African Studies Program at the University of Wisconsin--Madison Regents of the University of Wisconsin System

"Companies Are Always Ungrateful": James Phipps of Cape Coast, a Victim of the African Trade Author(s): David Henige Reviewed work(s): Source: African Economic History, No. 9 (1980), pp. 27-47 Published by: African Studies Program at the University of Wisconsin--Madison Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3601386 . Accessed: 19/12/2011 05:24
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"COMPANIES ARE ALWAYS UNGRATEFUL": JAMES PHIPPS OF CAPE COAST, A VICTIM OF THE AFRICAN TRADE1 David Henige of Wisconsin-Madison University

I . . . is a good Servant The General and diligent2 Company; assiduous to the

of Europe on the rest of the world which The impingement From took on numerous forms. century began in the fifteenth the very first some of it took the form of territorial it long amounted to no instances but in other aggrandisement which was sometimes more than a sustained satisfied, curiosity also not. Those forms which we can term expansion sometimes of this of only one aspect assumed various guises. Speaking of Europeans with the indigenous relationships process--the to with whom they came into contact--it is possible peoples At one extreme would be those discern several variations. cases, where few if any local like and the Azores, Mauritius peoples were easily able to were involved so that the settling Europeans those and political social which replicated establish systems constraints that local in Europe to the extent permitted. and the Atlantic islands In other the Caribbean cases, notably of North America, drove away or exterseaboard the Europeans and then established the indigenous minated lifestyles peoples for themselves and improve on those to emulate which sought they behind. would include A third of expansion had left category of population and areas where high levels and political those societies. of the existing material culture the removal precluded amount of Here plural in which there was a certain societies, The classic and racial mutual cultural developed. absorption, would be the Hispano-Indian for this early period examples In some areas, the Europeans of Latin America. societies although a thorough territorial did not establish control, they were able rather or another to exercise for one reason juriswidespread in some instances to de facto suzerainty. amounting diction, The Dutch in Java would be a case in point. or unwilling to venture were unable however, Often, Europeans Lack of manor acculturation at all. on any form of governance

African

Economic

History,

no.

9(1980)

28

DAVID HENIGE

fears of high mortality, power or of an intensive enough interest, or the presence of strong local states meant that the Europeans either that of their own operated in many areas on sufferance, In some of authorities. governments or of the local political these situations to European nations were able eventually exercise to the point where, if their aims remained authority to control their own affairs modest, they were able largely restraint. provided they exercised However, in a few cases-the Dutch in Japan, the English in Basra come to mind--they remained totally subservient to the local authorities. Most of the examples of this form of European expansion were trading established to tap local sources of wealth, to provide factories, a strategic if precarious or to serve as intermediate presence, stations on far-flung trade routes. The British, on the Gold Coast-Dutch, and Danish factories business ventures above all--fit best into this last category and eighteenth centuries. Established during the seventeenth stock companies, each such post was designed to by chartered rather than prestige, revenue rather than produce profits trade goods rather than tribute. As a result, the territory, extant records of these companies, particularly those of the of accounts, consist and yet accounts, very largely English, Such materials have their own value of course, more accounts. we learn but by themselves one-dimensional; they are inescapably on whose perifrom them very little about the African societies or about the lives of the men meters these factories existed, who served in them. Most of these died on the coast, while few of those who returned home were ever heard from again, retiring into a comfortable from which they rarely emerged. obscurity Guided by their sources, of English activities historians on the Gold Coast have so far focused on particular aspects of the trade there--its the numbers of slaves bought profitability, and shipped, their destinations and losses en route, discernible on the mortality in trading patterns--or shifts rates of the whose collective deaths have been more studied than personnel, lives. 3 The records of the Royal African their collective the English factories between 1674 Company, which administered and 1752, preserve details of the tenure of its servants on the coast--when they arrived,where they served, when they died or returned home--and almost nothing else about them. We are unable to learn much about what they did and even less about how they felt about themselves, their employment, or the African societies around them. Only four of the very large number of men who in the administration on of the English factories participated the Gold Coast can be said to have detectable personae. 4 Two of these were Sir Dalby Thomas (1703-1711), who was an adept about whose administration self-publicist quite a bit of odds and Henry Greenhill who and ends have survived, (1680-1684) served as Naval Commissioner at Plymouth and Portsmouth between 1691 and 1708 but about whose career outside these posts almost nothing is known.5 if not The remaining Agents have so far remained faceless of James Phipps, who was with the exception quite nameless,

JAMESPHIPPS OF CAPE COAST

29

when John Atkins visited Cape Coast serving as Captain-General made famous Castle in 1722 during the campaign against the pirates Atkins' cameo description provides a few by Daniel Defoe.6 on Phipps' character and and observations details interesting As of the Royal African Company's possessions. administration of litigation it happens, however, because of the vagaries (the of nearly two hundred of which are not known) a series details to Phipps, who spent letters have been preserved which relate quarter of nearly twenty years on the Gold Coast in the first 7 are the remains of a The letters the eighteenth century. between Phipps and members of his family and correspondence of those in England. friends group consists By far the largest between Phipps and his father Thomas Phipps, sr., who served as his commercial agent in London and as conicus curiae with the It is likely Royal African Company until his pwn death in 1715.8 was returned to England after Phipps' that this correspondence of the disposition death as part of the "dead men's affects," which was, as we will see, a constant worry to Phipps during his their But, whatever the circumstances, days at Cape Coast. affords us glimpses into the personal life of at preservation least one Englishman on the Gold Coast and provide a view of the Royal African Company 'from the bottom up' which is absent from documentation. the more familiar James Phipps served the Royal African Company continuously at Cape Coast Castle late in 1703 until his from his arrival Both in length and contindismissal from their employ in 1722. since most careers on the uity the career of Phipps was unusual, coast were fairly retirement, quickly cut short by death, leave, As it happens, his years on the Gold Coast were or dismissal.9 ones for the Company, by but trying, interesting, particularly On the decline into effective then in inexorable bankruptcy.1? with the the English were embroiled in conflicts coast itself to a larger African polities Dutch and with the neighboring thanks in no small degree to the interextent than ever before, of Sir Dalby Thomas' administration.11 Partly fering policies as a result, the local European balance of power shifted during the dominant European this period so that the Dutch, previously force in the area, receded into a more passive role, as their after initial success, attempts to dabble in African politics and as the character of the rapidly expanding ended in failure interests. slave trade favored the British Phipps reached the summit of his career in 1719 when he was and a title encompassing both civil appointed Captain-General, and very seldom bestowed by the Company. authority military as we will see, his appointment was a controversial Nevertheless, after a number of other less qualified one and was made reluctantly from he was dismissed men had been placed over him. Finally, seem largely on charges that, from the available office evidence, applied. specious or at least unfairly several aspects of Phipps' In this paper I will discuss activities during the nineteen years he served on the coast. makes it impossible The incomplete nature of the correspondence as one might wish, and it and persuasive to be as circumstantial

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DAVIDHENIGE

of substance little must be said that there is disappointingly toward vital matters like to be gleaned about Phipps' attitude as a matter of the slave trade, which he accepted unhesitatingly data Even so, the surviving rather than a moral issue. business and informative, and suggest several avenues remain interesting them. We learn much about Phipps' relationby which to utilize in London and with his ships with the Company's administration with Dalby Thomas, under on the coast, particularly colleagues Not surpriswhom he served for nearly half his active career. insofar as as a trader are well described his activities ingly, to the Company, but somewhat less so he devoted his energies when he was acting on his own account, although the fact that means that much appears that was these were personal letters left unspoken in his official correspondence. During his career Phipps served in numerous capacities, writer at Cape Coast Castle, agent at the Company's including fort at Accra, Chief Agent and Warehouse-Keeper at Cape Coast over all the Company's and military and civil authority Castle, As a result he has left many interestforts on the Gold Coast. associated on the burdens and opportunities ing observations we can discuss what little with each of these posts. Finally, is known about Phipps' personal life on the coast, although his in this regard is striking; reticence except for a few allusions must be read between the and some formal documents, everything lines. II I am abroad to make my fortune at once rather than make a second voyage12 of the Phipps family with the African trade The connection began several years before James' departure for the Gold Coast. His cousin Seth Grosvenor preceded him to Africa while his father in the African trade for some Thomas had already had an interest He was active in lobbying for Royal African Company time. in Parliament and published at least one broadside on interests he advocated a strong the matter in which, among other things, of on the Coast and the active suppression centralized authority 13 He also became active in the Company's eventually interlopers. an arena which always offered unlimited internal scope affairs, in there almost resulted for politicking; indeed, his activities Thomas Phipps, a draper by occupation, James' premature dismissal. to able to make enough from his African interests was apparently become a member of the minor squirearchy, purchasing a manor some in Wiltshire called Heywood, as well as other properties time in the 1690s.14 to James. Thomas and Bridget Phipps had four sons in addition succeeded to his father's another Thomas, eventually The eldest, in the African trade but never displayed much interest estates role as chief advocate never assumed his father's and certainly Another older brother, and agent in London for James' interests. of the East India Company and evenWilliam, entered the service

JAMESPHIPPS OF CAPE COAST

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tually became Governor of Bombay in 1720, serving nine years in James' younger brother Peter was intended by his that post. that was put into training father to be "a scholar" and failing as a tailor. he was sent out to the Gold Coast, serving Finally, as a factor at Komenda and elsewhere. 15 He seems to have been to James on the Gold Coast as he was to his father as much a trial in England. 16 The youngest brother Sigismund was originally in trained for the bar, but proved to be "unformed" and enlisted armies. Worse yet, he married an alleged prostitute Marlborough's who was both Irish and "a Papist." He died in Flanders at an age that could not have exceeded twenty-two.17 Given Thomas Phipps' longstanding in the affairs interest of the Royal African Company and his complement of five sons, it was inevitable that at least one of them would be articled to the Company. As far as James was concerned, Thomas felt that a tour of service in Guinea would be "the quickest way of preferment."18 At the time of his departure in the autumn of 1703 Its timing in his late teens.19 James was, from all indications, of Thomas Phipps' friendship with Dalby Thomas was the result In effect James became a kind of ward of Sir and his wife. their rancorous disagreements toward the end Dalby and, despite Thomas continued to press on James the need to of Thomas' life, for his superior. display respect and affection admonition to "perfect yourJames sailed with his father's self in accounts and the methods of bookkeeping [and] Mathematicks His mother simply [which] is both useful and an accomplishment."20 In in heathen lands."21 exhorted him to be "a good Christian wishing him godspeed Thomas suggested a program for James' future in Africa: it that you did not go to I hope you will consider Africa merely to see the country and take the air, in the world that you may but to raise yourself in much better air come home and enjoy your friends in your own country; and that you may live to do so be temperate-more by eating and destroy themselves drinking than die of want.22 as it turned out, that "it is probable He added, rather poignantly that your stay may not be above three years."23 Less than a year after his arrival Phipps was appointed second factor at James Fort in Accra, then thought to be "the factory" on the coast and, along with Komenda, the pleasantest most important of the English outforts.24 Phipps remained at Accra until 1709 when he returned to Cape Coast to be one of the Chief Agents there under Sir Dalby Thomas. On Thomas' death with early in 1711 Phipps and Seth Grosvenor assumed authority, Grosvenor taking precedence. 25 Later Phipps served on the governing council at Cape Coast Castle at various times with The last two of Robert Bleau, Gerrard Gore, and Randle Logan. these were appointed by the Company in order to avoid selecting an office a single head of the English posts, many in the Company 26 luxury. thought an unnecessary In 1717 William Johnson was appointed Agent-General.

32

DAVID HENIGE

Johnson had in the Company's service, Although not previously and was very well had wide commercial and maritime experience He died only a year later there was another interim connected.27 was appointed. Deane died until James Deane, also an outsider, in April of 1719, less than three months after assuming office. on the office Only then was Phipps appointed to the highest Some of the reasons for the delay in this appointGold Coast. ment will be discussed below. Here we only note that Phipps held this post for three years, only to be summarily dismissed on 15 A few months later, on charges of little substance. January 1723, he died at Cape Coast Castle while awaiting a ship He was aged about thirty-seven.28 on which to return to England. III is the encouraging of Trade and to keep Our business the Natives from obstructing it, to take the produce of their country, and improve, as much as possible, the Consumption of British Manufacture.29 Thomas Phipps' plans noted above, and no doubt those of to acquire through called for a concerted effort James as well, sufficient to return to capital judicious trading practices On its face England as a gentlemen of property and leisure. was not an unreasonable this expectation one, assuming that Gerrard Gore, James did not die shortly after his arrival. who had served at various points on the coast in the 1690s, was reputed to have become very wealthy there, while the success 30 of Edmund Searle at Accra, was notorious Beguiled locally. on in the Company's service by these examples James lingered to return, while often lamenting several opportunities despite time." 31 He tried to emulate Searle's a reasonable reputed success during his own long tenure at Accra but confessed that, although he had lived there as long or longer than Searle had, even though he was not worth "a tenth part" of Searle's wealth, and as I "no stone unturned to get money honestly he had left 32 He had gone out to could answer it to my own conscience." in "that pleasing metal which this country is Guinea believing he found that for said to abound in" but to his "sad experience" him the fabled gold of Guinea was only a chimera.33 rainbow. Phipps never did find the end of his particular often suggested--to an This may have been due--as he himself honesty too sharply honed, but there were other circumstances time against seekers of which conspired at the particular seven years there were His first fortune on the Gold Coast. of Sir Dalby Thomas who, as we know spent under the tutelage was resolutely, almost from both Phipps and other sources, with the in his dealings honest and unselfish perversely, 34 contrasted This situation sharply with the period Company. immediately prior to Sir Dalby's incumbency, that is, when Gore their fortunes. and Searle were accumulating During the fifteen on the in 1703, the administration years before Thomas' arrival Gold Coast had been under a single head for only two months, a
the impossibility of "an honest man getting an estate . . . in

JAMESPHIPPS OF CAPE COAST

33

circumstance which benefited agents and independent traders alike. of the interlopers, Then too the competition strengthened and consolidated by the divided command at Cape Coast Castle, became more acute during the time Phipps was on the coast. This from the increasing resulted importance of slaves and the (not of the Royal African Company to provide unrelated) incapacity either funds or saleable goods to combat them. In addition, Sir Dalby's penchant for interfering in local African affairs added expenses at the same time it, ineluctably if unintentiondiminished revenues. Under these circumstances it was ally, ironic that, not long after Phipps returned to Cape appropriately Coast Castle in 1709 and was congratulating himself on the greater there, Dalby Thomas allowed individual opportunities agents to run the outforts on their own account rather than simply as salaried These arrangements would employees of the Company.35 have provided Phipps with his best opportunities for a fairly and a chance to return home. As it was, he could quick profit only lament time and again that the expenses at Cape Coast Castle outran revenues, If it even at the best of times. invariably was not apparent at the time, it is painfully so in retrospect, that Phipps' chances to make a financial success of his Guinea adventure ended just as he was convincing himself that they had begun. finally on behalf of the Data concerning Phipps' trading activities and need Royal African Company can be found in the T70 materials here except to note that his credit balance with not be discussed the Company increased slowly as time passed, although he must were have realized settlement that his chances of an equitable with his father was largely consmall. Phipps' correspondence and information cerned with orders, receipts, regarding prices. for members of his family (a He sent home various exotic gifts a parrot, a monkey skin) and deer's foot horn, rings, buckles, "Arcania" gold) which his father was to other items (including sell and credit to his account. At the same time he continually asked his father for goods to be shipped to him, citing the of the Company to maintain adequate stocks on the coast. inability Some of these ("stout beer," coffee, tea, Rhenish wine, white were clearly for his own use and that of thread, fine stockings) his growing family, while others ("gaudy silk" and other cloths) were most likely for resale on the coast. IV It's very hard for a Gentleman to live
as Africa . . years .

abroad in
to

such dismal country spend his youthful

. . and there . in a continual

view of a threatening
return . . . be obliged

death,
to

and yet
attend

at his
in
36

some years

expectation

of wages earned

so dearly.

We know nothing of Phipps' relations with the administrators of the Royal African Company before the death of Dalby Thomas in 1711. and indirect Presumably they were intermittent from since, what we know of Thomas' character, it is likely that he would have insisted on handling all such matters personally. During the last ten years of his sojourn on the Gold Coast, Phipps'

34

DAVIDHENIGE

relations with the Company were most often stormy and strained, best encapsulated by his opinion that the Company's officials in mind) were (he had Sub-Governor Thomas Pindar particularly and base."37 perfidious, "ungrateful, To judge only from the available documentation Phipps was in his attitude. One particular source not without justification to increase of conflict was the Company's recurring efforts the It was the policy of the amount of surety on his good behavior. from employees or Royal African Company to require such sureties their guarantors at the time they first joined its service.38 for which the bond Phipps had originally signed on as a writer, was I500. Not long after becoming one of the Chief Agents at Cape Coast the Company--in the person of Thomas Pindar, a business to secure additional and personal enemy of Thomas Phipps--attempted 39 both the Phippses amounting to 1500. Naturally guarantees he claimed, James was particularly resisted this. indignant since, and the Company already owed his h2000 in salaries, commissions, other emoluments.40 Earlier Phipps had asked to be transferred to Whydah but had been refused.41 Now, with the support of his he nearly resigned while, at the same time, the Directors father, To strengthen his bargaining in London nearly dismissed him.42 Thomas Phipps had purchased U1500 of Royal African position to qualify him to run for Director--even Company shares--enough "in less that the Company would be dissolved though he believed In the event Phipps did not seek office than two years' time."43 renewed James' contract without but the Company eventually 4 an additional deposit. requiring Insofar as the status of James was concerned, however, the sent out victory was at best a pyrrhic one, for the Directors his two agents to serve with him, at the same time recalling and close friend Seth Grosvenor on what appears to colleague have been specious grounds of ill health. To replace him they Gerrard Gore, who had returned to England nearly resurrected fifteen Sent out with Gore was one Randle Logan, years earlier. as having been "a Lieutenant described on board a man of war," and therefore in the Comapny's service.45 probably not previously On grounds of seniority Gore was to be given precedence. Expectan indifferent person [Gore]" edly, Phipps resented "obliging and to support his opinion passed along to his father derogatory Gore sentiments he had gathered about Gore on the coast.46 arrived in the summer of 1714 and remained two and a half years until his death, while Logan lived for about a year after his arrival.47 Because of Thomas Phipps' death in 1715, James' with his family diminished and then ceased entirely, correspondence his since his brother Thomas was little in continuing interested to him. As a result we hear no more about father's assistance or about Phipps' relations with William Johnson and James Gore, Deane, also sent out by the Company (in 1717 and 1719) to supersede him. but always festering Another canker--never critical, really Davies points out --was the matter of "dead men's affects." in the T70 series relates to the that much of the correspondence of these goods and Phipps' correspondence problems of disposing

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Since many more men died on the coast than left this.48 reflects of their it is easy to see how the problem of disposing it alive, When an employee estates could assume cumbersome proportions. of the Company died on the coast, the agents at Cape Coast Castle of for inventorying and properly disposing became responsible them to England to his goods. Generally this meant returning financial be passed along to any legatees after appropriate had been made by the Company. In the meantime such adjustments goods remained a charge to the account of the agent or agents to exercise involved. the Company was in a position Naturally, since it in regard to dead men's effects considerable leverage to whatever procedures could--and often did--take exception in behalf of the deceased's were carried out in Africa, ostensibly heirs. 49 Phipps was only too keenly aware of the onus attached to interthis thankless chore and resented the Company's continual He complained which he regarded as less than selfless. ference, and later to Seth Grosvenor (who must have often to his father, The former advised him to "keep [dead sympathized with him). in your hands" awaiting the Company's authorizamen's effects] tion to ship them back rather than sending them "to the parties This was sound advice and from all concerned" directly.50 followed it, but he was to suffer appearances Phipps generally of hopeful heirs, distressed the importunities constantly and Company officials.51 relatives,
V

My thoughts are always employed on ways and means for the Company's service. 52 of two opinions within the councils There had long existed the Royal African Company regarding the best mode of governing Some held that efficient its forts. governance required a authority. Opposed to this single head with plenipotentiary of Agent-General view was that which held that the office (or was a needless additional worse Captain-General) expense, of view, the senior By the latter perhaps L2500 to L3000 per year. usually numbering two or three at agents at Cape Coast Castle, any given time, could govern adequately with the aid of a the arguments On Dalby Thomas' death in 1711 either council.53 for no single of the second group or simple inertia prevailed, was appointed for more than six years, with several authority authority groups (which always included Phipps) exercising as noted, in 1717 William Johnson and, Finally, collectively. James Deane, served brief terms as Captaintwo years later, General. When acquainted with the appointment of Deane, Phipps We can at being join'd" with him.54 "satisfaction professed but in the of these sentiments, doubt the sincerity certainly event Deane died within three months, only a short while after as "in perfect health."55 Now, after several being described the Company was at last forced to consider years of temporizing, Phipps to sole command. Seth Grosvenor supported appointing

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but was not sure that Phipps cared strongly, Phipps' pretensions to remain on the coast after so many years of frustrated hope There remained, too, the sharp division treatment.56 and cavalier on the wisdom of appointing a Captainamong Company officials General at all; after all, the previous two appointments could not have been considered successes.57 the Directors of the Company appointed Phipps to Finally, be Captain-General on 23 July 1719, but not without a number of Seth Grosvenor and Richard Chaney, who together reservations.58 held Phipps' power of attorney in England, were required to post a L5000 security, while Phipps himself was to post a signature bond of another L5000, soon raised to I10,000. Furthermore Phipps was offered a salary and a rate of commission on slaves that was considerably less than Johnson and Deane had been paid, and he was told that if he failed to accept these conditions It is promptly, the appointment would be considered null.59 small wonder that Grosvenor urged Phipps to reject the offer and return home. 60 his numerous and justified Surprisingly, considering complaints over the previous several years, Phipps did not decline the In fact he accepted it with alacrity Company's demeaning offer. and in rather slavishly obsequious terms.61 Phipps did not confide to his few remaining correspondents his reasons for accepting the It may be that he still hoped (he was, after all, post. only in to accumulate sufficient to return home his mid-thirties) capital to live in the style he must long have anticipated, although the of dead men's effects and the albatress should L15000 in security have given him pause in this regard, even if he was able to ignore over the previous sixteen his lack of capital accumulation years. It may be, too, that his personal commitments at Cape Coast below) had by this time come to outweigh (which are discussed In any case, he was at last in those remaining in England. on the Gold Coast.62 charge of the Royal African Company's affairs Phipps' tenure of somewhat less than three years was by no means uneventful. Much of his concern was naturally taken up of affairs with the daily administration at Cape Coast where, because of the dearth of qualified he professed to personnel, feel "as often bomboy as commander in chief."63 A major problem at the time was the infestation of coastal waters by pirates, into whose hands several of the Company's ships fell (some with for himself and his family) and for whose successes goods destined he was inevitably blamed in part.64 After the apprehension of the pirates of which John Atkins was a part, by the expedition of over seventy Phipps was in nominal charge of the prosecution most of whom were executed at Cape Coast Castle.65 pirates, As if to add insult to injury the Company in 1720 removed in the Whydah and its adjacent posts from Phipps' jurisdiction interests of "extending its trade . . . as much as possible."66 Since by then Whydah was the most lucrative English post in the but was told to area, Phipps naturally objected strenuously, in the Court's decision. 6 7 acquiesce to the Duke of Chandos, About this time Phipps suggested then a leading light in the African trade, that a trading factory

JAMESPHIPPS OF CAPE COAST

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that gold out the possibility in Asante, pointing be established of the area. might be found there and emphasizing the salubrity a force of fifty to He argued--and the Company concurred--that men would suffice one hundred and fifty to serve as convoy.68 this plan came to nothing. Regretably for historians, In the autumn of 1722 Phipps was advised by Seth Grosvenor that the Company had replaced him with his colleague Henry Dodson. had been in hand for According to Grosvenor his supersession several months, but had been kept secret from Grosvenor, even it though he was a member of the Court of Assistants. Finally, was announced publicly after one of the Company's ships had order.69 This commission already sailed with the revocation speaking only of provided no reasons for Phipps' replacement, "divers good causes and considerations."70 Dodson, however, asked the Company to justify He was told that its decision. the immediate cause was a number of complaints lodged by the former commander of the garrison Capt. Mansfield, who, we are told by Atkins, had quarrelled with Phipps and fled Cape Coast, only to be apprehended.71 Apparently he managed to return to London and lay his charges, after which it seems that the Company him, only to learn from Dodson that he was utterly re-appointed incompetent. the Company advised Dodson that the complaints Beyond this, "well against Phipps were "very numerous" and, they felt, whatever. The really imporgrounded," but provided no details tant reason seems to have been that "the trade did not so much as answer to the expense of the settlement."73 This, it should be that Phipps had been making for noted, was the very observation no more--of private trade. there were hints--but Finally years.74 Even before receiving the Company's answer to his query Dodson had, in his very first letter in office, requested his own discharge and wisely proceeded to leave the coast even before that he had obtained permission.75 No doubt Dodson realized of circumPhipps had been a convenient scapegoat for a series stances quite beyond his control, and he chose not to repeat to the Company's good will. Phipps' error of trusting Phipps was not so fortunate; he died at Cape Coast less than three It is interesting to note that, months after his dismissal. of having traded to his own profit despite frequent accusation and advantage, at no Phipps left an estate which was estimated accumulated after more than 100 Marks or fi3200.76 This figure, more than nineteen years on the coast, was less than one-quarter the estate that William Johnson had left after only fifteen months there. 77 VI I assure you I have nothing more at heart than their welfare and I think nothing of any expense you judge to bestow on them. 78 necessary of Phipps with Dalby Thomas seem to have been The relations life. close and amicable until the last year of the latter's and plagued with family problems, Thomas Then, old, querulous,

38

DAVID HENIGE

fell under the influence of "three or four of the greatest rogues as ever broke Newgate."79 felt that During this period Phipps he was the victim of "gross abuses and ill from Thomas things" 80 and his cohorts. Among other things Thomas, either spontaneor (as Phipps would have it) ously persuaded by these individuals, both Phipps and Grosvenor prepared but died before charges against he could prefer them.81 After Thomas' death the individuals in were sent to the outforts. question We have few specific details about Phipps' relations with his several It is fair to presume, that he colleagues. though, maintained cordial terms with Grosvenor and he appears to have had a good relationship with Walter Charles. It is likely that he maintained but distant, relations with the other correct, individuals who served with him, including those who came out to supersede him from time to time.82 did not remain continent on Phipps during his long tenure the coast. From his wills we learn that he had at least five children--four and surviving daughters (Bridget, Susan, Grace, and a son Thomas.83 The mother of all of these was Henrietta) never named in Phipps' but reference was made to correspondence, her "house in the town of Cape Coast."84 Atkins described her a mulatto of a Dutch soldier at Elmina.85 To her Phipps daughter 24 oz. of gold (about left 3% of his estate) and "what Chest, or may claim of hers in my rooms at etc. that she shall Boxes, the time of my decease."86 Atkins described this woman as Phipps' wife" but "temporary it would be inappropriate to think of the relationship as merely a liaison, in the latter of Phipps' life when particularly years all his actions indicated that he had begun to think of the Gold Coast as his permanent home.87 it was not a marriage Certainly in the contemporary sense of the term but it was longEuropean and Phipps was obviously devoted to her and to their standing if not quite to the extent of admitting their children, existence to his father. The two eldest went to England with daughters Seth Grosvenor on his return in 1714 and a third left with Atkins in 1722.88 We learn nothing of this last child but of the first two James received from time to time from Grosvenor and reports Walter Charles. school in the They were sent to a boarding London area where, from all accounts, their was satisprogress Later, however, they were housed with the widow of factory.89 the Captain of one of the Company's ships, after which the girls an interest in seeing his drop from sight.90 expressed Phipps only son ("who if his mother will part with him is man enough to take a voyage") for his education, but from all go to England never took place.91 this accounts, As Atkins African and their out, Phipps' pointed family connections added "Interest and Power" to the authority he exercised of the Company.92 Not only were his by license in Cape Coast facilitated, business but he could benefit dealings network of kinship from their relations in Elmina and elsewhere. own reticence them is therefore the more Phipps' regarding to avoid mentioning he wished them since frustrating. Presumably his family's of his this might have diminished expectations

JAMESPHIPPS OF CAPE COAST to dwell return and it was unnecessary with Seth Grosvenor, who was certainly VII It has been my misfortune and I am like for my honest endeavours.9 93 to suffer

39

at length on the matter aware of the circumstances.

The tragedy of the African slave trade is usually defined numbers of slaves who were transported, the by numbers--the numbers who died in Africa or enroute to the New World, and the numbers and proportion of Europeans who failed to survive their time in Africa. Though this approach is a fair one, given the nature of our sources, it fails to take into account adequately the misfortune of living as well as dying, of staying in Africa as well as leaving it--at least insofar as the slave trade itself rather than subsequent slavery in the Americas is concernThe correspondence ed.94 of James Phipps enables us to see one as victims of the African trade. It would example of the living be absurd to compare the lot of Europeans engaged in the slave trade with that of the enslaved Africans, but Phipps' career does point up circumstances that are generally unnoticed in the documentation. In some ways Phipps may not have been typical of his species. In terms of being able to make his fortune his tenure on the At first his activities coast could not have come at a worse time. honest and loyal Sir Dalby Thomas. were supervised by the rigidly Later, when the local agents were at last granted the right of trading on their own account, Phipps had returned to Cape Coast Castle and was unable to benefit. Then, too, the general circumstances of trade on the Guinea coast had deteriorated markedly for Royal African Company employees since the free and easy days of the late seventeenth and pirates century. Locally, interlopers roamed freely while in London the Company was foundering, so that to deal with it effectively was more problematical attempting than ever. All these untoward circumstances (to which might be added Phipps' family responsibilities at Cape Coast, which he took seriously) to Phipps' unwillingness contributed apparently and return home. to leave the Company's service At the same time other difficulties, in this case more of employment in Africa under chattered typical companies, In a very real sense the Royal fostered Phipps' indecisiveness. African Company held the upper hand in dealing with its servants. often increasing--bond, By demanding--and subsequently by withsalary and commisholding a substantial portion of an employee's to the bond, and by encumbering their Chief sions in addition burden of disposing Agents with the ever-present satisfactorily of dead men's effects, the Company ensured that it always retained amount of its employees' funds. control of a substantial Phipps to be was never able to acquire a large enough sum independently have able to dispense with the large amount he would certainly had he left the Company's service. forfeited Unfortunately, offers too few insights into why he did Phipps' correspondence realize not eventually (or, if he did, choose to ignore it) that

40

DAVID HENIGE

to the Company were to be rewarded more his services by little that he was Sisyphus, he Instead of realizing than false hopes, chose to be Tantalus. NOTES 1. I would like to 86. TP to JP, 10 March 1712, C113/280, van Dantzig, Marion Johnson, and Harvey thank Albert In citations for their comments and criticism. Feinberg abbreviations to the Phipps the following correspondence TPare used: Phipps; Company; JP-James RAC-Royal African Thomas Phipps; TP2-Thomas Phipps, Phipps; jr; BP-Bridget SG-Seth WC-Walter Charles. WP-William Grosvenor; Phipps; A Voyage to Guinea, John Atkins, and the WestBrazil, Indies 1735). (London, include G. Davies, The Royal African Kenneth These studies and the 1957), 256-57; idem, "The Living Company (London, in Race and Slavery in West Africa" Dead: White Mortality ed. in the Western Hemisphere: Studies, Quantitative L. Engerman and Eugene D. Genovese (Princeton, Stanley "The White Man's Grave: Image P.D. Curtin, 83-98; 1975), 1 Journal and Reality, Studies, 1780-1850," of British and the Slave Trade," idem, "Epidemiology 94-110; (1961), For the 190-216. Science Political 83(1968), Quarterly, in "New Data on European Mortality Dutch see H.M. Feinberg, the Dutch on the Gold Coast, West Africa: 1719-1760," 357-72. Journal 15(1974), History, of African on the Gold Coast see R. Porter, Chief Agents For the English Chief Factors on the Gold Coast, 1632-1752," "English Historical 199-209. 1(1968), During this Studies, African with was usually entire the administration collegial, period or more individuals three sharing responsibility. see John Ehrman, The Navy in the War of William For Greenhill 1689-1697 1953), III, (Cambridge, 107, 182, 657, and II Sir George Jackson, Naval Commissioners from 12 Charles The third to 1 George III ([Lewes], Agent 1889), 87. are known is William some details about whom at least is discussed in note 27 below. whose career Johnson, A General [Daniel (London, Defoe], of the Pyrates History of this author work was one "Capt. The reputed 1725). been demonstrated that it Johnson" but it has since Charles was written many of whose works originally by Defoe, or pseudonymously. Defoe had a long appeared anonymously trade and there is consiin the African and close interest literature material derable about it in the extensive by I hope to discuss in a to him. this or relating briefly note. forthcoming Record Office, are in the Public These letters Chancery of them For a description Exhibit Masters C113/280-283. see my "The in this collection and of other materials and Research James Phipps Re-Visited," African Papers 21-23. no 16/17(1978), Documentation, to his father In addition correspondents Phipps' family

2. 3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

JAMESPHIPPS OF CAPE COAST

41

9.

10.

11.

12. 13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

brothers Thomas, William, Peter, included his mother Bridget; and Sigismund; sister Margaret; grandmother Susan Sedgwick, John Ellis; and cousin brother-in-law daughter Bridget; John Short. that eight Davis, "The Living and the Dead," 94, conjectures of every nine men who went out to the Gold Coast during this period died within seven years, six of them during the first of Phipps, thought only Walter Charles, a colleague year. WC to JP, 17 August "one in fifty" returned to England. 1719, C113/271, 168v. activities For the Company's financial during this period see Davies, Royal African Company, passim. Although Davies carries his study only as far as 1712, when the Company was on for insolvent" (96) though drifting already "patently another forty years, his account of the Company's structure, to understand and finances should be consulted governance, with his employers. Phipps' relationship For Thomas and his tenure see Kwame Daaku, Trade and Politics For on the Gold Coast, 1600-1720 (Oxford, 1970), 91-93. financial Thomas' earlier career, which included several panaceas like a tax on windows and another on beds, see John R. Moore, Daniel Defoe: Citizen of the Modern World (Chicago, 1958), 287-88, 381. JP to BP, 3 July 1710, C113/282, 13. Thomas Phipps, Mr Phipp's [sic] speech to a Committee of the . . . House of Commons, concerning the African trade, For the background of this March 27th 1712 (London, 1712). pamphlet see TP to JP, 10 March 1712, C113/282, 84-84v. Victoria Wiltshire (10 vols.: London, 1953County History: lines of Phippses still Collateral 73), 8: 153, 162-63. live in Wiltshire but none that I have so far located has to James' side of the family, which died any papers relating out in the direct line later in the eighteenth century. TP to JP, For various accounts of Peter see, among others, 14 July 1712, C113/280, 89-90; TP to JP, 6 December 1712, C113/280, 97-98; TP to JP, 20 September 1714, C113/281, 54-54v; TP to JP, 16 December 1714, C113/281, 70; TP2 to JP, TP2 to JP, 17 June 1715, C113/ 15 June 1715, C113/281, 78v. 281, 80-81; PP, Komenda, to JP, 21 May 1717, C113/275, 114. arose a brief but acrimonious correspondence For instance betwen Phipps and Thomas Harriss at Komenda over Peter's See Harriss to JP, 23 June 1716, fastidious eating habits. C113/261, 10, same to same, 7 July 1716, C113/261, 14-14v. TP to JP, 6 July 1705, C113/280, 12v; TP to JP, 5 April 1710, C113/280, 37; TP to JP, 20 February 1713, C113/281, 4-4v. There may have TP to JP, 23 December 1703, C113/280, 5v. been other reasons as well, since Thomas Phipps spoke of that he could the need to "mend [James'] circumstances TP to JP, 28 December return [and] live in more honour." 1703, C113/280, 7v. Later, however, when the Phipps' age is nowhere specified. the amount to increase Royal African Company was attempting

42

DAVIDHENIGE of his bond, its officials argued that he had been "underhis earlier age" when sent out, thereby invalidating agreement. TP to JP, 11 February 1714, C113/281, 29. Phipps himself mentioned having gone out "in the prime of my JP to TP, 25 April 1714, C113/282, 97. Apparently youth." this was not unusual; Thomas Phipps sent out one boy "about 10 years old," a nephew of the Company's shipping clerk. TP to JP, 20 September 1711, C113/280, 80. TP to JP, 1 September 1703, C113/280, 3v. BP to JP, 22 December 1703, C113/280, 5-5v. TP to JP, 23 December 1703, C113/280, 5v-6v. Cf. William Bosman, A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea (London, 1705), 106-08, for a slightly different view. 6. Ibid., T70/1463, 66 sub 23 November 1704; TP to JP, 9 August 1705, C113/280, 13. Grosvenor returned to England in 1714. He later (1720-23) served on the Court of Assistants of the Royal African Company, where he remained an advocate of James' interests until the latter's death. He also oversaw the education of James' children in England, discussed below. For these appointments see TP to JP, 18 February 1714, C113/281, 31. Johnson was the younger son and brother of successive Sir Henry Johnsons, owners of the Blackwall shipyard, the largest in the country. William was employed by the East India Company, serving as a member of the council of the Company's factory at Hugli in the Bay of Bengal in the early 1680s. In 1699 he served as Chief Supercargo on a two-year voyage to China. From 1691 to 1715 Johnson represented, along with his older brother, the pocket borough of Aldeburgh in Parliament. The latter became related by marriage in 1711 to Viscount Wentworth, later the Duke of Strafford. For various aspects of William Johnson's career see William Hedges, The Diary of William Hedges, Esq. During His Agency in Bengal, ed. by R. Barlow and H. Yule (2 vols.: London, 1887), 1:31, 163; 2:xviii-xxi, Charles Fawcett, cci-cciv; The English Factories in India, IV. The Eastern Coast and Bay of Bengal (Oxford, 1955), 287, 309; Edward Barlow, Barlow's Journal of His Life at Sea in King's Ships, East and West Indiamen and Other Merchantmen From 1659 to 1703 (2 vols.: London, 1934), 2:503; [Thomas Carew], An Historical Account of the Rights of Elections of the Several Counties and Boroughs of Great Britain . . . (London, 1755), 16-18; The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Great Ireland, and the United Kingdom (13 vols. Britain, in 14: London, 12/1:330. 1910-1940), Pace Porter, "English Chief Factors," 207, who dates his death ten days later. See Henry Dodson et al to RAC, 17 January 1723, T70/7, 40. Thomas Pindar et al to JP, 11 December 1712, C113/271, 13. JP to TP, 26 October 1710, C113/282, 16-17v. Thomas Phipps

20. 21. 22.

23. 24. 25.

26. 27.

28.

29. 30.

JAMESPHIPPS OF CAPE COAST

43

31. 32. 33. 34.

35.

36. 37. 38. 39.

40.

41. 42.

43. 44.

claimed that Searle had returned with U10,000 for five TP to JP, 25 August 1706, C113/280, 18. years' work. JP to TP, 26 October 1710, C113/282, 17. 16-17v. Ibid., JP to TP, 30 April 1711, C113/282, 25-26. like Daaku and This is the opinion of recent historians Davies (although Davies, Royal African Company, 255, referred it with "seemingly"). Phipps constantly qualified in and naivete of living, to Thomas' rectitude, simplicity dealing with the Company. Thomas Phipps noted that Thomas was "so far from doing the Company wrong that he will not get any money himself nor let any others [sc. James] get TP to JP, 26 November 1709, C113/280, 34. Dalby any." Thomas died with the Company owing him several thousand As late as 1714 pounds in salary and other emoluments. TP to JP, his widow was forced to sue for these funds. sold Sir 25 May 1714, C113/281, 45. Phipps eventually Dalby's goods at public auction in Cape Coast Castle, less than L500 for them, a total he thought "but realizing JP a small sum" for Sir Dalby's long and devoted service. It seems that to TP, 30 April 1711, C113/283, 23-23v. Davies' caveat can be removed. to operate independently for local factors On permission see Dalby Thomas to RAC, 28 October 1710, T70/2, 26-27; The Company JP to TP, 11 January 1711, C113/282, 18-19. claiming that Thomas had gone disapproved of this policy, TP to JP, 25 "beyond his commission in implementing it." continued, February 1714, C113/281, 32. The practice however; for examples of such agreements see Phipps and Bleau to James Patrick, Komenda, 16 June 1616, C113/261, 48-50v, the same to Thomas Harriss and Thomas Bennett, Accra, 1716, C113/292, 16-16v. WC to JP, 7 August 1719, C113/271, 168-68v. JP to TP, 13 July 1714, C113/282, 104. see Davies, Royal African Company, 256. On this practice The Sub-Governor was elected annually and was the highest of the Company; the Governor was officer administrative the reigning English sovereign. TP to Richard Grosvenor, 1 August 1713, C113/281, 16-17v; JP to 1P, 15 January 1715, C113/282, 121-22; JP to TP2, had risen This indebtedness 3 May 1715, C113/282, 132v. from I700 the previous year, and the Company owed Seth See JP to TP, 21 December 1713, C113/ Grosvenor even more. 282, 88-89; JP to TP, 25 April 1714, C113/282, 96-100. JP to TP, 9 May 1713, C113/282, 51-51v. TP to JP, 10 April 1714, C113/281, 40-40v; TP to JP, 25 May 1714, C113/281, 42-43; TP to JP, 2 November 1714, C113/ 282, 66-67; JP to TP, 25 April 1714, C113/282, 96-100. JP to TP, 3 July 1714, C113/282, 104-07; JP to John Short, undated but early 1715, C113/382, 128-29. TP to JP, 11 January 1714, C113/281, 24-25; TP to JP, 12 November 1714, C113/281, 66-67. Thomas TP to JP, 9 December 1714, C113/281, 72-72v. Ibid.;

44

DAVID HENIGE Phipps attended several General Meetings during 1714, T70/ in 1713 Pindar, who held office 101, 156v, 158, 162v, 163. and 1714, was replaced by Jonathan Andrewes in 1715, probably to the advantage of Phipps. TP to JP, 18 February 1714, C113/282, 31. JP to TP, 3 July 1714, C113/282, 104-07, in which he referof 12 June 1714, which has not survived. red to James' letter JP to TP2, 15 September 1715, C113/282, 136-36v. Porter, 207, does not mention Logan's "English Chief Factors," death. Davies, Royal African Company, 254. RAC to JP, 21 September 1713, C113/271, 55v-56, in which to make the Company warned him that he would be "liable should he give informagood all damages" that might result to anyone but the Company's tion on dead men's effects authorities. TP to JP, 1 August 1713, C113/281, 16v. Thomas Phipps later of how James acted, he would pointed out that, regardless "meet with troubles both from the Company and the persons
to estates do belong . . . whenever you do come home." TP

45. 46. 47.

48. 49.

50.

51.

52. 53. 54. 55. 56.

57.

to JP, 18 February 1714, C113/281, 31. in C113/292. See also C113/ There are many such letters T70/1499 and 1500 contain 271, 38, and C113/283, 1-3. to dead men's effects during Phipps' tenure. papers relating JP to Richard Chaney and SG, 23 December 1721, C113/265, 21v. See Davies, Royal African Company, 244-45, 252-54. of For an explanation JP to RAC, 12 March 1719, T70/6, 90. Deane's appointment see SG to JP, 14 November 1718, C113/ 271, 154-54v. SG to JP, 13 July 1719, C113/271, 159v. 160. Ibid., Phipps was worried that the Royal African Company would be taken over by the South Sea Company, then of the in a period of rise even more rapid than the decline Royal African Company. For the South Sea Company during its close ties with the Royal African this period, including Donnan, "The Early Days of the South Company, see Elizabeth Sea Company, 1711-1718," Journal of Economic and Business The South 419-50, and John Carswell, 2(1929/30), History, Sea Bubble (London, 1960), 273-85. see WC to JP, 17 August For an account of these differences Charles had served with Phipps at 1719, C113/271, 168v. knew Phipps well, and took an interest Cape Coast Castle, far were generally His letters in his personal affairs. more outspoken than those of Thomas Phipps or Seth Grosvenor so that, although they cover only a short period, they are Charles was appointed Phipps' interesting. particularly to take up the second in command in 1719 but failed WC to JP, 17 October 1719, C113/271, 179. appointment. Later he made a brief but unfortunate appearance as agent Sierra Leone, for which see William Smith, at Bence Island, A New Voyage to Guinea (London, 1744), 40 and Walter Rodney, A History of the Upper Guinea Coast, 1545-1800 (Oxford, 1970), 213-14.

JAMES PHIPPS OF CAPE COAST 58.

45

59. 60. 61.

62.

63.

64. 65.

66. 67. 68.

69. 70. 71.

of the Company his selection was to the Secretary According of continuing advised Charles but Walter Phipps unanimous, James Blake, over his appointment. dissent RAC, to JP, 23 C113/ 100; WC to JP, 17 August 1719, C113/273, July 1719, 271, 168-68v. SG to JP, 23 July 1719, 166, SG to JP, 21 November C113/271, 189. C113/271, 1719, 174. SG to JP, 15 October C113/271, 1719, the Company that it would be his "ambition Phipps assured meritorious a favour to make myself for so great in return of the trust and diligent reposed discharge by a faithful and to be "an industrious in me" and furthermore promised it my greatest to those whom I esteem servant successful JP to RAC, 17 October honour to be approved." C113/ 1719, Even if much of this reflects the florid 275, 114-14v. and gratuitous. of the times, it seems hyperbolic style was dated 20 in July, commission Phipps Though appointed reNovember 1719, the protracted negotiations reflecting For the the amount and form of his securities. garding 8. see C113/290, commission 17. A little later JP to SG, 21 November 1721, C113/265, and "a perfect slave he complained that he was becoming or employ to enjoy myself had neither time or opportunity redresselse in anything than writing letters, my thoughts and disorders" mutinies and preventing ing grievances, which of so many "scoundrels" from the presence resulting JP to SG, 16 February the Company had sent. C113/ 1722, At about the same time Atkins, 93-94, Voyage, 265, 27. See note 81 as "haughty" and aloof. characterized Phipps below. 1. JP to SG, 7 October C113/265, 1721, Some of the Johnson 235-60. General [Defoe], History, Record Office, at in the Public signed by Phipps judgments HCA 1/99. 25-25v. RAC to JP, 14 December 1720, C113/272, 83. RAC to JP, 13 March 1722, T70/53, is not in the C113 letter 105v-106. Phipps' T70/53, but see RAC to JP, 6 January C113/279, 1721, materials, Duke of Chandos was a very influential James Brydges, 3-3v. of the Royal African in the affairs voice Company at this in interest some reason time and for he took a particular In C113/279 of letters that there is a series Phipps. None of 1720 and 1722. Chandos wrote to Phipps between in the incoming to Chandos survive letters Phipps' of Chandos (which covers only the period correspondence before Library, Huntington 1712) in the Stowe Collection, San Marino, California. 266-66v. SG and JP, 10 July 1722, C113/272, dd 10 July 1722, See the Revocation of Commission C113/290, 12. RAC to Dodson, 6 June 1723, 101v; Atkins, T70/53, Voyage, as also mentioned Mansfield's Grosvenor 93. allegations SG to JP, 10 July 1722, in Phipps' dismissal. a precipitant

46 72. 73. 74.

DAVIDHENIGE C113/272, 266v. RAC to Dodson, 6 June 1723, T70/53, 101v. Ibid. The Henry Dodson to RAC, 18 December 1722, T70/7, 39v. Company officials professed surprise, commenting that "we should have thought [his] being at the head of the direction of our affairs might have inclined [him] to continue longer in our service." RAC to Tinker, 6 June 1723, T70/53, 102. As early as 1710 Phipps had pointed out that the charges for Cape Coast Castle almost always exceeded revenues there and he repeated the comment many times. See JP to TP, 26 October 1710, C113/282, 16-17v; JP to TP, 21 December 1713, C113/282, 88-88v; JP to TP, 20 May 1715, C113/282, 134. T70/7 sub 6 April 1723, 42. Davies, "Llving and the Dead," 97. JP to SG, 7 October 1721, C113/265, 9, referring to expenses Grosvenor had made over the schooling of Phipps' two eldest daughters. JP to TP, 20 August 1711, C113/282, 32v-33. JP to TP, 11 January 1711, C113/282, 18-19; JP to BP, 30 Even so, Phipps reiterated April 1711, C113/282, 21-22v. that the Company "can never have [had] a man more true to their interests" than Sir Dalby. JP to TP, 20 August 1711, C113/282, 33. Although, to judge from WP to JP, 24 August 1717, C113/282, with William Johnson were not always 88-88v, his relations harmonious. Atkins, Voyage, 95-96, described Phipps in 1722 as being aloof and distant and "forever within his Battlements" contact with his avoiding as much as possible to judge from Dodson's support of subordinates. Still, him, he was able to maintain their respect and goodwill. Wills of Phipps dd 1 December 1714 and 2 September 1717 dd 1 May 1718. and codicil C113/292, 24-27. Young Thomas was probably born after 1714 since he is mentioned only in (and may have been the occasion for) the later will. Atkins, but does not make it Voyage, 94, spoke of four children, clear whether he was including any daughters then in England. Codicil dd 1 May 1718, C113/292, 27. Atkins, Voyage, 94. Codicil, C113/292, 27. Atkins, Voyage, 94. TP2 to JP, 24 June 1714, C113/281, 82-82v, where Thomas, jr. . . . complained that James had "thought not fit to disclose some issue" of his. Atkins, Voyage, 263. TP2 to JP, 24 June 1715, C113/281, 82-82v; WC to JP, 17 October 1719, C113/271, 179; SG to JP, 18 July 1719, C113/ 271, 157v. Susan Sedgwick to JP, 6 January 1718, C113/281, 92-93; JP to SG, 7 October 1721, C113/265, 19; SG to JP, 19 April 1722, C113/272, 243. JP to SG, 7 October 1721, C113/265, 9-10. Young Thomas would probably have been six or seven years old at the time. Atkins, Voyage, 95, hints that Phipps had managed

75.

76. 77. 78.

79. 80.

81. 82.

83.

84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89.

90. 91.

JAMESPHIPPS OF CAPE COAST

47

92. 93. 94.

but young Thomas to see to the education of all his children, is unaccounted for in this regard. 94. Ibid., JP to John Short, undated but early 1715, C113/282, 128v. of slavery, Although there are numerous reminiscences in the American South, the only substantial especially set of narratives devoted to the African milieu are those included in Africa Remembered, ed. Philip D. Curtin (Madison, 1967).

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