Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 www.elsevier.

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Historiographical essay

On Cathars, Albigenses, and good men of Languedoc
Mark Gregory Pegg
Department of History, Washington University, Campus Box 1062, One Brookings Drive, St Louis, Missouri 63130-4899, USA

Abstract This essay proposes a re-evaluation of how Cathars, Albigenses, and the heresy of the good men are studied. It argues that some commonplace notions about the Cathars, virtually unaltered for over a hundred years, are far from settled — especially when inquisition records from Languedoc are taken into account. It is this historiography, supported by a tendency to see heresy in idealist and intellectualist bias, suggests how the history of the Cathars and the good men might be rethought.  2001 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd.
Keywords: Cathars; Albigenses; Good men; Languedoc; Heresy; Bogomils

The article on the ‘Cathars’ in the splendid 11th edition (1910) of the Encyclopædia Britannica, written with a kind of giddy elegance by Frederick Conybeare, begins ´ by noting that these medieval heretics ‘were the debris of an early Christianity’. The Cathars were, and Conybeare had no doubts about this, the direct descendants of late antique Manicheans who, after a long and hidden diaspora, resurfaced between the tenth and fourteenth centuries as Paulicians and Bogomils in the Balkans and, with somewhat less discrimination in western Europe, as just about any heretic with vaguely dualist tendencies. Catharism, in this epic narrative, reached its apogee in the heresy of the good men (boni homines, bons omes) of Languedoc.1 No matter
This essay condenses, refines, and occasionally expands, some of the arguments made in M.G. Pegg, The corruption of angels: The great inquisition of 1245–1246 (Princeton, 2001), esp. 15–19, 141–151. 1 F. Conybeare, ‘Cathars’, Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th ed. (Cambridge, 1910), vol. 5, 515–517. Conybeare, in: The key of truth: A manual of the Paulician Church of Armenia (Oxford, 1898), argued on lv–lvi that the Paulicians were the direct ancestors of the Cathars. Indeed, he included a translation ´ on pp. 160–170 of the Provencal Cathar ritual edited by Leon Cledat in Le Nouveau Testament traduit ¸ ` au XIIIe siecle en langue provencale, suivi d’un rituel cathare (Paris, 1897), 470–82. J.B. Bury discussed ¸
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consciously or not. doctrine. vol. Damico and J.. 10. Facts and documents illustrative of the history. no matter the place. and sheer wrong-headedness. ‘Albigenses’.P. 1887). 163–184 and B. 543.H. Les idees morales chez les ` ´´ ´ ´ ´ ´ heterodoxes latins au debut du XIIIe siecle (Paris.2 Conybeare and Alphandery neatly abridged what was assumed about the Cathars. ‘Un initiateur: Charles Schmidt’. 2. 1. Lea. 98. 285 n. 285–321. Brockhaus’ Konversations=Lexikon (Berlin.D. Biographical studies on the formation of a discipline. 15th ed. The great Frederic Maitland wrote a very revealing letter about his grandfather Samuel Roffey in The letters of Frederic William Maitland. vol. ed.3 Yet.: Harvard University Press. Texte etabli par Alphonse Dupront (Paris. 587–596. vol. Alphandery. The Manicheans were ignored. (Chicago. and ‘Bogomilen’ ibid. erudition. 1: history. indeed all medieval heresies. though not ignoring. Mass. 1965). ibid. Now. as Catharist heretics. 5. initially appearing in the Limousin between 1012 and 1020. 704–28 and. ‘Bogom´ ils’. 98. 1983. 89–100. the heresy of the good men. vol. H. American Journal of Theology. Gaster. also wrote the balanced and learned entry on ‘Inquisition. orig.C. 229–230. anticipated what a great many historians have thought since. On Schmidt. Franciscan Studies. 1903). and the Albigenses. 1849. Again. through time and over space. 505–506. Peters. 119–120. 1902). B. in an appendix to his edition of Edward Gibbon’s The history of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire (London. 951. 3 (1899).D. C. see P. 89–92. Five volumes earlier in the eleventh edition (skipping. vol. and M.4 A powerful intellectualist and idealist bias is what unites the historical assumptions of the last century with the techniques used. at the start of this this work of Conybeare’s.R.182 M. Badham. 4 In the far from splendid The New Encyclopædia Britannica. Hamilton. the Albigenses. 805–18. Encyclopædia Britannica. Zavadil (New York. 14. the anonymous author of the half-page entry on the ‘Cathari’ says almost exactly the same as Conybeare did eighty years earlier — but without the latter’s erudition or flair. vol. 1–54. 22 Nov. 173. 27 (1967). Fifoot (Cambridge. see E. vol.) Brockhaus’ Konversations=Lexikon (Berlin. 1987). 2 ´ P. finally immi´ grated to the Toulousain in the early twelfth century. Histoire et doctrine des Cathares (Bayonne. and H. Schmidt. 2 vols). 1. 24 (1998). 1901). Journal of medieval history. and agreed with his notion of Paulician ancestry for the heretics of Languedoc. ‘The state of research: the legacy of Charles Schmidt to the study of Christian dualism’. 1898) vol. 3. The anonymous author of the entry ‘Katharer’ in (what is usually considered to be the German equivalent of the 11th ed. vol. in the century before them.G. in: Medieval scholarship. Now see W. argued for similar continuities.. The’. Maitland. No. C. ´ 3 See. 1891. S. Wakefield’s comments on Conybeare in ‘Notes on some antiheretical writings of the thirteenth century’. who thought that the southern French Albigensians were Paulician immigrants. The Hibbert Journal. Alphandery. Dossat. made the same connections through history and over geography as Conybeare (and the bibliography is a short but learned list of exemplary nineteenth-century scholarship). ibid. thought the Albigensians (as he called the good men) were descended from the Paulicians as well. ‘Fragments of an ancient (? Egyptian) Gospel used by the Cathars of Albi’. all were one and the same heresy. 1. 92. esp. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 the time.S. in a manner similar to Conybeare’s. argued for a broad chain of ideas. esp. 1832). Gibbon himself. see ‘Albigenses’. . these two Edwardian scholars in their verve. 1995). 4. ´ ´ 329–330. On Lea. the influence of the Bogomils and Paulicians taken seriously. see Y. A history of the inquisition of the middle ages (New York. Cahiers de Fanjeaux: Historiographie du catharisme. and rites of the ancient Albigenses and Waldenses (London. Micropædia. 1954). ed. to Selina Maitland. Alphandery. 11 (1913). for example. 124–5. esp. 14 (1979). Conybeare’s other publications which mentioned the Cathars: ‘A hitherto unpublished treatise against the Italian Manicheans’. 5. 191–214. and his La chretiente et l’idee de croisade. Moses Gaster’s pithy sketch of the ‘Bogomils’ as the heirs of the Manicheans and frequent tourists in northern ´ Italy) the entry on the ‘Albigenses’ by Paul Daniel Alphandery adopted a slightly more restrained tone than Conybeare. somewhat more surprisingly. ‘Henry Charles Lea (1825– 1909)’. with F..

