[Published in Rolando M. Gripaldo. 2000, 2004. Filipino philosophy: Traditional approach, Part I, Section 1.

Manila: De La Salle University Press.]

Renato Constantino’s Philosophy of Nationalism: A Critiq ue 1
Rolando M. Gripa ldo
INTRODUCTION Acknowledged as the foremost Filipino nationalist, Renato Constantino saw the light of day in 1919; he died on 15 September 1999 at the age of eighty. His parents were middle-class. The nationalism he developed, however, was not elitist but mass-based. For Constantino, nationalism must be people-oriented. The authentic ilustrado nationalist must articulate the nationalism of the people by combining theory and practice. As an intellectual, one must be well-versed in social theory but as a social reformer or a believer in social change, one must engage oneself in activism, and thus be in constant contact with the people. Constantino argued that to be highly intelligent need not necessarily redound to becoming an intellectual. Intelligence is basically analytic while intellect is basically synthetic. Constantino (1978b: 279) quoted Hofstadter (1964: 25): Whereas intelligence seeks to grasp, manipulate, reorder, adjust [data and facts], intellect examines, ponders, wonders, theorizes, criticizes, imagines. Intelligence will seize the immediate meaning of a situation and evaluate it. Intellect evaluates evaluations, and looks for the meanings of situations as a whole. Though left-leaning, Constantino is not by conviction a communist. In attitude he was much closer to the socialist Robert Owen (Merrill 1970:11-15) who identified his bourgeois interests with the interest of the workers. According to Owen, if one takes care of the needs of the workers by giving them good wages and adequate fringe benefits such as sound living conditions, schools, nursery, houses, sports facilities, and the like, then they can work harder. Consequently, production increases and profits rise. Like Owen but unlike Marx, Constantino (see 1970:1-191) was fundamentally a reformist through education and dissent. The basic differences between Owen and Constantino are at least two: first, Owen has a limited domain, the industrial workers, while Constantino’s encompasses the great majority of the country’s population; and second, Owen retained his bourgeois position and was interested only in uplifting the social and economic conditions of his workers, while Constantino was willing to sacrifice his petty bourgeois origins by identifying his nationalist consciousness with that of the people, thus was more like Karl Marx in this regard. For Constantino, the interests and welfare of the people are the interests and welfare of the nation. Constantino’s nationalist philosophy was developed against a colonial backdrop. It argues that the effects of colonialism took root among the people in a post-colonial setting where neocolonialism and imperialism were at work. It advocates the study of the past to learn lessons, to understand the present, and to help shape the future with nationalist underpinnings. To understand Constantino, one needs to study two dimensions in his works— psychological and economic.


