The Greek Ships at Salamis and the Diekplous Author(s): J. S.

Morrison Reviewed work(s): Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 111 (1991), pp. 196-200 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/631901 . Accessed: 06/12/2011 21:22
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hoplites. These texts. 'built for speed and manoeuvrability' with narrow decks (and hence few hoplites on them)..8oo Athenian deck soldiers on the Athenian ships at Artemisium. putting on board all their able bodied citizens 'and inviting other Greeks who were willing to join them'. ed.I): 'the Athenians. reprinted in Mark (London 1991) 195-220. F. He goes on to say that the Greeks won at Salamis . and everyone else went on boardto do whatevertaskswere allottedto them if the I80 ships were to be manned with the 36.when the Persianscame. Sweezy (London 1975) 68. are to be contrasted with later troop carriers with wider decks (and hence more hoplites).like the not devoted to fairness itself. and equality cannot without exist Yet.. I The Greek ships at Salamis L. Miller. Aristotle 17E. He asks:'if therewere only 1.I96 prescription (II3Ia20-4). Herodotus's figure for the citizen population of Athensat the beginning of the centuryis 30. and B6hm-Bawerk. being based on late 5th century and 4th century evidence. L. and shoes = i house'. Argumentsbasedon populationnumbersare usuallyfragile.It is had found in old Aristotle the idea that "exchange that are iaa is fair. There is logical possibility of a condition upon which Aristotle believes it to rest.but sinceAthenshad to use her allies to man twenty ships. the presumablyarguingthat the Greek shipsin 480. Paul M.. von Bohm-Bawerk. substantially to revisedin D.3) that (in Sept. The reasons for this can only be guessed at. and carried more than ten hoplites. it seems that her manpower Plutarch Cimon 4. commensurability" '.andas faras I know thereis none. There is the statementin Herodotus(viii 6oa) that the Greekshipswere heavier. to economist of the Austrian School and Marx's be appreciablyheavier than the Persian(with 40). Marx's analysis of exchange-value is goi. particularly in the anglophone world.2 of the young Cimon and his Similarly Thucydides (i 18. Keyt and Fred D.e.. for lightnessand speed. tocles 7.000 men needed. Plutarch Themis- plain from Plutarch (Cimon 12. there were the 40 hoplites carried by the Chian Aristotle's analysis of this problem is one of his ships at Lade in 499 and the thirty armed men (in great achievements.Admittedly. Departmentof Philosophy University of Glasgow 'becausetheir ships stood up to ramming better' than those of their opponents. were not built for speed and manoeuvrability. scorned the fact that 'Marx must have had a good many (I0-20) more. but it is perhaps not unduly credulous to suppose that among them has been the belief that anr inexplicable inequality between builder and shoemaker lies at the centre of the chapter.2) supported by Thucydides (i I4.3) that Themistocles's triereis.4). and that the Greek ships of 480. is explicitly based on it.but L.they could have had thickerplankingbut there is no evidence that they did.800 hoplites "on the Athenian ships" at Artemisium. is misleading for the earlier ships. JHS xcix (1979) 57-73. and for another but not thickerplanking. but it is difficult to see how L. viz. went on boardtheir shipsand became seamen'. barbarian with their shipspandemei'.. stratiotides) the later fifth century.. SCOTTMEIKLE 16 The discussion is analysedin my 'Aristotleand the political economy of the polis'.16 It is the first conceptual addition to the normal io) carriedby the ships of enquiry into the nature of exchange-value. 