Mass. like all religions. 1992). the mendicant orders. n. Gregory. In the wilderness. because the intellectualist bias takes it for granted that worlds are made from theories. under the confessed influence of Borst. Cathares. M. restatement of the intellectualist approach to religion is B. Le catharisme: la religion des cathares (Toulouse. esp. 1976). 49. 1995). It is implicit. (Hildesheim. a practice or a behaviour. is just as intellectualist. 85–108 and C. Duvernoy. 239–271. J. ‘Introduction’. The doctrine of defilement in the Book of Numbers (Sheffield. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 183 one. never contaminated by material existence or historical specificity. A recent learned. in his The interpretation of cultures. (Edinburgh. like a habit or an action. 2nd ed. On the idealist bias generally in the study of religion. in: J. Hull. 1978). and the women’s religious movement in the twelfth and thirteenth century. Malcolm Lambert’s revised Medieval heresy: popular movements from the Gregorian reform to the Reformation. 1961. le dualisme radical au XIIIe siecle (Paris. that cultures are hammered together from discourses. 6 This attitude governed Arno Borst’s important Die Katharer (Stuttgart.G. ‘Comment: hunting the Pangolin’. in works such as Lucifer. Rosenwein. becomes nothing more than a set 5 This view was explicitly stated by Herbert Grundmann throughout his influential Religiose ¨ Bewegungen im Mittelalter. and moralising. as far as Catharism is concerned. and see esp. La philosophie du catharisme. Douglas and D. 1976).6 The heresy of the good men. in: Monks and . ahistorical. is assumed to follow an idea wherever it may go. Untersuchungen uber die geschichtlichen Zusammenhange zwischen der Ketz¨ ¨ erei.H. 1994). 126. 1999). ‘Religion as a cultural system’. 1993). Significantly. 1–25. 1998). Africa. 396ff. 1953) and.S. to Austin Evans’ not especially outlandish arguments about heresy as being based upon a ‘sozialistische These’. to refer. esp. for instance. in: How classification works. All heresies. ix–xxv]. Essays in honor of George Lincoln Burr (New York. ‘Rightness of categories’. The devil in the middle ages (Ithaca. 161–164. and A. 1973). Borst discussed the life and work of Grundmann (it reveals much about both men) in ‘Herbert Grundmann (1902–1970)’ in: Herbert Grundmann Ausgewahlte Aufsatze. Le vrai visage du Catharisme (Portet-sur-Garonne. elaborate discourses. 28 (1993). 87–125. n. intellectually pure entities. in other words. Salvation at stake: Christian martyrdom in early modern Europe (Cambridge. Some useful insights on Grundmann. either way it makes no difference. though rather shrill. esp. 342–352. Die Katharer. den Bettelorden und der religiosen Frauenbewegung im 12. Nelson Goodman among the social sciences. Farmer and B. 26–29. are understood to be nothing more than distinctive attitudes. ‘Interpretations of the origins of medieval heresy’. Lerner. 1992. This guiding assumption caused Borst. 2nd ed. Two much cited anthropological justifications of an intellectualist and idealist attitude towards religion (and so heresy) are R.E. Man. Duvernoy. ed. 34. 41 (1971). pristine representations. R.H. Douglas. as the historians his younger self had once criticised. 1–15. 1985).. R.s. sometimes mute and passive. Russell. simply because Evans thought that there was some relation between the society in which heretics lived and their beliefs. especially Grundmann. most crucially. M. 126. Selected essays (New York. Brenon.B. The repression of Catharism at Toulouse (Toronto. able to be cleanly sifted out from other less coherent ideas and. 503 [trans. Geertz. 1931). Now see Evans. orig.M. 1984) or A history of heaven: the singing silence (Princeton. 49. 1935). and the study of ¨ medieval religion in general. Nelli. n. M. 1977). abstract doctrines. in: Persecution and liberty. with the historical foundations of German mysticism (Notre Dame. Douglas. Jahrhundert und uber die ¨ ¨ geschichtlichen Grundlagen der deutschen Mystik. ‘Social aspects of medieval heresy’. ‘Introduction’. Rowan as Religious movements in the middle ages: the historical links between heresy. Medieval Studies. ‘African conversion’. Douglas. Horton. (Oxford. The irony here is not only that Russell’s observation is still correct but that the somewhat older Russell. Teil ¨ ¨ 1 Religiose Bewegungen (Stuttgart. 25 (1963). orig. 1988). and that the elaboration of a philosophy is all the explanation a scholar need ever give. Vaudois et Beguins.5 Anything that is not the stuff of thoughts. 93–116 and J. see especially M. dissidents du pays d’Oc ` (Toulouse. Now see J. sometimes kicking and screaming. 57. favoured intellectual or moral reasons for medieval heresy and implicitly rejected any thesis that wanted to include the material world. rather weirdly. passionate. where he emphasised over thirty years ago that most modern writers. und 13. Mundy. are given in S. clear philosophies. by S.

but heavily revised. fifty years later again. Itinerarium Willelmi de Rubruc. and Bernard Gui.7 ‘Heresies’. 2000). especially with regard to religion and epitomised by idealist methods of Religionsgeschichte. ‘perish not with their Authors. C. V. It was for this reason that labelling men and women accused of heresy as ‘Manichaeans’ — like the Cistercian Caesarius of Heisterbach in the early thirteenth century who compared the Albigensians to them or. Essays in honor of Lester K. 232. 7 S. and that heretics were never isolated.8 An important observation is warranted here. Strange (Cologne. actually demonstrate much more powerfully a rigid and inescapable anti-dualism. ed. 87–88. as The other God: dualist religions from antiquity to the Cathar heresy (New Haven.9 nuns. 1. 9 Caesarius of Heisterbach. is a famous illustration of this assumption about being able to delineate original religious intent despite millennia and landscape. 295 [trans. Runciman’s The medieval Manichee. Religio medici (1636) in: Selected writings. Bogomilism. fifty years later. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 of stable dualist ideas (good God. Soderberg. all writings by intellectuals in the Middle Ages that seem to be describing dualist heresies. H. bad God. 6 (1998). never unconnected to each other. J. 1971–1997’. whether Mahayana Buddhism. 1990). 1851). Jackson. though they lose their currents in one place. William of Rubruck. under the chapter De haeresi Albiensium. The original heresy. for want of a better phrase. 1929). exempla. how the Dominican inquisitor Bernard Gui had no reservations about renaming the good men of the Toulousain with this soubriquet — was. Douais . saw the potential for heresy in almost anything that was vaguely dissenting from the Church. 1982. La Religion des ¨ ´ ˆ ´ Cathares: Etude sur le Gnosticisme de la basse antiquite et du moyen age (Uppsala. ed. a realisation that the new was always revealed in the old. the Franciscan William of Rubruck knowing that the theological idiocies of a false Armenian monk at the Mongol court were undoubtedly the dualist errors of Mani or. 62. 1947).H.184 M. 8 Sir Thomas Browne. 2–3. no matter how great the geographical and cultural differences. 300– 303. 2000) assumes the same ability to follow dualist thought through time and space. polemics.G. Dialogus miraculorum. Van den Wyngaert. inquisitorial manuals. On not wishing ‘to get mired in the monotonous and undifferentiated continuities assumed. Brown in ‘The rise and function of the holy man in late antiquity. 12. treatises. first developing in the eleventh century and reaching fruition by the end of the thirteenth. sermons. in that the letters. A study of the Christian dualist heresy (Cambridge. that. by P. at one and the same time. G. A. no matter how many different societies rose and fell through the decades. Practica inquisitionis heretice pravitatis. Stoyanov in his The hidden tradition in Europe: the secret history of medieval Christian heresy (London. and which are used by historians to demonstrate all kinds of dualist heterodox connections. ed. for the incident and a commentary ¨ on this Manichaean heresy]. and which always present the ideas of heretics as coherent and articulate. Keynes (London. that heresy had always lingered in the world. argued for such crystalline continuities. 284–285. they rise up againe in another’. see P. Sinica Franciscana I (Quaracchi. Little. with excellent notes by him and David Morgan. ed. rpr. 171–174. Journal of Early Christian Studies. always threatening. Manichaeism. Farmer and B. as The mission of Friar William of Rubruck: his journey to the court of the Great Khan Mongke 1253–1255 (London. benign spirit. to exist across the centuries’. ed. but like the River Arethusa. or Catharism. 375. if those minds move. S. so too those vacuum-sealed beliefs. as Sir Thomas Browne gracefully encapsulated this idealist tendency three and a half centuries ago. stays recognizably the same. 1994) and reissued. 1949). but always organised. without reflection. 1968). orig. Rosenwein (Ithaca. saints and outcasts: religion in medieval society. esp. xxi. evil matter) lodged in the heads of people — which. Y.