according to Constantino. or one neglects to develop a competitive local product for export abroad and would rather continue to struggle for tariff protection over a long period of time. or one prefers a foreign brand of anything even when it is inferior in quality for as long as it is foreign. The Spanish colonial government had them as staunch allies in what Karl Marx suspected all along: that religion was the opium of the masses. With religion as the instrument of domination. by using education with English as the medium of instruction. the Americans sponsored Jose Rizal as a national hero since he was a reformist who valued education. the friars were able to control the consciousness of the masses. To quote Constantino (1978b: 30): Psychological control was as easily established. for rebellion against the priest was equated with rebellion against God and therefore with eternal damnation. became docile and illiterate. on the other hand. one studies in order to find work abroad.PSYCHOLOGICAL DIMENSION: CAPTIVE AND COUNTER CONSCIOUSNESS The consciousness that developed among the people. the representative of their God on earth and the intermediary for their souls after death. Constantino (1978b: 277) said that 2 . The priest was their accepted ruler. during the Spanish and American colonial eras was captive. the beginning of the Commonwealth period. saw to it that the natives developed Western preferences. subservient. and Jesuits—were responsible for shaping the colonial consciousness of the natives during the Spanish era through the use of religion. During the American era. The net effect of this type of cultural situation is the development of a colonial consciousness that was not rooted in a nationalistic foundation: it bred what is known today as a “colonial mentality. the friars never taught the Spanish language to the natives. To the fear of physical punishment was added the infinitely more potent fear of supernatural retribution. or the various religious orders—Augustinians.” Colonial mentality is a type of consciousness which is foreign-oriented: for example. Colonial Consciousness The friars. army were suppressed. American atrocities during the Filipino resistance against the U. The Americans. Recollects. Dominicans. said Constantino. It was then the clerical boast at that time that “in each friar in the Philippines the king [of Spain] had a captain general and a whole army” (Constantino 1978b: 31). illiterate. Prior to the educational reform of 1863. servile. There is a need for a counter consciousness to it. they consistently remained in control of the educational system until 1935. or one prefers to study abroad and develops the attitude that a foreign degree is always better than a local degree. the manipulation of consciousness took the form of a miseducation: historical facts were distorted as to make it appear that the American conquerors themselves were the protectors and heroes of the natives. The net result was a colonial consciousness that was basically ignorant. The friars became the dominant factors in the colonial contingents and the church became the centre of the people’s life. through religious conversion.S. The friars enlisted God on the side of colonialism. Captive consciousness is therefore colonial consciousness. resistance leaders after the capture of General Emilio Aguinaldo were branded as bandits or tulisanes. Franciscans. The fact that the people became Catholics made God the powerful ally of their rulers. and that is the nationalist consciousness. in the sense that it was shaped and tailored to the needs of the colonizers. obedient and fanatical. thereby imbibing a Western consumerist orientation. The Spanish friars saw to it that the natives. they made English as the medium of instruction to facilitate the American type of Westernization in order to develop consumerism. Thus one priest was usually enough to control a village.

third. and sell to the local market some of their products. higher prices of raw materials. In the guise of helping the economies of newly independent states develop. (4) they meet the desire of less developed countries to achieve a modicum of industrialization thereby transcending extreme backwardness. and later those of Japan and Germany. The continuation of poverty and underdevelopment despite so-called development programs led Third World countries to demand for a New International Economic Order where economic sovereignty would be emphasized: that is to say. and limited transfer of obsolete technology. In the New International Division of Labor the TNCs transfer their low-technology. including the right to nationalize. the World Bank. (1) they save on labor costs. In a sense the Third World is the battlefield of nationalism and transnationalism. The next phase of this goal was to control the Third World economies to insure the steady supply of raw materials. It tried to accommodate the following: improved access to First World markets. 3 . (3) they pass on obsolete equipment to developing nations while applying new advances in science and technology in the home front. capital-intensive industries in their home countries. The last group attempts to transform a pluralistic grouping of activist movements. second. cooperative system” under its leadership. Constantino contended that government policies on any development program must satisfy two conditions: they must be attuned to the weakening of imperialist control and they must benefit primarily the majority of the population. the purely intellectual nationalists who understand the cause but are not willing to sacrifice their comfort or position and so they accommodate the status quo. the emotional nationalists who are most often loyal to the cause but who hardly understand it and so sometimes they misrepresent nationalism. to continue as appendages of the former colonizers. In this regard. Economic domination by Western and Japanese transnationals was facilitated by the International Monetary Fund. including rightists and leftists. the full control of natural resources and all economic activities. the genuine nationalists who comprehend the cause and whose dedication is unswerving. and in Asia by the Asian Development Bank. and integrated their economies to the world capitalist system. The Trilateral Commission was established by the First World in 1972 to alleviate the growing dissatisfaction of the developing countries. and lastly. that is.” Nationalist Consciousness 2 A nationalist consciousness is necessary as an antidote to colonial consciousness.“colonial mentality” is a distorted consciousness which “encompasses [Filipino] subservient attitudes towards the colonial ruler as well as [their] predisposition towards aping Western ways. labor intensive industries to Third World countries while retaining the high-technology. First. into a united and active front of protest and dissent. those who only pay lip service to nationalism: they are the faddists or poseurs or fair-weather nationalists who are quite dangerous since they are unreliable and can even betray or misrepresent nationalism. the First World countries sought to transform them into neocolonies. and (5) they produce cheaper products that are more competitive in the international market. It rehabilitated the economies of its European allies. thereby perpetuating poverty and underdevelopment. The United States economic goal after the Second World War (Constantino 1979: 3-4) was to “integrate the capitalist world into a cohesive. Economic Dimension Neocolonial Philippine Economy American Post-War Economic Goal. Cheap labor and raw materials from Third World countries would be utilized to sustain the high profits of transnational corporations (TNCs). Constantino (1978b: 293-94) distinguished four types of people who claim themselves to be nationalists. utilize local credit. (2) they exploit the local raw materials.

