In 2001, on the heels of the United Nations Conference on Racism in Durban, South Africa, several Brazilian institutions established

race-based affirmative action for the first time ever in that country. Affirmative action represented a major step in Brazil s process of democratization and nation-building, which ran against Brazil s long-held ideology of racial democracy. Racial democracy was a belief since the 1930s that racism and racial discrimination were minimal or nonexistent in Brazilian society in contrast to the other multiracial societies in the world. By the 1990s, ideas of racial democracy were being slowly eroded as Brazil democratized and a small but active black movement denounced the popular idea of racial democracy, as it alleged that racism was widespread and pointed to official statistics showing Brazil s tremendous racial inequality. From the 16th through the 19th century, Brazil s economy was based on agriculture and mining, which depended on a large African-origin slave population. During more than 300 years of slavery, Brazil was the world s largest importer of African slaves, bringing in seven times as many African slaves to the country compared to the United States. In 1888, Brazil, with a mostly black and mixed-race or mulatto population, became the last country in the Americas to abolish slavery. Abolition in Brazil, though, did not create a rupture in the country s racial inequality or its beliefs about black people. Miscegenation and the fluidity of racial classification in Brazil throughout much of its history has largely been used as proof of its racial democracy. During slavery and colonialism, Brazil experienced greater miscegenation or race mixture than the United States, which resulted largely from a high sex ratio among its European settlers. In contrast to a family-based colonization in North America, Brazil s Portuguese settlers were primarily male. As a result they often sought out African, indigenous and mulatto females as mates, and thus miscegenation or race mixture was common. Throughout its history, there were no anti-miscegenation laws like those found in the United States or South Africa. Today, Brazilians often pride themselves on their history of miscegenation and they continue to have rates of intermarriage that are far greater than those of the United States. Relatedly, there were no classification laws nor was there racially-based violence. The absence of classificatory laws and a high rate of miscegenation resulted in a racial continuum with racial categories from black to white and going through intermediate colors that shaded into each other. Thus, the racial classification of some Brazilians is ambiguous, at times varying according to the classifier and the social context. Today, most Brazilians of all colors now acknowledge that there is racial prejudice and discrimination in their country, despite miscegenation and fluid racial classification. Based on statistical analysis of censuses and surveys along with other kinds of

By 2008. They claim. black and brown (mulatto or mixed race) Brazilians earn half of the income of white Brazilians. private school students. known as the vestibular. television and advertising portray Brazilan society as one that is almost entirely white. Brazilian universities depended on a standardized test. Nonwhites are the major victims of human rights abuses. for the disabled and those that attended the poorly funded public schools that the middle class tend to avoid. Brazilians are not surprised when others make racist jokes or a racist comment. the focus of efforts to repeal affirmative action have been on the quotas for Afro-Brazilian students. Affirmative action has also led to a commonplace discussion of race and racism in Brazil. Nonwhite Brazilians were rarely found in Brazil s top universities. until affirmative action began in 2001. On average. the middle class and the elite is almost entirely white so that Brazil s well-known melting pot only exists at the working class and poor levels. The near absence of Afro-Brazilians in the middle class is closely related to their poor representation in Brazilian universities. Nevertheless. Only explicit manifestations of racism or race-based laws were viewed as discriminatory and thus only countries like South Africa and the United States were seen as truly racist. Despite the historical and contemporary absence of race-based laws and Brazilians historical denial of racism. or award points based on these social disadvantages. Detractors of these policies include much of the media. Many of these universities also have quotas for indigenous people.evidence. Affirmative action policies represent a new stage in Brazil s effort to combat racial inequality and they are not without controversy as a backlash against them has been mounting. Because of this. Most notably. There was little formal discussion of race in Brazilian society. . for the first time. while other societies were thought to be obsessed with race and racial difference. university admissions may be the most appropriate place for race-conscious affirmative action. whereas the racial democracy ideology treated any talk of race as racist itself. we know that racial inequality is high and racial discrimination in the labor market and other spheres of Brazilian society are common. even though nearly half of the population identifies itself as nonwhite. their parents and the schools themselves. roughly 50 Brazilian universities have established some type of race-based affirmative action policy. including that from widespread police violence. as the only criteria for admission. scholars and artists who value the racial democracy ideal and even black students who believe in meritocracy. Moreover. Traditionally. Many leading universities are now mandated to admit a fixed percentage of nonwhite students while others use a point system that awards additional points to Afro-Brazilian students.