were undoubtedly influenced by this late antique heresy. Abel. Hamilton. ‘The state of research: the legacy of Charles Schmidt to the study of Christian dualism’. and confusing.’ On heresy and anti-dualism. Studije O.. Sidak.H. Rivista di storia della ´ ˆ ´ chiesa in Italia. writing to Manegold of Paderborn in 1147. Histoire et doctrine des Cathares. 472. forthcoming). D. 1. 194–195. where a confused. 6 (1952). for example. and. J. 317–319. Interestingly. link appears to be made between Catharism and Manichaeism. H. action de l’eglise au XIIe siecle (Paris.12 For a start. for example. P. 235–355. 1971). it is neither obvious nor irrefutable that such a liaison ever existed. ´ ` 85–102. Sanjak. Sproemberg and M. 1976). it is tacitly understood. Les chretiens bosniaques et le movement cathare XIIe–XVe siecles ´ (Brussels. Soderberg. 2000). ed. A. Les Albigeois. that so much had already been written ‘that it is impossible to say anything new [ut nichil iam possit dici novum]’ and that even heretics ‘do not invent new things but repeat old ones [non nova inveniunt. 278. Leurs origines. xv and 137. in: Melanges offerts a Rene ´ ´ Crozet.Crkvi Bosanskoj’ i . the heresy has developed variations’. is a good survey of this issue and many others relating to the historiography of Catharism. esp. in: Trials and treatises: texts on heresy and inquisition. La Religion des ¨ Cathares. intriguingly. 1998). passim. French and A. ‘Questions about questions: manuscript 609 and the great inquisition of 1245–1246’.G. C. eux-memes heritiers ´ du lointain Manicheisme.M. Monumenta Corbeiensia. defended their beliefs by saying that their heresy had ‘lain concealed from the time of the martyrs even to our own day’. American Historical Review. in a letter (Ep. esp. 167. even though the assumption of such a connection between the two heresies has become a truism in almost all studies of medieval heterodoxy. Bruschi (Woodbridge.G. 265–268. where the ‘derivation of Catharism from Manicheeism is almost certainly correct. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 185 Admittedly. 11 See. ‘Aux origines de l’heresie medievale’. Unger (Berlin. Jaffe (Berlin. ‘. though still found in all kinds of surprising places. 10 See. Michelet. Rion (Poitiers. 103. 82. implies that a continuity may still be established between the Manichaeans and the Cathars. A history of the inquisition of the middle ages. 1869). ‘Robert le Bougre and the beginnings of the inquisition in northern France’. ´ ´ ´ 1948). and Antoine Dondaine. The Benedictine Wibald of Corvey. Heresis. in Ep. Part 5. R.). and incorrectly. tracing the origins of the heretical good men all the way back to the Manichaeans. PL 182.. 65–96. set vetera replicant]. J.10 A subtle scholarly variation on this theme has the gnosis of Mani sneaking back into medieval western Europe through the Byzantine Bogomils who. 7 (1902). Cunningham. 679) to Bernard of Clairvaux. 33–46.’ Three or four years earlier. labelled as Cathars) seized in Cologne who. 1–216. 175. The yellow cross: the story of the last Cathars 1290–1329 (London. Lea. 20 (1985).11 As for there being any genuine intimacy between the Bogomils and the heretical good men. 1996).les Cathares occidentaux etaient fils des Bogomils. they went on to say that these hidden philosophies had apparently ‘persisted so in Greece and certain other lands [. Sproemberg. ¨ in: Mittelalter und demokratische Geschichtsschreibung. 78. H. Haskins. Cahiers de Fanjeaux: effacement du Catharisme? (XIIIe–XIVe S. F. esp. 1966) 1. ‘Die Enstehung des Manichaismus im Abendland’. P.hanc haeresim usque ad haec tempora occultatam fuisse a temporibus martyrum. in the nineteenth century. Douais. et permansisse in Graecia et quibusdam aliis terris]. and Y. Crozet. described a group of heretics (usually. and R. Schools of asceticism: ideology and organization in medieval religious communities (University Park. 7 (1994). thought there was no connection between the Cathars and the Manichees. The Bogomils: a study in Balkan neo-Manichaeism (Cambridge. Pegg. Biller and C. 1864). for example. Jimenez. see M. 253. ´ ´ ´ ´ ´ ‘La vision medievale du catharisme chez les historiens des annees 1950: un neo-manicheisme’. ‘Dernieres traces de catharisme dans les Balkans’. Obolensky. Eberwin. Schmidt. ed. 1879). col. ed. is far less common than a century ago. vol. 1. deftly stated the guiding principle of this explanatory technique (medieval and modern) when ´ he noted.. chronologically and geographically. Weis. J. ed. 1886). esp.. 92. see F. ` ´ vol. R.. the prior of Steinfeld’s Premonstratensian abbey. any (Paris. 6. C. P. L. P. when brought to trial. ‘Aspects sociologiques des religions ‘manicheennes’’. Kaelber. Before science: the invention of the Friars’ natural philosophy (Aldershot. and on its long journey.’ 12 ` On the Bogomils. 440–441. 2. Gallais. 109–110. Histoire de France: moyen age (Paris. In the twentieth and twentyfirst centuries see. vol. 119–134. Sanjak.

‘The Chiaroscuro of heresy: early eleventh-century Aquitaine as seen from Auxerre’. and his ‘Arras. ‘Catharisme medieval et bogomilisme’. Journal of Religious History. D. 8–25. Zerner (Nice. M. repeats his nuanced opposition. 24–36. La Mutation feodale. repression. 26–43 (which is also a rather angry reply to Moore’s ‘The birth of popular heresy: a millennial phenomenon?’). 102–103.V. Exclusion. 19–46. 179. Moore. 212–86.G. 188–189.). In fact … one would be justified in writing a history of medieval Bulgaria without the Bogomils at all. and the deceits of history. Kaiser as Heretics and scholars in the high middle ages: 1000–1200 (University Park. 34–54. 324–340. Relics. Medioevo Cristiano (Bari. 1998). 900–1204 (Cambridge. Die Katharer. Written language and models of interpretation in the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Princeton. 17–53 [trans. Now. and C. 313–349. 67–85. ed. G.. 900–1200 (New York. 1976).A. ed. J-P. 1979). By contrast. while not openly suggesting Bogomil missionaries before the twelfth century.D. 1992). 382–427 [translated by C. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 suggestion that Bogomil preachers were in Europe from the first millennium onwards and that these Bosnian or Bulgarian seers were the cause of almost all eleventhcentury heresy is simply untenable because this argument rests. xe–xiie (Paris. 13 See. Landes ` (Ithaca. Fine. Manselli. Diehl (Cambridge. R. 80–103. in his Sur le Manicheisme et autres essais (Paris. L’eresia del male (Naples. J. B. H. and social change in the age of Gregorian reform’.’ Indeed. 1973. Mass. T. ´ ´ ´ Landes. ‘The Letter of Heribert of Perigord as a source for dualist heresy in the society of early eleventhcentury Aquitaine’. 1963). searching within the handful of reported (and persecuted) incidents of heresy in western Europe before the middle of the twelfth century for pre-Catharism or proto-Catharism by simply unearthing what appear to be dualist . in: Inventer l’heresie?: discours polemiques et pouvoirs avant l’inquisition. argues. 144–156. Sidak. Other important arguments against Bogomil influence in the early Middle Ages were ` made by R. ´ 1980). and rebellion. the arguments for Bogomil influence in western Europe before the twelfth century by Borst. ‘Der Bogomilismus in Bulgarien’. Bogomilism’s importance has been tremendously exaggerated in all historical works. on the historian simply perceiving a similarity between one set of ideas and another. ed. that heretics in the early Middle Ages suffered from this ‘Manichaean scapegoating’ because such scapegoating ‘made sense of a confusing and disappointing world’. 1983).L. R. Lambert. Angelov. persecution. The medieval Manichee. Runciman. Medieval heresy: popular movements from Bogomil to Hus.. 1983). Poly and E. 1st ed. 989–1034 (Cambridge. in: The concept of heresy in the middle ages (11th–13th C. ‘Heresy. for example. 1025. 1991). 1998). Louvain May 13–16. 109 (1999).I. ‘The state of research: the legacy of Charles Schmidt to the study of Christian dualism’. W. H-C. 24 (2000). 336 (1966). 1977). notes. 1953).186 M. Frassetto. in: The peace of God: social violence and religious response in France around the year 1000. 1976). A critical survey from the sixth to the late twelfth century (Ann Arbor. ‘The birth of heresy: a millennial phenomenon’. 1995). (London. and J. S. ‘Ursprung und Wesen des Bogomilentums’. Ketzer und Professoren: Haresie un Vernunftglaube im Hochmittelalter (Munich. 55 (1970). 196–198. The early medieval Balkans. D. 118–38. 24 (2000). Lourdaux and D. Waugh and P. in P. 1000–1500. 2 (1975). 1–16. first articulated in ‘The origins of medieval heresy’. Journal of Medieval History. Landes. Furthermore. ´ ´ Taylor. ‘Problemes sur l’origine ´ ´ ˆ ´ de l’heresie au moyen-age’. Stephenson’s recent Byzantium’s Balkan frontier: a political study of the northern Balkans. Proceedings of the International Conference. 117–18. Hamilton. ed. ‘The sermons of Ademar of Chabannes and the letter of Heribert: new ´ ´ sources concerning the origins of medieval heresy’. ‘[I]f we are analyzing Bulgarian history as a whole and significant movements and causes of historical developments in Bulgaria. Morghen. apocalypse. 43–78. Dondaine. 26 (2000). somewhat inconclusively. 395–427. without going into the ephemeral problem of millennialism around 1000. 21–36. 13–51]. Bournazel. M. History. Fichtenau. Bulgarian historical review. Jr. the Bogomils receive no mention. to these opinions. ‘Aux origines de ´ ´ ´ l’heresie medievale’. Puech. see R. Verhelst (The Hague. 98–99. 1996). and ‘The birth of popular heresy: A Millennial phenomenon?’ Journal of Religious History. still condemns what he calls ‘reductionist’ arguments that dismiss the possibility of such Balkan visitors to western Europe. ou le vrai proces d’une fausse accusation’. The implications of literacy. 272–308]. Revue Benedictine. Revue Historique. Higgitt as The feudal transformation. R. which really only exists if one has an intellectualist bias. quite weakly. R.13 A Bogumilstvu (Zagreb. 343–348. in: Christendom and its discontents. Lobrichon. Ademar of Chabannes.A. 2000). Stock. Morghen. ¨ 1992). Head and R. 71–80.

Christian dualist heresies in the Byzantine world c. the efforts to truly link the Bogomils and the good men remain unconvincing. The document that records Nicetas’ journey is lost and only exists as an appendix to Guillaume Besse’s Histoire des ducs. P. given to Besse by ‘M. dissidents du pays d’Oc (Toulouse. 1994). ‘Les heresies de l’an mil: nouvelles perspectives sur les origines du catharisme’. 38–60. Prebendier au chapitre de l’eglisle de Sainct Estienne de Tolose. On such heretical transmissions from the Levant. The Cathars. ‘Relire la Charte de ´ Niquinta — 1) Origine et problematique de la Charte’. 29–59. In support of Hamilton. Biller. is generally assumed to have proven the historical validity of Besse’s appendix. It has also been argued that Bogomil dualism was secretly carried back by crusaders returning from twelfth-century Outremer. Ketzer und Professoren. Archivum fratrum praedicatorum. ed. and A. . A. 1998) is a remarkable collection of translated sources on dualism and has a useful ‘Historical introduction’. 21–22. ‘Wisdom from the East: the reception by the Cathars of eastern dualist texts’. Brenon. Yves Dossat. 3. 21–36. opens by stating that ‘[n]o reputable scholar now doubts that Catharism was an offshoot of medieval eastern dualism…’. especially. because so much about this document resembles a story by Jorge Luis Borges. Kienzle and P. ed. 1–26. in: Women preachers and prophets through two millennia of Christianity. where it is argued that Besse’s document was a seventeenth-century forgery (and probably forged by Besse). vol.14 Paulician influence images. recent summaries of the evidence (and scholarship) for missionary and doctrinal connections between the Cathars and the Bogomils. Fichtenau. This document. and because one needs to already believe in connections between Cathars and Bogomils to see the evidence within the text (even though the text itself is the foundational proof underlying this belief about Catharism and Bogomilism). is probably (at best) a mid-thirteenth-century forgery by some good men or their followers rather than a seventeenth-century forgery or a late thirteenth-century collation of a number of disparate documents by an inquisitor in Toulouse. in his Cathare. Der Katherismus: Die Herkunft der Katharer nach Theologie und Geschichte (Bad Honnef.G. Hamilton. Lambert. Still. see. as well as nuanced. B. 570–571. it should be pointed out. are all good. Cf. it probably was preserved until the seventeenth century in the Dominican inquisitorial archives at Toulouse or Carcassonne. southwestern Languedoc with the apocryphal papa Nicetas distributing dualist doctrine in the Lauragais. Rottenwohrer. 23 (1994). 1997). Cahiers de Fanjeaux: Cathares en Languedoc. B.J. 23–53. Heresis. 1994). 48 (1978). 70–119 [Heretics and Scholars. ‘Relire la ´ Charte de Niquinta — 2) Sens et portee de la charte’. for example. 1998). The Cathars. J. papa Nicetas. where a number of other apocryphal documents supposedly demonstrating eastern links were filed away by ´ inquisitors in the late thirteenth century. ‘The Cathar council of S. 650–c. Bentley (London. 39–52. The visit by the supposed Bogomil bishop of ´ Constantinople. Pilar Jimenez. J. 1000–1530. and Barber. are more exercises in the quixotic than in quiddity. 3 (1968). marquis et comtes de Narbonne. 1998). Vaudois et Beguines. 239–240. proto-Catharism in earlier European heresies. and her. or through recognizing an inherent sameness about heretical anti-clericism between one century ` and the next. 483–486. northern Italy and. B. 6–33. to remain unconvinced about its historical veracity. 115–116. 14 ¨ G. 45–59. Felix reconsidered’. 1660). 1–55. et ´ ` marquis de Gothie.M.M. M. ducs de Septimanie. in: Companion to historiography. despite some allusions to wisdom arriving from the east in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Hudson (Cambridge. 1450 (Manchester. 201–214. 1990). P. The Cathars: dualist heretics in Languedoc in the high middle ages (Harlow. Duvernoy. Heresis. as well as the small number of questionable references to heretical holy men journeying from the Byzantine empire to northern France. ‘Le probleme des origines du catharisme’. ed. Brenon. and B. 71–73. Hamilton. Heresis. who lean heavily toward searching for. 483. M. The Cathars (Oxford. and M. Walker (Berkeley. Hamilton. ‘The voice of the good women: an essay on the pastoral and sacerdotal role of women in the Cathar Church’. en l’an 1652’. 1–28. it is more prudent. if it really existed. Dedie a Monseigneur l’Archevesque duc de Narbonne (Paris. Now. to Saint-Felix-de-Caraman in the Lauragais happened in 1167. ‘A ´ propos du concile cathare de Saint-Felix: les Milingues’. 2000). in: Heresy and literacy. 24 (1995). Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 187 more nuanced (and more persuasive) vision imagines Balkan missionaries only coming to Europe in the twelfth century. 74–114. ‘Popular religion in the central and late middle ages’. autrement appellez princes des Goths. Barber. Biller and A. Lambert. which. and believing in. 70–126]. for the present. Also. esp. Caseneuue. 22 (1994).

Douglas and D. fiction. the concluding proof. as though ideas wander over landscapes and centuries like loose hot-air balloons. in and of itself. representations. two religious Zusam´ menhange. M. The reasons why someone in the early twentyfirst century believes that two things truly resemble each other. Eastern Churches Review. ostensibly matching heresies from the thirteenth century in the very same region in the eleventh. N. beliefs. 50–51. 1983). 186–230. Reconceptions in philosophy and other arts and sciences (Indianapolis. prove nothing conclusive in themselves ¨ about heresy in the Middle Ages. either in the eleventh century or in the twelfth. Two apparently similar Indo-European symbols. then even with the same words. in his Problems and projects (Indianapolis. should never be confused with (or assumed to be the same as) the certainties that men and women in the thirteenth century knew (or attempted to know) about their world. . at best. while the meaning. ‘Entrenchment’. and certainly just as unprovable. ‘Seven strictures against similarity’. also.16 Piecing together the similar in time and space may be. so that the trick is to catch ´ ´ ` Christine Thouzellier. 18–21. ‘Heresie et croisade au XIIe siecle’. 1967). she ¨ considers the original Paulicians to be nothing more than Armenian Old Believers — an argument that is perhaps as unconvincing. 1984). and forecast. 15 On the Paulicians see. I. Goodman. the similarity would be. esp. See. 1972). as is often assumed. 1450. Nelson Goodman among the social sciences. esp. and the collected (historical. Garsoıan. if one were to find. and symbols. 16 (1964). 1988). Karl Heisig in ‘Ein gnostische Sekte im abendlandischen Mittelalter’. Along similar lines to Thouzellier. but it is only the beginning of an explanation about the past and not. therefore. 446. or between les vastes ´ espaces. his ‘Wisdom from the East’. Goodman. N. As such. 271–74. 115–124. The Paulician heresy. 1992). 193–224. whether through missionaries or through immigration. two dualist discourses. D. could not be the same. suggested that crusaders brought ancient ¨ Gnostic practices back from the East to the Rhineland.15 All in all. Mass: Harvard University Press. the collected (philosophical) essays on the problem of ‘grue’ put forward in Goodman’s ‘The new riddle of induction’ in: The new riddle of induction. about why a particular society once thought certain ideas worth thinking. philosophical. 446. 1994). cannot account for former predictive or inductive practices. where she argues against Paulician influence in western Europe in the Middle Ages. as the one she rejects. Revue d’Histoire Ecclesiastique. 16 The ideas in this paragraph were derived from N. 650–c. 6 (1974). rely upon detecting likenesses between ideas irrespective of time and place. was the first to strongly suggest the importation of dualist beliefs by returning crusaders. N.G. in any case. Hull (Edinburgh. ‘The new riddle of induction’. Of mind and other matters (Cambridge. ed. also strongly rejects the Paulicians as descendants of Manichees. in the end. 5–25. Stalker (Chicago. though undeniably interesting. See also N. for example. Searching for what seems similar over the longue duree. Elgin. 4th ed. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 upon the good men and good women. To study heresy. Hacking. Goodman. in his Fact. Garsoıan. arguments about the specific influence of the Bogomils upon western European heresy. superficial. 49 (1954). rather. all that the historian actually does. A study of the origin and ¨ development of Paulicianism in Armenia and the eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire (The Hague– Paris. two popular mentalites. or can safely predict certain continuities from today to tomorrow. (Cambridge. ed. has never been championed in the same way as Bogomilism. Zeitschrift fur Religions und Geistesgeschichte. and his Christian dualist heresies in the Byzantine world c. Bernard Hamilton cannot let go of the notion that there must be some connection between the Paulicians and the Cathars despite the dearth of evidence in his ‘The origins of the dualist church of Drugunthia’. Goodman with C. ´ 855–872. especially. 59–83. anthropological) essays in: How classification works.188 M.

in: Medieval theology and the natural body. B. James Given. Merlo (Torre Pellice. E. 1984) [trans. Ketzer und Professoren. and resistance in Languedoc (Ithaca. Bray as Montaillou: Cathars and Catholics in a French village 1294–1324 (Harmondsworth. Koch. in: Eretici ed eresie medievali nella storiografia contemporanea: atti del XXXII Convegno du studi seilla Riforma e i movimenti religiosi in Italia. Muller. stepping outside of this historiographic debate.17 A peculiar irony about these theses. has adopted a subtle neo-Marxist approach in his Inquisition and medieval society: power. W. 1997). although this time . ed. explanations which treat heresy as solely a manifestation of purely economic or material problems. Erbstosser and E. whatever intellectual continuity. P. Ketzer und Heilige: Das religiose Leben im Hochmittelalter (Vienna. and West Germans after World War II. sincere anti-Marxists. Erbstosser. 1981)].G. despite the Marxist materialism. Werner. Weis. 47–64. 64–93. J. ´ ˆ Eveque de Pamiers (1318–1325) ed. then the beliefs concerned with that world are assumed to be unchanging as well. see Andreas Dorpalen. 68–75. orig. ¨ ¨ zur Entwicklung chiliasticscher Zukunftshoffnungen im Hochmittelalter (Berlin. for example.M. see O. and M.18 Rural communi17 For example. Werner. not unlike something from the revolutions of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 1984)]. esp. 1964). 1997). Ideologische Probleme des Mittelalterlichen Plebejertums: Die freigeistige Haresie und ihre sozialen Wurzeln (Berlin. where a tendency to romanticise life in the Occitan countryside. Segl ¨ (Sigmaringen. 1994). It was also this East German treatment of medieval heresy and spirituality that Borst and Grundmann. Werner. ed. Studien zu sozial-religiosen Bewegungen im Zeitalter des ¨ ¨ Reformpapsttums (Leipzig. E. P. 1957). A. PalesGobilliard (Paris. allows for whatever ideal contextualisation. and to see it as possessing unchanging qualities. tying such dated Cold War Marxist–Leninist approaches to equally dated Victorian Romantic notions. Oexle. 18 ` See. and for German ¨ historians and the Middle Ages. German history in Marxist perspective: The East German approach (Detroit. if wayward. 307–364. ‘Die Moderne und ihr Mittelalter — eine folgenreiche Problemgeschichte’. 7 (1994). ¨ Frauenfrage und Ketzertum in Mittelalter (Berlin. ¨ ¨ 1986). Likewise. Ketzer im Mittelalter (Stuttgart. ed. Das kommende Reich des Friedens. and additional Corrections. 115– 119]. ‘La perspective de l’historiographie allemande’. 1993. 75–81. 1997). ed. ‘Cathars and material women’. For further discussions about German historians and heresy. Topfer. Biller. 1960). 1962). Symposiums des Mediavistenverbandes in Bayreuth 1995. consciously reacted against. 1965. 1984). 1972) ´ and L’inquisitor Geoffroy d’Ablis et les Cathares du Comte de Foix (1308–1309). 1975) [translated and condensed by B.74–76.G. promotes the same image of an unchanging rural landscape. Heresis. village occitan de 1294 a 1324 (Paris. evocation of rural existence from a late-thirteenth–early-fourteenth-century inquisitorial register. Fichtenau. G. 91–92. Fraser as Heretics in the Middle Ages (Leipzig. An informed observation on this issue is made by Lerner in his introduction to Grundmann. namely Le Registre d’Inquisition de Jacques Fournier. Kpngreßakten des 6. Pauperes Christi. Jean Duvernoy (Toulouse. an erudite zepplin-chaser so chooses. is crucial to his brillant. 196–202. On this (especially former East German. are just as limited as the more prevalent arguments from the similarity of ideas. Minnis (Woodbridge. mostly using the same texts as Le Roy Ladurie. M. Erbstosser and E.G. Biller and A. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 189 those drifting beliefs which look similar to each other. as physical existence in the medieval countryside is especially thought to be. Le Roy Ladurie. discipline. M. and trans. is that if the material world is thought to be unchanging. esp. working within the idealist Religionsgeschichte tradition. and so elevating both above the level of just curiosity value. 1985). and Kaelber. Malecsek. in: Mittelalter und Moderne: Entdeckung und Rekonstruktion der mittelalterlichen Welt. indeed an irony permeating much historical thinking about the Middle Ages. especially Karl-Marx University of Leipzig) way with history that. 110–113 [Heretics and scholars. Montaillou. Religious movements in the middle ages. The yellow cross. see D. P. ‘Le ricerche eresiologiche in area germanica’. had many affinities with the medieval vision of a Jules Michelet. G. xxii–xxv.J. Schools of asceticism. as an expression of social or class discontent.

Rees (Alantic Highlands. 13. and the consequent downplaying of historical change and specificity. an anti-gravity world of long duration is imagined. 100. Testimonies given to the inquisitors into heretical depravity. Social memory (Oxford. 1979). 217r. 1976). are thrown into high relief when the records of the thirteenth-and-fourteenth-century inquisition in Languedoc are taken into account. esp. once more. J. as referring to the ‘‘Bonosii’. frequently a string of fragmentary confessions interspersed with a handful of longer narratives. fol. misreading et hoc in vulgari (about a book) in a seventeenth-century copy of an inquisition record ` (in Paris. do not support the general historiographic tendency. The Cathars. and Medieval popular culture: problems of belief and perception. J. 1985).C. 57 and n. ignoring temporal and cultural specificity in the proving of a point. Chronica Magistri Guillelmi de Podio Laurentii.) as et hoc in Bulgaria. Bibliotheque nationale. . Rosenthal. trans. reinforces the idealist bias. ‘Nocturnal enquiry: Carlo Ginzburg’. with revised trans.190 M. 62. Deciphering the witches’ sabbath (Harmondsworth. and trans.20 it is populated with more individuals possessing many more anachronistic attitudes. where one can jump about all over the place. all these often unwitting biases. The answers to the whys and wherefores of the heresy of the good men must be sought within these specific communities. Anderson. 98. from century to ´ ´ century. 1989) [translated by R. Duvernoy (Paris. 19 A. 1996). ed. P. presuppose a deeply unconvincing passivity on the part of medieval men and women. ‘Wisdom from the east’. preconceived notions about what a testimony really was saying even if it did not say it (as in mistaking a scribal variation of bons omes for ‘Bosnians’ and misreading et hoc in vulgari in a seventeenthcentury copy of an inquisition record as et hoc in Bulgaria). all too often just get concertinaed to fit a priori Cathar-templates. has expressed these views in his Categories of medieval culture. and not through making doubtful deductions. 207–229. that is Bosnians’. the worlds in which the heretics actually dwelt. thoughtfully. involving scores of rural communities. Collection Doat 25. justifies the lack of gravity in Ginzburg’s universe. and so the Cathars. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 ties. The records of the inquisition. though clean and neat. about outside causes. Wickham. 1992). Bak and P. 99. Jordan in his The great famine. Ginzburg’s remarkable. but supremely ahistorical.L. 1992). never change the way they think things. The same is true for C. trapped in the cyclical movement of the seasons. reviews Ginzburg’s unchanging rural world and the materialist assumptions such an idea embraces. and. 1992). Coincidently. never change the way they do things. in his A zone of engagement (London. but severely. Campbell (London. 20 As in Lambert. We can equally well see the data in their relations to one another and make a summary of them in a general picture without putting it in the form of an hypothesis regarding temporal development’. Such equations. for instance. forever dwelling in an eternal present and so denied the virtues of linear time. 1991)]. from the Balkans to the Pyrenees. Or Hamilton. and which provide the most detailed documentation about the heresy of the good men and good women. where Ludwig Wittgenstein’s notion of ‘seeing connections’ — from Bemerkungen uber Frazers Golden Bough [Remarks on ¨ Frazer’s Golden Bough]. of their synopsis. 8–8e. Fentress and C. 93. has attacked the general prevalence of such timeless notions about the tempo of rural life in the middle ages. Storia Notturna (Turin. All these assumptions.19 The overt materialist. mistaking bonomios sive bonosios in Guilhem de Puylaurens. Northern Europe in the early fourteenth century (Princeton. trans. Cf. heretical or not. W. founded upon intellectualist predilections. ‘[A]n [historical] explanation as an hypothesis of the development. J. tied to the soil. 32. about timeless verities. who dismiss such views of time and memory in rural communities. Ecstacies. Hollingsworth (Cambridge–Paris. G. is only one kind of summary of the data. R.G. Gurevitch. in the end. ed. numbering in the thousands.

where religion is natural and innate to human thought. 22 For example. for a discussion on how frequently inherent (and far from theoretical) assumptions often underwrite overtly theoretical scholarship. towards any particular actions. and such like. ‘Introduction. bonas femnas. boni homines. or that language mirrors social locations. . with no exceptions. where each one argues (under the influence of Claude Levi-Strauss) that dualism is inherent in the human perception of the world.22 To begin any meditation upon the past with an assumption that some things simply are universal in humans or are always just there in human society. Almagor. The past as text: the theory and practice of medieval historiography (Baltimore. so communally strengthening. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 191 What is so fascinating about inquisition records. the Lauragais. language. The Cathars. ideas. No person. The naturalness of religious ideas: a cognitive theory of religion (Berkeley. What is being argued here is not that metaphors. towards any particular theories. for instance. women.29. 1997). bons omes. More prosaically. 173–193. is that ideas and habits never hibernate. inert. and children they questioned. See also Rot¨ tenwohrer. and P. The quest for harmony’. or remain buried in eternal folkways. 37 (1995). whether they be six hundred years old or a mere six weeks. and the social logic of the text in the middle ages’. good men and good women. Lambert. what is being suggested. and one set of (often dull and unchanging) practices. merely mirror social structures.M. bone femine. no fundamental hot-wiring. Boyer. ed. is to retreat from attempting an historical explanation about previous rhythms of existence. they only come alive. Maybury-Lewis and U. The corruption of angels. behaviours. in: The attraction of opposites. and vice versa. 529. Almagor (Ann Arbor. at once collective and particular. lie dormant. 21 Despite agreeing with much of what G. 3–28. 1–18. whether mendicant inquisitor or the men. and so forth.B. from one decade to another. her final argument that texts mirror society. This means turning aside from the intellectualist bias and so recognizing that communities actively survive. 1989). is that they only make any sense. Maybury-Lewis. because this would be no more than the historian simply noting what he or she finds similar between one set of (usually lively) discourses. Spiegel has to say in her influential ‘History. see S. ever used the noun ‘Cathar’ to describe heretics in. 23 Pegg. but what usually relegates them to be strip-mined for footnotes. immobile. routines. or in the pays de Foix. it was always. one must never approach inquisition documents from Languedoc with the Cathari in hand. Der Katherismus: Die Herkunft der Katharer nach Theologie und Geschichte.M. symbols. Ortner. so individually intimate. Now. ‘Introduction. the Toulousain. faults Duvernoy for the same misreading of Doat 25. is to grasp the meaning of heresy in the Middle Ages. because of an interweaving of thoughts and actions.21 Equally. Comparative studies in history and society. never changing. 95–97. D. Dual organization reconsidered’. 3. vol. To grasp this deep intimacy. habits. Individuals and their societies possess no inherent tendencies. Instead. that the relations a person (or thing) maintains in the material realm entrenches the relations he or she (or it) maintains in the metaphoric. 1994). if an attempt is made to evoke the world in which they were created. 55 n. Thought and society in the dualist mode. historicism. ‘Resistence and the problem of ethnographic refusal’. 19–32.G. D. from one day to the next.23 ‘Cathar’ (apparently first used in the middle of the twelfth century by a group of heretics from Cologne. texts. while the good men and good women themselves frequently referred to each other as ‘the friends of God’. and U.

is a nuanced study marred by a tension (largely between footnotes and text) between using terminology like ‘perfect’. Barber.)27 This remorseless relabelling also applies to perfectus. ¨ see R. 1981) argues for the existence of a medieval inquisition. see Richard Kieckhefer. and H. as a respectful title for a good man. 5–23. see Peters. The Cathars. has only survived in the Collection . once again.25 This relentless naming of almost all heretics. ‘perfect’. ed. where the fact that Jacques Fournier’s inquisition did not record this title is put down to spite on the part of the bishop-inquisitor.G. Church history 58 (1989). 397ff. though worth pondering.I. stress the existence of a ‘Cathar Church’. Mennocchio — the same Mennocchio made famous by C. in what can only be called a self-fulfilling prophecy. The word is thrown about as though it were Cathar-confetti. they were so similar. for all intents and purposes. 1. liii–lxxvi. The yellow cross. The Gothic idol: ideology and image-making in medieval art (Cambridge. as ‘Cathars’ (with the exception of the Waldensians) is not only the product of. historians convinced of Catharism as an institution usually accept that the medieval inquisition was much more institutional than ever was the case. 211. and B. ‘The Cathars and Christian perfection’. 46 (1995). whose connections with one another. for their warnings about not confusing the medieval inquisition with the institutional early modern Inquisition. It seems that perfectus. 28 Pegg. glosses the Chronicon universale anonymi Laudunensis (1154–1219). 2. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 or so Eckbert of Schonau wrote in his Sermones contra Catharos of 1163)24 is. id est mundos. Ginzburg in Il formaggio e i vermi: Il cosmo di un mugnaio del 500 (Turin. a ‘Nicholas. but the very justification for. Or A. ‘Inquisition and the prosecution of heresy: misconceptions and abuses’. and Languedoc. Dobson (Woodbridge. 1996). The corruption of angels. ‘Henry Charles Lea (1825–1909)’. passim. by tagging one of them. On Lea’s thoughts about the medieval inquisition.26 (Intriguingly. as a Cathar. 56–57. Moore.A. a useless term. and taken for granted by modern scholarship. Weis. brightly decorating all sorts of individuals and groups accused of heresy in the Rhineland. Sermones contra Catharos. northern Italy. col. but. Del Col. A. northern France. ¨ Frauen vor der Inquisition: Lebensform. Hamilton. 31: ‘Catharos. PL 195. England. from the eleventh to the sixteenth centuries. with no evidence at all. The origins of European dissent (London. Camille. Catalonia. in that if the word is used enough times by enough scholars to describe enough heretics in enough places then. Lea’s admission is in his A history of the inquisition of the middle ages. the famous painter in all of France’. 439–451. 1990).28 Simi24 Eckbert of Schonau. 1909). where the ideas of that sixteenth-century miller from Friuli. Muller. P. 89–100 and his Inquisition (New York. 18. are at best problematic. and the religious life: essays in honour of Gordon Leff. Cartelleri (Leipzig. Dominico Scandella detto Mennocchio: I processi dell’Inquisizione (1583–1599) (Pordenone. heresy. 25 For example. 36–61. in his The Medieval inquisition (New York. M.192 M.’ Now. D. 1977). a great heretical ‘Cathar Church’ with a systematically similar doctrine comes into being. deeply misleading and applied in such an indiscriminate way by modern historians as to make it. Journal of Ecclesiastical History. it is a designation not found in the original records of the Languedocian inquisition. the intellectualist approach. and ¨ always has been. Glaubenszeugnis und Arburteilung der Deutschen un Franzosi¨ schen Katharerinnen (Mainz. 1989). vol. and this is Del Col’s only evidence. Biller and B. 176–182. for example. 26 For example. 1976) — were clearly derived from Catharism because. 27 B.C. 62–63. Lea admitted that there was no comprehensive institutional ‘Inquisition’ throughout the European middle ages. 1999). 1988). where a group of infideles were examined and burnt in 1204. and the evidence that does not warrant such usage. eds. 287–292. in The medieval church: universities. Now. ‘The office of inquisition and medieval heresy: the transition from personal to institutional jurisdiction’. if it was transcribed. with all that this implies. Hamilton. Even H. particularly in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Kelly.

Francia. Bernart de Caux and Joan de SantPeire. in a sharp and rather telling contrast. especially in the first half of the thirteenth century in the Toulousain and the Lauragais. 1969). 95. in their respective ways. The corruption of angels. 1868).30 This fact. wills. Heresie et Heretiques: Vaudois. esp. and prodomes. were described in charters. 188–190.g. and J-L. 37–39. Ad Capiendas Vulpes. 30 Pegg. This is terribly important because all men. prozomes. where almost six thousand men and women from the Toulousain and the Lauragais were questioned in two hundred and one days. should suggest that the seventeenth-century copyists employed by Jean de Doat perhaps took more transcribing liberties than is often realised. 286–336. Yet. or in any of the testimonies Doat (e. 223–262. Zerner (Nice. Lansing. in stark contrast to original manuscripts surviving from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. ‘Colbert und die Entstehung der Collection Doat’. ed. 1939). ‘‘Les Albigeois’: remarques sur une denomination’. and those of Albi and Carcassonne’ towards the end of his detailed treatise about the Cathari of Lombardy. Bibliotheque de l’Ecole des Chartes. 258r–259r). Patar´ ins.G. 219–256. vol.29 On the other hand. 1. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 193 larly. ‘Albigensi´ an’ was almost always the term for the good men. as boni homines and probi homines in Latin. Delisle. should shake our complaisancy about using ‘Cathar’ and suggest that research into the specific communities questioned by the inquisition will reveal a very different world than the one now taken for granted. in everything and anything. Catharisme et Valdeisme en Languedoc. 12–15. Power and purity: Cathar heresy in medieval Italy (New York. oaths. ´ ´ ´ in: Inventer l’Heresie?: Discours polemiques et pouvoirs avant l’inquisition.M. connection to the heretics of Languedoc) in: C. 1982). not only was ‘Cathar’ never uttered. 77 (1916). and his. This apparent fact. Doat 26. p. Kolmer. To be sure. communal decisions. Now. . the heretici were never called Albigenses in the registers of the inquisition. but there is nothing in this brief afterthought except an opinion that the langue d’oc heretics were obviously connected to the langue de si dualists. if nothing else. On Jean-Baptiste ` Colbert’s commission and Doat’s copying. 29 ´ ´ ´ On the meaning of Albigenses. Die Ketzerbekampfung in Sud-frankreich in der ersten Halfte des 13. in histories and encyclopedias until the beginning of the last century. see C. the Dominican inquisitor (and former ‘heresiarch’ at Piacenza) Rainier Sacconi in his Summa de Catharis et Pauperibus de Lugduno of 1250 did add a tiny appendix about the ‘Cathars of the Toulousain church. Biget. illustrate this terminological shift from the somewhat inappropriate Albigenses (though still with some sense of specificity) to the incredibly inappropriate Cathari (with its wildly imperial and immigrant connotations). 441–442.31 Only five years earlier. Cathares. Thouzellier. heretical or not. 31 Rainier Sacconi. 7 (1979). Omont. court appearances. 4–5. Jahrhunderts und die Ausbil¨ ¨ ¨ dung des Inquisitionsverfahrens (Bonn. M. in the largest inquisition of the middle ages. 77. 463–489. Conybeare and Alphandery. and obvious. Histoire generale de Paris (Paris. while in Occitan they were bons omes. 15–16. is in the preface of Antoine Dondai` ´ ´ ´ ne’s edition of Un Traite neo-manicheen du XIIIe siecle: Le Liber de duobus principiis suivi d’un fragment ´ de rituel cathare (Rome. 1998). what will be consistently found in inquisition registers is the epithet ‘good man’ for a heretic. Albigeois (Rome. Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque ´ ´ ` Imperiale. Summa de Catharis et Pauperibus de Lugduno. ‘La Collection Doat a la ´ ` Bibliotheque Nationale: Documents sur les recherches de Doat dans les archives du sud-ouest de la France ` ` de 1663 a 1670’. 19–26. and the more general discussion of Italian heresy (and one which assumes a strong. 1998). see L. two other Dominican inquisitors. see Thouzellier. fol. L. H.

especially D. in his Cathare. esp. Cahiers de Fanjeaux: Historiographie du catharisme. not surprisingly. ‘Albigeisme ou Catharisme’. Roche. A. 1994). even documents a fascinating case of an English woman who was convinced that she had experienced a past life as a crezen in the early thirteenth-century Lauragais. ‘Les Albigeois dans les histoires generales et les manuels scolaires du XVIe au XVIIIe siecle’. was. 308–310. Vaudois et Beguines. in: Ecrits historiques et politiques (Paris. out of a vast and extremely popular literature. have been tied to the Holy Grail. Roche also had a curious correspondence with Simon Weil. Winch. dissidents du pays d’Oc (Toulouse. On the innumerable (and usually rather odd) theories about courtly love. and rather unashamedly. see A. to the hidden secrets of the Knights-Templars. 17.33 Occasionally. is R. ‘Neue Funde und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Katharer’. these occult fantasies are grafted onto the related. and ‘En quoi l’inspiration occitanien´ ne’. need to see the good men and good women as Protestants before their time34 — like the irrepressible Conybeare. 203–212. despite a good bibliography. is good on Weil. 15–38. will such an entity be unearthed by historians (unless. and still is. 369. Roquebert. Paul. 1989). but no elaborate international heretical organization. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 was an elaborate dualist theology expounded. ‘Albigeisme ou Catharisme’. forever waiting to be found. On Roche. wrong on just about everything. Historische Zeitschrift. Amour courtois. Etudes Manicheennes et ´ Cathares (Paris. 85–118. see M. to courtly love. Nelli. 130. 34 J. Barber. Now see Duvernoy. Roche. ` Vaudois et Beguines. forever ready to rise and shine when things are just right. for example. was discovered by them or. 66–74 and 75–84. whose gift for Pegg. 1977). 2000). for example. The Centre d’Etudes Cathares also publishes the serious and learned journal Heresis. translated as referring to ‘Cathars’ and ‘perfects’). basically sees the Cathars as proto-Protestants in ‘Cathares et vaudois sont-ils ´ ´ des precurseurs de la Reforme?’ in his Cathare. 1999). 1952) and R. see J-L. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. no ‘Cathar Church’. of course. that a hidden Church. heavily laced with Cathar fact and fancy. Simone Weil.32 This desire to believe that secret heretical knowledge. H. Duvernoy. he even argues for Catharism to be the offspring of Gnosticism because (and this is his only evidence) ‘of a ´ similarity of ideas’. and even to the veracity of reincarnation. where he considers Weil’s notion that Catharism was a descendant of late antique neo-Platonic Christianity to be historically correct. 1960). 14 (1979). ‘The just balance’ (Cambridge. Duvernoy. The Cathars and reincarnation: The record of a past life in 13th century France (London. Boase. The origin and meaning of courtly love: A critical study of European scholarship (Manchester. 1970). Cahiers de Fanjeaux: Historiogra´ phie du catharisme. S. the neo-Cathar flame ´ alive. 15 — that Catharism was ‘la derniere ´ ´ expression vivante de l’antiquite pre-romaine …’ Weil had more to say about Catharism and Occitanism ` ` ´ in her ‘L’agonie d’une civilisation vue a travers une poeme epique’. and just as anachronistic. dissidents du pays d’Oc (Toulouse. 1994). see the excellent critical survey of R. 14 (1979).194 M. such views were quite common amongst Catholic and Protestant thinkers. The corruption of angels. ‘Mythographie du Catharisme’. Friesen. O’Shea. influencing everything and anything. is really about the Albignesian Crusade and. 1978). Today. Guirdham. Chasing the heretics: A modern journey through the medieval Languedoc (St. Histoire secrete du Languedoc (Paris: Albin Michel. the latter once wrote — and cited by J. As for Catharism and the Holy Grail. ´ the Centre d’Etudes Cathares at Carcassonne. On Weil. Roche ` ´ was the founder of a neo-Cathar group at the turn of this century and of the journal Cahiers d’Etudes ´ Cathares. ‘Medieval heretics or forerunners of the Reformation: the Protestant rewriting of the history of medieval heresy’. Biget. hundreds of references to heretici and boni homines are persistently. 77–81. ´ ´ ´ See. 53–62. is profoundly seductive. and this can never be emphasized enough. A southern French travelogue. for one.G. P. and the odd Otto Rahn. Klawinski. see. to the magical lodges of late-nineteenth-century mysticism. perhaps unintentionally. in The 33 32 . The Cathars. and the Cathars. On these early modern ideas about the Cathars. still keeps. 174 (1952). The Cathars. ´ ´ ` Duranton. A. Borst. The perfect heresy: The revolutionary life and death of the medieval Cathars (New York. Les Cathares et le graal (Toulouse. 1994).

in her Why history matters. ‘Anabaptists’. one that therefore makes them a useful past analogy to. on the killing of the Albigensians and the massacres in Bosnia. His The corruption of angels: the Great Inquisition of 1245–1246 (Princeton. Mark Gregory Pegg is Assistant Professor of History at Washington University in St. though with some limitations … At the time of the Reformation. allowed him to observe in his portrait of the ‘Anabaptists’ for the eleventh edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica that their sixteenth-century zeal clearly had ‘an affinity to the Cathari and other medieval sects’. and fiction about the Cathars. on the Cathars and the Holocaust. 1998). Encyclopædia Britannica. Louis. those of the Albigenses who remained embraced Calvinism. Conybeare. particularly for Languedoc. see G. vol. Ferreiro (Leiden. if only for a moment. the first edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica or. once more. the Manicheans. devil. 1771). from which charge Protestants generally acquit them. The scholarship on the Cathars. their arguments. 1995). rarely equalled in the historical study of the Middle Ages. life and thought (Oxford. and the good men. the Albigenses. by Roman Catholics. 1. Lerner. say. and the good men. 212–225. 27. He is currently researching and writing a study on heresy throughout the middle ages. to see these supposed heretics as not only having a ‘Church’ but also possessing what can only be called a distinct ethnicity along with their beliefs. rests upon almost three centuries of extraordinary learning in a way that has been. . The Cathars. noted this: ‘… They [the Albigenses] are ranked among the grossest heretics. Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the failure of the West (New York. fantasy. 165–190. Albigenses. 1. A dictionary of arts and sciences (Edinburgh. 904. though not quite ready to be pensioned off just yet. heresy. 75. hopes to shake. who are not medievalists. deserves to be rethought. A. the systematic destruction of European Jews during the Holocaust or the genocidal violence in the former Yugoslavia. 19–32. and Barber.35 Further. see David Rieff.36 It is because such comparisons are so important to historical research — though. and witchcraft in the middle ages: Essays in honor of Jeffrey B. Nevertheless. just as one may admire the longevity of the erudite assumptions of ´ Conybeare and Alphandery. What has been attempted here is a rethinking of the Cathars and the good men that.G. in the end. Russell. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 195 seeing the Cathars wherever he happened to look that day. this Edwardian historiographic stillness. do suggest an intellectual languor whose apparent calm is much more stifling to the historical imagination than might at first appear.M. ‘In the footsteps of the Cathars’.’ 35 F. 2001) was recently published. under ‘Albigenses’. and. and still is. 36 For example. ed. questions about apparent continuities and similarities immediately present themselves — that the fact. Interestingly. mistaken notions about the Cathars have led a number of historians. 1997).

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