“This type of development denies that country any possibility of establishing its own industrial complex. and generate foreign exchange earnings. in Export Processing Zones. Fourthly. and many others. Transnationals can fully own firms in pioneer industries. Pioneer firms are tax exempt while exporting industries can enjoy tax credits.” Many foreign companies controlled the Philippine economy “from banking and finance to the simplest consumer goods for everyday use. They can repatriate their profits. Constantino (1979: 15-16) explained this as the result of foreign control of the Philippine economy. benefited only a few while many had not been touched by such miracles. and medical care. Del Monte saved more for its pineapple plantations in the Philippines than in Hawaii in that it paid the Filipino worker only 15 cents rather than $2. Filipinos have minimal access to such technology and therefore are denied the opportunity to add to their stock of industrial knowledge and skills. Likewise Philippine surplus capital all went to the TNCs and the wealthy Filipino partners. There were more Filipino families below the poverty line. industrial and farm machinery. In 1970 some 120.78 per cent in 1971 to 84 per cent (34 million Filipinos) in 1979. auto fuels. clothing. and tax exemptions. many of whom are drug transnationals which do not do any basic manufacturing in the country but only seek to prevent Filipino firms from producing and selling at lower costs the drugs which global firms now sell at exorbitant prices. tax deductions.” according to Constantino (1979: 22). transport vehicles. cooking oil. First.” The realities. In 1973. At least half of the Brazilian and South Korean populations were poor. for example. The Brazilian and South Korean “economic miracles. The International Monetary Fund dictated the conditions of borrowing. the technology transferred to the Philippines is made only in the geographic sense.” Transnationals control processed food. shampoo. the whole country a sweatshop with an unlimited supply of cheap labor.400 workers were directly employed by foreign investors which was only one percent of the employment figure.500 drug patents filed 4 . the industrialization which takes place is one that is controlled by and serves the interests of international capital. “mass poverty and underdevelopment are the by-products of the country’s neocolonial status. transfer technology. TNCs and the Imperialist Argument. foreign corporations do not appreciably contribute to employment. that is. are different.64 an hour for a Hawaiian worker. electrical lamps.Philippine Economic Situation. however. housing. estimated in 1979 as approximately two to three dollars for every dollar invested in the country. electrical appliances. toothpaste. drugs. Its economy becomes a mere appendage of the global giants. It finances infrastructure and agricultural projects but never allows substantial credit for setting up basic industries of creditor countries. Constantino (1979: 25-64) maintained that the basic imperialist argument is that the TNCs are the “principal accelerator of development because they speed up industrialization. rubber tires. The Philippines borrowed from international financing institutions to finance infrastructure projects required to attract foreign investments. 90% of patent holders in the Philippines are foreigners. Thirdly. deodorant. fuel. bathroom fixtures. All the South Korean wealth or profits went to Japanese and American transnationals in key and export industries and to the ruling political and technocratic elite. 69 percent of Filipinos did not meet the basic requirements of life in terms of food. South Korea exported labor and promoted tourism. In 1972. It is controlled by capitalist states which contributed three-fourths of its capital and which controlled two-thirds of the votes. soap. even prostitution. 87% or 1. in firms exporting 70 per cent of their products. and in industries not considered overcrowded. for it remains in the hands of transnational corporations. To earn the necessary foreign exchange. beverages. create employment. chemical products. The 1979 figures cited by Constantino indicated the worsening of poverty: the number of those belonging to the poverty level increased from 43. In the Philippines in 1971.” