Christopher WALTER

Summary : The origins of the cult of Saint Theodore are studied with a view to the elaboration of a methodological approach valid for other military saints. One by one, are examined the most ancient hagiographical texts concerning Theodore, the establishment of his sanctuary at Euchaita, the spread of his cult, the nature of his interventions as a military saint in the lives of terrestrial men, the emergence of his «twin» Theodore Stratelates with his own personal sanctuary at Euchaneia, and finally the place of the iconography of the two Theodores in Byzantine aesthetics. The late Alexander Kazhdan once remarked that the cult of Byzantine warrior saints needed special investigation.1 I would be inclined slightly to modify this statement and to remark rather that the attention which warrior saints have received is uneven and higgledy-piggledy. Some, like Saints George and Demetrius, have been examined in all their aspects : their legends, the origin and spread of their cult, their iconography.2 Others, like Saint Mercurius, have long had their dossier competently established, to which little that is new has needed to be added.3 Yet others, like Saints Eustathius and Procopius have excited interest principally for only one aspect of them, in this case their vision.4 1. A. Kazhdan, Hagiographical Notes, Byz. 53, 1983, p. 544. 2. For Saint George, see the hundreds of items listed by the Bollandists in the bibliographies of their An. Boll, also my article, The Origins of the Cult of Saint George, REB 53, 1995, p. 295, note 2. For Saint Demetrius, see the same article, p. 310, note 96. 3. S. Binon, Essai sur le cycle de Mercure, martyr de Dèce et meurtrier de l'empereur Julien, Paris 1937 ; Idem, Documents grecs inédits relatifs à S. Mercure de Césarée, Louvain 1937. More recently, P.L. Vocotopoulos, An Icon of Saint Mercurius Slaying Julian the Apostate, Bulletin, New Series n° 2, Medieval Art - In Honour of Zagorka Rasolkoska-Nikolovska, Skopje 1996, p. 137-140. 4. See particularly H. Delehaye, La légende grecque de saint Eustache, Mélanges d'hagiographie grecque et latine, Brussels 1966, p. 212-239 ; N. Thierry, Le culte du cerf en Anatolie et la vision de saint Eustathe, with appendix by C. Jolivet-Lévy, Trois nouvelles représentations de la vision d' Eustathe en Cappadoce, Monuments et mémoires Revue des Études Byzantines 57, 1999, p. 163-210.



However, synthetical studies, in which a scholar attempts seriously to answer the question : what is a warrior saint ?, are mostly lacking, apart from one outstanding example, which, being published in Serbian, may not receive the attention which it deserves.5 I have personally long been intrigued by Byzantine warrior saints, to whom I have devoted a number of articles, while planning an overall study of them. One point which has become clear to me is that, while in late Byzantine society their legends and cult (in synaxaries and menologid) are fairly standardized, as well as their iconography (more particularly in wallpainting), this is not the case in the earlier period. On the contrary, here the legends, cult and iconography of those who may be admitted as candidates for the title of warrior saint are strikingly varied. Before embarking on an overall study, it seemed advisable to examine attentively one particular dossier, that of Saint Theodore. I have several reasons for making this decision. One is that, although Theodore was outstanding in the first centuries as a warrior saint (only later was he in part eclipsed by George), with an abundantly full dossier (most of the literary texts concerning him as well as the known portraits have been published), a synthetical study exists only for his iconography.6 In fact, the studies of Theodore which have been published are mostly concerned with points of detail — sometimes fiddling, sometimes inaccurate (even the Byzantines themselves could be muddled about him !). Consequently some sorting out is necessary. Further, a methodology needs to be established — or re-established — for the study of the first warrior saints. What I use for Theodore can, I hope, be usefully applied in due course to other members of his «echelon» or «phalanx». It should then be possible to generalize safely about the warrior saint, both pristine and mature. I intend now to examine the following aspects of Theodore : the literary texts about his Life, Passion and Miracles ; the origins and spread of his cult ; the special functions attributed to him, notably slaying dragons, intervening in battle to protect cities or rulers, investing rulers ; the early iconographical documents with particular reference to 62, 1991, p. 33-106. H. Delehaye, Les Uzendes hagiographiques, Brussels 1905, p. 142167; Ν. Thierry, Vision d'Eustache. Vision de Procope, ΑΡΜΟΣ. Τιμητικός τόμος στον καθηγητή Κ. Μουτσόπουλο, III, Thessaloniki 1991, ρ. 1845-1860. 5. Η. Delehaye's Les légendes grecques des saints militaires, Paris 1909, remains of course the essential introduction to the study of military saints, but it lacks the global dimensions of M. Markovio's Ο ikonografiji svetih ratnika u istohriscanskoj umetnosti i ο predstavama ovih svetitelja u Decanima, Zidno slikarstvo manastira Decana, edited V. Djurié, Belgrade 1995, p. 567-630. For the Theodores, see A. Amore, Teodoro (di Amasea), Bibliotheca Sanctorum 12, 238-242, and C. Weigert, Theodor Stratelates von Euchaïta, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie 8, Freiburg im Breisgau 1976, p. 444446, Theodor von Euchaïta (von Amasea), ibidem, p. 447-451. 6. L. Mavrodinova, Sv. Teodor - Razvitije i osebnosti na ikonografskija mu tip v srednovekovnata zivopis, Bulletin de l'Institut des Arts 13, Sofia 1969, p. 33-52, while developed for the later Byzantine representations of Saints Theodore Tiron and Stratelates together, is skimpy for the earlier ones of Theodore (Tiron) alone.



his status as a warrior ; Euchaïta and Euchaneia ; the emergence of a «twin» or double - Tiron and Stratelates ; the aesthetics of warrior saints, with special reference to the phenomenon of «twinning» in Byzantine hagiography and iconography. The Literary Sources for Saint Theodore Theodore's hagiographical tradition began well with an Encomium pronounced at his sanctuary. The text has generally been attributed to Gregory of Nyssa.7 At one time there were discordant voices as to its authenticity, which made Hippolyte Delehaye inclined to suspend judgment, pending a critical edition of the Encomium. The text had a wide circulation ; its most recent editor lists eighty-eight manuscripts containing it. Apparently, he took its authenticity for granted.8 The text does not specify the location of Theodore's sanctuary. However, it is only in BHG 1765 that Amaseia, the place where, traditionally, he was executed, is proposed. Euchaita, where he was reputed to have been born, is also the place where all later accounts situate Theodore's sanctuary. If Gregory of Nyssa pronounced the Encomium, it must date from the late fourth century. It is a sober, conventional piece of writing, somewhat sparse in detailed information about Theodore's personal biography. It recounts how he was enrolled in the army, stationed at Amaseia, one day's march from Euchaita, how he refused to sacrifice to the gods, setting fire to a temple of Cybele, how he was tortured and put in prison, where he was consoled by celestial visions, and how, finally, he was burned alive (not decapitated).

7. Gregory of Nyssa, De sancto Theodoro, PG 46, 736-748 {BHG 1760, Clavis 3183) ; J.P. Cav Arnos, Gregory of Nyssa, Sermons II 1, p. CXXV-CLXXII, p. 61-71. A brief recital about Theodore's early life {BHG 1765) was known to Delehaye, Légendes grecques, op. cit. (note 5), from Paris, gr. 499, f. 284v-285. He characterized it as belonging to the literary genre of «l'éloge funèbre d'après Ménandre» and not to be taken seriously. It recounts how, his mother having died prematurely, Theodore was brought up by his father, how he enlisted as a soldier, refused to offer cult to the gods and was martyred at Amaseia. Delehaye later published this recital, Acta sanctorum November IV, Brussels 1925, p. 45-46. Concurrently it was published by A. Sigalas, EEBS 2, 1925, p. 225-226, collating other manuscripts. Later Sigalas maintained that this recital was ancient, possibly anterior to Gregory's Encomium, Des Chrysippos von Jerusalem auf den hi. Johannes den Täufer, 2c, Exkurs : Die alte Theodoras vita, Athens 1937, Texte und Forschungen zur byzantinische-griechischen Philologie 20, p. 102. Even if Sigalas was right, which seems unlikely for it is much more probable that it was extracted or compiled from a later Life, the recital does not much advance our knowledge of Theodore. 8. C. Zuckerman, Cappadocian Fathers and the Goths, TM 11, 1991 (B. Gregory of Nyssa' s Enkomion for St. Theodore the Recruit and the Gothic Riots in Asia Minor in 379), p. 479-486, not only establishes the authenticity of the attribution to Gregory of Nyssa by relating the reference in the Encomium to Scythians to another in his Letter 164, but also plausibly fixes its date to February 17th, 380. I take the opportunity of thanking sincerely Dr Zuckerman for a number of useful references, as well as reading a draft of this article and proposing several amendments.



If a Byzantinist is disappointed that so august an authority has provided him with so few concrete facts about Theodore, he will nevertheless find that the text offers two compensations. Firstly, it witnesses to late fourth-century belief in the power of saints, not only as intercessors but also as actively intervening in the lives of terrestrial men. Besides exercising the traditional office of warding off demons, Theodore also protected his clients on journeys, cured their diseases and procured riches for them if they were poor. He was also considered to be capable of intervening in battle as a soldier, an attribute which was unusual at this early date. Secondly, a passage of the text describes paintings in Theodore's sanctuary, but of this more later. As was normally the case with popular saints, Theodore's biography was developed zealously by hagiographers, most of whose fairly numerous versions have been published.9 The earliest Passion, published by Delehaye, was studied critically by Pio Franchi de' Cavalieri, and then republished by Delehaye.10 It embellishes Gregory of Nyssa's succinct text, by introducing in the conventional way information about the martyr's parents and childhood, a more developed account of his trial, tortures and death, and of the retrieval of his dead body for decent burial. Such supplementary details were regularly borrowed and adapted from the Passions of other martyrs. In the present case, Franchi de' Cavalieri proposed that many new details introduced into Theodore's Passion were borrowed from those of Polycarp, Nestor and Theagenes. As for the transfer of Theodore's body from Amaseia, the place of his martyrdom, to Euchaita, an unusual procedure, for Euchaïta, at that time, was a mere settlement, not the much-frequented sanctuary which it would become, while Amaseia was a city, Franchi de' Cavalieri suggests an explanation : at Euchaita Theodore's relics were less liable to be profaned. Thus far, apart from Gregory of Nyssa's list of benefits which Theodore could bestow on those who invoked him, there is little to distinguish him from any other martyr ; he was simply a soldier — a recruit to the infantry — who, like many other Christians in the army, refused to renounce his faith. In the next text to be considered, the perspectives change. Although their opinions diverge as to the date of the events described in it and of its actual composition, and although their reasons for studying it differ, all the scholars who have been interested by the Life and Miracula BHG Π 64, have found it to be an outstanding piece of hagiographical writing. The unique manuscript in 9. They are listed, of course, in the Bibliographica hagiographica graeca (with Auctarium) 1760-1770. 10. Delehaye, Légendes grecques, p. 127-135 {BHG 1762d) ; Pio Franchi de'Cavalieri, Attorno al più antico testo del martyrium S. Theodori Tironis, Note agiografiche, fascicolo 3° (Studi e testi 22) Rome 1909, p. 91-107; Idem, Note agiografiche, fascicolo 4 (Studi e testi 24), Rome 1912, p. 161-185. Delehaye, Ada Sanctorum, vol. cit. (note 7), p. 12-13.

BHG 1762m). The topographical information which he offers has attracted some scholars.Military Organisation and Society in the Borderlands. Here Theodore came into his own. n° IX. 49-55. 1988. Taken literally. Fr. Idem. R. of offering cult to them and of asking for the intercession of saints painted on icons. 12. evidence is accumulating in favour of the view that this was not the case. 183-201 . the focal point of a festival attracting crowds of pilgrims. p. p. In the first miracle. edited by Sp. Notably. reprinted. 197-199. Kazhdan. J. in his introduction to the related Passion due to Nicolas Ouranos (which. 91. for a time.. It is mentioned specifically that he wore military dress. (note 7). Trombley. A. 12 Military protection from the Byzantine army was sporadically available. The Arab-Byzantine Frontier in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries . because it falls during the reign of Constantine V in the period of First Iconoclasm. Un opuscule inconnu du Magistre Ouranos (La Vie de Théodore le Conscrit. and the seventh indiction. p. as this text recounts. 60. even if the text as it has survived was not put together before the tenth century. Wind. The Decline of the Seventh-Century Town : The Exception of Euchaita. 65-90 (citing Abrahamse). Delehaye did not know). The Arab Wintering Raid Against Euchaita in 663. 1962. graec. because it shows what life was like in a region chronically exposed to marauders. particularly in the Miracula. p. Erytheia 9. François Halkin. Delehaye. However. Delehaye placed its composition categorically after 934. The Flourishing City of Euchaïta? . 17. would have been written in the tenth or eleventh century. theol. An. Anastos. but more than this was needed. . Halkin. p. Vryonis Jr. Martyrs grecs. He-VIIIe siècles. p. of course. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 167 which the text has survived.11 The author of the earlier compilation knew Euchaita and its surroundings first hand. The phrase in question mentions that the text was composed in the fourteenth year of the emperor Constantine. 308-324. Haldon & H. ZRVI 19. 5-6. Kennedy. there are reasons for supposing that. in order that a true likeness might be made of him on an icon. an icon on which Theodore was represented as a footsoldier. F. For this he was followed by his fellow Bollandist. vol. (Variorum Reprints) London 1974. Ada sanctorum. Theodore was a highly popular saint. it contains material assembled at a much earlier date. he made a posthumous apparition. It is possible (but.F. not certain) that this icon was the prototype of the one described in the eleventh century by John Mauropous.THEODORE. 80. the phrase yields the year 754. cit. The mosaic portraits of Saint Demetrius in Thes Saloniki which survived Iconoclasm are notorious evidence that the cult of popular saints in their sanctuary was tolerated. and which was. Idem. apparently.2. Légendes grecques. Delehaye's argument would be valid if imperial decrees prohibiting the cult of icons had been applied strictly throughout the Byzantine empire. There is 11. a date which Hippolyte Delehaye considered to be out of the question for a text which introduces the practice of painting icons. However. Hagiographical Notes. Boll. Malibu 1985. Fifth Annual Byzantine Studies Conference (Abstracts of Papers). 1980. p. Byzantine Studies in Honor of Milton V.

however. edited C. ibidem . 206-210. REB 46. who had sacked Euchaïta before being defeated by Heraclius. if it does not confirm the date. Published by A. Boll. at that time the bishop of the city . p. Ibidem. this time on horseback.17 a priest of Jerusalem who died in 479. 55-72. But of this more later. 1925. rolling about and biting his tongue. angels ordered Theodore to leave the way open for the barbarian invaders. . p.Johnston. the inhabitants of Euchaïta were saved. shortly before Heraclius relieved the Persian siege of Constantinople in 626. who also summarized and analysed them. that the celestial powers were not always favorably disposed towards the inhabitants of Euchaïta. 196-198. p. because their leader had fallen to the ground inside it. then BHG 1764 provides the earliest literary account of the prodigy. 43. 15. note 32. Zuckerman dates the incident to the late autumn of 622. Iconographical evidence also exists. Dagron. which. Equally superfluous are the amendments proposed by Abrahamse and Trombley. and again by Delehaye. it enabled a respectable lady to recognize the martyr in a vision. attributed to Chrysippus. Aldershot 1995. Theodore prayed that God should not abandon the people of whom he was the protector. An. Theodoros Teron. Theodore's relics were stolen. 17. Miracle n° 3. 134 note 11. the few who escaped were killed by hail as big as stone projectiles. at least corroborates it and makes it more plausible. Les recueils antiques de miracles des saints. The siege of Constantinople in 626. (note 7). in consequence.15 It seems. although the city was destroyed. nor is it necessary to amend the text by introducing the name of Romanus I Lecapenus (for whom the fourteenth year of his reign coincided with the seventh indiction yielding the date 934). 16 This collection of miracles differs radically from the earliest surviving one (BHG 1765c). Other miracles occurred. Routed by a Roman force. p. Theodore the Recruit (BHG 1764). On another occasion. 41-45. p. How ARD. 16. God relented . On one occasion.168 CHRISTOPHER WALTER consequently little difficulty in accepting that BHG 1764 was compiled originally soon after 754. subsequently he rebuilt Theodore's shrine. in another miracle. 191-210. on this occasion. Miracle n° 4. Ibidem. The «commonsense» reading of the phrase may be retained. The reign of Constantine V in the Miracles of St. at just the place where he had been painted. for. p. Des Chrysippos von Jerusalem Enkomion auf den hi. the Arabs failed to destroy Theodore's sanctuary. p. 131-142. Constantinople and its Hinterland. Ada Sanctorum vol. This icon was to serve as a point of reference. helping to ward off a barbarian attack. Zuckerman.13 The text recounts another miracle : Theodore slays a dragon. 200. especially p. There was also another intervention by Theodore to wreak vengeance on the Persians. C. cit. prefers to date the incident slightly later. J. Sigalas. Mango & G. 1988. Leipzig 1921. for. Delehaye described them as «des anecdotes piquantes. 14.14 If the eighth-century date is retained for the original version of it. but after an earthquake were restored to Eleutherius the Great. d'un 13.D.

THEODORE. 37-39. Cleonico. Thus Theodore only figures once as a soldier (in the first miracle. . natives of Cappadocia. the miracles recounted in BHG 1764 were all perpetrated in Euchaita or nearby. was rejected by Delehaye (no doubt rightly) as an embroidery of the conventional accounts of Theodore's encounter with a dragon. one or two examples may be adduced in passing. 18. A prodigy recounted. Delehaye. whether of the events recounted or of Euchaita. the text should not be forgotten which attributes relatives to Theodore. p. Bibliotheca Sanctorum 4. where he rescues on horseback a child who had been sold as a slave to the Ishmaelites. Légendes grecques. It is not to be expected that the numerous later texts would add much information — authentic or not — about Theodore's life. p.18 It is evident that.19 Finally. Idem. cit. This latter was rebuilt by a person who was not named by Chrysippus. Nicolas Ouranos probably did not know Euchaita personally. and he is surprisingly indulgent to thieves. In the last miracle. the text closely follows BHG 1764. which Delehaye published alongside that of Chrysippus. 20. He rarely leaves his sanctuary. qui mettent en lumière l'idée qu'on se faisait du saint». Halkin. although he is called Sphoracius in the abridged version of the text. 19. all themselves soldiers and martyrs ! It was published long ago by Hippolyte Delehaye (BHG 656). were sons of the same mother . according to which Theodore rescued his mother from the jaws of a dragon. vol. (note 7). 46-48. D. His speciality is to help those who have been wronged in their material interests. G. Légendes grecques. art. Basiliscus. Acta Sanctorum. p. Eutropio e Basilisco. which is not specified to be Euchaita. The first would have occurred shortly after Theodore's death (his apparition in military dress in order to enable an artist to paint a faithful likeness of him). the more so because the prodigy was situated in the kingdom of a certain king Samuel (or Saul ?). The fourth and the succeeding ones would have occurred in the lifetime of the compiler of the original text. The Life composed by Nicephorus Ouranos (BHG 1762m) has the advantage that it was written by someone who is otherwise known and who lived at the end of the tenth century. Delehaye. apart from the prologue and the two concluding chapters. Gordini. By contrast. which had captured her while she was drawing water from a spring (BHG 1766). However. (note 11). His apparition on horseback in order to defend Euchaita on the occasion of an enemy attack (of this more later) would have occurred in 753. p. cit. in spite of the fact that he recounts (a conventional phrase ?) that the miraculous portrait of Theodore was still venerated there in his sanctuary at the end of the tenth century. 20 Eutropius and Cleonicus. a type of miracle which recurs often enough in Byzantine hagiography !). 202-203. He considered Chrysippus to have been a compiler and adaptor. 40-42 . 54-56. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 1 69 caractère populaire. His anecdotes imply no necessary firsthand knowledge. he extinguishes a fire in a palace near his oratory.

Cleonicus and Basiliscus in the sixteenth-century paintings at Treskavac (Macedonia). 5 (It may be noted in passing that Sabbas Stratelates. 22. what was — it seems likely — a more haphazard and spontaneous process. fig. where his body lay. Boll. p. The Bollandists clung. even if much — or most — of what was recounted about the first martyrs was spurious. they are interesting for two reasons. which will surely not be exhaustive. n° 27. He was said to have been not only a soldier but also bishop of Cumana. was also provisionally buried. having died in exile. even if both these eminent scholars tended to systematize unduly. they exemplify. In fact the texts have no historical value. undoubtedly. each according to his personal vision of the subject. Die Anfänge des Heiligenkults. The Origins and Spread of Theodore's Cult A century ago. Secondly. the text describes their mutual affection. rationalist scholars often took it for granted that the early Christian saints were reincarnations of pagan heroes. of L. 21. I have only come across representations of Eutropius. Basiliscus had a different fate.21 Eutropius and Cleonicus were buried near Amaseia. paradoxically wore court dress. p. 105. Slikani kalendar u Treskavcu i stihovi Hristofora Mitilenskog. they must have been represented earlier elsewhere. because their efforts to distinguish fact from legend led to results which were offensive to pious Ultramontane ears.23 Christian scholars. Prodigies and miracles occurred at their tombs. nevertheless. They are said in the Constantinopolitan Synaxary to have been Theodore's relatives and comrades in arms (συγγενείς. Anrich. Zograf8. van de Vorst. and will therefore be of concern later in this article. 503. once again. συστρατιώται). There is no confirmation. However. for all this. when he was rarely portrayed. were exposed to denunciation. in which Theodore is presented as a reincarnation of the god Men. In the present section of this article. to their view that. 1977. First. although Sigalas. whom Anrich gratuitously supposed to have had a temple at Euchaïta. It would be optimistic to expect evidence to exist for the saint's cult earlier in date than Gregory of Nyssa's Encomium. 4.) 23. as 21. how a popular saint's life might be embellished. is also represented here in military clothing. M. 48-54. who. notably the Bollandists. Bulletin des publications hagiographiques. However. Tübingen 1904. . of the evidence available with regard to the early cult of Theodore. I propose a presentation. evidence in favour of their cult was generally reliable. 1912. GLiGORiJEVié-MAKSiMOVio. after C. The example may be cited. beside which that of John Chrysostom.22 Here all three are portrayed in military dress. was born like him in Choumiala (presumably a settlement near Euchaïta). my approach will be pragmatic.170 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Theodore's nephew. Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum. We are still enormously indebted to Hippolyte Delehaye and André Grabar for their research into the origins and development of the cult of the first Christian martyrs. An. neither literary nor archaeological.

122. was prepared to advance this claim for the fragment Paris. which. . i. Boll. Saints et reliquaires d'Apamée. Ibidem.31 another in former barracks at Ghoûr (Syria). refers to two churches dedicated to Theodore in Haemimontus (the district north-east of Europa and west of Rhodope).26 It place. De aedificiis. p. 104. An.25 Later Mauropous was to write that the dispersion of Theodore's relics took appreciated». in order isthat necessary to suppose that each reference to a not «these universal riches could be widely place where the cult of Theodore was established presupposed that a fraction of his relics had been deposed there. p. 238. 330. Theodore and George. no doubt. 346. Saracen occupation made access difficult for pilgrims. 29. Boll. after Iohannis Euchaïtorum metropolitae quae in codice Vaticano graeco 676 supersunt.30 at Milos.27 a martyrium at Jerusalem built before the beginning of the sixth century . Supplément. cit.33 He also alludes to a church in Constantinople εν τω 'Ρησίω. no doubt to be identified with that at Bathys Rhyax. Meanwhile. 328.THEODORE. III p. 284v-285 (BHG 1765). p. f. Lieux saints et pèlerinages d'Orient. 127. N. mentions Longinus. Maraval lists among the places where Theodore was venerated : a fifth-century basilica at Gerasa . n° 26 =Procopius of 306. Maraval. Bonn III. 53. even after the episcopate of John Mauropous. 26. We are obliged to be content with Gregory's witness to the existence in the late fourth century of a sanctuary where cult was offered to Theodore. Even if cult was offered to Theodore at Amaseia. An. however. Ibidem. Halkin. Leclercq. Lagarde. Ibidem. 147. éd. p. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 171 we have seen.24 Subsequently. 32. 99. Delehaye. Études d'épigraphie grecque et d'hagiographie byzantine (Variorum Reprints). There are analogies. Maraval. sometimes explicitly associated with the distribution of his relics. it is evident that Euchaita became the principal centre and continued to be up to the eleventh century. London 1973. 1935. p. 1986.28 another at Kausai near Myra. p. according to Anna 24. Ibidem. graec. Inscriptions grecques relatives à l'iconographie. 27. p. Mélos. P. 33. 1 p. 387. p. after H. 335. 208. (note 25). DACL 1 1. after H.29 François Halkin augments this list with other inscriptions : addressed to Theodore and Sergius at Kefr Antîn dated 523 . Göttingen 1881. n° 3. 25. Paris 1985. 499. Haurt. for example an inscription at Apamea refers to the «relics of Saint Theodore and other saints» (λίψανα του άγιου Θεοδώρου και διαφόρων άγιων). 31. where a prayer inscribed on the fifth — or sixth — century ambo is addressed to Theodore . edited J. 279. Oikonomidès. Caesarea. P. dated 524/5 or 530/1. See below note 115. p. p. Le dédoublement de saint Théodore et les villes d'Euchaïta et d'Euchaneia. Leipzig 1964.32 Procopius. Theodore's cult had spread. as this fragment maintains. but by no means all the warrior saints (or others for that matter) were favoured by a sanctuary where their cult originated and from which it spread. op. as inscriptions and other literary documents witness. Fr. 30. writing in the 550's. note 9. 28.

the Stratelates. p. op. lines 11-12. a region of Isauria). Janin. or limited to those who frequented their sanctuary or who were local residents. art. p. which. De Thematibus. Anna Comnena. Paris 1937-1976. notably the Anargyres who performed their cures gratuitously. cit. until its citizens acquired the relics of Saint Mark. like Saints George and Nicolas. this is best studied jointly with that of the «twin» whom he would later acquire. adopted him as patron. like Saint Phanourius. 36. Palestine and Asia Minor. Janin. Paris 19692. Ibidem. p. Rome. cit.37 His portrait appears in the apse mosaic at Saints Cosmas and Damian. Bonn. Theodore's Special Functions As is well known. built by pope Felix IV (526-530). his cult also spread. Bonn 1839.38 In sum. By the seventh century he had his own church there. notably to Rome and Venice. p. 36. p. op. Alexiadis I viii 3. was widely frequented in her time. The eulogia obtained at their sanctuary could be taken away and prove to be potent elsewhere. Gautier. for a time. to Constantinople and to the West. his shield was suspended in the dome of the church dedicated to him at Dalisandos (Seleucia. notably in Italy. ed. but Janin wrote that in Constantinople more than fifteen churches dedicated to him are known. the earliest recorded chapel in Constantinople dedicated to Theodore. 133. p. Some saints had special healing powers. 37. 392-393 . His renown spread — and with it his relics. 152-153. He was also patron of Venice. in favour of which many of his miracles were performed. Leib & P. 35.. 1470. Theodore is to be numbered among those who slay a dragon. Mara val. edited Β. (note 25). distinguishes the two churches (no doubt incorrectly). Some rescued captive youths. 409. As to the question of the importance of his cult at Byzantium after Iconoclasm. III.36 His cult spread to Italy. consul in 452. R. La géographie ecclésiastique de l'empire byzantin. cit. He had his own sanctuary at Euchaïta. dated 34. II. 38. 148. of course.34 However.172 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Comnena. gr. Their favours might be granted universally. the origins and development of Theodore's cult are clear in their outline from the end of the fourth century. Some protected domestic beasts and also brought good weather. is that which was attributed to the patrician Sphoracius. According to Constantine Porphyrogenitus. 35 Here the most important feasts in honour of Theodore were celebrated. the cult of saints is associated closely with a desire to obtain certain favours. p. gives a list of foundations under the aegis of Theodore. Eglises et Monastères. which existed in the early fifth century. Amore. This is manifest in accounts of their miracles. . (note 5). Popular especially in Syria. One unusual relic of Theodore should be recorded. 150-151. The earliest account of this feat was long supposed to be an interpolation into the Passio prima (BHG 1762d) in the manuscript Paris.

p. in line with those of his antique predecessors. Skopje 1991. On one made for Peter of Euchaïta. like Solomon. Terakotni ikoni od Vinica. See my article. It has none of the glamour of Saint George's feat. but. Perseus and Hercules. 40. Hengstenberg. Certain intermediary figures. wearing armour.42 On it Theodore. DTC 3. that is before Leo III the Isaurian (717-741) brought Eastern Illyria under the jurisdiction of Constantinople in 733. Another. after making the sign of the cross. Balabanov. p. 35-42. .40 Nevertheless. p. cut off the dragon's head. 78-106. with the name of Nicolas (no specification of place) and the same iconography on the reverse. assembled long ago the texts relevant to Theodore (Tiron) and his dragon-slaying. Vailhé. ρ. with illustrations. Basle 1972. Further corroborative evidence is provided by one of the terra cotta plaques found at Vinica in 1985 (Figure 3). Δελτίον της Χριστιανικής 'Αρχαιολογικής 'Εταιρείας 15. were not the immediate successors of antique heroes in this struggle. 1989-1990. There is no objective evidence for the date of the terra cotta. 42. 241-280. W. Frankurter. Zacos & A. for this intermediary stage. 1912. p. an earlier date may be proposed for its introduction into Theodore's legend.43 It may therefore be plausibly advanced that Theodore was the first of the warrior saints to acquire the office of killing a dragon. The Intaglio of Solomon in the Benaki Museum and the Origins of the Iconography of Warrior Saints. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 173 890. n° 1288. K. rescuing a princess from a dragon. The 39. its significance is primarily symbolical : the commitment of the warrior saints to fight against evil in the world. Zacos collection. and from that day the road was free of access. it is unlikely that this identification would be wrong. Religion in Roman Egypt. Constantinople (Église). I Ve-IXe siècle. it is likely to have been made while Vinica was still under Roman jurisdiction. See also D. 43. those of the Stratelates are calqued on those of Tiron. n° 1287. This was the banal act of a Christian hero. Byzantine Lead Seals I ii.41 He is not named Theodore in a legend. La question d'lllyricum ecclésiastique. since he recounts the encounter with the dragon. 3-4. Sisinnius and others who remain anonymous.THEODORE. blocking the road. he impales the head of a dragon. earlier than Saint George who was concurrently slaying a man (Diocletian ?). is seated on horseback. Princeton 1998. 31. given the fact that the seal was made for a bishop of Euchaïta. his name in Latin in the legend. With his spear extended behind him. which has been dated between 650 and 730. This date is supported by iconographical evidence on seals (Figure 2). Only Hengstenberg' s dating of the earliest account is challenged here. 1350-1354. 39 The dragon was a local menace. 41. a military figure does spear a snake. Veglery. Warrior saints. n° 3. then. G. has been dated as early as 550-560. it may be that Theodore was the first warrior saint to whom this responsibility was attributed — and that much earlier than 890 ! If the original composer of the Life and Miracula BHG 1764 was writing around 754. are known (Figure I). with the legend in Latin. however. Oriens Christianus 2. but. 792-793. Der Drachenkampf des heiligen Theodor. In fact. S. As one would expect. The soldier of Christ.

This. the recital in BHG 1764 probably dates from about 754.. Theodore saved only the inhabitants of Euchaïta. Constantine Porphyrogenitus. 19. Aght'amar. Cambridge (Massachusetts) 1965. it was rather a universal practice. 290. was widely followed in Byzantium. V. while Demetrius by his intercession saved both city and inhabitants. G. 10). open to the participation of any saint. . these two themes were treated in his Life and Miracula. p. 49. See above. He notes that. For example. p. the prohibition was rescinded. Does one account depend on the other ? If so.49 They have this trait in common : the saintly patron was ordered from above not to hold back the barbarian invaders . Zuckerman. recently metamorphosed from a deacon to a soldier. 196-197. 46. 228-233. p. such protection was not a peculiar privilege of military saints . partly accessible in the Italian résumé. Moravcsik etc. cit.44 However. 45. S. 1903. Church of the Holy Cross. 44.45 The precedent of king David's burial in his city (I Kings 2. the earliest securely dated example is the bas relief at Aght'amar (915921). note 15. BHG 1764.46 On the other hand. p. The Icons I. More restricted was an apparition of the saintly protector in battle to save his city from invaders. K. 48. Andrew. his sanctuary. (note 13). Le leggende bizantine dei santi combattenti. Thus. Lemerle. intervened to protect Rosafa. Santha. p. has been mentioned above. again. Washington 1967. however. citing Evagrius. Sergius. Les plus anciens recueils des miracles de saint Démétrius I. 71-73. 69-71 . for later trace of them was lost) offered some guarantee of his protection . recounted also in BHG 1764. Bonn. Weitzmann. was not strictly a monopoly of military saints. Der Nersessian. The Monastery of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai. However. a military saint. the account of the intervention of Saint Demetrius. was the model. p. fig.48 The resemblance of this recital to the account of a similar incident at Thessaloniki with Saint Demetrius was observed by Zuckerman. p. Chapot. which on which ? The account by bishop John of Thes Saloniki in his Miracula dates from the seventh century . Historia ecclesiastica IV 28. A Harcos Szentek Bizànci Legendài. 50. De administrando imperil. Thus each saint was able to save the people of whom he was the protector. citing P. p. the same was true of his icon. was believed to have intervened on horseback to save the city of Patras (of which he was patron). an apostle. from Chosroes.174 CHRISTOPHER WALTER icon of them together at Mount Sinai is well known. art. Budapest 1943. Citizens placed their confidence in the ability of their local saint's relics to ward off the city's enemies. Paris 1979. 49. As noted above. 47. Resapha-Sergiopolis. edited. although perhaps they predominated. 159-165. Princeton 1976. Β 44. BCH 27. Theodore's relics (at least in the first centuries. so that his bones could protect Jerusalem. The saint's icon served the same purpose. if chronology is taken as the base.47 The similar intervention of Theodore (the foot soldier !) on horseback to save Euchaïta. For Euchaïta. thanks to his pleading. 217-220 = G.

Kleinbauer. pi. LXV 7 (legend). p. 52. On Some Icons of the Seventh Century. The evidence which exists for the representation of the saintly protector of a city at its gates is not abundant. does exist in favour of the saint who accompanies Theodore on the Sinai icon not being George but rather Demetrius. but whether he was really represented thus above the gates of Thessaloniki it is not possible to say.51 Both martyr and executioner are represented in military dress. . there is a figure on horseback. 1978. Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 8. 15 . 128129. 4. Kameni grbovi grada Zadra. fig. Studies in Byzantine Iconography V. reprinted. 53 M. Icons of Patmos. not previously exploited. J. The Art of Byzantium and the Modern World. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 1 75 On the other hand. This must be Saint Demetrius. have been contacts. Walter. Above the gates of the city. Here the execution of Nestor is set outside the gates of a city which must be Thessaloniki (Figure 4. pi. There may. Athens 1977. since Theodore's identity is virtually certain. edited R. n° 82. 105-106. 1973. with legend. Ch. above the city gates. A second example is that of Saint Chrysogonus — a dubious military saint — above the gates of Zadar.52 The example may also be adduced of an icon on Patmos of the Forty Martyrs. whereas Theodore was already widely known. P. the painting was so deteriorated that the legend was illegible. painted at the beginning of the fourteenth century. p. On the wellknown Sinai icon of the Virgin and Child flanked by two saints. Radovi Instituta Jugoslavenske Akademije u Zadru 9. in the pre-Iconoclast period. of Saint Demetrius at Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome. However. the argument from conventional practice has usually been adduced : Theodore and George constitute a couple . (Variorum) London 1977. In the tympanum. Nordhagen. 4a). 51. St. the cult of Saint Demetrius had not spread much outside Thessaloniki. pi. in spite of the absence of legends. The most outstanding example would be a picture in the wall-calendar at Staro Nagoricino. Two decades ago. Thus evidence.. S. Eastern Churches Review 5. XVIII. Moreover Theodore's portrait was depicted in mosaic in the sanctuary of Saint Demetrius.. represented to the left of the scene of martyrdom. long ago. 136 (detail). Chatzidakis. the resemblance of the recitals about their interventions in favour of their respective cities may invite a rapprochement. Demetrius : The Myroblytos of Thessalonika.50 In fact. E. Kitzinger. no doubt to be interpreted as the pagan patron or Tyche of Sebaste. p. Ernst Kitzinger. 177. for the identification of this saint on the icon. 137. remarked that the other figure on the icon exactly resembles the portrait. Petricioli. Santa Maria Antiqua.THEODORE.53 50. As to the identification of the other. p. 137. the identification of one as Theodore has not posed problems. however. therefore. that of the other saint must be George. The Frescoes of the Seventh Century. is a figure. p. 359-372. Conventional practice offers no similar argument in favour of Demetrius. Bloomington/London 1976. 1962.

p. 56.54 The earliest similar legend in Christian tradition seems to be that recounted by Theodoret of Cyrus (ca 393-ca 466) in his Historia ecclesiastica : the apostles John and Philip. The amendments proposed by P. 1901. Historia. Behind them they have the tradition that the Dioscuri. 12 1937. p. George Cedrenus. Byz.56 The versions of the incident. Bonn. loannis Scylitzae synopsis historiarum. On the other hand there are accounts of one — possibly two — in the tenth century. Zonaras. Pediasimi eiusque amicorum quae extant {BHG 1773). The interpretation of the texts provoked controversy. Fr. p. Saint Théodore Spongarios ou Sporakios. We shall return to these two matters later. 57. 128. 11. M. edited.58 In 1246. Bonn II. Potsdam 1899. lines 21-22 . Dölger. Epitomae historiarum . Bonn III. John III Vatatzes conquered Melnik. p. Grégoire : L'expédition d'Igor (941) et la Chronique russe. 153. p. perhaps. lines 2-14. 291-300. p. Treu. recount two Byzantine campaigns against the Scythians (Russians). the first in 941 and the second in 971. Izvestiya na B'lgarskiya Arheologiceski Institut 16. Grimal. BZ 38. p. p. giving a list of interventions by other scholars. Berlin/New York 1973. 1950. 308-309 . intervened in battle in favour of the emperor Theodosius. Papageorgiu. p. although they are attributed to Theodore Stratelates not Tiron. Zu Theodoros Pediasimos. after fighting with the Romans at the Battle of Lake Regillus. 534. Sbornik Gavril Kasarov. 275-279. Saint Théodore le Stratilate et les Russes d'Igor.57 Since the campaign of John Tzimisces was more notorious. announced their victory as they watered their horses at the fountain of Juturna in Rome. for what they tell about the apparition.55 No such interventions in battle are recorded for Theodore in the preIconoclast period. La dernière campagne de Jean Tzimikès contre les Russes. commentary. Theodoret of Cyrus. which are fairly numerous. p. P. 605-607 . Byz. 17-25. 425-432. do not greatly modify Treu's text. Theodore appeared on the back of a white horse. Accounts of such interventions are relatively numerous. Bibliography. See also Fr. The principal point at issue seems to be the identity in the Life of Basil the Younger (BHG 263-264f) of ό άγιώτατος στρατηλάτης Θεόδωρος ό Σφογγάριος for Dölger a contemporary general but for Grégoire the saint. Dölger. Historia. . 55. 1938. not necessarily in order to protect a city under their patronage. p. Dictionnaire de la mythologie grecque et romaine. 50-61. Historia ecclesiastica. 13. 410-411 . The outbreak of war in 1939 seems to have put a stop to the controversy. The texts are interesting less. p. they also witness to the growing importance of the Stratelates in the tenth century. BZ 10. edited J. writing a century afterwards. notably between H. 232-234. p. 58. led to the expulsion of the Byzantines. dressed in white and mounted on white horses. A more precise account of a later intervention is given by Theodore Pediasimos. Dragota. Grégoire and Fr. Again such interventions were not their exclusive privilege. than for the information which they give about Euchaita and Euchaneia . The interested scholar will find three articles by H.176 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Sometimes military saints intervened in battle. Zwei byzantinsche Reiterheroen erobern die Festung Melnik. Grégoire supposed that the account of the earlier campaign in 941 was calqued on that of the later one. A revolt headed by a Bulgarian. Theodore II Lascaris set out to 54. 1936. 1938. PG 82. N.Thurn. Dölger. 267-276 . 1252. In 1265. Paris 1951. So Leo the Deacon. Byz.

That . 412.» according to the poem facing the miniature on the opposite page. However. From this picture it is possible to reconstruct the now lost picture of the investiture by Theodore of Manuel I Comnenus (1143-1180) in the house of Leo Sikountinos at Thessaloniki. P. «throwing down enemies prostrate at his feet». to the left of Milutin (Figure 5). who instructs your hands in military contest ». 226. who rides in front of you when you battle the enemy. On his return to Serres. Tri dogadadja u srpskoj drzavi XIV. 524. C. B. with the Turks ever more menacing. not only did the emperor's status as supreme military commander become enhanced but also his dependence on the aid of the military saints became more explicit. p. 1968. 36 : «On the gate of a house whereon was represented the emperor and above him the most-holy Mother of God having Christ in her bosom (in the act of) crowning the emperor. for example. an angel preceding him. 68-76 . Paris 1984. 119. the emperor asked members of his entourage who they were. Djuric interpreted it as commemorating Milutin' s recent victory over the Turks. The triumphal rendering of Basil II in the frontispiece of his Psalter. Christ's martyr. represented in bust form to left and right of the emperor. Not all transcriptions are correct. he was accompanied by two handsome young men (Οι σαφώς ανδρε δύο. En route. as far as I am aware. once handing a sword to the emperor and again on horseback as if preceding him into battle. and the accompanying verses are sometimes transcribed. Then he recalled having asked the two Theodores for their help.59 Saint George stands to the right of the composition. veka i njihov odjek u slikarstvu. Belgrade 1993. Astounded. Djurio. Saint Theodore Tiron handing him the sword and Saint Nicolas following behind. n° 58. Ill. where there was a sanctuary dedicated to the two Theodores. He was based at Serres. p. In fact. Lampros. Mango.61 59. He wears court not military dress with a circlet on his head. Sp. 43 . Zbornik za likovne umetnosti 4. Marc.THEODORE. NE 8. f. the investiture with a spear is undertaken by an angel . Milutin wears imperial dress. νέω και άγαθώ τάς δψεις). 61. «fight with him as a friend. the six warrior saints. p. p. It seems that in the later Byzantine epoch. 60. the only surviving example — in poor condition — is that of Saint George investing Milutin in the church at Staro Nagoricino (13161318). 191 1. A warrior saint might be required to invest an emperor with a sword. He holds a sword in his left hand and makes a gesture towards the emperor with his right. whom he did not know. Todio. Also present is the horseman Tiron. Apparently Theodore was represented twice. Ό Μαρκιανός κώδιξ 524. The Art of the Byzantine Empire 312-1453. 115-116. English translation.. fig. This was not common in Byzantine iconography. p. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 177 recapture Melnik. f. that is to say. The Aristocratic Psalters in Byzantium. gr. See. the emperor lavished gifts on the saints' shrine. They went forward to rout the enemy. graec. Englewood Cliffs 1972. 17. A. is archetypal.60 A description of it has survived in Marc. V. The miniature is reproduced everywhere. Cutler. The emperor implored the help of the two saints before marching on Melnik. Staro Nagoricino..

176. 137V. p. in fact. gr. The Triumph of Saint Peter in the Church of Saint Clement at Ohrid and The Iconography of The Triumph of The Martyrs. The meeting of Joshua with the commander of Jehovah's army (Joshua 5. as in Vatic.67 Other formulae were possible. L'art byzantin au début du XlVe siècle. f. Zograf 5. 65. 336. p. Walter.64 The most common formula was to represent the persecutor with a snake. 316-317.66 Marc. contains errors. 117. the Greek text has not survived. In my article The Iconographical Sources for the Coronation of Milutin and Simonida at Gracanica. 155-156.65 Sinai 508. f. 1974. Ibidem. N. edited G. note 92. p. 161-164 . Not all of these martyrs were soldiers . Histoire ecclésiastique. Bardy.62 One final service was required of warrior saints : the elimination of a persecutor. normally encircling him : Dochiariou 5. Sevcenko. Maximian (?) holding a vessel from which a snake is drinking. 3. p. An official sent by Diocletian to Lydda broke a lamp by I. Ananias (bishop) strangling his persecutor. 30-34. (note 2). p. Patterson-Sevcenko. f. pi. f. Diocletian encircled by a snake. 67. Illustrated Manuscripts of the Metaphrastian Menologion. Varus (not a warrior) clubbing the emperor. it was held that persecutors came to a bad end. p.68 In the three literary texts which recount how a martyr intervened in order to rid the world of a persecuting emperor. 80v. art. 5-14. Zograf 14. 190. 1315) was assimilated to an investiture . 234V. DjuriC. reprinted Prayer and Power in Byzantine and Papal Imagery (Variorum). The Illuminators of the Menologium of Basil II. Paris 1952-1960. 69. 205. usually by an agonizing disease. f. 117. a crowned figure encircled by a snake. p. even those who were are not represented in military costume : f. graec. he is each time a warrior. Belgrade 1978. Tarachus and Andronicus (warriors) with the emperor prostrate at their feet. 66V. f. 55-64 . 131-132. as well as transcribing and translating them. Ibidem.63 The tradition was maintained in iconography. f. edited J. Paris I 1954.178 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Investiture. Moreau. 64. Chicago/London 1990. 66. In the case of Saint George. X 8-9. Probus. IV. Two of these incidents are well represented in iconography. was an office more often performed by angels. De la mort des persécuteurs. Novi Isus Navin. . f. Maxentius. the emperor might be acclaimed as a New Joshua. From the time of Lactantius and Eusebius. 160. p. Aldershot 1993. Lactantius. Ibidem. p. 1983. 193. 193-194. 272. 351 (714). 1679. Eusebius. Trajan holding a snake in his right hand. cit. p. Artemius (warrior) spearing the emperor. p. Walter. I have published a photograph of the verses. f. 63.69 Moreover it is not told that Saint George intervened directly. 1962. where the martyrs are represented actually revenging themselves on their persecutors. 62. Epimachus (not a warrior) trampling the emperor and pulling his beard. III. f. Diocletian . DOP 16. V. notably in the illustration of some Metaphrastic volumes. p. 68. Ch. ΙΠ ΠΟ. only its translation into Coptic and Ethiopian. p. Ibidem. 1 lb. 90. IV.

When Diocletian himself went to Saint George's shrine in Lydda. op. the prostrate figiure is named «the godless king Closer to the literary narrative. in fact. 39. causing leprosy and his death. 28 (at Nakipari). Tschubinaschvili. IV x. Garsoïan. Garsoïan follows. 279-280. which. According to Peeters. Faustus's History survived only in Armenian. Cambridge (Mass) 1989. 19. in general. VIII-XVIH Centuries. 363. in 364. Serge et Théodore et la Vie de S. 70-73. was much developed and embellished. Basile dans Fauste de Byzance. argues convincingly that it depends rather on a Syriac text. and that he was always represented in military dress (by no means !). Kutaissi) .70 Usually no legend identifies the man on representations of this scene which were particularly numerous in Georgia. p.72 eleventh century. P. Saint George was. cit. it was impossible for the intervention of Theodore and 70. Un miracle de SS. Faustus of Byzantium told in his History of Armenia of a sophist's vision of the assembled martyrs in heaven. p. Surprisingly. in Byzanz und der christliche Osten. Thecla joined them . LafontaineDosogne. and Vales (Valens). pi. by Valens. the archangel Michael intervened. edited W. being an Arian and a persecutor of the Orthodox. p. fig. pi. translated and edited by Nina G. Idem. Georgian Repoussé Work. represented on horseback killing a man at least as early as 915-921 at Aght'amar. Berlin 1968. 360 (Museum. . earlier than the account of Mercurius killing Julian. cit. 29-98. 71. 130-132.F. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 1 79 hanging before Saint George's icon. 413.74 Julian was killed on June 26th. however. 93. He was succeeded by Jovian. he was given three days' grace. See above. she proposed an intervention in order to rid the world of the persecuting emperor. (note 71). 421. Der Nersessian. 74. are the representations of Mercurius killing Julian the Apostate.71 However. The story is. 1921. Later the sophist saw them return. cit. p. A piece of glass from the lamp lodged in his head. Her notes about Theodore. which was already circulating in the mid-fifth century. ca 303 (actually Maximian or Maximinus Daia). See also The Epic History Attributed to P'awstos Buzand . in fact. In making known the emperor's death. that Justinian (actually Anastasius I) renamed Rosafa Serginpolis. N. 103. op. op. Saints Sergius and Theodore departed to perform this office. Peeters. An. the sophist risked execution for treason. Idem. They announced the death of Valens. of course.73 The text resembles that of the account of Theodore and Sergius killing the emperor Valens. The name Diocletian is sometimes inscribed by the prostrate figure on late Georgian icons. Diocletian went blind and died shortly afterwards. pl.THEODORE. Boll. G. 49. 332. However. because Valens actually died in battle at Adrianople in 378. p. was not considered to be any better than Julian. Weitzmann. Peeters thought that the original text was written in Greek and that it was early. p. p. 407. Volbach & J. 72. Garsoïan. whom. and. apocryphal. (note 44). (note 45). this eminent scholar wrote. 73. and her commentary. are more satisfactory. at the end of which the fact was generally known. on two icons. p. dating from the first half of the Diocletian». fig. that Sargis (Sergius) was traditionally martyred under Diocletian. Tbilissi 1957. who. note 3.

crouched in the position habitual for Arius when condemned at the first council of Nicaea. . f. p. p. 80. Princeton 1969. The few known portraits. p. The Stratelates is said to have been beheaded. There are the two fragments of cloth in the Fogg Art Museum. 68. Boll. Ibidem. Menologio (op.75 Thus their intervention was archetypal. 78. 242 v. PG ill. 39V (Figure 7). L'éloge de saint Théodore le Stratilate par Euthyme Protasecretis (BHG 1753b). cit. // Menologio di Basilio II. 76.80 warrior saints were not normally so clad in scenes of their martyrdom. without mentioning their names. while Valens is represented simply as an Arian. 15. 36-37. See above. paradoxically. 383 (Figure 8). Paris 1970. illustrating Psalm 34. Galavaris. are not more helpful. cit.79 Although the Stratelates is represented in military dress in his portrait in the Menologion. edited Fr. f. An. 549-550. p. 28. 407. 317 . fig. with two miniatures. Yet. edited C. (note 60). 383. The Illustrations of The Liturgical Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus. 81. his resistance. PG 36. Julian is represented being killed by Mercurius. Weitzmann. op. note 7 . edited K. the other with a legend (ό) ΑΓΙ(ος) ΘΕΟΔΟ(ρος). New York 1979. 19. preceding note). Mango. the martyr's most blessed death and the representation of Christ in human form. so that it is unlikely that the Tiron would have been in the lost cycle in his sanctuary. February 8th. 78. S.180 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Sergius to have been modelled on that of Mercurius. He illustrated the passage. PG 117.. if not objectively dated. even if they make it clear that Theodore's portrait type was established from the beginning and consistently maintained. 20. L'illustration des Psautiers du Moyen Âge II. p. G. which. In his Homily In supremum vale Gregory of Nazianzus refers. Boston. Londres Add. 99. p. Stornajolo & P. but the flagellation which preceded his execution is described in his Passion . and of the Stratelates being scourged in the Theodore Psalter.352. 177. which has been attributed to Egypt and the sixth century. 77. 1613) ^February 17th.77 Early Representations of Theodore as a Warrior We are fortunate in having Gregory of Nyssa's description of the Passion cycle in Theodore's sanctuary : «There were representations of the saint's brave deeds. 1981. while no pictures of theirs is known. Vatican/Milan 1907 (Vatic. fig. that of Mercurius was far more popular and frequently represented.76 The eleventhcentury illustrator of Panteleimon 6 picked up the allusion (Figure 6). Halkin. can be considered to be early on stylistic grounds. n° 494. the ferocious faces of the tyrants.81 The portrait in the 75. p. 317. 211. p. «Scourges were brought against me». it is unique for Theodore. 79. presiding the contest. 76. one with his head and traditional features. Franchi de' Cavalieri. 461. An isolated scene occurs of the martyrdom of Theodore Tiron by burning in the Menologium of Basil II. gr. to Julian and Valens. Der Nersessian.»78 Although analogies may easily be found for this cycle. p. The Age of Spirituality. English translation. his torments. 87-88.

also identified as Theodore. but the crudity of their execution makes such a dating conjectural. usually spearing a dragon. pi. note 41. where he is accompanied by the deacon Leo. 3.84 The saint on certain seals associated with Euchaïta. possibly of Egyptian provenance. First published by N. cit. there are none for Theodore. cit. Annual of the American School of Oriental Research . 34. on two later ones. Β 13. 1-3. 83. again attributed to the sixth century. he is 82. op. When Theodore is represented on horseback. and is accompanied by another similar capital on which Longinus is represented. n° 478.THEODORE. (note 6). consequently there are no objective criteria for dating them. the figure identified as Theodore wears court dress. 87. figures 1-2. in court or military dress. 1937-1939. There is no necessary connection between the capitals and the stele . Teodoro. However. 9 . Thessaloniki. in Cappadocia scenes and cycles are rare . Cosma e S. (note 44). Both he and Theodore wear military costume. Age of Spirituality. 1. 34. London 1963. on occasions. generally dated to the seventh century. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 18 1 church of Saints Cosmas and Damian. again wears armour. p. p. May 1989.87 In fact. 195 p. although it was never de rigueur. SS. and Β 14. at no period can it be said that armour was an essential attribute of the military saint. Weitzmann. hold a spear and shield and are haloed. found at Aqaba about 1935 and now in the Archaeological Museum at Amman (Figure 9). Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia. 283.. As is wellknown. Harvard Theological Review 46. p. is also dated to the sixth century. art. 18-19. he has been followed by other scholars. There is no hope of providing a complete and exact repertory. Schwabe. Theodore wears court dress. op. Rome.82 On the icon of the Virgin and Child flanked by two saints at Mount Sinai. Exploration in Eastern Palestine III. Weitzmann identifies the early portraits of Theodore incorrectly as the Stratelates . The art of Cappadocia. Rome 1948. provides a convenient watershed. 86.85 The example may also be adduced of a capital. Hoddinott. See above. fig. Regrettably. pi. Theodore wears armour. 85. Glueck. . They could be sixth or seventh century work. 49. Catalogue n° 51. p. given the frequent new discoveries or identifications (and. On the other hand on the votive mosaic in Saint Demetrius. G. and on foot. being more plentiful. Exhibited in the Musée de la civilisation gallo-romaine at Lyon. Β 13. With the same lot a stele was discovered with an inscription that may be dated to 555. Matthiae. cit. Weitzmann. are relatively abundant. 84. Mavrodinova.83 However. it did become more customary for military saints to be represented in armour. Β 14. inadequate descriptions) proposed by the specialists in Cappadocian art. See also M. R. However representations of him on horseback. 154-155.86 It is comparatively small (27 χ 40 χ 37 centimetres). A Greco-Christian Inscription from Aila. Β 3 .

I cite here only those at Mavrucan n° 3 and Göreme n° 28 (Figures 10. 191. 104. Jolivet-Lévy. De Jerphanion I. p. p. Jolivet-Lévy. De Jerphanion I. Les églises rupestres de Cappadoce. 246. Paris 1991. 101. 97. 306. is cited De Jerphanion. 3.) Jolivet-Lévy. p. not spearing a dragon are uncommon : Derin Dere kilisesi ? (ninth century) .98 Tagar. Jolivet-Lévy. p. 103 Göreme n° 22.101 Kusluk Kiliçlar (Göreme n° 33).88 Pictures of Theodore on horseback. 103. 91. 143. Jolivet-Lévy. 260. Jolivet-Lévy. Basilica of Constantine (Yeniköy). 106. 396. 340. De Jerphanion I. Paris 1932-1942. p. 328. 476. A single later example of Theodore in court dress is known to me at Saint Barbara (Soganh) (1006/1021). Les églises byzantines de Cappadoce. In court dress. Haut Moyen Âge en Cappadoce : l'église n° 3 de Mavrucan. De Jerphanion I. 190. After Iconoclasm. Göreme n° 28. 35-36. p. De Jerphanion II. Eleven examples are known to me of him spearing a dragon. (following note) I. de Jerphanion. 90.89 Göreme n° 18 ? (eleventh century) . (In this and the following notes. 322-323. . p. p. p. De Jerphanion I. 96. is cited Jolivet-Lévy. plate 183.92 Tokali I (Göreme n° 7). De Jerphanion II. before Iconoclasm Theodore was already being treated primarily as a military saint. p. p. p. 92. p.102 Karanlik (Göreme n° 23). each holding a cross. 486. II). A question mark after the name of the church indicates that the description available does not necessarily eliminate the presence of a dragon. it became increasingly habitual to 88. he is represented at Açikel Aga kilisesi (Figure 12). Theodore and George stand side by side. Thierry. 93.105 Saint Catherine (Göreme n° 21 )106 (all eleventh century). p.95 (all the first half of the tenth century). Jolivet-Lévy. De Jerphanion I. de Jerphanion. figure 2 . 236. p.93 Balli kilise (Soganh). Jolivet-Lévy. C. p. Un décor pré-iconoclaste de Cappadoce: Açikel Aga kilisesi.182 CHRISTOPHER WALTER invariably in military costume. 107. Le programme iconographique de l 'abside et ses abords. Mavrucan ? (1256/7) 91. pi. op. 282. Journal des savants 1972. Mavrucan n° 3. cit. 141. Jolivet-Lévy. In conclusion." Sümbüllü kilise (Hasan Dagi)100 (all tenth century) . p.94 Kiliçlar kilise (Göreme n° 29). performing the office appropriate to his state and represented in military costume. 1968. De Jerphanion II. 94. De Jerphanion II.96 Finally I have noted ten portraits of Theodore standing in military dress : Göreme n° 9. N. fig. to appear in a volume in honour of David Buckton. although there was no rigorous definition. p. 98. 102. 306. 21 . 104 Karaba§ kilise (Soganh). 95. 135 1. p. 608). 100. G. p. These are studied in detail in my article Saint Theodore and the Dragon. 267. 457. Now called Meryemma kilise. Much of my information about Saint Theodore in Cappadocia has been generously provided by Madame Nicole Thierry.90 Church of the Stratelates. p.97 Tokali II. Yilanli kilise. fig. 142 (with correction. 99. 89. 258-263. De Jerphanion II. sometimes alone but often in the company of Saint George. p. Thierry. p. Cahiers archéologiques 18. N. 105.

«προσέφυγεν εις τον αγιον Θεόδωρον Εύχαΐτων». from the fifth century. born ca 515. while portraits of him in military dress are less common than those of him in court dress in the tenth century. Euchaïta patently owed its prestige to «Christ's athlete who is a citizen of heaven. both in the Byzantine sources. For Euchaïta there is no great problem. Euchaïta & Euchaneia These two places tend to be confused. Although the Byzantine city has been completely destroyed. as. 109 From the seventh century the see is known to have been autocephalous. art. liturgical. died under Heraclius. Mango & SevCenko. 194. common in the tenth century.108 It was mentioned as a city in Justinian's Novel 28. Delehaye. Sevcenko were fortunate enough to identify spolia with inscriptions concerning Euchaïta in the neighbourhood . for example at Hosios Loukas (Figure 13). and in the writings of modern scholars. Premetaphrastic Life. along with the Stylitedid John Theodore'staking inat some moment during his long John at Ephesus. Grégoire. there is general agreement with H. Géographie byzantine. Thecla at Seleucia and Sergius at Saphas (sic . Peter the Fuller. C. 378-384. Récits des premiers pèlerins chrétiens en Proche-Orient (IVe-VIIe siècle). 114. although he may not have actually visited it. a day's march from Amaseia. p. Brussels 1923. C. p. de Boor. because he situated it incorrectly in Galatia and not in Hellespont. 125. who visited Asia Minor some time after the death of Anastasius in 518. Portraits of him in court dress. edited P. Chronographia. the other about the city's episcopal status from the time of the same emperor. Leipzig 1883-1885.113 Theodosius . SevCenko. shrine Theodore at Euchaïta. one is about a wall built by the emperor Anastasius I between 515 and 518. 112. Mango & I. Theophanes. 1910. Les saints stylites. I p.110 However. BZ 65.107 Gregory of Nyssa does not actually name it in his Encomium of Theodore. An eminent ecclesiastic. but. was exiled there from 477 to 482. dated 535. p. (note 108). H.641. Three Inscriptions of the Reigns of Anastasius I and Constantine V.111 Alypius life. cit. Mango and I. On the other hand. Grégoire's identification of its site as that of the modern Avkat. citing the inscription found at Yurgiiç Pasa Camii. 1521113 (Alypius is reputed to have lived to be a centenarian. in the eleventh century it is thus that he is regularly represented. PG 87. 1972. no doubt a corruption of Rosafa). 110. 109.112 So visited Moschus. . 108. 3052b. 59-61. Monophysite patriarch of Antioch.) 113. Paris 1996.114 107. edited H. edited C. BZ 19. Pratum spirituale § 180. 111. their respective situations are clear.THEODORE. references to it by name are common. disappear in Cappadocia in the eleventh century. Maraval. Yet basically.3. whatever may have been written to the contrary. Ibidem. 610. Theodore the guardian of this town». ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 1 83 represent him as a soldier. p. historical and hagiographical. was aware of the existence of Theodore's sanctuary.

n° 519 . Bishops of Euchaneia appear in synodal lists from 1042. 30. in poor health. Θεόδωρον προσκυνήσας. On the other side. Ill 518. 328. 327-332. Anderson etc. although his name is not known. cit. Zacos. apart from the mention of a bishop Basil in a synodal list of 1082 and of a bishop Constantine in 1173 (neither of them necessarily resident). 120. p.118 It is true that in many texts the two places are either confused or considered to be identical. Regestes. P. Gesù Crïsto.G. p. Nesbitt. Otto canoni paracletici a N. 121 John of Euchaneia sat with Basil of Euchaita at the trial of John Italos in 1082. (note 26). p.. εκείθεν έξελθών κατηλθεν εις Εύχάϊταν και προσκυνήσας και εύξάμενος εν τφ ναώ Θεοδώρου του Τήρωνος». V. 118. 1 19. Berne 1984. Gouillard. An. 119 The hagiographer tells that «Εις Εύχάϊαν. Paris 1989. Leo of Euchaneia sat with Constantine of Euchaita at a 115. cit. It is evident that the cult of Theodore (Tiron) was then still flourishing. AASS Nov. Grumel. les deux noms désignent la même localité ou peut-être deux localités voisines». 123.184 CHRISTOPHERWALTER Later direct references to Euchaita are rare until the time when John Mauropous became bishop. However. 1917-1919. Oikonomides.. returned to Constantinople in 1047. n° 926. 116. Giovanni Mauropode. Rome 1967. . Boll. An. τον αγιον. Peeters. Darrouzès. H.S. la question de savoir s'il faut distinguer Euchaita d'Euchaneia. 401-402 . art. 36/37.116 After that. 141. 122..M. Plates II. George the Hagioretes and his pilgrim companions were received there hospitably by the bishop in 1059. 121. 53. op. TM 9. Delehaye wrote : «On discute. 122 Moreover a seal of John's has survived. Oikonomides would identify Euchaneia with the modern Turkish Corum about thirty-five kilometres west of Avkat (Euchaita). (note 26). the inscription is better preserved : Σης Εύχανείας Ίωάννην ποιμένα Θεόδωρε μέγιστε σον δουλον σκέποις. 115 A successor as bishop of Euchaita would have been appointed. dans les textes concernant S. Only part of the inscription — but enough to identify the saint — has survived : Ο ΣΤΡΑΤ. pi. 87. Notitiae Episcopatuum Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. Delehaye. p. Théodore. p. Le procès officiel de Jean l'Italien. cit. p.117 no more is heard of Euchaita. According to his Life.. their respective situations are presented lucidly in the Life of Lazarus of Mount Galesius (BHG 979-980e). Paris 1981. John Mauropous.C.123 On one side there is the portrait of a bearded saint in military dress with cuirass and lance. J. Je persiste à croire que.. 271. 15-16. art. 117. n° 51 . 336. Recueil des inscriptions grecques et latines du Pont et de l'Arménie. Histoires monastiques géorgiennes II. reviewing J. J. Oikonomides.. Darrouzès. (note 41) II. 1985.. Geographically. compiled and edited by J. p. I 3. p. 191 1. Boll. there are a few which establish that they were separate places. H.120 The geographical separation is confirmed by ecclesiastical documents. However. Follieri. edited E.. Berne 1985.. See below. p. 121-122.. who died in 1053. note 124. revised J. second edition.

See A. op. a late church securely dated to 1216/7. 127. because the Stratelates had intervened in his favour against the Scythians. it can be shown that he was «without doubt» the Tiron. apparently. all the early Lives and Passions are clearly concerned with the Tiron. Euchania. who died in 88Ο. 128. τα Ευχάϊτα. p. (note 89) II. if Euchaneia was the seat of a bishopric. specifically distinguishes the two Theodores. H. used). cit. το Χιλιόκωμον. 173 . op. There only once.THEODORE. was «χωρίς αμφιβολίας» the Stratelates. Apparently. not that of the Tiron. (note 9). Suve§. for whom no original texts in Greek have survived. 280. because they specify his low military rank. D. Milan 1941. However. it can be affirmed that it would have been to Euchaneia.129 On the other hand. 124.130 The earliest dateable text concerning the Stratelates is the Laudatio of Nicetas of Paphlagonia. 130. p. ed. Τω κριτί) των Άρμενιακών. It is well known that the Greek Turon (Tiron) was calqued on the Latin Tiro (recruit or young soldier). in his Letter 97. It seems to have been restricted to Theodore as a title. edited E. (note 89). Regestes. known particularly on early icons.126 that John Tzimisces attributed the name of Theodoroupolis (even if the name was not.127 Theodore Tiron and Theodore Stratelates My late colleague and friend Doula Mouriki once wrote that the preIconoclast Theodore. Ramsay. 57. Anatolian Studies Presented to W. as Delehaye and others have maintained. Euchaita et la légende de saint Théodore. τήν Εύχανείαν125 It is obvious that. It was the sanctuary of the Stratelates that he rebuilt. not Euchaita. p.131 124. . De Jerphanion. the word was used in this sense in Patristic texts. Manchester 1923. cit. cit. R. Galuzzi. Acta Sanctorum vol. II. 13111313 . Michaelis Pselli Scripta Minora . 207 (date of church). See above. Brussels 1966. Two other words were available : πεζός (footsoldier) and νεόλεκτος (recruit). also of the eleventh century. Euchaïtes. the latter was never applied to Theodore. reprinted Mélanges d'hagiographie grecque et latine. and for whom there is no liturgical commemoration. (note 122). it is not normally specified that he is the Tiron. Mouriki. 162. Jolivet-Lévy. Athens 1985. He wrote : αλλά μοι διαρίθμει τον Δαζιμώνα. in his Laudatio (BHG 1753). This is the case not only for pre-Iconoclast representations but also for those in Cappadocia. p. Epistulae . Janin. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 1 85 meeting of the Constantinopolitan synod on July 11th. Kurtz. It is true that. Nicetas of Paphlagonia. 156. Delehaye. is his name qualified by the title Tiron (Ο ΤΗΡΟΝ). cit. 134. it could not have been a neighbouring locality of Euchaita. p. 1173. 129. n° 1126. it should be noted that a third Theodore appears in the sources. 131. ibidem. DHGE 15. notes 56. 126. as well as analogically for a candidate to the religious life. According to Lampe. p. may be added that of Psellos. Idem. 83-89. Further. 1963. p. when his portrait is accompanied by a legend with his name. 125. 1313-1314. Ta Ψηφιδωτά της Νέας Μονής Χίου.128 Actually. 124 To these witnesses in favour of Euchaita and Euchaneia being different cities.M. in the Forty Martyrs.

dated by a dedicatory inscription to 1256/7. Mavrodinova. «l'existence du second Théodore n'est point établie historiquement». Oikonomides. For example. represent the same saint. op. But what occasioned the creation of another military saint called Theodore of superior rank ? Delehaye observed that such a phenomenon was not isolated in hagiography. p. it might be used as a personal title or simply as a general. . art. his final beheading and the translation of his mortal remains to Euchaneia (or Euchaita ?).135 Which Theodore ? A further example : on the eleventh-century Paris Hetoimasia. (note 6). p.133 Oikonomides suggested that in one sanctuary an icon of Theodore in military costume was venerated. There really was a Theodore Tiron. but then that which I am about to propose may also provoke sceptical reactions.186 CHRISTOPHER WALTER It is. military saints are represented. in which the saint was celebrated with different titles («sous des vocables divers»). It is late. in the diversity of the feasts in his honour. 236. 135. They are Demetrius. all this is in the style of the professional and experienced hagiographer. unlikely that a distinct Theodore Stratelates emerged in Byzantine hagiography before the ninth century. cit. Two Eastern texts concerning him. Theodore Stratelates was equally surely a fictitious character. his martyrdom under Licinius. it surely has a substratum of truth. while in the other there was an icon of him in court dress. honorific term. His assertion that the πεζός to whom Mauropous refers could not have been Theodore Tiron also leaves me unconvinced. 132. 134. In Cappadocia. However. in reality. 249. one Egyptian and the other Oriental. p.132 The multiplication of homonyms which. Delehaye was not prepared to pronounce which of these three origins was to be considered that of the «dédoublement» of Theodore. 50. Other scholars have been more temerarious. Bibliotheca sanctorum 12. On the other hand. BHO 1163 and BHO 1174. and in the celebrity of certain sanctuaries. Here the term stratelates qualifies both George and (a) Theodore. p. honorific term for a soldier. It seems that the word στρατηλάτης was equivocal. As Delehaye wrote. art. De Jerphanion. op. cit. the church at Mavrucan (Gürelöz) is known as «of the Stratelates». normally had one of three origins : in the diversity of the legends circulating about him. cit. may be placed high in a list of examples of puerile hagiographical folklore. all in court dress and holding a cross. Some evidence may be cited in favour of its use as a general. Mavrodinova attributed the doubling to the existence of two different portrait traditions. (note 5). 330-335. of which his servant Abgar provided an eye-witness account. 133. Although much of what is recounted about the Tiron should be taken with a pinch of salt. (note 26). Teodoro orientale. 15. The accounts of his origins : born into a family from Euchaita. therefore. (note 89) II. which went to live in Heracleia. In other words. an officer with a certain standing.134 Neither explanation seems to me to be satisfactory and sufficient. Delehaye. cit.

Was the general. was celebrated on June 8th. 269-270. Rome 1962. 140. xvm-xix. while his main feast was transferred to February 8th.141 An intriguing difference may be noticed in the Sirmondianus (12th13th centuries) between the entries for the celebrations of the Tiron and 136. For the other.THEODORE. n° 3 (commentary. Ε. Ibidem. Durand observes that these warrior saints «proclament (. in the earliest Typica. 1962. p. a hagiographical tradition existed. in Paris. note 58. the word is used here as a general. 311. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 1 87 Theodore. George and Procopius. Durand. there is the phrase in the Life of Basil the Younger. Auct. etc. and known as Σφωρακίου. Durand. recently emerged Theodore ?139 Their distinctive personalities would only become clear once they began to be represented as «twins».) la légitimité des ambitions politiques et militaires de l'Empire byzantin.. dated 1329. Mateos. consul in 452. Le Typicon de la Grande Eglise I.. 139. Finally. the double of another Sabbas. 137. p. Grégoire was right. having appeared from the four ends (of the world) as witnesses to the divine pronouncements. the Goth. the feast of the Stratelates. 1990. p.138 This was in the tenth century. edited J. then. Vienna 1985. 95-96. The same question may be posed with regard to the Theodore addressed by Manuel Philes in his Carmen n° 6. It would seem. p. 138. in which the saint who intervened in battle in favour of John Tzimisces is called «ό άγιώτατος στρατηλάτης Θεόδωρος ό Σφογγάριος». both probably dating from the tenth century. See above. honorific term. gr. Ε 5 10. note 151. p. p. An. we may note that a Sabbas Stratelates is also known.» I. with the office as written for the first Saturday of Lent (the long-established feast of the Tiron). Saba Goto e Saba Stratelate. La revue du Louvre et des Musées de France 1988..140 Later. See above. dated 1063.» So this would be a case of fictitious doubling analogous to that of the Theodores. are most ready to be awarded a place (in heaven)». . Folueri.137 In his case. In passing. Byzantine Icons in Steatite. to my mind. La steatite de l'Hétimasie. See below. Most recently. p. and they are accompanied by a long legend : «The στρατηλάται. L'art byzantin dans les collections publiques françaises. that at some point confusion arose. However. 229.136 Since none of the other three was given the title Stratelates. more particularly. The most ancient church known in Constantinople dedicated to Theodore (Tiron) was attributed to the patrician Sphorakios. whose αθλησις took place in Εύχαΐτοις (sic). honorific term stratelates being applied to Theodore or is the Life of Basil attributing this title to the second. note 22. J. 190-194. 279 : «Mi sembra ehe senza scrupolo si possa iscrivere Saba Stratelate nella categoria dei santi ehe non sono mai esistiti. and Oxford Bodl. Kalavrezou-Maxeiner. Byzance. 141. J. the Tiron. and. Jerusalem Holy Cross 40 and Patmos 266. while nö church dedicated only to the Stratelates is recorded. Stratelates is evidently a title. the translation of the relics of the Stratelates was celebrated that day. Whose mortal remains were actually venerated at Euchaneia we cannot know. 64) . n° 175. 80. La donation Ganay. to see in the last word a corrupt spelling (for which he cited parallels) of Σφωράκιος. For one. pious authors were not tardy in creating one. Boll. Paris 1992.

Paris 1922. Synaxarium constantinopolitanum. known from the thirteenth century. for the Stratelates. perhaps. (note 34).PG 156. p. 1613 (see above. 147. 451-453 (February 8th). op. While there are several references for the Tiron in the Synaxary to the churches in Constantinople where celebrations in his honour were held. 291. 143 It is understandable that. V p. where it is specified that Euchaneia was «πλησίον Εύχαΐτων»). a few examples should be adduced. Photii Nomocanon cum commentariis Theodori Balsamonis (12th century). In Digenes 142.188 CHRISTOPHER WALTER those of the Stratelates. although. 1589 (12th century) and 1582 (14th century) both give Eucha'ita. Novel of Manuel I Comnenus (1166). «έν τώ άγιωτάτω αύτοΰ μαρτυρείς έν τοίς Σφωρακίου». 143. 145. the first Saturday of Lent. 147 This «twinning» of the two Theodores was much less widespread in inscriptions and dedications than in the literary sources. PG 133. correctly. no mention is made of the church in which his feasts were celebrated. gr. . while the Tiron had only one. 197 (November 5th.751. for a monastery named Κυπριανού. apart. having two feasts which were «half-days» («έν μέρει δίπρακτοι. of course.144 no evidence exists that he had his own church in Constantinople. n° 51. note 35 (Janin's brief account of the church in Byzantine sources). Halkin. see above..142 On the other hand. in such circumstances.Σφωρακίου. not Euchaneia. The earliest. was his liturgy celebrated? One can only suppose that it took place in one of the numerous churches dedicated to the Tiron. however. «ό θειος και πάνσεπτος ναός των άγιων και ένδοξων μεγαλομαρτύρων Θεοδώρων τήρωνος και στρατηλάτου. 469 (February 17th. with a reference to his principal feast. the Stratelates was more esteemed in late Byzantium than the humble footsoldier. p.. 17. no doubt because none was dedicated to him. Synaxarium constantinopolitanum. Janin. 735-738 (June 8th. citing H. 144. from his sanctuary. two distinct saints should emerge. Paris. For this ecclesiastical foundation and its place in the history of the cult of the Theodores. note 79). art.» is dated by an inscription on the lintel over the south door of the church to 1544/5. Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes d'Asie Mineure . has been mentioned already with regard to the intervention of both saints in battle on behalf of the emperor Theodore II Lascaris. Nevertheless churches did exist dedicated to both the Theodores. which the Sirmondianus. (note 30). 774 (June 26th. February 17th for the Tiron. the same). note 58. 146. most likely in the Σφωρακίου.146 A third at Pergamon. Yet. note 56 (controversy around Sphoracius) . gr. at Serres. PG 104. citing Georgius (Pseudo-)Phrantzes. 760 : February 7th and June 8th for the Stratelates. situated in Euchaneia. Grégoire.145 A second. from which. 77. was built at the end of the fourteenth century. cit. So does Vatic. notably έν τοις . after the husband of the woman who endowed it and who entered the community as a nun. έν μέρει έμπρακτοι»). Chronicon Majus. then. έν τώ 'Ρησίου). no reference is made to Euchaïta. 272 (December 1st. in Constantinople itself. See above. 1072-1073 . or anywhere else for that matter except at Euchaneia. cit. note 17 (Chrysippus first refers to Sphoracius) . Where. a commemoration in the same church).

Yale Classical Studies 1935. there is a reference to two presents. the slim proportions of their bodies. . p.I. Leipzig 1768.. In the verses published by Weinsdorf. an adjective. 236. M. «των αθλοφόρων και μεγάλων μαρτύρων Θεοδώρων τε των πανενδοξωτάτων. p. 151. so that the transition to military saints may be made plausibly through the intermediary of such figures as those represented in the dome of the rotunda of Saint George in Thessaloniki.153 The early portraits of Saint Demetrius in his sanctuary in the same city. ethereal and celestial nature. Another reference to the two Theodores. À propos des mosaïques de la coupole de Saint-Georges à Salonique. Poem n° 262. & M. normally applied only to George). γοργόπους (fleet of foot. 150. Oxford 1956. Rostovtzeff. Theodore is explicitly qualified as ό γλυκύς στρατηλάτης. George. n° 6. The graceful figures of the boyish gods and of their curly-haired attendants. (Variorum) London 1989. See also Manuelis Philae Carmina Graeca. Manuel Philes addresses the «three great martyrs. Weinsdorf. in the company of warrior — and other — saints. Manuelis Philae Carmina.148 the thriceblessed Basil overawed mighty and brave warriors. in one. Grabar. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 189 Akrites. compiled — perhaps — in the eleventh century. 223. their almost airy appearance enable us to grasp at once. Rostovtzeff remarked long ago. died ca 1345). their solar. 457. edited G. Cahiers archéologiques 17... p.. Fowden's study of Saint Sergius & Bacchus (printing). as well as heroized men. Paris 1855. more particularly under its aesthetic aspect.) and of the prize-bearing great martyrs.I. A.154 like early representations 148. 205. it seems that there is some confusion between the two Theodores. 153. 138. that Palmyrene gods. 151 In iconography. Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium I. p. 129. του στρατηλάτου και του τιρωνος. p. it was regularly the practice to represent the two Theodores together. The Church of Saint Demetrius : The Water-colours and Drawings of W. II.THEODORE. elegant ephebes of the Oriental type (.»152 It should be noted that Rostovtzeff is describing military gods. μυροβλήτης. of God's unconquerable mother (. Poem n° 51. 622-623. were «resplendent in their boyish beauty (. 154. the military gods of Palmyra are refined. thanks to the grace of God. under the form of γοργός. quoted after E. jewelled pictures of the saints.S. p. Miller. Mavrogordato.M.). edited J. I propose to examine this phenomenon of «twinning». 152. R. Cormack.» The three are qualified as δρακοντοφόντης. Poem n° 287. Poem 171 (where the two Theodores are compared favorably to Hercules). even without the help of the haloes and radiate crowns which surround the heads of the gods. p. the church built by Digenes was dedicated to only one Theodore «the saint and martyr». with regard to Parthian art. Ibidem. The Aesthetics of Warrior Saints M. However. Dura and the Problem of Parthian Art. 228. Digenes Akrites. In this final section of my article. p. 59-81. Theodore. The Byzantine Eye. I. the romantic eyes. 1967. 157. E.»149 Elsewhere. Digenes Akrites...J Jeffreys. However. 3. edited E.). p. p. Demetrius and George. 149. However. «εικόνα δύο χυμέντας άγιων Θεοδώρων»150 To these may be added four poems composed by Manuel Philes (born ca 1275. Despite their military dress.

Les unions du même sexe dans l'Europe antique et médiévale. 284-286. He described the elegance (αστείος) of a young man whose cheeks were just blooming 155. op. Noted by A. 321. p. dated 1023). 157. Boll. 29.158 Moreover.190 CHRISTOPHER WALTER of Saints Sergius and Bacchus.162 A principal source for it would have been the Life of Michael of Sabbas. the bust with the maniakion on the silver bowl from Kyrenia (Cyprus). Boll. Compare Binon. 161. cit. p. but it has been judged to be «une mosaïque de légendes et de plagiats». Bibliotheca Sanctorum 12. lines 19-21 (BHG 1274). Théodore le Sabaïte. cit. 1930. Saint Petersburg 1892.160 It is to be found in the Life of Theodore of Sabbas. An. 1-2. I. p. edited A. (note 5). J. in their illuminating article. (note 3). Vie de Théodore de Sykéon. and written by his nephew Basil.»157 Saints Sergius and Bacchus were described as «stars joyfully lighting up the earth». but superficially. Documents grecs inédits. 238. 1895. synod. Gouillard.-J. acknowledging that the resemblance was first noted by S. Buckton. 1991. p. Byzantine Hagiographical Texts as Sources of Art.163 Michael of Sabbas certainly figures largely in the text of this fictional Life. Peeters. Maguire. Zitie ize vo svat'ih' otca nasego Theodora arhiepiskopa edesskago (BHG 1744). but we are fortunate in having the description recounted by the grandmother of Theodore of Sykeon of her vision of a «young man of utter beauty in shining garments with curly hair as brilliant as gold. DTC 15 (1946). The Marriage of Likeness. but the «hagiographer's» preoccupation is less to adapt elements of Michael's character to that of Theodore than to describe a youth who was both holy and handsome. 33. 65-98.A. DOP 45. Fowden. the crowds who followed Sergius to his execution wept bitterly «seeing the beauty which flowered on his face and the grandeur and nobility of his youth». F. Ibidem. 159. 375. Sergii et Bacchi Graece nunc primum édita. Angarano. op. Boswell. op. Delehaye. ωραιότατος. later bishop of Edessa (BHG 1744). La Passion de S.159 It is somewhat rare that Byzantine authors go more deeply into the significance of the beauty of saints. 11-12. Brussels 1970. have the same elegant refinement. Teodoro di Edessa. almost certainly. εϋειδος νεανίσκος. Mosq.»15** Her description is authentified by the unbroken later portrait tradition of the saint. 156. 365. An. 163. p. 31-32. Passio antiquior SS. Compare §9. p. dated by its stamp to 641-651. London 1994. P. For example. lines 10-14 (BHG 1275). 158. one example may be cited. London 1994. p. II. Kazhdan & H. §32. Michel le Sabaïte. also — later — bishop of Emesa. (note 152). edited I. n° 135. Treasures of Byzantine Art from British Collections. p. p. 8-9. The handsomeness of military saints was described in other literary texts. . 120-121. cites a number of others. 14. «ό Δέκιος χολέσας πάνυ. 1. cit. Paris 1996. 162. cited here after the French version. Annexe V. 48. edited D. p. 160. Pomjalovskij. Thus the beauty of Mercurius favorably impressed the emperor Decius. Festugière. like the representations of Saint George. και θαυμάσας την παρρησίαν αύτου καΐ έπι τω κάλλει κοά μεγέθει αύτου εκπλαγείς. translated by J. p. most recently published in Byzantium.155 Early icons of Saint George have not survived. Vailhé. However. II.161 The text is relatively early (probably written in the ninth or tenth century and attested by a manuscript. 250.

were brothers and both doctors. in the account of his apparition with the Stratelates at Melnik. The practice does not admit of an overall. Kazhdan & Maguire. who. 3. or. A borderline case. No similar text exists for Theodore. 165. 46. Saints jumeaux et dieux cavaliers. associated in their lives. Saints Cosmas and Damian. in spite of being a recruit. 571-576. p. note 3. many scholars may consider that Boswell' s approach was «slanted». he was described as «goodlooking». appear in pairs. whose affection for each other colours the whole course of their Passions. In others. «saints who assumed a military rôle were portrayed. where he is beheaded. cited by Boswell. is represented fairly often. In some cases. according to the literary sources. 200. gr. although. cit. 99 (execution). However. but in iconography they are rarely represented. p. gr. notes the reticence of hagiographers to enter more deeply into the phenomenon of «twinning». whereas. op. Grégoire. cit. observed that these couples existed. for whom representations are known. as vigorous. a Roman soldier and martyr under Decius & Valerian.THEODORE.165 «Twinning» was. the practice would seem only to reflect the devotion to these particular saints of those who commissioned the painting. II. however. both in literature and art.166 Juventinus and Maximinus. op.. 302. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 191 with down. Constantine and Helena. the camaraderie appropriate to the military condition was probably taken into account. a close association existed. later. during their lives. Anyway. Grabar. in general. for example in John Chrysostom's Encomium. Polyeuctus. who. A. as a military saint. throughout the Byzantine epoch.167 For others. Elasippus and Melesippus are triplets (tergemini) not twins ! Boswell. One in their love 164. PG 50. without going deeply into the question. Thus Saints Peter and Paul are represented together as the joint Founders of the Church. (note 79). (note 158). Paris. cit. George and Demetrius without Theodore (none of whom were associated in their lifetime). question must be posed with regard to the relationship between saints. p. either in art or in literary texts. «isolés ou groupés en 'familles' de compagnons de martyre.» He considered that they «dérivent visiblement de formules courantes du portrait antique. apart from Vatic. 166. The most notorious example is that of Sergius and Bacchus. general explanation. and of the comeliness (ευπρέπεια) of his body.. Theodore (and later the Stratelates) were perhaps exceptional They were never portrayed as glamorous ephebes. In this respect. 167. well-dressed and wellequipped». his Speusippus. may be noted. p. 1946. Their association is much more evident. p. Various couples of military saints. but not accompanied by Nearchus. op. (note 160). for example Theodore with George or Demetrius on the Sinai icon. These physical traits served to make evident the beauty (ώραιότης) of his soul.164 Another. was invariably represented as a mature man with a beard. certainly commonest among military saints. Cosmas and Damian. for whom little. 1613. Martyrium. art.» He cites a limited number of examples of «twins» : George and Demetrius. iconographical documentation exists : Nearchus and Polyeuctus of Melitene. is not helpful. . (note 158). starting with Vatic. the Anargyres. p. cit. if any. more delicate. 1613. Paris 1905. 180. H.

a late invention. 174. A.. H. jointly holding a sword between them. Sergius is represented without Bacchus. and each has an arm around the other's shoulders. note 68. 550-553. (note 6). cit. 172. 169. to all accounts. These gestures merely signify their military camaraderie as Christians. but also excellent soldiers of Christ. More particularly. p. for example in Vatic. V. 34-42. However. 173. See above. Belgrade 1974. gr. although some representations of Sergius and Bacchus together exist. Cleonicus and Basiliscus. cit. Ibidem. Kaster. Sofia 1975. the affective element in art of the Byzantine tradition is rarely evident to the modern Western eye. nor can the numerous representations. On the other hand they did associate the Tiron with his relatives Eutropius. 85.G. pi. The other is a late (19th century) icon. sometimes praying as Orans. A highly popular subject. Ikoni ot Plovdivski Kraj. Lexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst. 170. generally speaking. fig. Art and Eloquence in Byzantium. p. 372. 172 Two cases are. Heilige. . outstanding. Princeton 1981. Sergius wept in prison : «Never again shall we chant. quite apart from the Stratelates having been. (note 158). When Bacchus was executed. was one of the closest of those between military saints. but not invariably. V. now in the Museum of Icons at Plovdiv (Bulgaria) (Figure 15). their association is not de rigueur. One is in the church of Zrze. Mavrodinova. 174 Here the two Theodores are represented together on horseback. however. placing an arm over each other's shoulders. Chatzinikolaou. The horses. II (1971). Boswell. the literature concerning it cannot be cited here in detail. cit. Usually. their association. brother and companion in arms : «Ecce quant bonum et quant jucundum. Macedonia. See above. Reproduced by Boswell. «Δια την ώνόμαζον»171 προς αλλήλους άγάπην καΐ αύτοι αδελφούς αλλήλους Mavrodinova has assembled a dossier of the two Theodores together. Toteva. 173 Here the two Theodores are represented holding hands. such as the iconography of the Forty Martyrs. p. «they were indissociable in the army of this world. op. P. dated 1368/1369 (Figure 14). with a few outstanding exceptions.170 where they stand together in court dress. with grey hair and beard. art. note 20.175 The Forty Martyrs were.»168 Their unity was perfect. 171. 6. they 168. dressed in armour but carrying no weapons. Sometimes. warrior saints. n° 78. 48V. f.192 CHRISTOPHER WALTER of Christ. Lexikon zur christianischen Ikonographie 8. 1059-1061 . 1679. Vizantijske freske u Jugoslaviji. for. 175. The Stratelates has brown hair and a beard. hagiographers were not accustomed to associate them in their lifetime. Djurio. (note 158).. p. their respective mounts. op. See particularly. The Tiron is represented older. Their cheeks touch.»169 And so on. 18. Vierzig Märtyrer von Sebaste.. of course. Too much should not be made of this. habitare fratres in unum. 366. As for the two Theodores. exchange a friendly glancel In fact. once it began. Maguire. sometimes on horseback.

in which the dying soldiers offer each other mutual consolation. 12. during their agony in the icy lake. if he had not publicly and ceremonially renounced his military commitment. Conclusion The principal purpose of this study has been to provide the material for establishing the identity of an archetypal Warrior Saint. who reached eminence early and who. D. p. were not at first revered as soldiers. alternatively they might by their emotional attitude reveal the agony which they were undergoing. Georgia. some warrior saints. However. most of those who are revered as such were considered to have perished under one or other of the more anti-Christian emperors. The affective significance of their gestures and embraces is surely clear. has continued to be revered by the heirs of Byzantine tradition. T. Thus the right to be be included in the echelon of military saints could depend less on the terrestrial career of a holy person than on his action after being raised to the celestial sphere. had to be rewritten. Variations in the details of this iconographical type were possible. Une icône au Musée de Mestia et le thème des Quarante Martyrs en Géorgie. had no difficulty in accepting that a martyr.177 In Byzantine tradition. which has recently been published (Figure 16). ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 193 were represented. Only later in their hagiographical career were they «metamorphosed» into army officers. An. Barnes. a bellicose people who readily sought inspiration in the power struggles of the Israelites notably under king David. It is evident that the Byzantines. 1983. The Military Career of Martin of Tours. This iconographical category could be subdivided . Boll. This was the fate of Theodore. I cite an icon in the Museum of Mestia. had committed himself to a military career without demurring. particularly under Diocletian. there exists a number of representations of their martyrdom. plunged in an icy lake. He could be concerned 176. 2532. before his Passion. who underwent martyrdom rather than deny his Christian faith. This was not the case in the West. notably Demetrius and Procopius.THEODORE. . They might support their sufferings stoically . 114. after his establishment by martyrdom in the celestial sphere. a onetime soldier. it was the military condition on earth of a saint which made him particularly eligible. Among many possible examples. p. Zograf 14. by a close examination of the dossier of Saint Theodore. 1996. naked apart from a loincloth. on the contrary. The simplest definition of a warrior saint would be that he was a soldier in the Roman/Byzantine army. to intervene in specific ways in favour of clients in difficulty. There he could hardly have been revered as a saint. 49. 177. with a twin. Velmans. T. whose figure would play so important a role in Byzantine history and culture. 176 Here the martyrs are represented embracing and warmly consoling each other. In fact. fig. where the Life of Martin of Tours.

the origin of Theodore's cult was related to the sanctuary where his relics were reputed to be preserved and where his icon. A final negative point may be made : neither of the Theodores. . of course.A. particularly from the eleventh century. and that in the parecclésion of the Kariye Cami.179 where figure fifteen warrior saints. 196.194 CHRISTOPHER WALTER more particularly by the protection of his native town. George and the Theodores (Θεοδώρων). threatened so severely from without. was. Paris 1966. It can be explained satisfactorily. probably towards the end of the ninth century. as a reflection of the camaraderie universal in military circles. It is clear that from the tenth century an echelon of military saints was securely established in Byzantine hagiography. (note 5). As their cult developed. Their introduction into court ceremonial is witnessed by the passage in the De officia of the Pseudo-Codinus. New York 1966. Theodore. In late Byzantine art. Markovkî. An easy explanation would be that Byzantine society. Procopius. many well-documented.180 Here we are a long hark from the fourth-century sanctuary at Euchaita. such as killing dragons. Theodore — and other military saints — became ever more associated with the maintenance of imperial power. 180. with fourteen warrior saints (not all the same in each church). As with most other saints. The emergence of a «twin». Underwood.178 They were the principal members. Reference to all the series. Verpeaux. Yet it was there that the first 178. both admirably presented : that at Decani. They have their place on ivories and. The Kariye Djami III. edited J. they become increasingly numerous. Theodore. like the others. more than most. cit. in his case the Stratelates. felt increasingly the need for their protection. However. This was the case of Theodore with Euchaita. art. inspired the production of ευλογία. it seems. p. apparently. Examples have been noted of yet other types of intervention. was first painted and venerated. I will limit myself to two examples. at least more frequent with soldiers than with other saints. of what Delehaye called the quartier général of the military saints. was not necessarily represented as a warrior. more and more. military saints also intervened in other circumstances. P. The spread of his cult — again this was not peculiar to military saints — was connected with the fraction and dispersion of his relics. in church decoration. Traité des offices. although investiture of emperors was a privilege more often reserved to angels. of their portraits would be both lengthy and invidious. n° 142-178. Often these saints wore court dress and held the cross of martyrdom in their right hand. notably in battle. where Gregory of Nyssa would have delivered his Encomium. For this. not necessarily military. was represented in military dress. if not exclusively a phenomenon of military iconography. in which it is said that icons were carried not only of the «archangel» but also of Demetrius. in military dress. However. although this was not their unique privilege. Pseudo-Kodinos. 179. Cappadocia provides an abundant documentation.

Carolidis. Alpago Novello. Consequently I have remained. (note 79) . Peintures murales et architecture de la Géorgie (VF-XVe siècle).181 Addendum. fairly strictly. cit. art. 2. Manova. p. began to make his impact on Byzantine culture. 441-445 . Thermes de Cluny. 14. Athens . op. N. 7. on this occasion for the first time in Paris. Milan 1996. 4. Thierry. art. (note 59) . p. Saint Theodore killing a dragon (figure 3). Milan 1977. K. T. Drawing by Pamela Armstrong . Toteva. op. Outside. p. 3. p. cit. Representations of Saintly Warriors in Medieval Bulgaria and Their Relationship with Similar Saints in Georgia (in Bulgarian). P. 15. 181. 6. 1986-1989. cit. Personal . Stornajolo & De' Cavalieri.E. catalogue n° 2. cit. art. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 195 Christian Hercules. was exhibited. Carolidis called him. De Jerphanion. 16. Mirzoyan. 9. Paris from February 9th to May 3rd. One must limit oneself. Velmans & A. 20. Meanwhile. Zakos . has. Personal . op. 5. within the Byzantine tradition. the following studies can be consulted : A. cit. cit. Christopher Walter 10 avenue de la République 94300 Vincennes Source of illustrations (credit lines) : 1. p. 12. entitled Trésors de Macédoine. the cult of Saint(s) Theodore. yet to be thoroughly explored. Todic. Strasburg 1913. Velmans. he who was the personification of a great Kulturkampf not only of the Christian faith against the heathen world but also of human culture against evil in nature. (note 88) . op. 13. Les représentations des saints militaires dans le manuscrit n° 6305 du Matenadaran.THEODORE. cit. 173. G. 8. as P. 148. 10. The objects exhi bited included a number of the terra cotta plaques found near Vinica in the course of excavations begun in 1985. (note 92) . Personal . Thierry. Benaki Museum. J. (note 176). Balabanov. (note 89) . (note 174) . op. S. . 11. 113-118. Atti del primo simposio iinternazionale sull'arte georgiana. Exhibition catalogue (note 86) . cit. (note 79) .S. One of them. cit. Der Nersessian. 183-198 . Bemerkungen zu den alten kleinasiatischen Sprachen und Mythen. Revue des études arméniennes. Miroir de l'invisible. nevertheless. This article was already finished when an exhibition was held at the Musée national du Moyen Âge. described in the text. (note 42) . if attested abundantly in iconography. op.

_ Aï. Intaglio. Benaki Museum.196 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Γ » * . Solomon spearing demon.· Figure I. .■'* * \ · V '· t . ··*&*. ! ν . Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion ·«■· / : - ■ · 1 ■·■·.

Seals with military saint. .THEODORE. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 197 Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 2. Zacos collection.

. Skopje.198 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 3. Terra cotta from Vinica. Theodore and dragon. Museum.

Staro Nagoricino.THEODORE. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 199 Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 4. Martyrdom of Nestor. Fresco. .

Fresco.·. George investing Milutin. j . Staro Nagoricino.■. Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion i|Ä|K-.\v ·■%».^"^ j ' Figure 5.■■'·■··■■■ μ -^±:% '■"y/^^Yf^.■.-. Demetrius protecting Thessaloniki.200 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 4a. Detail of Figure 4.

THEODORE. Mercurius kills Julian the Apostate . 6. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 20 1 Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion oc Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 6. f. Athos Panteleimon. 242v. cod. . Valens as an Arian. Miniatures.

Scourging of Theodore Stratelates. . f. British Library. Additional 19. 39v. Miniature.202 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 7.342.

1613.Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 8. Miniature. . Vatican graec. Theodore Stratelates.

Mavrucan 3. Capitals from Aqaba. Museum. Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 10. Fresco. Amman.204 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 9. . Cappadocia. Theodore & Longinus. Theodore & George.

Theodore and dragon. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 205 Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 11.THEODORE. Fresco. Cappadocia. . Göreme 28.

Açikel Aga kilisesi. . Theodore & George as martyrs. Fresco.206 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 12. Cappadocia.

Hosios Loukas.THEODORE. Theodore Tiron. ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 207 Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 13. . Mosaic.

the Two Theodores. Zrze (Macedonia). . Fresco.208 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 14.

ARCHETYPE OF THE WARRIOR SAINT 209 Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 15. Icon Museum. the Two Theodores.THEODORE. Plovdiv. . Icon from Momcilovci.

Forty Martyrs (detail).210 CHRISTOPHER WALTER Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion Figure 16. Mestia (Georgia). Museum. Icon. .