481) 'the Athenians decided to meet the i.In the firstplace they seem not to be commensurable (aou1aEjTpa). Not all the hopliteswere employed as deck soldiers. The Greek ships at Salamis and the Diekplous In his notice in JHS cviii (1988) 250 of The Athenian trireme(A T) by DrJ. Coates and myself J. attributes IV this greaterheavinessnot to thickerplankingbut to the greater number of armed men they carried. KarlMarxandthecloseof hissystem. All things (rravra) can and do manned. but all were needed on board the shipsand therewere none to send to Thermopylae. and it is certainlyunrecorded. a distribution NOTES of things cannot exist without equality. eds. . earliest serious critic. F. Clarifying Aristotle's theory of fair exchange is which would entrail a broaderhull and bulwarks worthwhile for its own sake.But Herodotussays (vii I44.For this last view he citesno text in evidence. ed. So again the conclusion is that in exchange the parties are equal. why were there none at Thermopylae?'and leaves us to conclude presumably that there must have been i8o x 50 = 9000 to I8o x 60 = io. Blaug.make it clear that knights. but to explaining the laterships. only if it is fitting to regard the parties as Tool.'s further reason for heavier manning is no more convincing. claims that the reconstruction of the trieres proposed in AT. A companion Aristotle'sPolitics (Oxford 1991) I56-8I. yet L. argues that they carried more than ten they can when they are so different by nature that hopliteson boardon two grounds. and in the Persianfleet in 480 (for the probablereasonsee the days when classical education was commoner AT 4I). unlike the later ones. I do not find this likely. the equation 'x however some evidence that they were built. The substantial analysis in chapter 5 is not built for speed and manoeuvrability. taken together with the story in fellow knightsdedicatingtheirbridleson the Acropolis before going on boardthe ships. stand in these equations.17 Aristotle's discussion of these matters has gone largely unnoticed in the classical and philosophical literature on chapter 5. Forty is the regular number of hoplites than it is now its importance was appreciated by carriedby triereisacting as troop carriers (hoplitagoin economists. Lazenby makes two criticisms.2) (cf.Jr. if they were reason too.000 (vi 97. This manning is further supported by the Troezen decree which assignsten hoplites and four archersto each ship in the Salamiscampaign.

while o00 remained off Attica 'to defend the land' either against a possible attack. If they in fact did. He merely says that the Persianships began to encirclethe Greek ships. vii 36. lacked the skill in design and building as well as the experience in rowing the highly sophisticated trieres. Arrian. and the manning and training of the fleet for active service would have been put in hand.The usage of the for word diekplous passages throughXerxes' bridge of ships suggests that Dionysius's manoeuvre was to take a squadronof ships in line ahead through one in line abreast. and probably at that time the Corinthians also. 33. since no one put out againstthem. words which suggest that the Athenian ships were not triereis.9. If no maintenance was carried out on the Greek ships for nearly a year. There is a further factor which would contribute to the Greek ships' heaviness. Egyptians. Latin infrontem triereis drawn up in line abreast (Hdt.Indeed the manoeuvre could hardlybe anythingelse sinceone squadronmust be in line ahead. is to say metopedon. occurs as the name for the The word diekplous narrow openings through Xerxes's bridge at the Hellespont which rested on pentecontors and use in this passage is at least indicative of. who provided forty of the further 124. 25. each ship seeking to passbetween two enemy ships and to turn and ram (a manoeuvre which if successfullyperformedwould resultin a return to the startingposition except that the fleetswould be facing the opposite way).'s hypothesis of heavy manning. they waited for late evening and launched ships against the barbarianswith the intention of trying them out in (a fighting at sea and the diekplous' hendiadys). as Hammond suggests. the Athenians who provided more than half the Greek ships (200) certainly. Its .. The decree which the Troezen inscription represents was passed in September 481 (N. it may have been omitted. Herodotus (vii 59. There was then no Persiandiekplous a in periplous column. as it sometimeswas even in full-scalebattles.A preliminarystage in which the two squadronsface each other in line abreastmay have been effected but there is no mention of it. There are sufficient good reasons.and indeedfirst.I) says that the Athenians 'sent twenty ships taking with them five triereis from Eretria'. and since the following engagementdoes not appearto be a fullscale battle. which comes to the same thing.3.meaning 'to the wing'. and could hardly have risked putting. At any rate. The ships are likely to have been launched in a matter of days since the evacuation was to take place immediately. Herodotus (v 99. occurrence as the name of a naval manoeuvre. apart from L. L. in Greek in that redactae. II The Diekplous 197 The second point which requires comment is is L.e. its regular.'s opinion that my interpretationof diekplous of 'eccentric'. from that moment until the sea-battles in the late summer the Greeks would have had no time to put. G. and probablyderivedfrom.5. It implies awarenessof the customary initial battle formation of ships.3. all skilled and experienced in the operation of the trieres. Cypriots and Asiatic Greeks. 38. Compared then with the Phoenicians. He identifies diekplous as the manoeuvre in ancient naval battles in which the opposing fleets having each adopted a line-abreast (metopedon) formation advance towardseach other and penetrateeach other'sline. part of their already heavily outnumbered fleet out of action for maintenance. vi 44. Phormio's first engagement in the Gulf and Arginusae (AT 68. Though built for lightness and speed the Greek ships were nevertheless the slower.His interpretation the word is set out in G&R xxxiv (1987) I69-77. It is the 'maintenance factor' dealt with at length in AT 153-4.Herodotuscontinues:'And in he turnedout the deck soldiers(epibatai) full kit'. since he did mention.. The addition indicatesthat the manoeuvre risked close encounterwith the enemy. it is surprising that Herodotus did not mention it. vii 12.2) 'are said first to have developed a modern navy. and Corinth to have been the first place in Greece where triereis were built' (c. 87). The phrase epi keras(see below) indicates the movement of a group of shipsin line aheadfrom a startingformationof line abreast. and for both to be in line ahead would not make sense. Although the Corinthians (Thuc.2) reports the 'drying out' of the Persian ships at Doriscus at the mouth of the Hebrus at the outset of their voyage to Greece and a few weeks before the crucial naval battles. or against a possible Persian strike at Attica as had happened in 490. Indica 23. Hammond.9). The phraseepi keras. Herodotus (vi 12. and when that was completed Ioo ships were to go to Artemisium.NOTES resources were stretched to the limit to man 80 of them.g. in the following century and a half she is not notable as a naval power. with whom Athens until the formation of the Greek League was still at war. i I3.65o: AT 40). which formed a circle and breakingout capturedthirty shipsof the but enemy. The next mention of the diekplous is in Herodotus'saccountof the preliminaryskirmishat Artemisiumin the Salamiscampaign (viii 9): ' .I. JHS cii [1982] 75-93). and therefore thought important.1) describesthe training sessions of Dionysius of Phocaeawith the Ionianfleet at the time of the Ionian revolt: 'He regularly took the ships to sea in line ahead (or in column: epi keras) with the intention of training the oarsmen in with the ships through each making a diekplous other's lines'. the drying out of the Persian fleet at Doriscus. and she sent no ships to the support of the Ionian revolt in 499. in naval contexts is to be translated'in line ahead'or 'in column'.2). from Aegina. to account for the fact attested by Herodotus that the Greek ships were regarded by the Persians before Artemisium as slower than their opponents' (viii 9) and by Themistocles himself before Salamis as heavier (viii 6oa). that certainly would have been one of the reasons for their slowness and heaviness compared with the recently 'dried out' Persian ships. Ships apparently had to be hauled right out of water and 'dried out' at regular and quite frequent intervals (Thuc.

or left. meaning either 'one deep' or 'in single file' according to the context. The Spartan commander. the tactical plan of the Athenian fleet is highly unbalanced. in particular the battles of Arginusae and Salamis. formation metopedon. not merely by good management of single ships. e. more often of separate squadrons. with Callicratidas in his proper position at the head of the squadron on the right wing. the eight wing squadrons not being so labelled. epi tessaron. Later (the squadrons of) the Spartan fleet are distinguished as epi mias. It has been noticed above that epi mias in itself is ambiguous. adopting. conscious of the inexperience of their crews. epi mias. This would hardly be the case if it was the movement of a single line of ships metopedon attempting to penetrate individually a line of enemy ships also metopedon. e. the Athenian commanders ordered their ships to sea. ships turn to the right or left wing and move off in column of one to four files according to the depth of the formation in line abreast. and sometimes original. while Diodorus's. The reason for distinguishing the centre squadrons as epi mias is presumably because the regular formation of a fifteen ship squadron was taken for granted (i. says: 'Putting the two fleets of Arginusae in squadrons line ahead makes nonsense of the tactics: the natural interpretation of Xenophon's account is that the Athenian fleet was in two lines abreast.29ff) is both detailed and convincing and will be followed. and moved into line abreast when they arrived (about which Xenophon says nothing) they could not then be said to be 'prepared for diekplous 'facing the front' in line abreast. The word 'wing' continues to be used in describing the vanguard of a column. may be neglected. as in the continued use of the word 'wing'.4 and Diodorus xiv 103) was not generally epi mias but rather 2 x 5.g. L. To move from this formation. As far as the Athenians are concerned. A good example of these usages is given in Thucydides' description of the opening phase of Phormio's second battle in the Gulf of Corinth (see AT 72-76) where the phrase epi tessaron must necessarily be translated 'in four files' since the fleet is proceeding in column.I98 NOTES formation of a squadron of ten (common later: Polybius xxii 7. The statement that Callicratidas was on the right wing does however give the clue. with 120 ships moved at daybreak from the coast of Lesbos south of Mytilene (in the region of the modern airport) for about an hour and a halfs pulling across the 8 nautical miles (I4. An average speed of five and one-third knots would be suitable for ships keeping station and husbanding their strength for the coming battle. which is neither. It should be noticed incidentally that the diekplouswas regarded as a movement which could be thwarted by tactical disposition.e. They were in single file. like soldiers on a parade ground. in the expressions 'the right.although sometimes the ships (or men) have not started in line abreast. the ships (or men) are still thought of in terms of the basic. epi keras or keros. In line abreast the depth of the front is expressed by the preposition epi with a numeral in the genitive case. Understanding of the use of the terminology. If epi mias here means 'one deep'. two in front and two in support behind. and contradicts Xenophon's explicit statement that the Athenian tactical plan was devised 'so that they should not give an opportunity for diekplous'. probably. 3 x 5). column being the normal formation of ships in transit. 'prepared for diekplous and periplous'. the Spartan in one (epi mias in i 6. Arginusae (A T 87-92) Xenophon's account (HG i 6. Xenophon now turns to the Spartan ships which he had left beginning their one-and-a-half hour's row across 8 nm of water. epi+ numeral in the genitive case. wing leading'.3I means one ship deep)'. whereas the . Only the two centre squadrons of ten ships each are said to be epi mias. Since epi mias is always ambiguous (as LSJ confirms). The idea of I20 ships keeping station in line abreast one deep while they row over 8 nm of open sea for I? hours is one which no one even without the practical experience of navigating Olympias can easily entertain. no reasonable interpretation of Xenophon's words can make the Athenian formation two deep throughout. and the same phrase is used to indicate the number of files in the column because. 'four deep'. is essential for the understanding of ancient actions at sea. The Spartan ships were in attacking formation.7 km) of water to the Arginusae islands where on the previous night he had seen the Athenian camp fires. Callicratidas. But it is equally absurd to suppose that the Spartan ships moved to the attack in single file strung out over three miles of water. it is likely that fifteen ship squadrons were not so either.g. Like the Athenians. This latter view seems to rest on the wrong assumption that the statement that Callicratidas was on the right wing can imply only a formation line abreast. He adds: 'Callicratidas was on the right wing'. Line ahead is the normal formation of ships in transit and attack. The Athenian fleet consisted of a hurriedly mobilised force of about 150 ships with scratch crews. metopedon. epi mias. including slaves who had been promised their freedom if they served. When Callicratidas's fleet was seen approaching.'one deep'. making eight in all. and in the centre two squadrons often ships each. This terminology may be used of a whole fleet. A 'one deep' line of twenty ships at the centre in front of the important command post (the 'ships of the nauarchs') is a positive invitation for diekplous on any interpretation of the word. There were four squadrons of fifteen ships each on either wing. If the Spartan ships came over in columns. an elaborate formation of defense in depth formaclearly departing from the simple metopedon tion of ranks abreast. Callicratidas's formation must be inferred from the context on grounds of probability and practicality. drawn up epi mias with the three ships of the nauarchs and a few others behind them. the Spartans were in squadrons of. If ten ship squadrons were not normally epi mias. fifteen ships each.

'But as the mass of (Persian) ships was crowded together and they could not help each other. and is likely to involve deck fighting.in line abreast. viii 83.NOTES andperiplous'.The third move they saw was the Athenian ship ramming a Phoenician ship in the opposite Persian line and other Greek ships coming from behind in support. at the moment of attack. rather than ship-to-ship . as I have seen. like the Persian manoeuvresoff Artemisiumand Phormio's at the entrance of the Gulf. The 'breakthrough'is dangerous to the leading ship which needs immediate support.e. but the 'breakthrough'must have been successfulbecausethe next picture Aeschylus draws is of Persianships crowded together and destroying each other. 'But Ameinias. It epi keras. Curtiusiv 4. side round net. that aftera clashthe Greeks moved behind the Persiansand surroundedthem. On L. they shatteredthe whole oared squadron. Then (399-428): 'The right wing first in good order led the array. while the Spartanswould have had a much longer but extremely weak front of 120 shipsone deep which could hardly be describedas suitable preparation for either of the tasksenvisaged.and that being hidden there from the patrollingPersians.with Aeschylus'stestimony.7. 'The other Greekswere backing down and trying to run their ships ashore'. and misinterpreted.But the Greek ships 'skilfullyaround themin a circle delivered blows' Greek ships by clever tactics surrounding and crowding a disorderlyand self-destroyingmass of Persianships is made still more vivid a few lines laterby the image of the tunny fishers. and at daybreakfirst heard the Greekssinging the paean. essentially is a static defensive posture maintained by a fleet which is slower than its opponent.) The moves in Herodotus'spicture are the same as those in Aeschylus's.an Athenianof Pallene. Salamis 199 In his review L. The central squadrons could try to penetrate the Athenian while the squadronsarrangedin depth (diekplous).I).Neverthelessthere seems to be good ground for thinking that this manoeuvre.284. to get into a position to ram an enemy ship from astern. while line ahead is the formation of ships consciousof their tactical superiority and on the attack.metopedon. Line abreast. the Greeksputting out and forming lines metopedon acrossthe channel.1: 'Then the Greekstook out all their ships. that the Greek fleet was. attackof the Greekship on the The Phoenician ship would be the first move in the diekplous one of the ships at the head of the by column.rammeda ship'.What follows is consistent with the picture of the Greek fleet swinging into line aheadaftera preliminaryformation metopedon.and then the restof the fleet followed. it is reasonable believe him. at the siege of Tyre.the shipswould only have become visible when they came out from behind the island of Hagios Georgios. looked to them as if the Greekoarsmen were backing down and trying to run their ships aground prow first.and has the same tactical aim. 'First the flow of the Persiansquadron held on'. It had been moving up the channelfrom its patrolling station. since they would have faced the Salamisshore before wheeling round into line ahead.which he learnt at Halicarnassus.with the support of two triereis. are caught in a large net.'s assumptionsthe Athenianswould have had 150 shipsin two ranksof 75 ships each. where she is most vulnerable and offers least danger to the ramming ship. 'Straightwayship smote her bronze armament on ship. They were afterall moving up the channelas the Greeks came out. is a movement using in its initial stage sea room.there is no sea room for the periplous. Herodotus's account of the opening moves of the battle is from the Persianstandpoint. but looked at from the other side. says that he would particularly like to know where Aeschylus says that 'after a clash they (i. is Diekplous too technicala word for Aeschylus's poetic vocabulary. and began ramming each other. and this ship was immediately supported (KCUKACp TErpI1 OeEIVOV). The momentum of the Persianships continued to take them forward. and then 'quickly they were all plain to see'. and others joined in. as at Salamis. Curtius's source did not quite understandwhat was going on. The latter. The diekplousclosely resemblesthe periplous. I cannot see that it can be seriously disputed that Aeschylussays. This is consistentwith the belief that the Greek fleet was beached at Paloukia Bay (where the modern ferry from Piraeusto Salamisarrives).Tunny. Then the fishermenkill them with spearsand other weapons. the placingtheirboats by sidein a circle When Aeschylussays that the right wing of the Greeks.and as they put out the Persiansattackedthem'. the immediate support of other ships close behindbeing the reasonfor attackin column. a descriptionof the initial stage of a diekplous one of Alexander's by pentereis. imply. led the formation. a Phoenician.sinceHerodotussaysthat the Phoenicianswere opposite the Athenians(viii 85. and at any rate he was writing for people many of whom were. wing squadronscould attempt a double periplous. The picture is confirmed and made more vivid by the image of the tunny kill. The use of the word 'wing' does not. He was probablythere to himself. Aeschylussays (Persians 381-93) that the Persian ships spent the night before the battle patrolling. which Dionysius of Phocaeahad taughtthe Ionians 20 yearsbefore. Commandershave to resort to it when. Like Herodotus.The next Greekmove that they was the turn to the right saw. The Persianson the hillside of Attica could see what the patrolling Persianscould not. A Greek ship began the attack' shearingoff part of a Phoenician ship.The picture of the by the rest.next the whole fleet came out afterit'. shipscame therescue andjoined (Cf. was what Aeschylusdescribedand what Herodotus's Halicarnassian informant saw but did not understand. then the splash of oars. beside the friendly Salamisshore. the Greeks)moved through behind the Persianships and surroundedthem' (AT 59).in brief. theother to in. what the rest of these words deny. as has been seen. 'Since his ship was stuck fast and the crew could not get her free. while the Greek ships have surroundedthem and are ramming them in a disorderly mass. can be reconciled that It understood.

go. and A. Starkie. B. and that the name 'Dicaeopolis'. E. Acharnians. E. On the events alluded to here. Dicaeopolis is (at least at first) a good citizen (esp.s. The Acharnians of Aristophanes (London I909). 6 Meanwhile. who graciously gave me advance access to her article 'Eupolis or Dicaeopolis'. / conflict by ramming or use of deck soldiers.5 The ambassadors to Persia (who complain unconvincingly about their difficult life--68-7I). rather than with the author of the play (who. The Greek ships in the preliminary skirmish at Artemisium did however show that the periplous. H. Klio lvii (1975) 329-64. MORRISON &dA'au-rTos cEpE7Trv-rav(34-6). had recently had precisely the same sort of troubles cf. 28-9). 5 The existence of economic corruption in the city's leadership has already been hinted at in Dicaeopolis' opening reference to the five talents which the Knights forced Cleon to 'vomit forth' (5-8).e. Envoys and diplomacy in ancient Greece. Rogers. Croix. i. It is a combination of these resentments which drives the hero to break ranks with his fellow citizens and make his separate peace with the Peloponnesians. and the fact that he is excluded from all the pleasures the war-time city still has to offer. Stark. trapped inside the city walls (see also 71-2). adopted by the Persians and resulting in the loss of thirty ships. is the story of Dicaeopolis' unilateral withdrawal from Athens' political system and her seemingly endless war against Sparta. The people of Aristophanes (Oxford 1943). could be the same. to reach the enemy's rear. 4 This is certainly the point at which the observations of Stark (n. and rests on a series of unprovable and generally unlikely assumptions: that Eupolis was prosecuted by Cleon in 426/5 BC along with Aristophanes (a hypothesis for which there is no evidence whatsoever). Hamilton. which appears below. The final effect. G. 2) 340-1. / OUK 0OS. 66I). this identification too is undercut by the fact that the hero says he is from the deme Cholleidae (406). The Acharnians of Aristophanes (LondonI9I0). while others continue to enjoy themselves. None of these characters. the Councillors were doing their best to ruin it as quickly and miserably as possible (754-6).1 What seems never to have been appreciated is the extent to which the hero's motivations are specifically economic in character. 'Das Verhaltnis des Aristophanes zur Demokratie der Athenischen Polis'. CQ n. when finally given (406). The origins of the Peloponnesian War [Ithaca 1972] 225-89).J. rich. S. for their careful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. As A. was a risky tactic against a disciplined and opportunistic opponent. 0ou6' E5EI Trpico. vinegar and olive oil. 2 With the exception of the historical question of the content and effect of the Megarian Decree (for which see esp. as many presumably knew. H. W. has the slightest interest in seeing the fighting come to an steadily poorer. JHS cviii (I988) 183-5.6 Theoros as well was generously compensated for his 'services' (primarily an endless round of parties in Sitalces' court-14I). goods his old country home supplied without money and in abundance: 6s O0JETrcbrOTr' ETrrE "&vpa<KaS rrpico ". Rennie. Bowie. have their greatest relevance. Bowie's theory that the aggressively self-assertive (esp. D. and several anonymous referees. M. The historical Aristophanes (PA 2090) was from Kydathenaion. and Dicaeopolis has little doubt that he too dawdled on his way home in order to draw as much pay as possible (136-7). E. H. would suggest 'Eupolis himself'. Aristophanei (Paris 1923). G. and both problems are accordingly resolved in the 'ideal' new world of the second half of the play. B. Ehrenberg. Dickerson. as shown by the striking similarity between Aeschylus's description of the final stages at Salamis and Thucydides's description of the effect of Phormio's periplous (A T 68-71).. CP v (1910) 203-16. V. that an audience who heard the (as yet unidentified) hero's speech in 377-82 would automatically identify him with another poet. P. 1 I refer throughout to the text of V. who claims that his special concern is -r&SiKata' (see 655. 3 On the significance of the hero's name.3 As he makes clear in his opening * Thanks are due to R. he has become a cash-consumer of charcoal. J. 'Note upon the ephodia of Greek ambassadors'. grows Cambridge Dicaeopolis' motivations in Aristophanes' Acharnians* Aristophanes' Acharnians. See W. OUK EAaCOV. Forced out of his deme and within the city walls by the hostilities. most of which apparently consisted of eating and drinking massive amounts (66. in fact. while Dicaeopolis. Amphitheos' request for sufficient funds to allow him to go to Sparta to make peace leads to his expulsion from the Assembly (53-4). and (once expenses were paid) probably offered little opportunity to grow rich at public expense. if the move is successful. however. Parker. Coulon. The Acharnians of Aristophanes (London I909). see most recently E. A bankruptcy of political leadership is apparently not unique to Athens. about the rise of an economy of'exchange value' in Aristophanes' Athens. Sommerstein has pointed out to me. Parker. W. For a separate response to Bowie. unfortunately fails to document her wideranging claims about developments in Athenian society. compare 73-5. of course. however. The Megarian declares that when he left his city. 'Aristophanes'. The Comedies of Aristophanes i (Warminster I980). . although he is disgruntled with Athens and Athenians. Bowie may be right to argue that the name 'Dicaeopolis' would remind an Athenian audience of the contemporary Comic playwright Eupolis. economic issues in Acharnians have received little sustained critical attention. Westermann. performed at the Lenaea in 425 BC. are all valuable. 'The five talents Cleon coughed up'. xl (1990) 137-47. others are growing 'Who is Dicaeopolis?'. Historia Einzelschrift xxii (Wiesbaden 1973) 74-7. see E. 88-9).4 Secondly. the deme-affiliation of Eupolis (PA 5936) is unknown. Sommerstein. which appears elsewhere in this number ofJHS. for example.2 Dicaeopolis resents both his unhappy new status as an urban cash-consumer of staple goods. Mosley.200 NOTES monologue. L. I would also like to thank L. 85-6. 77-8. is more concerned with Aristophanes as a source for day-to-day life in Athens than with the playwright's larger poetic purposes. 628-31). 633-58) Aristophanes wrote a play with one of his main rivals as a hero seems improbable on the face of it. the commentaries of W. this disaffection is rooted first of all in his altered economic position since the war began. see the note by L. I. P. A. rather than 'someone like Eupolis. Carawan. Two drachmae a day does not. J. have been given two drachmae a day for years of 'official business'. M. Although there is no thorough modern scholarly edition of the play. and seems out of touch with much of the modern European and American work on the play. de Ste. L. Sommerstein. M. seem to have been an excessive rate of pay for ambassadors.

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