Legal challenges to university-based affirmative action are now before the Brazilian Supreme Court. together with universalist policies. religion. Affirmative action is action taken to increase the representation of women and minorities in areas of employment. sex or national origin"[1] into consideration. import that is out of place in Brazil. an unprecedented number of Afro-Brazilians have begun to graduate from top universities. Brazil s affirmative action experiment is still in its early stages and so far the concerns of its detractors have not been borne out as Afro-Brazilians often do as well or even better than the regularly admitted students. Brazil. that affirmative action violates Brazilian principles of meritocracy and universalism. are needed to significantly reduce Brazil s high levels of racial and class inequality and that prior to affirmative action there was little concern for redressing racial inequality or even for reforming the poor state of public schools. Affirmative action refers to policies that take "race. and business from which they have been historically excluded. passed the Brazilian senate and is now pending before the Chamber of Deputies. even though affirmative action began in India in 1948 and has been used in several other countries. Defenders of racial quotas continue to argue that race conscious remedies. that affirmative action admits unqualified students to the university. they claim that affirmative action is a U. which is certain to diversify Brazil s middle class and create positive role models for Brazil s large Afro-Brazilian population. education. which would institutionalize affirmative action in all Brazilian universities as well as in public contracts and in public employment.among other things. the poor and people with disabilities. a national debate about race and racism and the beginning of serious policy attempts to reduce racial inequality represent a new stage in Brazil. The focus of such policies ranges from employment and education to public contracting and health programs. that class-based policies and universal reforms such as improved public education would have the same effect without having to define Brazilians on the basis of race or color. At the same time.S. Some Brazilian Universities (State and Federal) have created systems of preferred admissions (quotas) for racial minorities (blacks and native Brazilians). A statute of racial equality. and race relations have not become hostile. Furthermore. and has come under particular scrutiny by opponents of affirmative action. that affirmative action divides Brazilians into black and white for the first time and thus will create racial hostility. that high levels of miscegenation often make it impossible to distinguish blacks from whites. There are already quotas of up to 20% of vacancies . The end of racial democracy thinking. and that poor whites continue to be excluded from university education. color.

In Brazil. racial 2 evolution different. even if only in token numbers. is clearly intrigued by this apparently unique "approach to the question of ethnoracial mixture. SKIDMORE For me. Brazil. which led to the racial fluidity for which Brazil is famous. North America's "one-drop rule" has always seemed odd.S. Something else must have been at work.3 All three of Hollinger's conditions also obtained in Brazil. Racial Mixture and Affirmative Action: The Cases of Brazil and the United States THOMAS E. The first is a regime that tolerated slavery and thereby produced a significant population of slave descent. But Hollinger examines the influence of these three factors on racial attitudes 3 and behavior in the United States alone. If we add one other country. we find something rather startling. accusing the board of directors of University of Brasília of "nazism".[6] The Democrats party. The second is massive immigration that enriched American society. David Hollinger.reserved for the disabled in the civil public services. No other society in this hemisphere has defined its racial types in such absolutist terms. If I had been writing this commentary a half century ago.4 Throughout the United States (multi-racial societies emerged in Charleston and New Orleans. the one-drop rule defined mixed bloods (even the lightest mulattos) as black. The third is survival of an Indian population. racial attribution depended on how the person looked and on the particular circumstances of that person. like many American historians before him. by contrast. I would have stressed 4 the enormous difference between the two countries in the racial status given to the offspring of mixed unions. to the picture. questioned the constitutionality of the quotas the University reserves to minorities on the Supreme Federal Court."1 How can we account for it? How could such a different racial classification have arisen in North America and not in any of the many other European colonial experiments in the New World?2 Hollinger cites three features that in combination allegedly made U. but only temporarily).5 . Yet they did not produce the one-drop rule. as a historian of Brazil.

Fifty years before abolition. cultural. as an example of the . especially when accompanied by racial endogamy.S. whereas the Spanish and Portuguese colonists arrived without wives or other family. who allegedly enjoyed higher social status than her Luso-Brazilian counterpart. not through the chaos and destruction of a civil war but by negotiation and successive legislative compromises (with legislation in 1871.8 What was the basis of this early racial preference in marriage? Winthrop Jordan has documented Elizabethan England's phobia about all things black. in his pioneering comparative analysis of race relations in Brazil and 6 the United States which argued that the greater mobility of the mulatto in Brazil was central reasoned that the differing status of women in the two cultures was crucial in explaining why the free mulatto did not appear in numbers in the United States. based on a strong 5 consensus of scholarly opinion in both countries.10 According to this explanation.6 These were the days the 1950s when both Brazilians and Americans believed that Brazil had "solved" its race problem.7 Another possible explanation emphasized social values. epitomized by Charles Wagley (the dean of U. Brazil had a smaller percentage of 8 Europeans than Anglo America. the standard explanation was lack of education. One argument was that Brazil had achieved abolition in the 1870s and 1880s. The Anglo-American white wife. and 1888). by the twentieth century. with its segregation and anti-intermarriage. Both men argued that the milder race relations in Brazil reflected contrasting historical. and moral traditions in the two countries. anthropologists specializing in Brazil) and Gilberto Freyre (Brazil's most famous articulator of his country's racial identity). Brazilian free coloreds already outnumbered the slave population. especially the English 7 colonists' attitude toward sexual behavior. English colonists came with their wives. The Brazilian mixed bloods could therefore find more "economic space" in which to emerge as a free colored class.9 Could this racial preference in marriage have combined with the family nature of English settlement of North America? To facilitate racial endogamy. Thus Anglo-American wives were in a better position to enforce racial endogamy. The explanations were several.My account would have given several reasons for this. The Brazilians pointed to the United States. This was expressed as a fierce defense of the sanctity of marriage. Carl Degler. A third possible explanation was demography. Brazil had generated a de facto multi-racial society before the campaign to abolish slavery even began. both nations but especially Brazil defined their 9 race-relations system in terms of what it was not. 1885. If. As of the 1940s and 1950s. was enabled by her status to prevent her philandering husband from legitimizing his mixed-blood offspring. social. those of color seemed to be at the bottom.

still the spiritual home of the Brazilian elite. Freyre's image of Brazil as the polar opposite of the racist United States was 11 reinforced when UNESCO. its findings in fact documented the presence of racism in differing forms throughout most of the country. Franklin Frazier. African-American family. Begun as an investigation of an ideal environment for racial relations. Such argumentation seems much less conclusive when viewed through today's 12 lens.S. Brazil may have imported more African slaves than America. American. The researchers were French. which had become the bible for those who attributed to the Portuguese a uniquely benevolent system of race relations. almost invariably white.. The first was the publication in English of Gilberto Freyre's classic The Masters and the Slaves (1956. Brazil has something to teach us in regard to race relations. white people in the United States only know the Negro as a symbol or stereotype . Leading cultural spokesmen.14 But none of these writers made much of an impact on Brazilian elite opinion. a consensus grew among a small number of Brazilian 13 academics and writers that the conventional explanations for Brazil's race relations were no longer convincing. but it had not created a society that created excuses (political belief as well as race) for dehumanizing measures of exclusion. Freyre was feted and praised in academic circles in the United States and Western Europe. While we may provide Brazil with technical skill and capital.S. For the next decade or so. But lack of racial hatred does not turn out to have led to lack of racial discrimination. the de facto official arbiter of culture in the Third World. E. Brown. The hypocrisy of the U. That part of the story was first revealed by the UNESCO study.13 Beginning in the 1960s. originally published in Portuguese in 1933). and Brazilian. chose Brazil for a case study in how a thoroughly mixed racial population could live in harmony."11 The Brazilian elite's favorable view of their country's race relations was 10 strengthened in the international world by several events in the cultural history of the 1950s.12 It is certainly true that Brazil lacks the history of racial hatred that characterizes the United States.. the noted African-American sociologist trained at the University of Chicago and expert on the U. claim to be a model democracy was much criticized from abroad especially from France.institutional extremes to which white Americans carried their Negrophobia (with lynching a violent manifestation of the same). described this contrast in 1942: "Whereas in Brazil white. This critical stance was reinforced by the worldwide anti-American campaign unleashed in the early Cold War a climate that helped give the Brazilian elite a feeling of moral superiority toward the United States. thus underlining the project's international flavor. and black people know each other as individual human beings. simply . the feeling went.

the federal government of Brazil adopted racial quotas.18 Affirmative Action as a redress of previous injustice is out.ignored attempts to enlarge the space for Africans in Brazilian consciousness. with the one-drop rule losing its grip. Previous lines of racial and ethnic distinction have blurred."17 Recent trends in the United States have been dramatically different. such as the University of the State of Rio de Janeiro. or in some cases most notably vocational distribution actually to increase. with debates about the lack of Brazilians of color among the student bodies and about possible measures to compensate Afro-Brazilians for past discrimination. As a result. Although ethnic and racial prejudices persist and discrimination still mars American democracy. have also set quotas for minority admissions. have been created anew. The nation's most prominent sociology department. however. the same measures in Brazil had tended either to remain stable. black/white . devoted virtually no effort to research and teaching on Brazilian race relations during the 1970s or 1980s. Several universities. this distinction among differing rationales for Affirmative Action has not been appreciated in most Brazilian discussions of this subject. officially acknowledged the existence of racial discrimination in Brazil. at the University of São Paulo. and then only approached in qualitative terms rather than quantitative measurement of discrimination.16 Most dramatic of all. In the 1990s. they have actually adopted the one-drop rule! Brazilian specialists in race relations have found themselves lost in the crossfire of these debates. the president of the country. As two organizers of a 2000 conference on race confessed. Discussion of the subject was generally limited to departments of anthropology. "either we are totally alienated or we are living in a social paradise. disallowed by the federal courts. opinion began to shift in Brazilian universities. conversely.15 In the mid-1990s. non-white Americans have experienced significant upward mobility since the 1950s. by 1980 the two countries had reversed position. as identities." The same scholar noted elsewhere that "Brazilian race relations thus appear far more bi-polar than has traditionally been thought. with the United States now ranking as the more racially equal of the two societies. Fernando Henrique Cardoso. In looking for some mechanism to decide which candidates are eligible for a system like Affirmative Action. Incidentally. particularly of the younger generation. The same could be said of the sociology departments throughout the country. which he followed up by appointing a national commission to propose remedies. By 1992. one American specialist on Brazil had written that a comparison of Brazil and the United States based on official data showed the United States to be the more racially equal of the two: "While most measures of racial inequality had declined markedly in the United States. And Affirmative Action to promote diversity is under serious legal siege.

How far Brazil will go down the road of quotas is impossible to say. This may mean there will be stronger resistance to racially oriented remedial action than has proved the case in North America. many conditions social. And they are already charging that advocates of Affirmative Action are servants "of cultural imperialism engaged in pitting Brazilians against Brazilians in order to destroy our confidence in the high value of our interracial culture. But it is not unusual to hear Afro-Brazilians saying they prefer the situation as they now see it in the United States to the frustrating ambiguities they still face in Brazil. at least on the surface.br/downloads/v5n1_oliven. but the higher you go in Brazilian society the less evidence there appears to be of that reality. much has changed. The embrace of Affirmative Action in Brazil will certainly generate a backlash. Franklin Frazier's enthusiastic endorsement of the traditional Gilberto Freyre view in the 1940s.vibrant. but not the penchant for comparative analysis. Present-day African-American scholarly opinion is represented in a book by an African-American sociologist who spent ten months of field research in a relatively small Brazilian community in 1992 1994. ideological. But it is also worth remembering that quota systems of whatever content are now widely used in India and other nations of Latin America even as they have become illegal here. Obviously. The title of her book is revealing: Racism in a Racial Democracy. . Has Brazil come full circle in its racial practice? Are Brazilians now beginning to embrace the very measures they once denounced as inappropriate for Brazil's "racial democracy"?21 It is too soon to say.org.20 It could not be farther from E."22 As one can see. The subtitle is even more revealing: The Maintenance of White Supremacy in Brazil. As a foreign observer. cultural."19 Race relations are still more conflictive in the United States and.23 http://www.pdf There are more people of African descent in Brazil than in any country outside the African continent itself. They will continue to argue that any racial preferences violate the merit-oriented standards (as validated by examination) that are needed to modernize their society. I would guess that white guilt over past discrimination is weaker in Brazil than in the United States. especially among many of the white elite. more humane in Brazil. economic in Brazil differ sharply from those in the United States.dichotomy in the United States is breaking down in the face of both massive emigration from Latin America and Asia and of new multi-racial identities.

which was one of the first to adopt quotas. many Brazilian universities have adopted affirmative action policies or quotas to try to boost the number of black and mixed race students. but doesn't get through. "It will take a long time for investment in primary and secondary education to bring about equality. He argues the approach is a form of reverse discrimination. find work in a little shop.Critics say part of the blame lies with a system which has often failed to provide equality of access to third-level education. How do I see quotas? It's a way to change things and change them rapidly. or more generally those from poor backgrounds. "What are you going to say to a teenager who goes to do a university entrance exam and gets a high mark. To try to address the problem. My parents couldn't pay privately . vice rector at the State University. Gisele Alves lives in a poor neighbourhood in Nova Iguacu on the outskirts of Rio de Janeiro.especially for prestigious courses such as law and medicine. but another teenager has passed with a much lower mark because they have a dark skin?" he says. .if I wanted to study it had to be at a public university. "When you consider the way things are in Brazil." But in Rio de Janeiro a question mark hangs over the quotas system after a legal challenge mounted by state congressman Flavio Bolsonaro. though recent years have seen some improvements. "But with the system of quotas I started to think I could go to university. get married and pregnant and that would be it. She is studying at the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ)." says Lena Medeiros de Menezes. giving them a considerable advantage when it comes to highly competitive university entrance exams ." she says. It is a controversial approach which some argue is necessary to end decades of inequality. "I thought I was going to finish school." Giselle got her place in part due to Rio's controversial quotas system which sets aside 20% of public university places for poor black and indigenous students. It is a process which works against poorer students which in Brazil often means black or mixed race. Legal challenge Those parents who can afford it often opt to have their children educated in more expensive private schools. while others fear it threatens to introduce racial tension in a society which has been largely free of such problems. you can see that poverty has a colour. and says she doubts she would have got to college without a helping hand from the state. and the same number for students educated in the much criticised public school system. I didn't expect much more than that.

principally the most prestigious ones which are the public ones . senior researcher at the Institute of Studies of Work and Society in Rio de Janeiro. Hundreds of years of racial mixing means that many Brazilians regard themselves as neither black nor white but something in between. Professor Marcelo Paixao.is very low." says Simon Schwartzman." he says. that the fact that you are black you don't suffer. lawyers . It is a question of poverty not of race. engineers." Mr Schwartzman says. economists. because you do. If you look at the population and ask people 'what is your race?' .so closed to presence of the Afro-descendent population. "There are good reasons to be against race quotas in Brazil . "When you have universities . black or mixed race . I think there is a good argument for that.many people won't know exactly what to answer.official surveys let people classify themselves."What would be the legacy of that for future generations?" White or black? Rio's Federal University (UFRJ) does not operate a system of quotas. though the issue has been widely debated. in particular to the more prestigious courses. who lectures there." The debate in Brazil is further complicated because of the sometimes uncertain definition here of who is white. "You can not force a racial identity in a population where a large percentage of the population don't have a clear racial identity and don't want that. "Here the percentage of black people holding jobs . provided you do it properly. says it is clear that in Brazil those of African descent are largely absent from many key professions. Racial equality law Some argue that quotas even partly based on race introduce a tension that never existed in Brazilian society in the way it has in the United States. "I think the main issue has to do with poverty and the bad quality of basic education. they have more difficulty in having access. "People who are poor don't have access to good education. "That is not to say that you don't have prejudice.I don't think it makes any sense at all. but not to institute a kind of national policy based on race. You should do specific things about that. .such as doctors. and recent surveys suggest some people have even changed their view of how they should be described. this means these professions will also continue to be exclusive to a certain group of people for a very long time. For people who are poor and didn't have a good education. while others say it simply recognises the obvious link between being poor and black.

É um ponto de partida". o deputado Antônio Roberto (PV-MG). não havia qualquer problema. Ele não é um ponto de chegada. Com o acordo que excluiu a regularização de terras para remanescentes de quilombos. A long-debated law on racial equality only recently passed an important stage in congressional approval by avoiding controversial issues such as quotas. Na prática. depois de uma tramitação de quase dez anos. Um acordo com a bancada ruralista garantiu ontem a aprovação do Estatuto da Igualdade Racial na Câmara dos Deputados. A exclusão de alguns itens polêmicos que compunham o texto original do Estatuto da Igualdade Racial. "Na minha avaliação. Também passa a exigir do sistema público de Saúde que se especialize em doenças mais características da raça negra. Para destravar a proposta. após sete anos de tramitação no Congresso Nacional. o Estatuto poderia ter aguardado mais tempo para ser votado no . Ou seja. Pelas regras do estatuto. os partidos políticos passam a ser obrigados a destinar aos negros 10% de suas vagas para candidaturas nas eleições. a aprovação do texto.For a future generation of students this complicated question has still to be finally resolved. o estatuto abre mais espaços institucionais para os negros. que é branco. "Esse estatuto é como um bico de arado. foi considerada um avanço na luta pela igualdade de direitos. o artigo abria brechas para futuras ocupações por quilombolas de áreas com produção agrícola. afirma o relator. Maurício Reis. Mas como a Constituição já trata do assunto dos quilombolas. explicou Antônio Roberto. Para o diretor de Proteção ao Patrimônio Afrobrasileiro da Fundação Palmares. Na visão da bancada ruralista. permite sua ida direta para o Senado. preferi negociar o acordo político retirando o artigo e garantindo a aprovação do estatuto". a bancada ruralista aceitou apoiar a votação do estatuto em caráter terminativo. relator do projeto. aprovado nesta quarta-feira (16). Na Educação. aceitou excluir do texto final um artigo que tratava da regularização de terras para remanescentes de quilombos. sem necessidade de aprovação pelo plenário da Câmara. Porém. It appears the final word may be left to the country's Supreme Court which is due to give its views on the matter in the year ahead. Outra novidade é o incentivo fiscal que o governo poderá dar para empresas com mais de 20 funcionários e que decidirem contratar pelo menos 20% de negros. passa a ser obrigatória a inclusão no currículo do ensino fundamental aulas sobre história geral da África e do negro no Brasil. como a anemia falciforme. ainda que com diversas ressalvas. definitivamente não agradou os representantes das comunidades negras brasileiras.

Poderíamos amadurecer. Poderíamos garantir que os pontos ditos polêmicos não ficassem de fora . Fora do ambiente democrático. a decisão de suprimir alguns pontos vai na contramão da história e na contramão da sociedade brasileira. uma aprovação importante após anos tramitando no Congresso. que formavam a espinha dorsal do Estatuto. receber este estatuto como presente . Foi. Jacira da Silva. mas a retirada destes itens vai representar uma grande perda na vida de nós negros . que ficaram fora do texto aprovado. Para ele. as cotas de acesso à universidade fariam com que "essas pessoas tivessem êxito no mercado de trabalho e que pudessem estar qualificadas para competir de igual para igual". Para o ministro. nós não teríamos condições de discutir esse tipo de matéria sobre a inclusão de negros .Senado. Nós do MNU defendemos que foram retirados itens inegociáveis. a lei aprovada pelo Senado é extraordinária e uma vitória fantástica . o projeto servirá de base para que o Executivo crie medidas afirmativas e para respaldar a defesa de ações que tramitam hoje no Supremo Tribunal Federal -de inconstitucionalidade das cotas no ensino superior e da demarcação de terras dos quilombolas. Rebatendo o argumento de que a aprovação das cotas aumentaria o ódio racial. Todas as reivindicações dos negros têm sempre um senão . Assim seria possível garantir maior apoio aos pontos considerados polêmicos. não fazer da forma que foi feito. completou a coordenadora. uma das ações do governo federal poderá ser a criação de mecanismos que ampliem a presença de negros na administração pública. Para a coordenadora do Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU) do Distrito Federal. Com isso. Segundo ele. não estamos dizendo que a aprovação não tenha sido um avanço. Jacira afirma que dizer isso faz parte da estratégia que alguns usam para barrar a aprovação de direitos para a classe negra. É muito triste. Nesta sexta-feira nosso movimento completa 32 anos. não votar [agora]. sim. após três décadas combatendo a discriminação racial e propagando a conscientização da população. Eloi Araújo. disse Reis. A luta continua Para o ministro da Igualdade Racial. Com esse estatuto nós colocamos uma argamassa poderosa na consolidação e sedimentação da nossa democracia. lamentou Jacira em entrevista ao UOL Notícias. como as cotas para negros em universidades e as políticas de saúde.

Vamos continuar lutando pelos nossos direitos. avaliou. "Ele [o estatuto] tem um valor simbólico que ilumina o caminho dos que lutam pela igualdade de direitos e por ações afirmativas". acrescentando que o estatuto dará "conforto legal" para que se avance na busca da regulamentação das cotas raciais. Queremos aperfeiçoar o Estatuto com ajuda de toda a sociedade civil . Devo admitir que o projeto não é o ideal. está próximo de ações mais contundentes de combate ao racismo. O projeto segue agora para sanção presidencial. Eles [os políticos] dizem que com a aprovação tudo vai melhorar lá na frente. . em sessão extraordinária. que votou pela aprovação do texto. autor do projeto original. disse o senador. senador Demostenes Torres (DEM-GO) tenha retirado artigo pelo qual o poder público estaria habilitado a conceder incentivos fiscais às empresas com mais de 20 empregados que mantivessem uma cota mínima de 20% de trabalhadores negros. A coordenadora do MNU-DF ainda rebateu as declarações dos que avaliaram de forma positiva a aprovação do Estatuto. Porém. disse. mas enquanto isso não queremos ficar de braços cruzados. Para a senadora Serys Slhesssarenko (PT-MT). ainda que com algumas ressalvas. a garantia de igualdade entre todos é princípio fundamental para a existência de uma democracia de fato e de direito. concordar com o ministro Eloi Araujo. Com a inclusão de negros e negras damos um passo definitivo na consolidação da democracia . O Estatuto da Igualdade Racial foi aprovado nesta quarta-feira (16) no plenário do Senado. O senador considera como pontos positivos do Estatuto o reconhecimento ao livre exercício de cultos religiosos e o direito dos remanescentes de quilombos às suas terras. Bom. mas ainda assim. Mais cedo. Estamos mais próximos da reparação de injustiças históricas que afligem a raça negra . O senador Paulo Paim (PT-RS). o texto havia sido aprovado na CCJ (Comissão de Constituição e Justiça) e passou sem alterações no plenário da Casa. disse durante a votação. Paulo Paim lamentou que o relator da matéria.e negras. em entrevista à Agência Senado. isso a história vai dizer.

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