automated testing will be essential. A further limitation specific to the evaluation of value statements is the positive and negative word lists were created by the researcher. The researcher could not find a complete or extensive judgmental word list. Though all the articles had the same word lists used to determine value statements, the positive and negative words are, of course, based on contextual and sociological constraints.

Future Research
If Wikipedia is “the world’s largest collaborative body of information” (Kuznetsov, 2006, p. 1) then it has become an important topic of communication studies. The difficulty in getting two people to agree seems at times insurmountable, while WP has millions of people agreeing everyday on a wide range of topics. This research could touch on a number of different aspects of WP. This could include further comparisons to EB and other encyclopedias. In addition, there is an entire social networking aspect to WP. There are millions of users interacting everyday using new methods of communication. For example, Mark Eliot is researching stigmergic elements of communication in WP and other collaborative environments. In addition, the power relationships at work in expert-driven systems and collective intelligence knowledge spaces could be researched. There seems to be some shift in power but the nature and effects of that shift need extensive research to be understood.

43 Another line of research could begin to compare the Wikitionary (http://www.wiktionary.org/) to Webster’s, WikiNews (http://www.wikinews.org/) to traditional media sources and WikiBooks (http://www.wikibooks.org/) to commercial textbooks. Any of Wikimedia’s projects offers several possibilities for research. Expanding on that, the nature of Web 2.0’s collaborative and dynamic model and its effect on digital communication could be studied. This study is not intended to be the end of a line of research but the beginning. It explores the grammatical differences between EB and WP but is just an initial step in exploring the differences between the reference works. Further steps may involve rhetorical, aesthetic or ethical analysis. In addition, the modes of communication between users, the social structures in place and other new technology projects could be looked at in similar ways. This study shows at a grammatical level there is no significant difference but going beyond this textual analysis might lead to a deeper understanding of the differences between these reference works. References 2006 Wikipedia CD Selection. (2007, March 9). In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Retrieved 21:31, March 9, 2007, from http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=2006_Wikipedia_CD_Selection&oldid =113885312 Anonymous (2005). Wiki's wild world, Nature,438. Retrieved March 8, 2007 from http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v438/n7070/full/438890a.html Auchter, D. (2000). The Evolution of the encyclopaedia britannica: From the Macropaedia to Britannica Online. Journal of academic librarianship, 26(1), 74. Baljko, M. (1997). Ensuring stylistic congruity in collaboratively written text: Requirements analysis and design issues Unpublished master's thesis, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

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49 Appendix A Text of Articles WP-COMM Communism Communism is an ideology that seeks to establish a classless, stateless social organization based on common ownership of the means of production. It can be considered a branch of the broader socialist movement. Communism as a political goal is generally a conjectured form of future social organization, although Marxists have described early forms of human social organization as 'primitive communism'. Selfidentified communists hold a variety of views, including Maoism, Trotskyism, council communism, Luxemburgism, anarchist communism, Christian communism, and various currents of left communism, which are generally the more widespread varieties. However, various offshoots of the Soviet (what critics call the 'Stalinist') and Maoist interpretations of Marxism-Leninism comprise a particular branch of communism that has the distinction of having been the primary driving force for communism in world politics during most of the 20th century. The competing branch of Trotskyism has not had such a distinction. Karl Marx held that society could not be transformed from the capitalist mode of production to the advanced communist mode of production all at once, but required a transitional period which Marx described as the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat, the first stage of communism. The communist society Marx envisioned emerging from capitalism has never been implemented, and it remains theoretical; Marx, in fact, commented very little on what communist society would actually look like. However, the term 'Communism', especially when it is capitalized, is often used to refer to the political and economic regimes under communist parties that claimed to embody the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the late 19th century, Marxist theories motivated socialist parties across Europe, although their policies later developed along the lines of "reforming" capitalism, rather than overthrowing it. The exception was the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. One branch of this party, commonly known as the Bolsheviks and headed by Vladimir Lenin, succeeded in taking control of the country after the toppling of the Provisional Government in the Russian Revolution of 1917. In 1918, this party changed its name to the Communist Party, thus establishing the contemporary distinction between communism and other trends of socialism. After the success of the October Revolution in Russia, many socialist parties in other countries became communist parties, signaling varying degrees of allegiance to the new Communist Party of the Soviet Union. After World War II, Communists consolidated power in Eastern Europe, and in 1949, the Communist Party of China (CPC) led by Mao Zedong established the People's Republic of China, which would later follow its own

50 ideological path of communist development. Among the other countries in the Third World that adopted a pro-communist government at some point were Cuba, North Korea, North Vietnam, Laos, Angola, and Mozambique. By the early 1980s almost one-third of the world's population lived in Communist states. Since the early 1970s, the term Eurocommunism was used to refer to the policies of communist parties in western Europe, which sought to break with the tradition of uncritical and unconditional support of the Soviet Union. Such parties were politically active and electorally significant in Italy(PCI), France(PCF), and Spain(PCE). There is a history of anti-communism in the United States, which manifested itself in the Sedition Act of 1918, the subsequent Palmer Raids, and the later period of McCarthyism, for example. With the decline of the Communist governments in Eastern Europe from the late 1980s and the breakup of the Soviet Union on December 8, 1991, communism's influence has decreased dramatically in Europe. However, around a quarter of the world's population still lives in Communist states, mostly in the People's Republic of China. There are also communist movements in Latin America and South Asia that have significant popular support. Contents Early communism Karl Marx, saw primitive communism as the original, hunter-gatherer state of humankind from which it arose. For Marx, only after humanity was capable of producing surplus, did private property develop. In the history of Western thought, the idea of a society based on common ownership of property can be traced back to ancient times. In his 4th century BCE The Republic, Plato considers the idea of the ruling class sharing property. In the republic, the ruling or guardian classes are committed to an austere and communistic way of life, with the aim of devoting all of their time and efforts to public service. At one time or another, various small communist communities existed, generally under the inspiration of Scripture. In the medieval Christian church, for example, some monastic communities and religious orders shared their land and other property. (See Christian communism) These groups often believed that concern with private property was a distraction from religious service to God and neighbor. (Encarta) Communist thought has also been traced back to the work of 16th century English writer Thomas More. In his treatise Utopia (1516), More portrayed a society based on common ownership of property, whose rulers administered it through the application of reason. (Encarta) In the 17th century, communist thought arguably surfaced again in England. In 17th-century England, the Diggers, a Puritan religious group known as advocated the

51 abolition of private ownership of land. (Encarta) Eduard Bernstein, in his 1895 Cromwell and Communism argued that several groupings in the English Civil War, especially the Diggers espoused clear communistic, agrarian ideals, and that Oliver Cromwell's attitude to these groups was at best ambivalent and often hostile. Criticism of the idea of private property continued into the Enlightenment of the 18th century, through such thinkers as Jean Jacques Rousseau in France. (Encarta) Later, following the upheaval of the French Revolution, communism emerged as a political doctrine. François Noël Babeuf, in particular, espoused the goals of common ownership of land and total economic and political equality among citizens. (Encarta) Various social reformers in the early 19th century founded communities based on common ownership. But unlike many previous communist communities, they replaced the religious emphasis with a rational and philanthropic basis. (EB) Notable among them were Robert Owen, who founded New Harmony in Indiana (1825), and Charles Fourier, whose followers organized other settlements in the United States such as Brook Farm (1841–47). (EB) Later in the 19th century, Karl Marx described these social reformers as "utopian socialists" to contrast them with his program of "scientific socialism" (a term coined by Friedrich Engels). Other writers described by Marx as "utopian socialists" included Charles Fourier and Saint-Simon. In its modern form, communism grew out of the socialist movement of 19th-century Europe. (Encarta) As the Industrial Revolution advanced, socialist critics blamed capitalism for the misery of the proletariat—a new class of poor, urban factory workers who labored under often-hazardous conditions. (EB) Foremost among these critics were the German philosopher Karl Marx and his associate Friedrich Engels. (EB) In 1848 Marx and Engels offered a new definition of communism and popularized the term in their famous pamphlet The Communist Manifesto. (EB) Engels, who lived in Manchester, observed the organization of the Chartist movement (see History of British socialism), while Marx departed from his university comrades to meet the proletariat in France and Germany.

The emergence of modern communism Marxism Like other socialists, Marx and Engels sought an end to capitalism and the systems which they perceived to be responsible for the exploitation of workers. But whereas earlier socialists often favored longer-term social reform, Marx and Engels believed that popular revolution was all but inevitable, and the only path to socialism.

52 According to the Marxist argument for communism, the main characteristic of human life in class society is alienation; and communism is desirable because it entails the full realization of human freedom. Marx here follows Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel in conceiving freedom not merely as an absence of restraints but as action with content. (McLean and McMillan, 2003) They believed that communism allowed people to do what they want, but also put humans in such conditions and such relations with one another that they would not wish to exploit, or have any need to. Whereas for Hegel the unfolding of this ethical life in history is mainly driven by the realm of ideas, for Marx, communism emerged from material forces, particularly the development of the means of production. (McLean and McMillan, 2003) Marxism holds that a process of class conflict and revolutionary struggle will result in victory for the proletariat and the establishment of a communist society in which private ownership is abolished over time and the means of production and subsistence belong to the community. Marx himself wrote little about life under communism, giving only the most general indication as to what constituted a communist society. It is clear that it entails abundance in which there is little limit to the projects that humans may undertake. In the popular slogan that was adopted by the communist movement, communism was a world in which each gave according to their abilities, and received according to their needs.' The German Ideology (1845) was one of Marx's few writings to elaborate on the communist future: "In communist society, where nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes, society regulates the general production and thus makes it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after dinner, just as I have a mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, herdsman or critic." Marx's lasting vision was to add this vision to a positive scientific theory of how society was moving in a law-governed way toward communism, and, with some tension, a political theory that explained why revolutionary activity was required to bring it about. (McLean and McMillan, 2003) In the late 19th century the terms "socialism" and "communism" were often used interchangeably. (Encarta) However, Marx and Engels argued that communism would not emerge from capitalism in a fully developed state, but would pass through a "first phase" in which most productive property was owned in common, but with some class differences remaining. The "first phase" would eventually give way to a "higher phase" in which class differences were eliminated, and a state was no longer needed. Lenin frequently used the term "socialism" to refer to Marx and Engels' supposed "first phase" of communism and used the term "communism" interchangeably with Marx and Engels' "higher phase" of communism.

53 These later aspects, particularly as developed by Lenin, provided the underpinning for the mobilizing features of 20th century Communist parties. Later writers such as Louis Althusser and Nicos Poulantzas modified Marx's vision by allotting a central place to the state in the development of such societies, by arguing for a prolonged transition period of socialism prior to the attainment of full communism. Other currents Some of Marx's contemporaries espoused similar ideas, but differed in their views of how to reach to a classless society. Following the split between those associated with Marx and Mikhail Bakunin at the First International, the anarchists formed the International Workers Association. Anarchists argued that capitalism and the state were inseparable and that one could not be abolished without the other. Anarchist-communists such as Peter Kropotkin theorized an immediate transition to one society with no classes. Anarcho-syndicalism became one of the dominant forms of anarchist organization, arguing that labor unions, as opposed to Communist parties, are the organizations that can change society. Consequently, many anarchists have been in opposition to Marxist communism to this day. In the late 19th century Russian Marxism developed a distinct character. The first major figure of Russian Marxism was Georgi Plekhanov. Underlying the work of Plekhanov was the assumption that Russia, less urbanized and industrialized than Western Europe, had many years to go before society would be ready for proletarian revolution could occur, and a transitional period of a bourgeois democratic regime would be required to replace Tsarism with a socialist and later communist society. (EB) The growth of modern communism In Russia, the 1917 October Revolution was the first time any party with an avowedly Marxist orientation, in this case the Bolshevik Party, seized state power. The assumption of state power by the Bolsheviks generated a great deal of practical and theoretical debate within the Marxist movement. Marx believed that socialism and communism would be built upon foundations laid by the most advanced capitalist development. Russia, however, was one of the poorest countries in Europe with an enormous, largely illiterate peasantry and a minority of industrial workers. It should be noted, however, that Marx had explicitly stated that Russia might be able to skip the stage of bourgeois capitalism. Other socialists also believed that a Russian revolution could be the precursor of workers' revolutions in the West. The moderate socialist Mensheviks opposed Lenin's communist Bolsheviks' plan for socialist revolution before capitalism was more fully developed. The Bolsheviks successful rise to power was based upon the slogans "peace, bread, and land" and "All power to the Soviets," slogans which tapped the massive public desire for an end to

54 Russian involvement in the First World War, the peasants' demand for land reform, and popular support for the Soviets. The usage of the terms "communism" and "socialism" shifted after 1917, when the Bolsheviks changed their name to the Communist Party and installed a single-party regime devoted to the implementation of socialist policies under Leninism. The Second International had dissolved in 1916 over national divisions, as the separate national parties that composed it did not maintain a unified front against the war, instead generally supporting their respective nation's role. Lenin thus created the Third International (Comintern) in 1919 and sent the Twenty-one Conditions, which included democratic centralism, to all European socialist parties willing to adhere. In France, for example, the majority of the SFIO socialist party split in 1921 to form the SFIC (French Section of the Communist International). Henceforth, the term "Communism" was applied to the objective of the parties founded under the umbrella of the Comintern. Their program called for the uniting of workers of the world for revolution, which would be followed by the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat as well as the development of a socialist economy. Ultimately, if their program held, there would develop a harmonious classless society, with the withering away of the state. During the Russian Civil War (1918-1922), the Bolsheviks nationalized all productive property and imposed a policy of "war communism," which put factories and railroads under strict government control, collected and rationed food, and introduced some bourgeois management of industry. After three years of war and the 1921 Kronstadt rebellion, Lenin declared the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1921, which was to give a "limited place for a limited time to capitalism." The NEP lasted until 1928, when Joseph Stalin's personal fight for leadership, and the introduction of the first Five Year Plan spelled the end of it. Following the Russian Civil War, the Bolsheviks formed in 1922 the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), or Soviet Union, from the former Russian Empire. Following Lenin's democratic centralism, the Communist parties were organized on a hierarchical basis, with active cells of members as the broad base; they were made up only of elite cadres approved by higher members of the party as being reliable and completely subject to party discipline. The Soviet Union and other countries ruled by Communist Parties are often described as 'Communist states' with 'state socialist' economic bases. (Scott and Marshall, 2005) This usage indicates that they proclaim that they have realized part of the socialist program by abolishing the private control of the means of production and establishing state control over the economy; however, they do not declare themselves truly communist, as they have not established communal ownership of property. Stalinism

55 The Stalinist version of socialism, with some important modifications, shaped the Soviet Union and influenced Communist Parties worldwide. It was heralded as a possibility of building communism via a massive program of industrialization and collectivization. The rapid development of industry, and above all the victory of the Soviet Union in the Second World War, maintained that vision throughout the world, even around a decade following Stalin's death, when the party adopted a program in which it promised the establishment of communism within thirty years. However, under Stalin's leadership, evidence emerged that dented faith in the possibility of achieving communism within the framework of the Soviet model. Stalin had created in the Soviet Union a repressive state that dominated every aspect of life. Later, growth declined, and rent-seeking and corruption by state officials increased, which dented the legitimacy of the Soviet system. Despite the activity of the Comintern, the Soviet Communist Party adopted the Stalinist theory of "socialism in one country" and claimed that, due to the "aggravation of class struggle under socialism," it was possible, even necessary, to build socialism in one country alone. This departure from Marxist internationalism was challenged by Leon Trotsky, whose theory of "permanent revolution" stressed the necessity of world revolution. Trotskyism Trotsky and his supporters organized into the "Left Opposition," and their platform became known as Trotskyism. But Stalin eventually succeeded in gaining full control of the Soviet regime, and their attempts to remove Stalin from power resulted in Trotsky's exile from the Soviet Union in 1929. After Trotsky's exile, world communism fractured into two distinct branches: Stalinism and Trotskyism. Trotsky later founded the Fourth International, a Trotskyist rival to the Comintern, in 1938. Trotskyist ideas have continually found a modest echo among political movements in Latin America and Asia, especially in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Sri Lanka, and The Philippines. Many Trotskyist organizations are also active in more stable, developed countries in North America and Western Europe. However, as a whole, Trotsky's theories and attitudes were never reaccepted in worldwide mainstream Communist circles after Trotsky's expulsion, either within or outside of the Soviet bloc. This remained the case even after the Secret Speech and subsequent events exposed the fallibility of Stalinism and Maoism. Today, even given the fact that there are areas of the world where Trotskyist movements are rather large, Trotskyist movements have never coalesced in a mass movement that has seized state power. Maoism

56

After the death of Stalin in 1953, the Soviet Union's new leader, Nikita Khrushchev, denounced Stalin's crimes and his cult of personality. He called for a return to the principles of Lenin, thus presaging some change in Communist methods. However, Khrushchev's reforms heightened ideological differences between the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union, which became increasingly apparent in the 1960s. As the Sino-Soviet Split in the international Communist movement turned toward open hostility, China portrayed itself as a leader of the underdeveloped world against the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Parties and groups that supported the Communist Party of China (CPC) in their criticism against the new Soviet leadership proclaimed themselves as 'anti-revisionist' and denounced the CPSU and the parties aligned with it as revisionist "capitalist-roaders." The Sino-Soviet Split resulted in divisions amongst communist parties around the world. Notably, the Party of Labour of Albania sided with the People's Republic of China. Effectively, the CPC under Mao's leadership became the rallying forces of a parallel international Communist tendency. The ideology of CPC, Mao Zedong Thought (generally referred to as 'Maoism'), was adopted by many of these groups. After the death of Mao and the takeover of Deng Xiaoping, the international Maoist movement fell in disarray. One sector accepted the new leadership in China, a second renounced the new leadership and reaffirmed their commitment to Mao's legacy, and a third renounced Maoism altogether and aligned with the Albanian Party of Labour. Other anti-revisionist currents After the ideological row between the Communist Party of China and the Party of Labour of Albania in 1978, the Albanians rallied a new separate international tendency. This tendency would demarcate itself by a strict defense of the legacy of Joseph Stalin and fierce criticism of virtually all other Communist groupings. The Albanians were able to win over a large share of the Maoists in Latin America, most notably the Communist Party of Brazil. This tendency has occasionally been labeled as 'Hoxhaism' after the Albanian Communist leader Enver Hoxha. After the fall of the Communist government in Albania, the pro-Albanian parties are grouped around an international conference and the publication 'Unity and Struggle'. Another important institution for them is the biannual International Anti-Imperialist and Anti-Fascist Youth Camp, which was initiated in 1970s. Under the leadership of Hardial Bains, general secretary of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) a small current emerged in the 1970s of Marxist-Leninist groups in several countries. This tendency aligned with Albania politically, but remained somewhat separate from the main pro-Albanian camp.

57 Cold War years By virtue of the Soviet Union's victory in the Second World War in 1945, the Soviet Army had occupied nations in both Eastern Europe and East Asia; as a result, communism as a movement spread to many new countries. This expansion of communism both in Europe and Asia gave rise to a few different branches of its own, such as Maoism. Communism had been vastly strengthened by the winning of many new nations into the sphere of Soviet influence and strength in Eastern Europe. Governments modeled on Soviet Communism took power with Soviet assistance in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Poland, Hungary and Romania. A Communist government was also created under Marshal Tito in Yugoslavia, but Tito's independent policies led to the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform, which had replaced the Comintern. Titoism, a new branch in the world communist movement, was labeled "deviationist." Albania also became an independent Communist nation after World War II. By 1950 the Chinese Communists held all of Mainland China, thus controlling the most populous nation in the world. Other areas where rising Communist strength provoked dissension and in some cases led to actual fighting include the Korean Peninsula, Laos, many nations of the Middle East and Africa, and, especially, Vietnam (see Vietnam War). With varying degrees of success, Communists attempted to unite with nationalist and socialist forces against what they saw as Western imperialism in these poor countries. Communism after the collapse of the Soviet Union In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev became leader of the Soviet Union and relaxed central control, in accordance with reform policies of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The Soviet Union did not intervene as Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Romania, and Hungary all abandoned Communist rule by 1990. In 1991, the Soviet Union itself dissolved. By the beginning of the 21st century, states controlled by Communist parties under a single-party system include the People's Republic of China, Cuba, Laos, North Korea, and Vietnam. President Vladimir Voronin of Moldova is a member of the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova, but the country is not run under single-party rule. Communist parties, or their descendant parties, remain politically important in many European and Asian countries. The People's Republic of China has reassessed many aspects of the Maoist legacy; and the People's Republic of China, Laos, Vietnam, and, to a lesser degree, Cuba have reduced state control of the economy in order to stimulate growth. The People's Republic of China runs Special Economic Zones dedicated to market-oriented enterprise, free from central government control. Several other communist states have also attempted to implement market-based reforms, including Vietnam. Officially, the leadership of the

58 People's Republic of China refers to its policies as "Socialism with Chinese characteristics." Theories within Marxism as to why communism in Eastern Europe was not achieved after socialist revolutions pointed to such elements as the pressure of external capitalist states, the relative backwardness of the societies in which the revolutions occurred, and the emergence of a bureaucratic stratum or class that arrested or diverted the transition press in its own interests. (Scott and Marshall, 2005) Marxist critics of the Soviet Union, most notably Trotsky, referred to the Soviet system, along with other Communist states, as "degenerated" or "deformed workers' states," arguing that the Soviet system fell far short of Marx's communist ideal. Trotskyists argued that the Soviet state was degenerated because the working class was politically dispossessed. The ruling stratum of the Soviet Union was held to be a bureaucratic caste, but not a new ruling class, despite their political control. They called for a political revolution in the USSR and defended the country against capitalist restoration. Others, like Tony Cliff, advocated the theory of state capitalism, which asserts that the bureaucratic elite acted as a surrogate capitalist class in the heavily centralized and repressive political apparatus. Non-Marxists, in contrast, have often applied the term to any society ruled by a Communist Party and to any party aspiring to create a society similar to such existing nation-states. In the social sciences, societies ruled by Communist Parties are distinct for their single party control and their socialist economic bases. While anticommunists applied the concept of "totalitarianism" to these societies, many social scientists identified possibilities for independent political activity within them, and stressed their continued evolution up to the point of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and its allies in Eastern Europe during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Today, Marxist revolutionaries are conducting armed insurgencies in India, Philippines, Iran, Turkey, and Colombia. Criticism of communism A diverse array of writers and political activists have published criticism of communism, such as Soviet bloc dissidents Lech Wa??sa, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Václav Havel; social theorists Hannah Arendt, Raymond Aron, Ralf Dahrendorf, Seymour Martin Lipset, and Karl Wittfogel; economists Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, and Milton Friedman; historians and social scientists Robert Conquest, Stéphane Courtois, Richard Pipes, and R. J. Rummel; anti-communist leftists Ignazio Silone, George Orwell, Saul Alinsky, Richard Wright, Arthur Koestler, and Bernard-Henri Levy; novelist and philosopher Ayn Rand; and philosophers Leszek Ko?akowski and Karl Popper. Some writers such as Courtois go beyond attributing the estimated tens of millions of deaths and other large-scale human rights abuses during the 20th century merely to the Communist regimes associated with these atrocities; rather, these authors present the events occurring in these countries, particularly under Stalin and Mao, as an argument against Marxism itself. Some of the critics were former Marxists, such as Wittfogel, who

59 applied Marx's concept of "Oriental despotism" to communist societies such as the Soviet Union, and Silone, Wright, Koestler (among other writers) who contributed essays to the book The God that Failed (the title refers not to the Christian God but Marxism itself). There have also been more direct criticisms of Marxism, such as criticisms of the labor theory of value or Marx's predictions. Nevertheless, Communist parties outside of the Warsaw Pact, such as the Communist parties in Western Europe, Asia, Latin America, and Africa, differed greatly. Thus a criticism that is applicable to one such party is not necessarily applicable to another. Comparing "Communism" to "communism" According to the 1996 third edition of Fowler's Modern English Usage, communism and derived words are written with the lower case c except when they refer to a political party of that name, a member of that party, or a government led by such a party, in which case the word is written "Communist" (with an upper case C). Thus, one may be a communist (an advocate of communism) without being a Communist (a member of a Communist Party or another similar organization).

60 WP-DWIGHT Dwight D. Eisenhower Dwight David Eisenhower (born David Dwight Eisenhower, October 14, 1890 March 28, 1969), nicknamed "Ike," was an American soldier and politician, who served as the thirty-fourth President of the United States (1953-1961). During World War II, he served as Supreme Commander of the Allied forces in Europe, with responsibility for planning and supervising the successful invasion of France and Germany in 1944-45. In 1951 he became the first supreme commander of NATO. As a Republican, he was elected the 34th U.S. President, serving for two terms. As President he ended the Korean War, kept up the pressure on the Soviet Union during the Cold War, made nuclear weapons a higher defense priority, launched the Space Race, enlarged the Social Security program, and began the Interstate Highway System. Contents Eisenhower was born to a German American family in Denison, Texas, the third of seven sons born to David Jacob Eisenhower and Ida Elizabeth Stover, and their only child born in Texas. He was named David Dwight and was called Dwight. Later, the order of his given names was switched (according to the staff at the Eisenhower Library and Museum, the name switch occurred upon Eisenhower's matriculation at West Point). The Eisenhower family is of Pennsylvania Dutch descent. His ancestors were Mennonites who fled from Germany to Switzerland in the 17th century. Hans Nicol Eisenhauer and his family came to Lancaster, Pennsylvania in 1741. The family joined the River Brethren, and were pacifists during the nation's wars. They joined some 300 River Brethren in creating a colony in Kansas. After a brief sojourn in Texas, the family resettled in Abilene, Kansas in 1892. Eisenhower's father was a college-educated engineer. Eisenhower graduated from Abilene High School in 1909. Eisenhower married Mamie Geneva Doud (1896–1979) of Denver, Colorado on July 1, 1916. They had two children: Doud Dwight Eisenhower (1917–1921), whose tragic death in childhood from scarlet fever haunted the couple, and John Sheldon David Doud Eisenhower (born in 1922). John Eisenhower served in the United States Army, then became an author and served as U.S. Ambassador to Belgium. John's son, David Eisenhower, after whom Camp David is named, married Richard Nixon's daughter Julie in 1968. Religion Eisenhower's mother, previously a member of the River Brethren, joined the Watchtower Society (now more commonly known as Jehovah's Witnesses) in 1895, when Eisenhower was 5 years old. The Eisenhower home served as the local meeting hall from 1896 to 1915. Witnesses are opposed to militarism and saluting the flag; Eisenhower's ties to the group were weakened when he joined the United States Military Academy at West Point,

61 New York in 1911. By 1915, the home no longer served as the meeting hall, around the same time a prophecy of an Armageddon was not fulfilled. All the men in the household abandoned the Witnesses as adults, and some even hid their previous affiliation. However, on his death in 1942, Eisenhower's father was given his funeral rites as though he remained a Jehovah's Witness, and Eisenhower's mother continued as an active Jehovah's Witness until her death. Despite their differences in religious beliefs, Eisenhower enjoyed a close relationship with his mother throughout her lifetime. Eisenhower never formally joined her church. Eisenhower was baptized, confirmed, and became a communicant in the Presbyterian church in a single ceremony on February 1, 1953, just 12 days after his first inauguration. He is the only president known to have pursued these rites while in office. Eisenhower was instrumental in the addition of the words "under God" to the Pledge of Allegiance in 1954 (an act highly promoted by the Knights of Columbus), and the 1956 adoption of "In God We Trust" as the motto of the US, and its 1957 introduction on paper currency. In his retirement years, he was a member of the Gettysburg Presbyterian Church. The chapel at his presidential library is intentionally inter-denominational. Education Dwight D. Eisenhower (and his six brothers) attended Abilene High School in Abilene, Kansas; Dwight graduated with the class of 1909. He then took a job as a night foreman at the Belle Springs Creamery. After working for two years to support his brother Edgar's college education, a friend urged Dwight to apply to the Naval Academy. Though Eisenhower passed the entrance exam, he was beyond the age of eligibility for admission to the Naval Academy. Kansas Senator Joseph L. Bristow recommended Dwight for an appointment to the Military Academy in 1911, which he received. Eisenhower graduated in the upper half of the class of 1915. Early military career See also: Military career of Dwight D. Eisenhower Eisenhower enrolled at the Military Academy in June 1911. His parents were against militarism, but did not object to his entering West Point as they were strong proponents of education. Eisenhower was a strong athlete. In 1912 a spectacular Eisenhower touchdown won praise from the sports reporter of the New York Herald, and he even managed, with the help of a linebacker partner, to tackle the legendary Jim Thorpe. In the very next week, however, his promising sports career came to a quick and painful end — he injured his knee quite severely when he was tackled around the ankles.

62 Eisenhower graduated in 1915. He served with the infantry until 1918 at various camps in Texas and Georgia. During World War I, Eisenhower became the #3 leader of the new tank corps and rose to brevet Lieutenant Colonel in the National Army. He spent the war training tank crews in Pennsylvania and never saw combat. After the war, Eisenhower reverted to his regular rank of captain (and was promoted to major a few days later) before assuming duties at Camp Meade, Maryland, where he remained until 1922. His interest in tank warfare was strengthened by many conversations with George S. Patton and other senior tank leaders; however their ideas on tank warfare were strongly discouraged by superiors. Eisenhower became executive officer to General Fox Conner in the Panama Canal Zone, where he served until 1924. Under Conner's tutelage, he studied military history and theory (including Karl von Clausewitz's On War), and later cited Conner's enormous influence on his military thinking. In 1925-26, he attended the Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, and then served as a battalion commander at Fort Benning, Georgia until 1927. During the late 1920s and early 1930s Eisenhower's career in the peacetime Army stagnated; many of his friends resigned for high paying business jobs. He was assigned to the American Battle Monuments Commission, directed by General John J. Pershing, then to the Army War College, and then served as executive officer to General George V. Mosely, Assistant Secretary of War, from 1929 to 1933. He then served as chief military aide to General Douglas MacArthur, Army Chief of Staff, until 1935, when he accompanied MacArthur to the Philippines, where he served as assistant military adviser to the Philippine government. This assignment would prove valuable preparation for handling the egos of Winston Churchill, George S. Patton and Bernard Law Montgomery during World War II. Eisenhower was promoted to lieutenant colonel in 1936 after sixteen years as a major. He also learned to fly, although he was never rated as a military pilot. He made a solo flight over the Philippines in 1937. Eisenhower returned to the U.S. in 1939 and held a series of staff positions in Washington, D.C., California and Texas. In June 1941, he was appointed Chief of Staff to General Walter Krueger, Commander of the 3rd Army, at Fort Sam Houston, Texas. He was promoted to brigadier general in September 1941. Although his administrative abilities had been noticed, on the eve of the U.S. entry into World War II he had never held an active command and was far from being considered as a potential commander of major operations. World War II After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Eisenhower was assigned to the General Staff in Washington, where he served until June 1942 with responsibility for creating the major war plans to defeat Japan and Germany. He was appointed Deputy Chief in charge of Pacific Defenses under the Chief of War Plans Division, General Leonard T. Gerow, and then succeeded Gerow as Chief of the War Plans Division. Then he was appointed Assistant Chief of Staff in charge of Operations Division under Chief

63 of Staff General George C. Marshall. It was his close association with Marshall which finally brought Eisenhower to senior command positions. Marshall recognized his great organizational and administrative abilities. In 1942, Eisenhower was appointed Commanding General, European Theater of Operations (ETOUSA) and was based in London. In November, he was also appointed Supreme Commander Allied (Expeditionary) Force of the North African Theater of Operations (NATOUSA) through the new operational Headquarters A(E)FHQ. The word "expeditionary" was dropped soon after his appointment for security reasons. In February 1943, his authority was extended as commander of AFHQ across the Mediterranean basin to include the British 8th Army, commanded by General Bernard Law Montgomery. The 8th Army had advanced across the Western Desert from the east and was ready for the start of the Tunisia Campaign. Eisenhower gained his fourth star and gave up command of ETOUSA to be commander of NATOUSA. After the capitulation of Axis forces in North Africa, Eisenhower remained in command of the renamed Mediterranean Theater of Operations (MTO), keeping the operational title and continued in command of NATOUSA redesignated MTOUSA. In this position he oversaw the invasion of Sicily and the invasion of the Italian mainland. In December 1943, it was announced that Eisenhower would be Supreme Allied Commander in Europe. In January 1944, he resumed command of ETOUSA and the following month was officially designated as the Supreme Allied Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF), serving in a dual role until the end of hostilities in Europe in May 1945. In these positions he was charged with planning and carrying out the Allied assault on the coast of Normandy in June 1944 under the code name Operation Overlord, the liberation of western Europe and the invasion of Germany. A month after the Normandy D-Day landings on June 6, 1944, the invasion of southern France took place, and control of the forces which took part in the southern invasion passed from the AFHQ to the SHAEF. From then until the end of the War in Europe on May 8, 1945, Eisenhower through SHAEF had supreme command of all operational Allied forces2, and through his command of ETOUSA, administrative command of all U.S. forces, on the Western Front north of the Alps. As recognition of his senior position in the Allied command, on December 20, 1944, he was promoted to General of the Army equivalent to the rank of Field Marshal in most European armies. In this and the previous high commands he held, Eisenhower showed his great talents for leadership and diplomacy. Although he had never seen action himself, he won the respect of front-line commanders. He dealt skillfully with difficult subordinates such as Omar Bradley and Patton, and allies such as Winston Churchill, Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery and General Charles de Gaulle. He had fundamental disagreements with Churchill and Montgomery over questions of strategy, but these rarely upset his relationships with them. He negotiated with Soviet Marshal Zhukov, and such was the confidence that President Franklin D. Roosevelt had in him, he sometimes worked directly with Stalin. During negotiation with the Soviets, he agreed that the Allied forces would halt before they reached Berlin, allowing the Russians to capture the

64 capital first. He thus averted an estimated 100,000 American casualties. After the war his decision was sometimes criticized on the false assumption that the Americans could have unified Germany in 1945. The Russians suffered 360,000 casualties in the street-by-street battle for Berlin. It was never a certainty that Overlord would succeed. The tenuousness surrounding the entire decision including the timing and the location of the Normandy invasion might be summarized by a short speech that Eisenhower wrote in advance, in case he might need it. In it, he took full responsibility for catastrophic failure, should that be the final result. Long after the successful landings on D-Day and the BBC broadcast of Eisenhower's brief speech concerning them, the never-used second speech was found in a shirt pocket by an aide. It read: “ Our landings have failed and I have withdrawn the troops. My decision to attack at this time and place was based on the best information available. The troops, the air and the Navy did all that bravery could do. If any blame or fault attaches to the attempt it is mine alone. ” Aftermath of World War II Following the German unconditional surrender on May 8, 1945, Eisenhower was appointed Military Governor of the U.S. Occupation Zone, based in Frankfurt am Main. Germany was divided into four Occupation Zones, one each for the U.S., Britain, France, and the Soviet Union. Upon full discovery of the death camps that were part of the Final Solution (Holocaust), he ordered camera crews to comprehensively document evidence of the atrocity so as to prevent any doubt of its occurrence. He made the decision to reclassify German prisoners of war (POWs) in U.S. custody as Disarmed Enemy Forces (DEFs). As DEFs, they could be compelled to serve as unfree labor (see Eisenhower and German POWs). Eisenhower was an early supporter of the Morgenthau Plan to permanently remove Germany's industrial capacity to wage future wars. In November 1945 he approved the distribution of 1000 free copies of Morgenthau's book Germany is Our Problem, which promoted and described the plan in detail, to American military officials in occupied Germany. Historian Stephen Ambrose draws the conclusion that, despite Eisenhower's later claims that the act was not an endorsement of the Morgenthau plan, Eisenhower both approved of the plan and had previously given Morgenthau at least some of his ideas on how Germany should be treated. He also incorporated officials from Morgenthau's Treasury into the army of occupation. These were commonly called "Morgenthau boys" for their zeal in interpreting the occupation directive JCS 1067, which had been heavily influenced by Morgenthau and his plan, as strictly as possible. Eisenhower served as Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army from 1945-48. In December 1950, he was named Supreme Commander of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and given operational command of NATO forces in Europe. Eisenhower retired from active service on May 31, 1952, upon entering politics. He wrote Crusade in Europe, widely regarded as one of the finest U.S. military memoirs. During

65 this period Eisenhower served as President of Columbia University from 1948 until 1953, though he was on leave from the university while he served as NATO commander. After his many wartime successes, General Eisenhower returned to the U.S. a great hero. Not long after his return, a "Draft Eisenhower" movement in the Republican party persuaded him to declare his candidacy in the 1952 presidential election to counter the candidacy of isolationist Senator Robert Taft. Eisenhower defeated Taft for the nomination but came to an agreement that Taft would stay out of foreign affairs while Eisenhower followed a conservative domestic policy. Eisenhower's campaign was a crusade against the Truman administration's policies regarding "Korea, Communism and Corruption." Eisenhower promised to go to Korea himself and end the war and maintain both a strong NATO abroad against Communism and a corruption-free frugal administration at home. He and his running mate Richard Nixon, whose daughter later married Eisenhower's grandson David, easily defeated Adlai Stevenson in a landslide, marking the first Republican return to the White House in 20 years. Eisenhower was the only general to serve as President in the 20th century. Presidency 1953-1961 Interstate Highway System One of Eisenhower's most enduring achievements as President was championing and signing the bill that authorized the Interstate Highway System in 1956. He justified the project through the National Defense Highway Transportation Act as essential to American security during the Cold War. It was believed that large cities would be targets in a possible future war, and the highways were designed to evacuate them. Eisenhower's goal to create improved highways was influenced by his involvement in the U.S. Army's 1919 Transcontinental Motor Convoy. He was assigned as an observer for the mission, which involved sending a convoy of U.S. Army vehicles coast to coast. His subsequent experience with German autobahns during World War II convinced him of the benefits of an Interstate Highway System. Dynamic Conservatism Throughout his presidency, Eisenhower preached a doctrine of Dynamic Conservatism. Although he maintained a conservative economic policy, he continued all the major New Deal programs still in operation, especially Social Security. He expanded its programs and rolled them into a new cabinet level agency, the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, while extending benefits to an additional 10 million workers. His cabinet, consisting of several corporate executives and one labor leader, was dubbed by one journalist, "Eight millionaires and a plumber." Eisenhower was extremely popular, winning his second term with 457 of the 531 votes in the Electoral College, and 57.6% of the popular vote. Eisenhower Doctrine

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After the Suez Crisis, the United States became the protector of most Western interests in the Middle East. As a result, Eisenhower proclaimed the "Eisenhower Doctrine" in January 1957. In relation to the Middle East, the U.S. would be "prepared to use armed force...[to counter] aggression from any country controlled by international communism." On July 15, 1958, he sent just under 15,000 soldiers to Lebanon (a combined force of Army and Marine Corps) as part of Operation Blue Bat, a non-combat peace keeping mission to stabilize the pro-Western government. They left in the following October. Civil Rights Eisenhower supported the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka U.S. Supreme Court decision, in which segregated ("separate but equal") schools were ruled to be unconstitutional. The very next day he told District of Columbia officials to make Washington a model for the rest of the country in integrating Negro and white public school children. Liberal critics complained Eisenhower was never enthusiastic about civil rights, but he did propose to Congress the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960 and signed those acts into law, although both Acts were very weak and added little to the total electorate. Nonetheless, they constituted the first significant civil rights Acts since the 1870s. He also sent soldiers to Little Rock, Arkansas to integrate their schools. The Little Rock Central High School crisis of 1957 involved state refusal to honor a federal court order to integrate the schools. Eisenhower placed the Arkansas National Guard under federal control and sent Army troops to escort nine black students into the all-white school; this incident did not occur without violence. Eisenhower and Arkansas governor Orval Faubus engaged in tense arguments during this tumultuous period in history. People to People Eisenhower founded People to People in 1956; it was and remains an ambassador program for gifted students in elementary, middle and high school. States admitted to the Union * Alaska – January 3, 1959 49th state * Hawaii – August 21, 1959 50th state Retirement and death On January 17, 1961, Eisenhower gave his final televised speech from the Oval Office. In his farewell speech to the nation, Eisenhower raised the issue of the Cold War and role of the U.S. armed forces. He described the Cold War saying: "We face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose and insidious in method..." and warned about what he saw as unjustified government spending proposals

67 and continued with a warning that "we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex... Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together." After Eisenhower left office, his reputation declined and he was seen as having been a "do-nothing" President. This was partly because of the contrast between Eisenhower and his young activist successor, John F. Kennedy, but also because of his reluctance not only to support the civil rights movement to the degree that more liberal individuals would have preferred, but also to stop McCarthyism, even though he opposed McCarthy's tactics and claims. Such omissions were held against him during the liberal climate of the 1960s and 1970s. Since that time, however, Eisenhower's reputation has risen because of his non-partisan nature, his wartime leadership, his action in Arkansas and an increasing appreciation of how difficult it is today to maintain a prolonged peace. In recent surveys of historians, Eisenhower often is ranked in the top 10 among all US Presidents. Eisenhower retired to the place where he and Mamie had spent much of their post-war time, a working farm adjacent to the battlefield at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. The Gettysburg farm is a National Historic Site . In retirement, he did not completely retreat from political life; he spoke at the 1964 Republican National Convention and appeared with Barry Goldwater in a Republican campaign commercial from Gettysburg. Eisenhower leaving the White House after a visit with President Johnson in 1967 Eisenhower leaving the White House after a visit with President Johnson in 1967 Because of legal issues related to holding a military rank while in a civilian office, Eisenhower resigned his permanent commission as General of the Army before entering the office of President of the United States. Upon completion of his Presidential term, his commission on the retired list was reactivated and Eisenhower again was commissioned a five-star general in the United States Army. Eisenhower died at 12:25 p.m. on March 28, 1969, at Walter Reed Army Hospital in Washington D.C., of congestive heart failure at the age of 78. He lies alongside his wife and their first child, who died in childhood, in a small chapel called the Place of Meditation, at the Eisenhower Presidential Library, located in Abilene. His state funeral was unique because it was presided over by Richard Nixon, who was Vice President under Eisenhower and was serving as President of the United States. Tributes and memorials Eisenhower's picture was on the dollar coin from 1971 to 1978. Nearly 700 million of the copper-nickel clad coins were minted for general circulation, and far smaller numbers of uncirculated and proof issues (in both copper-nickel and 40% silver varieties) were produced for collectors. He reappeared on a commemorative silver dollar

68 issued in 1990, celebrating the 100th anniversary of his birth, which with a double image of him showed his two roles, as both a soldier and a statesman. He is remembered for ending the Korean War. USS Dwight D. Eisenhower, the second Nimitz-class supercarrier, was named in his honor. The Eisenhower Expressway (Interstate 290), a 30-mile long expressway in the Chicago area, was renamed after him. The Eisenhower Medical Center in Rancho Mirage, California was named after the President in 1971. The Dwight D. Eisenhower Army Medical Center, located at Fort Gordon near Augusta, Georgia, was named in his honor. In February of 1971, Dwight D. Eisenhower School of Freehold Township, New Jersey was officially opened. The school is named in honor of Eisenhower's achievements. The Eisenhower Tunnel was completed in 1979; it conveys westbound traffic on I-70 through the Continental Divide, 60 miles west of Denver, Colorado. In 1983, The Eisenhower Institute was founded in Washington, D.C., as a policy institute to advance Eisenhower's intellectual and leadership legacies. In 1999, the United States Congress created the Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission, which is in the planning stages of creating an enduring national memorial in Washington, D.C., across the street from the National Air and Space Museum on the National Mall. A county park in East Meadow, New York (Long Island) is named in his honor. In addition, Eisenhower State Park on Lake Texoma near his birthplace of Denison is named in his honor; his actual birthplace is currently operated by the State of Texas as Eisenhower Birthplace State Historic Site. His Farewell Address to the Nation gave the first major warning, to the public, by any major world leader, on "the potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power," posed by the influence of the Military-Industrial Complex. Awards and decorations United States * American Campaign Medal * American Defense Service Medal with "Foreign Service" clasp

69 * Army Distinguished Service Medal with four oak leaf clusters * Army of Occupation Medal with "Germany" clasp * European-African-Middle Eastern Campaign Medal with one silver and four bronze service stars * Legion of Merit * Mexican Border Service Medal * Navy Distinguished Service Medal * World War I Victory Medal * World War II Victory Medal International awards * Argentinian Great Cross of the Order of the Liberator * Belgian Order of Léopold * Belgian Croix de Guerre * Brazil Campaign Medal * Brazil War Medal * Brazilian Grand Cross Order of Military Merit * Brazilian Grand Cross Order of Aeronautical Merit * Brazilian National Order of the Southern Cross * British Order of the Bath * British Order of Merit * British African Star with "1" and "8" numerical devices. * Chief Commander of the Chilean Order of Merit * Chinese Grand Cordon of the Order of Yun Hui * Chinese Grand Cordon of the Order of Yun Fei * Czechoslovakian Order of the White Lion * Czechoslovakian Golden Star of Victory * Danish Order of the Elephant * Ecuadorian Star of Abdon Calderon * Egyptian Grand Cordon of the Order of Ismal * Ethiopian Order of Solomon * French Croix de Guerre * French Legion of Honor * French Liberation Medal * Grand Cross of the Italian Military Order * Greek Order of George I with swords * Guatemalan Cross of Military Merit * Haitian Great Cross of the Order of Honor and Merit * Luxembourg Medal of Merit * Luxembourg War Cross * Medal of Mexican Civic Merit * Mexican Aztec Eagle * Moroccan Order of Ouissam Alaouite * Netherlands Grand Cross of the Order of the Dutch Lion

70 * Norwegian Order of St. Olaf * Order of Mexican Military Merit * Polish Cross of Grunwald * Polish Rastituta Chevalier * Polish Virtuti Militari * Soviet Order of Suvorov * Soviet Order of Victory * Tunisian Grand Cordon of the Nishan Iftikar In addition, Eisenhower's name was given to a variety of streets, avenues, etc., in cities around the world, including Paris, France. Quotations Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Dwight D. Eisenhower One circumstance that helped our character development: we were needed. I often think today of what an impact could be made if children believed they were contributing to a family's essential survival and happiness. In the transformation from a rural to an urban society, children are—though they might not agree—robbed of the opportunity to do genuinely responsible work. — from his memoir, At Ease, Stories I tell to Friends (1967, Doubleday) Kinship among nations is not determined in such measurements as proximity of size and age. Rather we should turn to those inner things--call them what you will--I mean those intangibles that are the real treasures free men possess. To preserve his freedom of worship, his equality before law, his liberty to speak and act as he sees fit, subject only to provisions that he trespass not upon similar rights of others--a Londoner will fight. So will a citizen of Abilene. When we consider these things, then the valley of the Thames draws closer to the farms of Kansas and the plains of Texas. —London Guild Hall Address, June 12, 1945. From this day forward, the millions of our school children will daily proclaim in every city, every village, and every rural schoolhouse, the dedication of our nation and our people to the Almighty. —signing into law the phrase "One nation under God" into the Pledge of Allegiance.

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Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children. [...] This is not a way of life at all in any true sense. Under the clouds of war, it is humanity hanging on a cross of iron. —Eisenhower, April 16, 1953 I like to believe that people in the long run are going to do more to promote peace than our governments. Indeed, I think that people want peace so much that one of these days governments had better get out of the way and let them have it. In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. —Farewell Address January 17, 1961 Should any political party attempt to abolish social security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history. There is a tiny splinter group, of course, that believes you can do these things. Among them are H. L. Hunt (you possibly know his background), a few other Texas oil millionaires, and an occasional politician or business man from other areas. Their number is negligible and they are stupid. —letter to his brother Edgar, November 8, 1954 I voiced to him (Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson) my grave misgivings, first on the basis of my belief that Japan was already defeated and that dropping the bomb was completely unnecessary, and secondly because I thought that our country should avoid shocking world opinion by the use of a weapon whose employment was, I thought, no longer mandatory as a measure to save American lives. —Eisenhower, 1945 Peace and Justice are two sides of the same coin. A people that values its privileges above its principles soon loses both.

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—from 1953 Inaugural Address In preparing for battle, I have always found that plans are useless but planning is indispensable. —Eisenhower, as quoted by Richard Nixon in “Six Crises" (Doubleday, 1962). The United States never lost a soldier or a foot of ground in my administration. We kept the peace. People asked how it happened — by God, it didn’t just happen, I’ll tell you that. —Eisenhower, summing up his eight years in office. Trivia * Eisenhower was 5' 10" in height. * He suffered from Crohn's disease. * Eisenhower was an avid bridge player. Charles Goren said of his game: "Ike breaks 90 at golf – at bridge you could say he breaks 80." * Eisenhower also loved golf, and spent much of his retirement at Augusta National Golf Club, where he was a member. * The loblolly pine tree on the left side of the fairway at the 17th hole at Augusta National Golf Club is known as the Eisenhower Tree. He put his ball in the tree so many times he campaigned to have it removed. It stands to this day. The membership built a cabin for Eisenhower, one of 12 on the course. The cabin, built to Secret Service specifications, still stands on the course and is adorned with an eagle on the front porch. * At the end of his second term in 1961 he was the oldest President to serve, at 70 years and 98 days — a record later broken by Ronald Reagan. * Eisenhower was the first President affected by the 22nd Amendment, which limited presidential terms. * Eisenhower was the last U.S. President to have been born in the 19th Century. * Eisenhower was the second Republican President to serve two full terms; the first was Ulysses S. Grant. * Eisenhower was offered the Medal of Honor for his leadership in the European Theater, but refused it, saying that it should be reserved for bravery and valor. * In 1945, General Eisenhower was the first American made an honorary member of the British Order of Merit. Eisenhower is one of very few Americans made an honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath. * Eisenhower has been portrayed by several actors, including Tom Selleck in the 2004 television program Ike: Countdown to D-Day which depicts the 90 days leading up to the D-Day Invasion. On June 6 of that year, Eisenhower's grandson, David, along with Roosevelt's grandson, David, and Arabella Churchill, granddaughter of British

73 Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill, appeared on MSNBC during the network's coverage of the 60th anniversary of D-Day and talked about the roles their grandfathers played during the allied invasion. * Eisenhower enjoyed cooking as a hobby throughout his life, with particular emphasis on outdoor cooking. During his time as President, he even cooked food on the White House roof, a photo of which exists in the National Archives. Notwithstanding her husband's cooking, Mamie once famously said, "Ike runs the country; I turn the pork chops."

74 EB-COMM communism system of political and economic organization in which property is owned by the state or community and all citizens share in the common wealth, more or less according to their need. Many small communist communities have existed at one time or another, most of them on a religious basis, generally under the inspiration of a literal interpretation of Scripture. The “utopian” socialists of the 19th century also founded communities, though they replaced the religious emphasis with a rational and philanthropic idealism. Best known among them were Robert Owen, who founded New Harmony in Indiana (1825), and Charles Fourier, whose disciples organized other settlements in the United States such as Brook Farm (1841–47). In 1848 the word communism acquired a new meaning when it was used as identical with socialism by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in their famous Communist Manifesto. They, and later their followers, used the term to mean a late stage of socialism in which goods would become so abundant that they would be distributed on the basis of need rather than of endeavour. The Bolshevik wing of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party, which took power in Russia in 1917, adopted the name All-Russian Communist Party in 1918, and some of its allied parties in other countries also adopted the term Communist. Consequently, the Soviet Union and other states that were governed by Soviet-type parties were commonly referred to as “Communist” and their official doctrines were called “Communism,” although in none of these countries had a communist society fully been established. The word communism is also applied to the doctrines of Communist parties operating within states where they are not in power. The origins of Soviet communism Communism as it had evolved by 1917 was an amalgam of 19th-century European Marxism, indigenous Russian revolutionary tradition, and the organizational and revolutionary ideas of the Bolshevik leader Lenin. Marxism held that history was propelled by class struggles. Social classes were determined by their relationship to the means of production; feudal society, with its lords and vassals, had been succeeded in western Europe by bourgeois society with its capitalists and workers. But bourgeois society, according to Marxism, contained within itself the seeds of its own destruction: the number of capitalists would diminish, while the ranks of the impoverished proletariat would grow until finally there would be a breakdown and a Socialist revolution in which the overwhelming majority, the proletariat, would dispossess the small minority of capitalist exploiters. Marxism had been known and studied in Russia for at least 30 years before Lenin took it up at the end of the 19th century. The first intellectual leader of the Russian Marxists was G.V. Plekhanov. Implicit in the teachings of Plekhanov was an acceptance of the fact that Russia had a long way to go before it would reach the stage at which a

75 proletarian revolution could occur, and a preliminary stage would inevitably be a bourgeois democratic regime that would replace the autocratic system of Tsarism. Plekhanov, like most of the early Russian Marxist leaders, had been reared in the traditional Russian revolutionary movement broadly known as Populism, a basic tenet of which was that the social revolution must be the work of the people themselves, and the task of the revolutionaries was only to prepare them for it. But there were more impatient elements within the movement, and it was under their influence that a group called “People's Will” broke off from the Populist organization “Land and Freedom” in 1879. Both groups were characterized by strict discipline and highly conspiratorial organization; “People's Will,” however, refused to share the Populist aversion to political action, and in 1881 some of its members succeeded in assassinating Tsar Alexander II. During the period of reaction and repression that followed, revolutionary activity virtually came to an end. By the time Lenin emerged into revolutionary life in Kazan at the age of 17, small revolutionary circles were beginning to form again. Lenin was a revolutionary in the Russian tradition for some time before he was converted to Marxism (through the study of the works of Marx) before he was yet 19. From the doctrines of the Populists, notably P.N. Tkachev, he drew the idea of a strictly disciplined, conspiratorial organization of full-time revolutionaries who would work among important sections of the population to win support for the seizure of power when the moment was ripe; this revolutionary organization would take over the state and use it to introduce Socialism. Lenin added two Marxist elements that were totally absent in Populist theory: the notion of the class struggle and the acceptance of the need for Russia to pass through a stage of capitalism. Lenin's most distinctive contributions to Communist theory as formulated in What Is To Be Done? (1902) and the articles that preceded it were, first, that the workers have no revolutionary consciousness and that their spontaneous actions will lead only to “trade union” demands and not to revolution; second, the corollary that revolutionary consciousness must be brought to them from outside by their intellectual leaders; and third, the conviction that the party must consist of full-time, disciplined, centrally directed professionals, capable of acting as one man. Lenin's tactics led in 1903 to a split in the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party. With his left-wing faction, called the Bolsheviks, he strove to build a disciplined party and to outwit and discredit his Social-Democratic opponents. After the collapse of tsarism in February 1917, he pursued a policy of radical opposition to the Socialists and Liberals who had come to power in the provisional government, and he eventually succeeded in seizing power in October 1917. Thereafter he eliminated both the opposition of other parties and his critics among the Bolsheviks, so that by the 10th party congress in March 1921 the Bolsheviks (or Communists) had become a monolithic, disciplined party controlling all aspects of Russian life. It was this machine that Stalin inherited when he became general secretary of the party in 1922. The Third International

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The victory of the Bolsheviks in Russia gave a new impetus to the more extreme left wings of the Socialist parties in Europe. Lenin's relations with the European Socialist parties had been hostile even before World War I. During the war he had endeavoured to assert his influence over the dissident left wings of the Socialist parties of the belligerent powers, and at two conferences in Switzerland, in 1915 and in 1916, he had rallied these dissident groups to a policy of radical opposition to the war efforts of their governments and to an effort to turn the war into a civil war. He had already decided by 1914 that, after the war, a Third International must be formed to take the place of the Second International of Socialist parties, which had failed to oppose the war despite its strong antiwar tradition. By 1919, when the new Soviet regime in Russia was fighting for its survival, the intervention on the anti-Soviet side by Britain, France, and the U.S. was a powerful and practical argument to be used by Soviet Russia in its appeals for revolution in capitalist countries. It early became clear the Third International would reflect the influence of Soviet Russia and that it was likely to become subordinate to Soviet aims and needs. Lenin's 21 conditions The Third International, or Comintern, had its first congress in 1919. This gathering of a very few parties in Moscow was more symbolic than real; the main structure of the new International was not hammered out until the second congress in July 1920, also in Moscow. Hopes of world revolution ran high; the prestige of the new Soviet state was in the ascendant, and the resolutions adopted at this congress reflected in the fullest possible way Lenin's idea of what a Communist party should be. It was to be the “main instrument for the liberation of the working class,” highly centralized and disciplined according to the formula of “democratic centralism” on which the Bolshevik Party had been founded. Twenty-one conditions were laid down by the congress as prerequisites for parties affiliating with the Comintern. These conditions were designed to ensure a complete break with the older Social Democratic parties from which the Communist parties were splitting off. The new parties were required to adopt the name Communist in their title, to urge open and persistent warfare against reformist Social Democracy and the Second International, to maintain a centralized and disciplined party press, to conduct periodic purges of their ranks, and to carry on continuous and systematic propaganda in the army and among the workers and peasants. Each constituent party was to support in every possible way the struggle of “every Soviet republic” against counterrevolution. Decisions of the Comintern and of its executive committee were to be binding on all members, and the breach of any of these conditions was to be ground for expelling individual members from their parties—a provision that in future years was to be interpreted very broadly. The New Economic Policy The prestige of Soviet Russia, the rigid discipline imposed by the 21 conditions, and certain other factors ensured the predominance of Russian control and Russian interests over the Comintern. Though the predominance increased during Stalin's time, it was clearly evident while Lenin was still alive. At the third world congress in June and

77 July 1921, the Comintern was confronted by Lenin with his New Economic Policy—a program encouraging small private enterprise, which several months earlier he had put into effect inside Russia. Lenin wanted a temporary halt to the revolutionary upsurge in Europe to give him time to develop stable trade relations with capitalist countries, to whom the Soviet state was preparing to grant trading and industrial concessions. Comintern members were required to support this policy, and the expulsion of the German Communist leader Paul Levi after the failure of a Communist uprising in Germany in March 1921 showed how determined the leaders of the Comintern were to put down inconvenient left-wing “adventures.” It was with the requirements of the New Economic Policy in mind that the Comintern executive committee in December 1921 launched the turnaround policy of the United Front and of trade union unity. This policy of rapprochement with Socialists and liberals was likewise designed to gain support for Lenin's policy of consolidation at home by appealing to a broader spectrum of opinion in the capitalist countries. Stalinism Socialism in one country Lenin's successor, Joseph Stalin, always claimed to be his faithful follower, and this was to some extent true. Stalin's doctrine that Socialism could be constructed in one country, the Soviet Union, without waiting for revolution to occur in the main capitalist countries (a position he had developed as an integral part of his struggle against Trotsky) was not far removed from the line pursued by Lenin in 1921 when he introduced the New Economic Policy. Both Lenin and Stalin accepted the primary importance of the survival and strengthening of the Soviet state as the main bastion of the future world revolution; both accepted the need for a period of coexistence and trade with the capitalist countries as a means of strengthening socialism in Soviet Russia. Nor did Stalin's later policy of industrialization and collectivization, in theory at least, represent a departure from Lenin's doctrine. Industrialization was central to Lenin's plans, though he did not live to put them into practice. Stalin's view, however, that the construction of socialism led inevitably to an intensification of the class struggle, which in turn required a policy of internal repression and terror, is nowhere to be found in Lenin's writings. On the contrary, Lenin repeatedly emphasized in 1922 and 1923 the necessity of bringing about a reconciliation of the classes and especially of the peasants and workers. Stalin's internal policy was to have wide repercussions in the Comintern and on Communism generally. From 1924 until 1928 his first concern was to defeat his main rival, Trotsky, and this seems to have been one of the main factors determining his policy at this time. As against the more internationalist and doctrinaire Trotsky, Stalin pursued “socialism in one country” and continued to implement Lenin's New Economic Policy with its limited freedom for business enterprise and peasant individualism. In this he could still claim to be following Lenin's wishes. But Stalin also worked with great skill to ensure his control over the party. By 1927 when Trotsky was expelled from the party, Stalin already controlled both the network of party officials (the apparat) and the delegates to congresses and conferences. Debate had been replaced by ritualized unanimity; dissent was permitted only when it served the purposes of the leadership.

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When Trotsky was exiled from the country in 1929, he became the focal point for opposition to Stalin among dissident Communists all over the world, although he was to be more a symbol than an active political force. Having defeated Trotsky and his allies, Stalin next switched policies, abandoning the New Economic Policy in favour of rapid industrialization along with the collectivization of agriculture. The collectivization policy ultimately produced a famine, costing the lives of millions of peasants. The reversal of the New Economic Policy and of Lenin's policy necessarily involved eliminating from the political scene Stalin's former allies, headed by Nikolay Bukharin, who wanted to go slower with industrialization and to cultivate support among the peasants. The protracted conflict, first with Trotsky and his ally G.Y. Zinovyev and then with Bukharin, was reflected in the Comintern and in the world Communist movement, which became increasingly subordinated to Stalin's policy concerns inside the Soviet Union. Stalin and the Comintern The regimentation of the Comintern and of the parties represented in it began at the fifth world congress in June 1924, immediately after Lenin's death. The elimination of Trotsky and his supporters within the Soviet party was followed by widespread expulsions of the “left” from the other world parties. The control of the Soviet-dominated Comintern apparatus was increasingly asserted over the tightly disciplined governing bodies of the foreign parties, which in turn ruled over their members with the instrument of the purge. Ideologically, this procedure was carried out at first under the screen of the United Front, which called for cooperation with Social Democrats and other moderate leftists. At the sixth world congress in 1928, however, a further switch in policy was dictated by Stalin's internal conflict: the United Front tactic was abandoned, and the Social Democrats now became enemies along with Fascists. The sixth congress also declared the main duty of the international working-class movement to be the support of the U.S.S.R. by every means. The united front tactic was revived in 1935 at the seventh (and last) world congress of the Comintern under the name of the Popular Front, calling for united action by Communists and Socialists together against Fascism. Comintern policy changed again in August 1939 when the Soviet Union and Germany concluded a 10-year treaty of nonaggression. This had the effect of freeing Hitler to fight a war against Britain and France. Anti-Fascism was now jettisoned, and the Communist parties were required, up to the moment when Germany invaded the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, to denounce the allied war against Hitler and to recognize Nazism as “the lesser evil” in comparison with Western imperialism. The Soviet alliance with Germany is usually seen as proof that Stalin was primarily concerned with what he considered to be the interests of the Soviet Union. A secret protocol annexed to the treaty assigned the Baltic states (Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia), about half of Poland, and Bessarabia to the Soviet sphere of influence. The evidence suggests that Stalin considered the deal with Hitler to be based on mutual interests; the German invasion in 1941 took him by surprise. After the defeat of Hitler, Soviet territorial demands were again advanced. Stalin's method of rule

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The Communist parties of the world were also called on to adopt official Soviet justifications for Stalin's internal purges, which involved the extermination of a large proportion of the Soviet party membership, including most of the leading cadres. The subservience of some Communist parties to official assertions made by the Soviet authorities sometimes earned them the reputation of being little more than agents of the Soviet Union inside their own countries, though this did not necessarily diminish their influence or importance in several countries of Europe or in the United States. They found much support among sympathizers with Marxism, who were prepared to overlook Soviet realities in the service of their ideals or of what they considered to be the historical destiny of mankind—in which they saw Stalinism as merely a transitory stage. The Communists and their parties and their contacts provided a valuable recruiting ground for intelligence agents of all kinds prepared to act against their own countries in the interests of Soviet Russia. The effects of Stalin's internal policy on the Communist parties outside the Soviet Union are of vital importance in understanding the attitude adopted by these parties after 1956, when much of Stalin's policy was officially repudiated. Stalin's method of rule came, by imitation, to be the standard in all other parties. It hinged primarily upon the dominance of his own personality. He ruled over the country in large measure not through the party, as Lenin had, but through personal agents (like Lavrenty Beria, Andrey Vyshinsky, or Georgy Malenkov) and also through the security police (NKVD). The party as an institution declined under Stalin, and between 1934 and 1952 there was only one party congress, in 1939. The general secretaries of the Communist parties abroad imitated Stalin, and strict hierarchical subordination became the way of party life. Growth of communism during and after World War II The undeclared assault by Hitler on the Soviet Union provoked a wave of sympathy for that country among both the open and secret enemies of Hitler in Europe. The Soviet pact with Hitler, and even the manifest blemishes of Stalin's regime, were forgotten: sympathy with the newly emerged force of resistance to the Nazi scourge far outweighed past memories. Many, it is true, expected the immediate defeat of the Soviet Union. As time went on, however, and the Soviet struggle continued with enormous sacrifice of life and with courage and skill that none could help but applaud, admiration for Soviet military achievements grew even among those who had been most critical and apprehensive of the Soviet political role before the war. The Communists of other countries shared in the prestige won by Soviet military prowess. This was particularly the case in occupied France and Italy where the underground Communist parties played a vital role in the resistance movements. In Yugoslavia, too, the Communist partisan movement led by Tito (Josip Broz) outstripped the nationalist guerrillas in effectiveness and won the material support of Britain. Russian nationalism The policy pursued by Stalin accentuated the nationalist side of the war and attempted in every way to play down the Communist element. At home, tsarist history

80 and the rituals of the Eastern Orthodox Church were invoked in efforts to raise patriotic sentiments to the highest possible pitch. Abroad, Communist aims and ideals were replaced by anti-Nazi, liberal-democratic slogans. The dissolution of the Comintern in 1943 was in line with this policy. It had long ceased to be necessary as an instrument of Soviet control over the foreign Communist parties, which was carried on through other channels; but the publicizing of its dissolution added force to the growing persuasion abroad that the Soviet Union had left its revolutionary past behind it and was now a great power with traditional nationalist and security aims. Stalin himself emphasized that the dissolution of the Comintern would “put an end to the lies spread by Hitler that the Soviet Union wished to Bolshevize other countries” and that Communist parties “followed foreign directives.” Still another factor promoting the influence of Communism during World War II was the enhanced prestige of Stalin himself and the extent to which his personality influenced the allied leaders Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt. Stalin and eastern Europe His growing military and political prestige in turn influenced Stalin's policy toward his allies and determined the future course of Communism after victory was won in 1945. Two main lines of Soviet policy can be discerned in the wartime conferences at Tehran, Yalta, and elsewhere: first, a determination by the Soviet Union that friendly political regimes should be established in the countries on Russia's borders, and second, that the Soviet Union's hard-won status as a great power should be fully recognized in the postwar settlements. These demands were not in themselves unreasonable, considering the enormous price that the Soviet people had paid for victory. In pursuing the creation of a solid Soviet-dominated bloc of Communist states in east-central Europe, Stalin was able to take advantage of the presence of a victorious Soviet army in Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, and East Germany. The cases of Yugoslavia and Albania were different, but the regimes that emerged in all these countries were broadly similar forms of Communist party domination based on the Soviet model, even though the ways in which the Communists achieved power varied. Broadly speaking, three phases could be distinguished. In the first phase there was a genuine coalition of Communist and Socialist parties. This lasted until the spring of 1945 in Romania and Bulgaria, until the spring of 1947 in Hungary, and until February 1948 in Czechoslovakia. Yugoslavia, Albania, Poland, and East Germany never knew this phase: the former two started as “monolithic,” while the latter two began their postwar history in the second phase, an alleged coalition in which the Socialist parties were nominally independent and had some share in power but in which their leaders and policies were largely determined by the Communists. In the third phase, the “monolithic” phase, the nominally independent Socialist parties were required to fuse with the Communists, political opposition was largely suppressed, and Socialist leaders went into exile or were dealt with by staged treason trials. In Poland, Bulgaria, and Romania the third phase began in the autumn of 1947; in Hungary, in the spring of 1948. In East Germany the third phase was complete by 1949.

81 In his policy toward the countries which were destined to form the Soviet bloc, Stalin was aided in part by the inability or unwillingness of the Western allied powers to take steps during the first or second phases described above to prevent the beginning of the third phase and in part by the skillful infiltration of local Communists into key positions. The peasant and Socialist parties, which had substantial support in their countries, were attacked in various ways and demolished as independent political bodies. Yugoslavia was an exception. There the Communists under the leadership of Tito enjoyed a considerable measure of mass support because of their wartime role as partisan fighters. The People's Democracy they instituted in Yugoslavia was for some years little different in character from that of other Communist-party-dominated states of eastern Europe. An attempt to set up a People's Democracy in Greece failed after three years of civil war, in which the Greek Communists were supported by Yugoslav aid. In the countries of Europe outside the Soviet bloc, Communist parties proved unable to exploit the prestige that they had acquired during the war. Both in France and in Italy they enjoyed considerable support: in the parliamentary election of 1945 in France the Communists received 26 percent of the vote, and in the general elections to the Constituent Assembly in Italy in June 1946 they received 19 percent. Both parties, however, failed to achieve real national power in the postwar period; their role was confined to fomenting strikes and disorder in the interests of Soviet policy. The detailed story of the Italian and French Communist parties during the period 1945 to 1949 is complex, but, broadly speaking, their attempts at insurrection foundered against the facts of the power of the army and the police and a lack of revolutionary zeal among their worker supporters. On the other hand, their attempts to win power by parliamentary means were frustrated by the distrust that the Socialists felt for them as colleagues in Parliament or in government and by their own evident lack of interest in a viable parliamentary system. Communism's growth in Asia Powerful Communist parties emerged after the war in various parts of Asia, in many cases largely as a result of the resistance of the Western powers to growing nationalist movements. Communist-led insurrections, allegedly coordinated by Moscow, broke out in the summer of 1948 in Burma, Malaya, and Indonesia. In Indochina, after the surrender of Japan, the Communists under Ho Chi Minh seized power in the three northern provinces of the country. French colonial policy helped drive the nationalists into the arms of Ho Chi Minh, and by the end of 1946 a guerrilla war had broken out in the country that was to last for nearly three decades before the Communist victory of 1975. In Japan democratic legislation imposed by the United States after its victory permitted the Communists to operate legally. In the succeeding few years they made little progress toward governmental power but won considerable gains in the trade unions and an important measure of influence among university students. In India the Communist Party supported the British war effort after June 1941 and gained ground as a result; it switched to violent insurrection after Indian independence but abandoned this policy in 1950.

82

The most significant factor in the postwar history of Communism in Asia may have been the victory in 1949 of the Chinese Communist Party under the leadership of Mao Tse-tung. China, rather than the Soviet Union, seemed destined to play the leading role in Asian Communism. The victory of the Chinese Communists over Chiang Kaishek and the Kuomintang, like that of Tito's forces in Yugoslavia, owed little if anything to Soviet aid—save that the Russians had handed over to the Chinese Communists the military stores captured from the Japanese during the very short period when the U.S.S.R. was at war with Japan in 1945. Although the Chinese Communist Party had developed under the aegis of the Comintern and acknowledged the doctrinal authority of Lenin and Stalin, its experience had been very different. Its victory had been preceded by long guerrilla warfare. Mao's rise to power had, moreover, been achieved by ignoring Soviet advice as much as by following it. Stalin showed quite clearly from the outset that he intended to keep China in a position of subordination not unlike that which he had successfully marked out for most of eastern Europe—a status the Chinese Communist leaders were not likely to accept. Culturally, economically, and geographically, China was in a strong position to become the model for Communist revolution in Asia and to wrest the leadership of Asian Communism from the Soviet Union. These and other factors were to produce signs of a possible breach between China and the U.S.S.R. within less than 10 years of the proclamation of the Chinese People's Republic on October 1, 1949. The world movement up to Stalin's death The wartime alliance had given rise to some hopes that Soviet-Western amity would continue. Stalin's relentless pursuit of security through the domination of neighbouring countries shattered this hope. At home Stalin returned to his prewar tactics: widespread arrests and deportations occurred in the newly incorporated or reincorporated territories of the Soviet Union; the restriction of cultural life was intensified; the straitjacket was reimposed on the party, on the peasants, and on the industrial workers. There is some evidence to suggest that at the time of his death in March 1953 Stalin was planning a new purge on the scale of the 1936–38 purges. The struggle with the West Soviet expansion into eastern Europe led to counteractions by the Western powers that Moscow interpreted as part of a master plan to encircle and subjugate the Soviet Union. These included the Truman Doctrine of containment of Soviet expansion proclaimed in March 1947; the offer in June of that year by United States Secretary of State George Marshall to underwrite the economic recovery of Europe; and the North Atlantic Treaty of April 1949, which established a permanent defense force for western Europe, including in its orbit West Germany. Another factor that affected Soviet policy was the monopoly of the atomic bomb enjoyed by the United States from 1945 until 1949. The Soviet Union rejected the Baruch Plan put forward by the U.S. for the international control of atomic weapons and made every effort to produce its own, succeeding in September 1949. The “Cold War” was on. The defection of Yugoslavia

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In September of 1947 a new international organization, the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform), was established. Unlike the old Third International (Comintern), the Cominform was limited in membership to the Communist parties of the Soviet-dominated countries of east-central Europe and to the French and Italian Communist parties. The aim of the Cominform was to consolidate and expand Communist rule in Europe. Plans for the establishment of Communist rule in Czechoslovakia were discussed, and the French and Italian parties were reproved for their failure to win power in their own countries. The Cominform did not prove a success. Certainly one of its purposes was to hold Yugoslavia more securely within the Communist fold, and for this reason Belgrade was chosen as the seat of the new organization. But within a few months a quarrel broke out between the Soviet and Yugoslav parties, and when the Cominform held its second meeting in June 1948, it was for the purpose of denouncing the Yugoslav Communist Party and expelling it from the organization. The quarrel with Yugoslavia resulted largely from Tito's refusal to submit to domination by the Soviet Union; there was also some suspicion on the Soviet side, possibly well founded, that the Yugoslav party leader hoped to build up a bloc of Communist states in southeastern Europe that would not be totally dependent on the Soviet Union. The effect of the Soviet-Yugoslav quarrel, which has never completely healed, was momentous. First, it shattered the doctrine that the Communist movement must be monolithic, since a Communist party had challenged Moscow and survived. Second, Yugoslavia, having broken with the U.S.S.R., was in a position to assume a role of considerable influence in the world, especially toward states formed in formerly colonial territories. The Yugoslavs could speak as Communists who, while opposed to the policy of the imperialist powers, were no mere agents of Soviet policy. This position carried a particularly strong appeal in India, but the impact of the Soviet quarrel with Tito was much wider. A third effect of the Yugoslav defection was a tightening of the Soviet hold over the remaining members of the Communist bloc. In Soviet-dominated lands “Titoism” became synonymous with treason, much as “Trotskyism” had been in the '30s. Purges and public trials ensued throughout eastern Europe. In some cases, like that of Wladyslaw Gomulka in Poland (who was left alive), or Koci Xoxe in Albania, the charge of sympathy with Yugoslavia may have been true; in others, like those of László Rajk in Hungary or Traicho Kostov in Bulgaria, the offense may have been only an attempt to resist Soviet domination; in the trial of Rudolf Slánský in Czechoslovakia in 1952, a strong anti-Semitic element played a part. Countries of the Communist bloc were seething with anti-Soviet and nationalist feeling by the time Stalin died. Though Stalin's postwar policy was successful in extending the boundaries of Soviet military and political control well into eastern and central Europe, Communism did not win out in France or in Italy, where its chances had appeared strongest. The policy of expansionism and of intransigence founded on suspicion of the United States led to a kind of consolidation of

84 the West against the Soviet Union. In the Far East the Korean War was probably not a success from the Communist point of view. Korea had been divided after the defeat of Japan: in the northern part a Communist government came to power in elections held in November 1946, and in the south a non-Communist government was established. Each claimed to be the legal government of the whole country. Invasion of the south by the north in June 1950 was condemned by the Security Council of the United Nations as aggression, and the Security Council approved military assistance to South Korea under a unified American command. (The absence of the Soviet representative from the Security Council prevented the U.S.S.R. from vetoing this resolution.) The long war, in which China intervened on the side of North Korea, brought heavy burdens and few, if any, advantages, and the conflict between the major powers that it involved led them in the fears of many to the verge of world war. In June 1951 the Soviet Union proposed discussions for an armistice, to which the Western powers agreed. The negotiations were protracted and did not result in an armistice until after Stalin's death in 1953. The breakup of the world Communist monolith The Khrushchev era Stalin died on March 5, 1953. For a short time, until the beginning of 1955, power was nominally divided between Georgy Malenkov, the chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Nikita Khrushchev, the first secretary of the Communist Party. Almost from the beginning, Khrushchev was the dominant of the two; his victory over his rival was only a matter of time. Malenkov, it would seem, decided quite early that the Soviet Union could not maintain its hold over the Eastern bloc without substantial economic relaxation. The difficulties that always beset the reform of an oppressive regime were soon illustrated in East Germany. Within a week of the announcement by East German leaders that “aberrations” of the past would be rectified and some of the hardships of life alleviated, there was an uprising in the streets of East Berlin; it spread to other parts of East Germany and was quelled only by the use of Soviet armed forces. The blame for this was laid on Lavrenty Beria (the Soviet security chief, shortly to be deposed and executed) and by implication on Malenkov. The new relaxed policy continued, however, in most of the Soviet-bloc countries. Economic reforms were initiated in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Poland, but the system of political rule remained unchanged. Khrushchev, who by the beginning of 1955 had ousted Malenkov, had a comprehensive vision of how the Eastern bloc should be run. He was determined to find a way out of the straitjacket in which Stalin had confined Soviet life; the outcome was to have momentous consequences for Soviet dependencies abroad, which Khrushchev probably did not at the time foresee. His policy toward the Communist satellite countries may be summarized as one of cooperative integration instead of exploitation, with some degree of economic and political autonomy (under Communist Party leadership). A political and military convention between the European Communist states and the U.S.S.R. (the Warsaw Pact) was signed in May 1955. Khrushchev also sought to redesign the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON), the Communist counterpart of western Europe's Common Market, which Stalin had set up in January 1949: he tried, with indifferent success, to transform COMECON into a device for promoting division of

85 labour, economic specialization, and technical and financial cooperation among the countries of the bloc. The crises of 1956 In order to demonstrate that Stalin's policy was a thing of the past, Khrushchev made substantial efforts to effect a reconciliation with Tito and the Yugoslav Communists (against the opposition of some of his colleagues, including Vyacheslav Molotov). An agreement with Yugoslavia in June 1956 recognized that “the conditions of Socialist development are different in different countries” and stated that no Socialist country should impose its views on another. This was a momentous change in policy, since it meant that a country could be described as “Socialist” without being obliged to follow all the practices adopted by the Soviet Union or every Soviet turn in foreign relations. The reconciliation with Yugoslavia was only one of several important events that made the year 1956 a watershed in the history of Communism. In February, at the 20th congress of the Communist Party, Khrushchev delivered a speech in secret session in which he attacked the period of Stalin's rule in most forthright terms. The speech was not published within the Soviet Union, but its text was widely circulated among Communists both within and outside the Soviet Union and was published by the U.S. State Department. Its effect was enormous. Although the disclosures were neither complete nor entirely new, the fact that Khrushchev had uttered them caused a ferment in the Communist movement that was to prove irreversible. It inaugurated a period of freedom of debate and criticism that had been unknown for a quarter of a century; despite efforts both by Khrushchev and by his successors to keep criticism of the “cult of personality” (the accepted euphemism for Stalin's misdeeds) within bounds, the ferment could not be contained. The Hungarian Revolution In the European Communist countries, Khrushchev's disclosures opened the floodgates of pent-up criticism and resentment against the local Stalin-type leaders. In Hungary, Mátyás Rákosi was ousted as party leader in July 1956 and replaced by Erno Gero. But Gero was unable to contain the rising tide of unrest and discontent, which broke out into active fighting late in October, and appealed for Soviet help. The first phase of the Hungarian Revolution ended in victory for the rebels: Imre Nagy became premier and agreed, in response to popular demands, to establish a multiparty system; on November 1 he declared Hungarian neutrality and appealed to the United Nations. On November 4 the Soviet Union, profiting from the lack of response to Nagy from the Western powers, and from the British and French involvement in action against Egypt, invaded Hungary in force and stopped the revolution. In Poland, where the ferment was also reaching dangerous intensity, the Soviet Union accepted a new party leadership headed by the more moderate Wladyslaw Gomulka. There are believed to have been two reasons for this difference in Soviet policy. One was that in Poland the Communist Party remained in control of the situation. The other was that the invasion and subjugation of Poland would have required a military force several times that required in Hungary.

86 Polycentrism Inside the Communist states, the suppression of the Hungarian Revolution had a restraining effect. There was, nevertheless, no return to the Stalinist type of domination and exploitation; a slow evolution followed toward a degree of internal autonomy, even in Hungary. The events of 1956 also had profound effects upon Communists outside the Soviet bloc. There were many resignations after the Hungarian Revolution, and those who remained in the fold began to question both Soviet leadership and the nature of a system that had made the ascendancy of Stalin possible. The most trenchant questioning came from the leader of the Italian Communist Party, Palmiro Togliatti, who concluded that the Soviet pattern could no longer be the model for all other countries and called in June 1956 for decentralization of the Communist movement, a view that became known as “polycentrism.” “The whole system becomes polycentric, and . . . we cannot speak of a single guide but rather of a progress which is achieved by following paths which are often different.” Although the Italian Communist Party, or segments of it, were still prepared to support the Soviet Union at times of crisis, at other times it took positions different from those of the Soviet Union. The Sino-Soviet dispute A gathering of Communist parties in Moscow in November 1957, in which China played a leading role, attempted to reassert a common doctrine while recognizing the need for differences in national practice. At Chinese insistence it also retained the Stalinist emphasis on the leadership of the Soviet Union. For a short time relations between the Soviet Union and China were harmonious: after 1955 Khrushchev had put an end to the humiliating terms that Stalin had imposed on China and inaugurated a policy of substantial economic aid. The differences between China and the Soviet Union, which were to erupt into an open campaign of mutual abuse by 1962, were discernible to most observers by 1959, when the Soviet Union failed to give immediate political backing to Chinese military action against India and when China, at the same time, showed suspicion of Soviet talks with the United States in pursuit of Khrushchev's policy of “peaceful coexistence.” In 1960 the differences widened, though they were still unpublicized. The Soviet Union withdrew its technical advisers from China as a preliminary to what was to prove an almost complete severing of economic relations. A facade of agreement was maintained, and at a conference of Communist parties held in Moscow in 1960 a series of resolutions was put forth to show that unity prevailed as ever in the ranks of the world Communist movement. News of serious disagreements, however, soon leaked out, for the increasing number of dissident groups within the several parties had by now rendered the maintenance of secrecy impossible. In the following year, 1961, the Soviet Union began a public polemic against the Chinese viewpoint. This was disguised as an attack on Albania, since 1959 a client of China and increasingly critical of Khrushchev's foreign policy. By 1962 the quarrel had become open and very bitter. It was conducted as a dispute over doctrine, but the practical issue underlying it was a basic rivalry for leadership of the world revolutionary movement.

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The Sino-Soviet dispute had three major effects on this movement. It shattered the pretension that Marxism-Leninism offered a single world view, since at least two radically different ways of interpreting Marxism-Leninism were presented to Communists throughout the world, each backed by a Communist party in power with the prestige of a victorious revolution behind it. Second, it seriously impaired, if it did not destroy, the Soviet claim to be the leader of the world revolutionary movement. Since 1960 nearly all Communist parties have split into pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese portions, though outside Asia the Soviet portion has usually retained predominance. In the important parts of Asia, with the possible exception of India, where the party is divided into several warring factions, China has become the predominant influence upon Communist parties. Third, the mere fact of the dispute tended to create greater flexibility for individual parties within the Communist movement as a whole, even in the case of parties that nominally accepted Soviet leadership. The Romanians, for example, were able to follow a nationalistic course by which they successfully resisted Soviet attempts to integrate the Romanian economy into the bloc pattern. The Romanians also took an independent line in their trade relations with other countries, in refusing to participate in the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia, and in their policy toward Israel. After the fall of Khrushchev in October 1964, his successors made efforts to reunite the world movement. They were only moderately successful. Seventy-five parties met in Moscow in June 1969, but of 14 parties in power five did not attend, and Cuba sent only an observer; Asia and Africa, the main areas of Chinese influence, were very poorly represented. Little unity emerged from the conference; in particular, the efforts of the Soviet Union to secure condemnation of China were unsuccessful. The resolution finally adopted was couched in such general terms as scarcely to conceal that the cracks had been merely pasted over. In the course of the 1970s, the hold of the Soviet Communist party over Communist parties outside the bloc seemed for a time to become weaker, with several parties (notably of France, Spain, and Italy) asserting independence from Moscow and the right to criticize Soviet policy. This movement, nicknamed “Eurocommunism,” had lost much of its force by the end of the decade, however. Problems of internal reform A continuing problem in the history of Communist countries after the death of Stalin was the reform of their overcentralized political and economic structures. The only country that may be said to have achieved success was Yugoslavia, which had since 1948 asserted and maintained its independence from Soviet interference. After initially collectivizing much of its agriculture, Yugoslavia allowed the collective farms to dissolve. It also established Workers' Councils in the factories and publicized them in its foreign propaganda despite Soviet disapproval. The Yugoslav party program of 1958 contained three points in particular that were diametrically opposed to Soviet theory: that Socialism can be achieved without a revolution, that the Communist Party need not have a monopoly of leadership, and that danger of war arises from the existence of two power blocs in the world and not (as the Soviet Union contended) from the aggressive intentions of the United States. In January 1974, a new constitution was adopted that, apart from

88 making changes in the representational system, provided for a collective presidency consisting of one member from each republic and autonomous province. Tito was elected president for life; after his death in 1980 this office rotated among the several members of the collective presidency. Suppression of reform in Czechoslovakia The most dramatic failure of an attempt at reform was in Czechoslovakia. The resignation of the old Stalinist party leader Antonín Novotný and his replacement by Alexander Dubcek in January 1968 inaugurated a process of liberalization. The reformers hoped to humanize Communist rule by introducing basic civil freedoms, an independent judiciary, and other democratic institutions. The support of leading economists for this program was particularly significant since it indicated that they realized that the already accepted policy of economic decentralization (which included giving a measure of initiative to individual enterprises) would fail unless accompanied by political changes. While the Czechoslovak Communists had repeatedly declared their intention to remain within the existing system, Moscow, possibly fearing that the developments they had set under way would ultimately endanger the stability of eastern Europe, endeavoured to induce the Czechoslovak party leaders to abandon their course. The Soviet effort failed, possibly because there were no Czechoslovak Communist leaders prepared, with Soviet help, to oust Dubcek. Finally a group of Warsaw Pact forces— predominantly Soviet, but with token contributions from the other Warsaw Pact members except Romania—invaded Czechoslovakia on the night of August 20–21, 1968, effectively killing the momentum of the reform movement in Czechoslovakia. A Sovietcontrolled security service was installed, and the Dubcek leadership was gradually forced out of top posts and eventually expelled from the party. Although the repression was thorough, there was no mass terror. The Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia came as a greater shock to many Communists than the invasion of Hungary because it was directed against Communist leaders who strongly asserted their loyalty to Moscow. The motives that prompted Soviet action were probably two: one was the fear that the Soviet defense area created by Stalin after World War II might be endangered if the Dubcek regime were allowed to continue; the other was the fear that the entrenched and conservative Communist parties in other European Communist countries, and in the Soviet Union itself, might not be equal to the challenge posed by a reformed Communism in Czechoslovakia. Khrushchev's reforms This concern that the power of the Communist party might be diminished may also have acted as a brake on internal reform. The reforms carried out by Khrushchev between 1953 and 1964 had been extensive. The arbitrary powers of the security police were brought under control; there were widespread reviews and rehabilitations (often posthumously) of the sentences of those sent to labour camps under Stalin; and reforms (in 1958) removed the worst anomalies of Soviet criminal law and procedure. The stringent controls over the lives of workers and farmers were relaxed. Discussion and

89 debate were tolerated among writers and intellectuals to a degree that would have been inconceivable under Stalin. The whole system of agricultural management was considerably relaxed, and a system of incentives for the collective farmers was introduced. The limit of reform, as Khrushchev saw it, was the point at which any threat appeared to the party's control over all aspects of life. Under his successor, Leonid Brezhnev, the brake on reform was applied more heavily. Criticism of Stalin decreased. Freedom of opinion was considerably restricted by the introduction of penal provisions against “slandering” the Soviet system: for the first time since Stalin's death, there were trials of writers, and the courts ceased to show any inclination to assert their independence as they had under Khrushchev. The numbers of political prisoners steadily increased, although the Brezhnev regime could not be compared to Stalin's. A movement toward economic reform had started under Khrushchev, aiming at some decentralization of economic control through greater freedom for enterprises to plan their own operations and through more influence for market forces. This was continued and officially encouraged after 1964 by Prime Minister Aleksey Kosygin, but it made little headway and was abandoned. The period of the 1970s was one of economic stagnation and conservatism coupled with expanded military power. Communist doctrine after Stalin The errors of “revisionism” and “dogmatism” The most far-reaching innovation in Communist doctrine during the period 1953– 70 was the Chinese interpretation of Marxism-Leninism known as Maoism. In the Soviet sphere several profound changes in doctrine took place after the death of Stalin. One change was the rise of ideological dispute for the first time since the early 1920s. The Yugoslav ideas were denounced as “revisionism,” a term that harked back to the turn of the century when it had been used to characterize the views of Eduard Bernstein, who had argued that Socialism could be achieved without a revolution. After 1957 the terms “revisionism” and “dogmatism” became an integral part of Communist discourse. They were applied in a variety of meanings. By the Chinese, “revisionism” was used to mean, in effect, Khrushchevism—i.e., the policies that Khrushchev had introduced in both domestic and international relations and that the Chinese opposed. On the Soviet side, “revisionism” became a catchphrase to designate any political reform that appeared to endanger the dominance of the Communist Party. As defined at the Moscow conference of 1957 (with Chinese approval then), it was applied to all reform movements within the Communist system that denied “the historical necessity of the proletarian revolution,” or the “Leninist principles for the construction of the party.” The term “dogmatism,” in Soviet usage, meant a doctrinal conservatism that ignores changing realities, a clinging to received ideas in a way “calculated to alienate the party from the masses.” In practice the Soviets sought a course between revisionism and dogmatism. Different roads to Socialism Important new elements in Soviet doctrine were set out in the party program adopted by the 22nd congress in October 1961 (which were, to some extent, embodied in the declarations of the Moscow conferences of 1957 and 1960). First, there was the concession that there are different roads to Socialism. This may have been no more than a

90 practical recognition of the fact that since the breach with Yugoslavia and the death of Stalin it had no longer been possible for the Soviet Union to impose its own pattern on all Communist states. The invasion of Hungary in 1956, of Czechoslovakia in 1968, and of Afghanistan in 1979 were not, according to Moscow, inconsistent with this doctrine, because in each case the Soviet Union acted out of a duty to assist a fraternal Socialist state in putting down a counterrevolution. In the case of Czechoslovakia, which had not asked for such assistance, a new tenet was added by Brezhnev in November 1968. Known as the “Brezhnev Doctrine,” it contended that attempts by “internal and external” forces hostile to Socialism to restore capitalism in a Socialist country were a matter of concern to the whole Socialist community. This tenet was used to justify the action of the Warsaw Pact forces in 1968 and of the Soviet forces in 1979. The second change in Soviet doctrine was the view that war between the capitalist and Socialist powers was no longer inevitable, as had always been asserted by both Lenin and Stalin. This was a practical recognition of the fact that a war waged with nuclear weapons would be more likely to lead to mutual annihilation than to victory. Khrushchev emphasized the possibility of “peaceful coexistence” between different social systems and the achievement of Socialism by peaceful means. In the 1970s, peaceful coexistence became known as “détente.” This doctrine raised hopes of real peace between Communist and non-Communist states, but the Soviet leaders made it clear that détente would not preclude either political warfare against the West or military support for wars of liberation. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 left détente seriously impaired. The third doctrinal change after 1953 was also dictated by practical reality. The Comintern had rigidly applied concepts drawn from Western history to revolutions in Africa and Asia: industrialization, the emergence of a proletariat, and a Socialist revolution carried out under the leadership of a Communist party. This Marxist analysis proved to be totally unrealistic in the case of underdeveloped countries in which the predominant force was nationalism. This was increasingly recognized, after 1956, in Soviet doctrine, which declared the proper revolutionary aim in the developing countries to be “national democracy.” In Khrushchev's words this meant accepting a “noncapitalist path of development,” which would be in the interests “not only of one class but of the broad strata of the people.” In the late 20th century the Soviet leadership faced two main problems: a decline in the rate of economic growth, to which the party had tied its promises of an improved standard of living, and a ferment of criticism among an intellectual minority, which included an influential component of leading scientists. Two alternatives seemed the most likely: either a return to more repressive measures or a reform of the Soviet system. Leonard Bertram Schapiro The collapse of Soviet Communism Following the death of Brezhnev in 1982, a new generation of less dogmatic party technocrats chose reform. Led by Mikhail S. Gorbachev, who became general secretary

91 in 1985 and president in 1988, Soviet leaders spoke of basic structural reform (perestroika) and more openness (glasnost) in Soviet society and in foreign policy. In what amounted to a fourth doctrinal change, Soviet leaders declared that Communist revolution was no longer the mission of the Soviet Union, nor would the country continue to serve as the ideological model for world Communism. Underscoring this doctrinal reversal, the Communist Party officially gave up its monopoly of power at the 28th party congress in 1990. The more relaxed attitude in Soviet society subsequently encouraged Soviet-bloc countries in eastern Europe and Africa to develop a more independent stance, and in fact many of them cast out their Communist leaders altogether. The dramatic reversal of fortune experienced by the Polish trade-union movement Solidarity was a prime example. Although it was outlawed by Communist authorities in 1980, only 10 years later its leader, Lech Walesa, become president of Poland. Fearing the disintegration of the Soviet Union, in August 1991 a group of hardline Communist officials detained Gorbachev and attempted to take control of the government. The coup failed after only three days, further encouraging the constituent republics to secede and dealing a deathblow to the already weakened Communist Party. On December 8, 1991, the leaders of Russia, Ukraine, and Belorussia (now Belarus) declared that the Soviet Union had ceased to exist. Gorbachev resigned as Soviet president on December 25, and all Soviet institutions ceased to function at the end of the year. Reforms in China Like the Soviet Union, Communist China also underwent fundamental changes in the 20th century. Following the economic failures of the Cultural Revolution (1966–76), it adopted a modernization plan designed to attract foreign investment; to improve agriculture, industry, science and technology, and defense; to allow greater individual freedom of choice; and to reduce the influence of political dogmatism in nonpolitical spheres of life. The economy, especially in South China, grew at a record pace from the late 1980s as the government introduced extensive free-market reforms, which were expanded further at a Communist Party plenum in November 1993. In March 1999 the People's Congress adopted two constitutional amendments, one affirming that private enterprise is "an important component of the socialist economy," the other stating that the country "should implement the principle of rule by law." Ed. Additional Reading Useful works include Shlomo Avineri, The Social and Political Thought of Karl Marx (1968, reissued 1990; originally published in Hebrew, 1967); Tom Bottomore (ed.), Interpretations of Marx (1988); Leszek Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism, 3 vol. (1978; originally published in Polish, 1976–78); H.B. Acton, The Illusion of the Epoch (1962, reissued 1972); Robert C. Tucker, Philosophy and Myth in Karl Marx, 2nd ed. (1972); Isaiah Berlin, Karl Marx: His Life and Environment, 4th ed. (1978); R.N. Carew Hunt, The Theory and Practice of Communism, 5th rev. ed. (1957, reissued 1977); J.L.H. Keep, The Rise of Social Democracy in Russia (1963), an outstanding history of the

92 subject up to 1906; Leonard Schapiro, The Origin of the Communist Autocracy: Political Opposition in the Soviet State: First Phase, 1917–1922, 2nd ed. (1977); Adam B. Ulam, The Bolsheviks (1965; also published as Lenin and the Bolsheviks, 1966); Franco Venturi, Roots of Revolution: A History of the Populist and Socialist Movements in Nineteenth Century Russia (1960, reprinted 1983; originally published in Italian, 1952); and Bertram D. Wolfe, Three Who Made a Revolution, 4th rev. ed. (1964, reissued 1984), a readable, stimulating history of Bolshevism in its formative years. Works on Stalinism include Ian Grey, The First Fifty Years: Soviet Russia, 1917– 67 (1967); Leonard Schapiro, The Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 2nd rev. and enlarged ed. (1970), a detailed history of the Communist Party in theory and in practice up to 1968; Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: Stalin's Purge of the Thirties, rev. ed. (1973); Ivo Banac, With Stalin Against Tito (1988); Graeme Gill, Stalinism (1990); and Robert V. Daniels, Trotsky, Stalin, and Socialism (1991). The phenomenon of totalitarianism is treated well in Hannah Arendt, The Burden of Our Time (1951; also published as The Origins of Totalitarianism, new ed., 1973, reprinted 1986); and Ellen Frankel Paul (ed.), Totalitarianism at the Crossroads (1990). The world movement up to Stalin's death is treated in Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Tito and Goliath (1951), an excellent study of the conflict between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union; Zbigniew K. Brzezinski, The Soviet Bloc: Unity and Conflict, rev. and enlarged ed. (1967), and Out of Control: Global Turmoil on the Eve of the Twenty-First Century (1993); Conrad Brandt, Benjamin Schwartz, and John K. Fairbank, A Documentary History of Chinese Communism (1952, reissued 1971); Liu Kang and Xiaobing Tang (eds.), Politics, Ideology, and Literary Discourse in Modern China (1993); Vladimir Dedijer, Tito Speaks (1953); Jane Degras (ed.), Communist International, 1919–1943: Documents, 3 vol. (1956–65, reprinted 1971), a collection of documents with commentary; Herbert Feis, Churchill, Roosevelt, Stalin, 2nd ed. (1967), a well-documented study of wartime diplomacy; Gunther Nollau, International Communism and World Revolution (1961, reissued 1975; originally published in German, 1959); Eugenio Reale, Avec Jacques Duclos: au banc des accusés à la réunion constitutive du Kominform à Szklarska Poreba (22–27 septembre 1947), trans. from Italian (1958); David Rees, Korea: The Limited War (1964); and Hugh Seton-Watson, From Lenin to Khrushchev (1960, reissued 1985; also published as The Pattern of Communist Revolution, rev. and enlarged ed., 1960), a study of the rise of Communism in eastern Europe. Developments after Stalin are surveyed in Tariq Ali (ed.), The Stalinist Legacy (1984); Adam Bromke (ed.), The Communist States at the Crossroads Between Moscow and Peking (1965); Alexander Dallin (ed.), Diversity in International Communism: A Documentary Record, 1961–63 (1963); Hélène Carrère d'Encausse and Stuart R. Schram, Marxism and Asia: An Introduction with Readings (1969; originally published in French, 1965); Edward Crankshaw, The New Cold War: Moscow v. Peking (1963); Ghita Ionescu, The Break-up of the Soviet Empire in Eastern Europe (1965, reprinted 1984);

93 Walter Laqueur and Leopold Labedz (eds.), Polycentrism (1962), a valuable collection of essays on dissent in the Communist parties; Wolfgang Leonhard, The Kremlin Since Stalin (1962, reprinted 1975; originally published in German, 1959); Columbia University, Russian Institute, The Anti-Stalin Campaign and International Communism, rev. ed. (1956), an annotated text of Khrushchev's secret speech in 1956, with some other documents; Hugh Seton-Watson, The Imperialist Revolutionaries (1978); H. Gordon Skilling, The Governments of Communist East Europe (1966); Michel Tatu, Power in the Kremlin (1969; originally published in French, 1967); Donald S. Zagoria, The SinoSoviet Conflict, 1956–61 (1962, reissued 1973); Milorad M. Drachkovitch (ed.), Fifty Years of Communism in Russia (1968), a symposium by a number of experts on changes in Communist doctrine; Leonard Schapiro (ed.), The USSR and the Future (1962), essays by specialists on various aspects of the party program of 1961; Peter Ferdinand, Communist Regimes in Comparative Perspective (1991); and Gale Stokes, The Walls Came Tumbling Down (1993). Three important sources for studies of regime change are Daniel Chirot, Social Change in the Modern Era, ed. by Robert K. Merton (1986); Jack A. Goldstone (ed.), Revolutions: Theoretical, Comparative, and Historical Studies, 2nd ed. (1994); and John Dunn, Modern Revolutions, 2nd ed. (1989).

94 EB-DWIGHT Dwight D. Eisenhower born October 14, 1890, Denison, Texas, U.S. died March 28, 1969, Washington, D.C. Cabinet of President Dwight D. Eisenhower in full Dwight David Eisenhower 34th president of the United States (1953–61), who had been supreme commander of the Allied forces in western Europe during World War II. (For a discussion of the history and nature of the presidency, see presidency of the United States of America. See also Cabinet of President Dwight D. Eisenhower.) Early career Eisenhower was the third of seven sons of David Jacob and Ida Elizabeth (Stover) Eisenhower. In the spring of 1891 the Eisenhowers left Denison, Texas, and returned to Abilene, Kansas, where their forebears had settled as part of a Mennonite colony. David worked in a creamery; the family was poor; and Dwight and his brothers were introduced to hard work and a strong religious tradition at an early age. “Ike,” as Dwight was called, was a fun-loving youth who enjoyed sports but took only a moderate interest in his studies. The latter was perhaps a sign of one of his later characteristics: a dislike for the company of scholars. Dwight graduated from Abilene High School in 1909, worked for more than a year to support a brother's college education, and then entered the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, New York, a decision that left his mother, a pacifist, in tears. He excelled in gridiron football but injured a knee in his second year at the academy and was forced to stop playing. In the remarkable class of 1915—which was to produce 59 generals—he ranked 61st academically and 125th in discipline out of the total of 164 graduates. Commissioned a second lieutenant, he was sent to San Antonio, Texas, where he met Mamie Geneva Doud (Mamie Eisenhower), daughter of a successful Denver, Colorado, meat packer. They were married in 1916 and had two sons: Doud Dwight, born in 1917, who died of scarlet fever in 1921, and John Sheldon Doud, born in 1922. During World War I, Eisenhower commanded a tank training centre, was promoted to captain, and received the Distinguished Service Medal. The war ended just before he was to be sent overseas. From 1922 to 1924 he was assigned to the Panama Canal Zone, and there he came under the inspiring influence of his commander, Brigadier General Fox Conner. With Conner's assistance, Eisenhower was selected to attend the army's Command and General Staff School at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Then a major, he graduated first in a class of 275 in 1926 and two years later graduated from the Army

95 War College. He then served in France (where he wrote a guidebook of World War I battlefields) and in Washington, D.C., before becoming an aide to Army Chief of Staff General Douglas MacArthur in 1933. Two years later he accompanied MacArthur to the Philippines to assist in the reorganization of the commonwealth's army, and while there he was awarded the Distinguished Service Star of the Philippines and promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel. He returned to the United States shortly after Germany's invasion of Poland initiated the European phase of World War II, and in March 1941 he became a full colonel. Three months later he was made chief of staff of the Third Army, and he soon won the attention of Army Chief of Staff General George C. Marshall for his role in planning war games involving almost 500,000 troops. Supreme commander When the United States entered World War II in December 1941, Marshall appointed Eisenhower to the army's war plans division in Washington, D.C., where he prepared strategy for an Allied invasion of Europe. Eisenhower had been made a brigadier general in September 1941 and was promoted to major general in March 1942; he was also named head of the operations division of the War Department. In June Marshall selected him over 366 senior officers to be commander of U.S. troops in Europe. Eisenhower's rapid advancement, after a long army career spent in relative obscurity, was due not only to his knowledge of military strategy and talent for organization but also to his ability to persuade, mediate, and get along with others. Men from a wide variety of backgrounds, impressed by his friendliness, humility, and persistent optimism, liked and trusted him. A phrase that later became one of the most famous campaign slogans in American history seemed to reflect the impression of everyone who met him: “I like Ike!” Eisenhower was promoted to lieutenant general in July 1942 and named to head Operation Torch, the Allied invasion of French North Africa. This first major Allied offensive of the war was launched on November 8, 1942, and successfully completed in May 1943. Eisenhower's decision to work during the campaign with the French admiral François Darlan, who had collaborated with the Germans, aroused a storm of protest from the Allies, but his action was defended by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. A full general since that February, Eisenhower then directed the amphibious assault of Sicily and the Italian mainland, which resulted in the fall of Rome on June 4, 1944. During the fighting in Italy, Eisenhower participated in plans to cross the English Channel for an invasion of France. On December 24, 1943, he was appointed supreme commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force, and the next month he was in London making preparations for the massive thrust into Europe. On June 6, 1944, he gambled on a break in bad weather and gave the order to launch the Normandy Invasion, the largest amphibious attack in history. On D-Day more than 156,000 troops landed in Normandy. Invading Allied forces eventually numbered 1,000,000 and began to fight their way into the heart of France. On August 25 Paris was liberated. After winning the Battle of the Bulge—a fierce German counterattack in the Ardennes in December—the Allies crossed

96 the Rhine on March 7, 1945. Germany surrendered on May 7, ending the war in Europe. Although Eisenhower was criticized, then and later, for allowing the Russians to capture the enemy capital of Berlin, he and others defended his actions on several grounds (the Russians were closer, had more troops, and had been promised Berlin at the Yalta Conference of February 1945). In the meantime, in December 1944, Eisenhower had been made a five-star general. Eisenhower was given a hero's welcome upon returning to the United States for a visit in June 1945, but in November his intended retirement was delayed when President Harry S. Truman named him to replace Marshall as chief of staff. For more than two years Eisenhower directed demobilization of the wartime army and worked to unify the armed services under a centralized command. In May 1948 he left active duty the most popular and respected soldier in the United States and became president of Columbia University in New York City. His book Crusade in Europe, published that fall, made him a wealthy man. Eisenhower's brief career as an academic administrator was not especially successful. His technical education and military experience prepared him poorly for the post. In the fall of 1950 President Truman asked him to become supreme commander of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and in early 1951 he flew to Paris to assume his new position. For the next 15 months he devoted himself to the task of creating a united military organization in western Europe to be a defense against the possibility of communist aggression. First term as president As early as 1943 Eisenhower was mentioned as a possible presidential candidate. His personal qualities and military reputation prompted both parties to woo him. As the campaign of 1952 neared, Eisenhower let it be known that he was a Republican, and the eastern wing of the party, headed by Governor Thomas E. Dewey of New York, made an intensive effort to persuade him to seek the Republican presidential nomination. His name was entered in several state primaries against the more conservative Senator Robert A. Taft of Ohio. Although the results were mixed, Eisenhower decided to run. In June 1952 he retired from the army after 37 years of service, returned to the United States, and began to campaign actively. At the party convention in July, after a bitter fight with Taft supporters, Eisenhower won the nomination on the first ballot. His running mate was Senator Richard M. Nixon of California. The Democrats nominated Governor Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois for president and Senator John Sparkman of Alabama for vice president. Despite his age (61), Eisenhower campaigned tirelessly, impressing millions with his warmth and sincerity. His wide, friendly grin, wartime heroics, and middle-class pastimes—he was an avid golfer and bridge player and a fan not of highbrow literature but of the American western—endeared him to the public and garnered him vast support. Like her husband, Mamie Eisenhower projected a down-to-earth image. She remained an

97 ardent supporter of him, though their marriage had been strained by rumours of an affair during World War II between Eisenhower and his driver-secretary Kay Summersby. Eisenhower urged economy and honesty in government and promised to visit Korea to explore the possibilities for ending the Korean War, which had broken out in 1950 between communist North Korea and pro-Western South Korea and soon involved United Nations (mainly U.S.) troops and communist Chinese forces. Many Republicans, including Nixon, spoke of pro-communist disloyalty within the Truman administration and called for stringent antisubversive measures. The Eisenhower-Nixon ticket won handily, carrying 39 states, winning the electoral vote 442 to 89, and collecting more than 33 million popular votes. (See primary source document: First Inaugural Address.) The Republican Party won control of Congress by a slim margin but lost both houses two years later. Eisenhower's basically conservative views on domestic affairs were shared by his secretary of the treasury, George M. Humphrey. The administration's domestic program, which came to be labeled “modern Republicanism,” called for reduced taxes, balanced budgets, a decrease in government control over the economy, and the return of certain federal responsibilities to the states. Controls over rents, wages, and prices were allowed to expire, and in 1954 there was a slight tax revision. At Eisenhower's insistence Congress transferred the title to valuable tideland oil reserves to the states. But there was no sharp break with policies inherited from previous Democratic administrations. The needs of an expanding population (which grew from 155 million to 179 million during the Eisenhower era) and the country's overseas commitments caused budget deficits during five out of eight years. The minimum wage was increased to $1 per hour; the Social Security System was broadened; and in the spring of 1953 the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare was created. The right wing of the Republican Party clashed with the president more often than the Democrats did during his first term. For example, Eisenhower expended a great deal of time and energy defeating the Bricker Amendment of 1954, the bill sponsored by Republican Senator John Bricker of Ohio that would have limited the president's liberty to negotiate international treaties that violated the rights of U.S. states. The bill fell only one vote short; it was a victory for the president's extensive lobbying campaign. But by far the largest challenge came from Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin. In part to preserve party unity, Eisenhower had refused to publicly condemn Senator McCarthy's charges of communist influence within the government. Although privately Eisenhower expressed his distaste for the senator, at times he seemed to encourage the attacks of McCarthyites. Hundreds of federal employees were fired under his expanded loyaltysecurity program. With his approval Congress passed a law designed to outlaw the American Communist Party. Following the sensational hearings on McCarthy's charges against army and civilian officials, televised nationally for five weeks in the spring of 1954, McCarthy's popularity waned, as did the anticommunist hysteria.

98 Foreign affairs drew much of Eisenhower's attention. He and his secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, worked hard at achieving peace by constructing collective defense agreements and by threatening the Soviet Union with “massive retaliatory power”; both strategies were designed to check the spread of communism. Another strategy was unknown to the public at the time but was heavily criticized in later years: the use of the Central Intelligence Agency in covert operations to overthrow governments in Iran (1953) and Guatemala (1954). Eisenhower kept his campaign promise and visited Korea shortly after his inauguration. Partly, perhaps, because of Joseph Stalin's death in March 1953 and partly because Eisenhower hinted at his willingness to use nuclear weapons, the president was able to negotiate a truce for the Korean War in July 1953. In December of that year he proposed to the United Nations that the countries of the world pool atomic information and materials under the auspices of an international agency. This Atoms for Peace speech (see original text) bore fruit in 1957, when 62 countries formed the International Atomic Energy Agency. In July 1955 the president met with leaders of Great Britain, France, and the Soviet Union at a summit conference in Geneva. His “open skies” proposal, by which the United States and the Soviet Union would permit continuous air inspection of each other's military installations, was welcomed by world opinion but was rejected by the U.S.S.R. In September 1954 Eisenhower and Dulles succeeded in creating the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) to prevent further communist expansion. It was composed of the United States, France, Great Britain, Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Thailand, and Pakistan. NATO was strengthened in 1955 by the inclusion of West Germany. Critics contended that there were frequent disparities between the administration's words and its deeds in the field of foreign relations. While threatening to “unleash” Nationalist Chinese leader Chiang Kai-shek, the United States signed a defense treaty with Nationalist China in December 1954 that inhibited Chiang's ability to attack the communist Chinese. Moreover, Dulles spoke of “liberating” captive peoples in communist countries, but the administration stopped short of this and limited itself to protests when uprisings occurred in East Germany (1953) and Hungary (1956). While the secretary of state promised “massive retaliation” against communist aggression, the president made the decision to limit the American role in the Indochina crisis between France and the guerrillas led by Ho Chi Minh to pushing for a partition of Vietnam into a communist North and a noncommunist South and to providing financial and military aid to the latter. Second term A heart attack in September 1955 and an operation for ileitis in June 1956 raised considerable doubt about Eisenhower's ability to serve a second term. But he recovered quickly, and the Republican convention unanimously endorsed the Eisenhower-Nixon ticket on the first ballot. The Democrats again selected Adlai E. Stevenson and named

99 Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee as his running mate, but Eisenhower's great personal popularity turned the election into a landslide victory, the most one-sided race since 1936, as the Republican ticket garnered more than 57 percent of the popular vote and won the electoral vote 457 to 73. Nevertheless, the Democrats once more captured both houses of Congress, a feat they were to duplicate in 1958. Eisenhower was the first president to serve with three Congresses controlled by the opposition party. The election campaign of 1956, however, had been complicated by a crisis in the Middle East over Egypt's seizure of the Suez Canal. The subsequent attack on Egypt by Great Britain, France, and Israel and the Soviet Union's support of Egypt prompted the president to go before Congress in January 1957 to urge adoption of what came to be called the Eisenhower Doctrine, a pledge to send U.S. armed forces to any Middle Eastern country requesting assistance against communist aggression. When the U.S. Supreme Court, on May 17, 1954, declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional (Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka), controversy and violence broke out, especially in the South. In September 1957 Eisenhower dispatched 1,000 federal troops to Little Rock, Arkansas, to halt an attempt by Governor Orval E. Faubus to obstruct a federal court order integrating a high school. This action was the most serious challenge of his presidency. On several occasions Eisenhower had expressed distaste for racial segregation, though he doubtless believed that the process of integration would take time. Significantly, the Civil Rights Act of 1957 was the first such law passed since 1875. On October 4, 1957, the Soviet Union launched Sputnik I, the first man-made satellite to orbit the Earth. Americans were stunned by the achievement, and many blamed Eisenhower for the administration's insistence on low military budgets and its failure to develop a space program. Steps were taken to boost space research and to provide funds to increase the study of science, and these culminated in the creation of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration in July 1958. The administration again came under fire in the fall of 1957 for an economic recession that lasted through the following summer. For fear of fueling inflation, Eisenhower refused to lower taxes or increase federal spending to ease the slump. Following the death of Dulles in the spring of 1959, Eisenhower assumed a more vigorous and personal role in the direction of American foreign policy. He traveled over 300,000 miles (480,000 km) to some 27 countries in his last two years of office, a period historians have termed the era of “the new Eisenhower.” His masterly use of the new medium of television—holding regularly televised news conferences and participating in high-profile motorcades in foreign capitals around the world—and his exploitation of the advent of jet travel captivated the public and led some scholars to term Eisenhower the first of the imperial presidents. To improve relations with the Soviet Union, he invited Premier Nikita S. Khrushchev to visit the United States. Khrushchev toured parts of the country in September 1959 and held private talks with Eisenhower. Another summit meeting was planned, and a new era of personal diplomacy seemed at hand. But when a

100 U-2 reconnaissance plane piloted by Francis Gary Powers of the United States was shot down over the U.S.S.R. in May 1960, Khrushchev scuttled the talks and angrily withdrew his invitation to Eisenhower to visit the Soviet Union. Eisenhower admitted that the flights had gone on for four years and shouldered much of the blame for the ill-timed affair. In January 1961, during the last weeks of the Eisenhower administration, the United States broke diplomatic relations with Cuba, which for two years had been under the control of Fidel Castro. Although his administrations had a great many critics, Eisenhower remained extraordinarily popular. In his Farewell Address (see original text) he warned against the rise and power of “the military-industrial complex,” but his successors ignored him amid the perceived demands of the Cold War. When he left office, Congress restored his rank as general of the army. He retired to his farm in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, and devoted much of his time to his memoirs. In 1963 he published Mandate for Change, which was followed in 1965 by Waging Peace. A lighter work, At Ease: Stories I Tell to Friends, appeared in 1967. Thomas C. Reeves Additional Reading Dwight D. Eisenhower's papers are collected in Alfred D. Chandler, Jr., and Louis Galambos (eds.), The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower (1970– ). Eisenhower's entire career is presented in Marquis William Childs, Eisenhower: Captive Hero (1958), a convincing interpretation; Stephen E. Ambrose, Eisenhower, 2 vol. (1983–84); Robert F. Burk, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Hero and Politician (1986); and Michael R. Beschloss and Vincent Virga, Eisenhower: A Centennial Life (1990), which is extensively illustrated. Treatments of Eisenhower during World War II include Stephen E. Ambrose, The Supreme Commander (1970); David Eisenhower, Eisenhower at War, 1943–1945 (1986– ), by his grandson; and Norman Gelb, Ike and Monty: Generals at War (1994), which deals with Eisenhower as the supreme Allied commander and Bernard Law Montgomery, the British commander. Eisenhower's presidency is examined in Emmet John Hughes, The Ordeal of Power (1963, reissued 1975), a brilliant critique of the first term; Dean Albertson (ed.), Eisenhower as President (1963), containing first-rate assessments; Herbert S. Parmet, Eisenhower and the American Crusades (1972); Charles C. Alexander, Holding the Line: The Eisenhower Era, 1952–1961 (1975); William Bragg Ewald, Jr., Eisenhower the President: Crucial Days, 1951–1960 (1981), written by a White House staff member during Eisenhower's presidency; Fred I. Greenstein, The Hidden-Hand Presidency: Eisenhower as Leader (1982, reissued 1994), which argues that Eisenhower was a politically strong leader, not weak as thought by many; and Chester J. Pach, Jr., and Elmo Richardson, The Presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower (rev. ed., 1991). Works dealing with foreign relations during Eisenhower's presidency include John P. Burke, et al. , How Presidents Test Reality: Decisions on Vietnam, 1954 and

101 1965 (1989), which analyzes Eisenhower's nonintervention at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 in comparison with Lyndon B. Johnson's 1965 intervention; David W. Lesch, Syria and the United States: Eisenhower's Cold War in the Middle East (1992); and Isaac Alteras, Eisenhower and Israel: U.S.-Israeli Relations, 1953–1960 (1993). Jeff Broadwater, Eisenhower & the Anti-Communist Crusade (1992), examines Eisenhower's handling of the U.S. communist issue, from the beginning of the Cold War through his presidency. Eisenhower's reaction to the 1957 Soviet launch of the first artificial Earth satellite is assessed in Robert A. Divine, The Sputnik Challenge (1993). Craig Allen, Eisenhower and the Mass Media: Peace, Prosperity & Prime-Time TV (1993), discusses Eisenhower's use of television to shape public opinion throughout his presidency. Günter Bischof and Stephen E. Ambrose (eds.), Eisenhower: A Centenary Assessment (1995), collects essays by revisionist and postrevisionist scholars. Biographical studies of Eisenhower's wife, Mamie Doud Eisenhower, include Dorothy Brandon, Mamie Doud Eisenhower: A Portrait of a First Lady (1954); Alden Hatch, Red Carpet for Mamie (1954); and Lester David and Irene David, Ike and Mamie: The Story of the General and His Lady (1981). Thomas C. Reeves

102 Appendix B Positive Terms absolutely,absorbing,abundance,ace,active,admirable,adore,agree,alert,a1,alive,amazing,a ppealing,approval,aroma,attraction,award,bargain,beaming,beats,beautiful,best,better,bits ,boost,bounce,breakthrough,breezy,brief,bright,brilliant,brimming,buy,care,certain,charm ing,chic,choice,clean,clear,colourful,comfy,compliment,confidence,connoisseur,cool,cou rteous,coy,creamy,crisp,cuddly,dazzling,debonair,delicate,delicious,delightful,deluxe,dep endable,desire,diamond,difference,dimple,discerning,distinctive,divine,dreamy,drool,dyn amic,easy,economy,ecstatic,effervescent,efficient,endless,energy,enhance,enjoy,enormou s,ensure,enticing,essence,essential,exactly,excellent,exceptional,exciting,exclusive,exhila ration,exotic,expert,exquisite,extol,extra,eyecatching,fabled,fair,famous,fantastic,fashionable,fascinating,fab,fast,favourite,fetching,fi nest,finesse,first,fizz,flair,flattering,flip,flourishing,foolproof,forever,fragrance,free,fresh ness,friendly,full,fun,galore,generous,genius,gentle,giggle,glamorous,glitter,glorious,glo wing,goahead,golden,goodness,gorgeous,graceful,grand,great,guaranteed,happy,healthy,heartwar ming,heavenly,ideal,immaculate,impressive,incredible,inspire,instant,interesting,invigora ting,invincible,inviting,irresistible,jewel,joy,juicy,keenest,kind,kissable,k.o.,knowhow,leads,legend,leisure,light,lingering,logical,longest,lovely,lucky,luscious,luxurious,m agic,matchless,magnifiesit,maxi,memorable,mighty,miracle,modern,more,mouthwatering ,multi,munchy,natural,need,new,nice,nutritious,o.k.,opulent,outlasts,outrageous,outstandi ng,palate,palatial,paradise,pamper,passionate,peak,pearl,perfect,pick-meup,pleasure,pleases,plenty,plum,plump,plus,popular,positive,power,precious,prefer,presti ge,priceless,pride,prime,prize,protection,proud,pure,quality,quantity,quenching,quick,qui et,radiant,ravishing,real,reap,recommendation,refined,refreshing,relax,reliable,renowned, reputation,rest,rewarding,rich,right,rosy,royal,safety,save,satisfaction,scores,seductive,sel ect,sensitive,sensational,serene,service,sexy,shapely,share,sheer,shy,silent,silver,simple,si ngular,sizzling,skilful,slick,smashing,smiles,solar,smooth,soft,sound,sparkling,special,sp ectacular,speed,spicy,splendid,spice,spotless,spruce,star,strong,stunning,stylish,subtle,suc cess,succulent,sun,superb,superlative,supersonic,supreme,sure,sweet,swell,symphony,tan, tangy,tasty,tempting,terrific,thoroughbred,thrilling,thriving,timeless,tingle,tiny,top,totally ,traditional,transformation,treat,treasure,trendy,true,trust,ultimate,ultra,unbeatable,unble mished,undeniably,undoubtedly,unique,unquestionnably,unrivalled,unsurpassed,valued,v aluable,vanish,varied,versatile,victor,vigorous,vintage,v.i.p.,vital,vivacious,warm,wealth, wee,whiz,whole,whopper,winner,wise,wonderful,worthy,wow!,youthful,yule,young,zap, zeal,zest,zip,zoomamazed,ardent,bliss,calm,carefree,cheer,cheerful,devoted,eager,enjoyin g,excited,faithful,friendly,glorious,happiness,happy,hopeful,hug,humerous,joke,joy,laugh ,lively,love,medal,peaceful,pleasant,pleased,proud,relieved,smile,sparkle,stamina,tender,t rust,vitality,warmth

103 Appendix C Negative Terms debunk,defenestrate,dejected,disconsolate,disheveled,dismantle,dismayed,disparate,feckl ess,gormless,impetuous,impromptu,inane,incessant,inchoate,incognito,incommunicado,in domitable,ineffable,inert,infernal,inhibited,innocent,innocuous,insidious,insipid,insoucia nt,intact,invert,misgivings,misnomer,nonchalant,noncommittal,nondescript,nonpareil,non plussed,unbeknownst,unnerved,unscathed,unswerving,untold,disarray,disconcerting,imm aculate,impeccable,inadvertent,incapacitated,incorrigible,inept,inevitable,inscrutable,inse nsate,insufferable,interminable,reckless,unbridled,uncouth,unflappable,unfurl,ungainly,u nkempt,unmitigated,unrequited,unruly,unthinkable,untoward,unwieldy,ashamed,beaten,c riticized,dehumanized,disrespected,embarrassed,humiliated,inferior,insulted,invalidated,l abeled,lectured,mocked,offended,insult,resentful,ridiculed,stereotyped,teased,underestim ated,bossed,controlled,imprisoned,inhibited,forced,manipulated,obligated,overcontrolled,overruled,powerless,pressured,restricted,trapped,abandoned,alone,confused,disapproved,disco uraged,ignored,insignificant,invisible,left,lonely,misunderstood,neglected,rejected,uncare d,unheard,unknown,unimportant,uninformed,unloved,unsupported,unwanted,accused,che ated,accused,interrogated,judged,lied,misled,punished,robbed,abused,afraid,attacked,frig htened,intimidated,over-protected,scared,terrified,threatened,underprotected,unsafe,violated,cynical,guarded,skeptical,suspicious,untrusted,untrusting,decay, failure,collapse,deeper,crisis,urgent,destructive,destroy,sick,pathetic,lie,liberal,they,them, bureaucracy,betray,consequences,limit,shallow,traitors,sensationalists,endanger,coercion, hypocrisy,radical,threaten,devour,waste,corruption,incompetent,destructive,impose,selfserving,greed,ideological,insecure,pessimistic,excuses,intolerant,stagnation,welfare,corru pt,selfish,insensitive,mandate,taxes,spend,shame,disgrace,punish,bizarre,cynicism,cheat,s teal,abuse,machine,bosses,obsolete,criminal,patronage,abuse,alienation,ashamed,avoided, awful,bad,bankrupt,blame,bored,burden,cramp,cry,curse,damage,depressed,despair,despe rate,doom,doubts,dud,failure,feeble,fright,funeral,gloom,grave,grief,guilt,guilty,helpless, hopeless,hurt,ill,isolated,lonely,loss,misery,pathetic,penalty,poverty,punish,regret,rejecte d,sad,sick,solemn,sorry,stupid,suffering,suicide,tears,terrible,torture,tragedy,tragic,trap,tr ouble,ugly,unhappy,upset,waste,weakness,widowed,worry

104 Table 1 Readability Measures Index Source Gunning Gunning, R. (1973). The Fog index technique of clear writing (3rd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.

Formula Reading Level (Grade) = (Average No. of words in sentences + Percentage of words of three or more syllables) * 0.4

Coleman Liau index

Flesch Kincaid Grade level

Coleman, M.; and Liau, T. L. (1975); A computer readability formula designed for machine scoring, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 60, pp. 283-284 Rudolf Flesch (1948); A new readability yardstick, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 32, pp. 221-233 Smith, E. A. and R. J. Senter (1967). 'Automated readability index', AMRLTR, 66-22. WrightPatterson AFB, OH: Aerospace Medical Division. McLaughlin, G. Harry. (1969). SMOG grading: A new readability formula. Journal of Reading, 12(8), 639-646. Kincaid, J. p.; Fishburne, R. p., Jr.; Rogers, R. L.; and Chissom, B. S. (1975);

Reading Level (Grade) = (5.89 * characters/words) − (30 * sentences/words) − 15.8 Reading Level (Grade) = 0.39 (total words/total sentences) + 11.8 (total syllables/total words) 15.8 Reading Level (Grade) = (4.71 * (Number of characters/ Number of words)) + (0.5 * (Number of words/ Number of words)) 21.43 Years of education needed to understand = 1.0430 * the square root of (number of polysyllables * (30 / number of sentences) ) + 3.1291 Ease of readability = 206.835 – 1.105 * (total words / total

Results Easy reading range is 6-10. The average person reads at the level 9. Anything above 17th level is difficult for university students. (Fog Index Formulas, Gunning Fog Index section) Grade Level

Grade Level

ARI (Automated Readability Index)

Grade Level

SMOG

Years of education needed to understand

Flesch Reading Ease

Low numbers are easier to read.

105 Derivation of new readability formulas (Automated Readability Index, Fog Count and Flesch Reading Ease Formula) for Navy enlisted personnel, Research Branch Report 8-75, Millington, TN: Naval Technical Training, U. S. Naval Air Station, Memphis, TN sentences) – 84.6 * (total syllables/total words)

106 Table 2 Readability testing results Index WPEB COMM COMM Number of character s (without spaces) Number of words Number of sentence s: Average number of character s per word Average number of syllables per word Average number of words per sentence Gunning Fog index Coleman Liau index Flesh Kincaid Grade level ARI (Automa 24,567.0 0

WPEBWP EB DIFERE DWIGH DWIGH MEAN MEAN NCE T T 53,327.0 27,541.0 18,799.0 26,054.0 36,063.0 0 0 0 0 0 10,009.0 0

4,571.00 176

10,293.0 0 436.00

5,577.00 309.00

3,687.00 217.00

5,074.00 242.50

6,990.00 326.50

1,916.00 -84.00

5.37

5.18

4.94

5.10

5.16

5.14

0.02

1.85

1.77

1.72

1.76

1.79

1.77

0.02

25.97

23.61

18.05

16.99

22.01

20.30

1.71

18.78 14.7 16.33

16.78 13.44 14.55

14.22 11.62 11.77

13.91 12.47 11.78

16.50 13.16 14.05

15.35 12.96 13.17

1.16 0.21 0.89

16.87

14.78

10.85

11.08

13.86

12.93

0.93

107 ted Readabil ity Index) SMOG Flesch Reading Ease

16.99 24.27

15.51 32.82

13.63 42.81

13.62 40.83

15.31 33.54

14.57 36.83

0.74 -3.29

108 Table 3 Part of speech of the 100 most common words in each text excluding stop words Parts of Speech WP-COMM EB-COMM WP DWIGHT EB-DWIGHT # of Nouns 78 77 76 77 # of Verbs 7 8 8 11 # of Other 15 15 16 12

109 Table 4 The parts of speech for the 25 most unique words per article Parts of Speech WP-COMM EB-COMM WP DWIGHT # of Nouns 19 19 18 # of Verbs 3 5 2 # of Other 3 1 5

EB-DWIGHT 21 3 1

110 Table 5 The ration of nominal to verbal of the most common word pairs of each article Parts of Speech Ratio WP-COMM 15.66667 EB-COMM 15.66667 WP-DWIGHT 5.250000 EB-DWIGHT 6.692308

111 Table 6 The ration of nominal to verbal of first 100 word of each article Parts of Speech Ratio WP-COMM 2.142857 EB-COMM 2.5 WP-DWIGHT 2.909091 EB-DWIGHT 4.5

112 Table 7 The date comparisons between articles in WP and EB Measure WP-COMM EB-COMM # of Dates 19 19 # of unique 3 5 Dates

WP DWIGHT 18 2

EB-DWIGHT 21 3

113 Table 8 The number of Proper names in the 100 most common words of each article. Measure WP-COMM EB-COMM WP DWIGHT EB-DWIGHT # of proper 5 3 4 4 names

114 Table 9 Use of positive and negative words in each article. WPEB WPEBAV - WP AV COMM COMM DWIGHT DWIGHT EB Positive 28 48 48 32 38 40 Negative 17 30 22 22 19.5 26

115 Table 10 Further research applications Method Encyclopædia Britannica Grammatical Comparable readability Nominal Fact and Value statement grammatically match Closed Rhetorical Agent and act centered Aesthetical Authority discerned Ethically Absolutism

Wikipedia Comparable Readability Nominal Fact and Value statements grammatically match Open Scene and agency centered Collective Discerned Relativism

116 Figure 1.1. The “View Of Knowledge”, in Ephraim chambers, Cyclopedia, London: J. Knapton et al., 1728, volume I, ii from (Yeo, 2001, p. 135)

117

118 Figure 1.2. Wikipedia.org vs britanica.com based on Daily Traffic Trend from Alexa.com.

119

120 Figure 1.3. Textual References to statements of Facts and statements of Values.

121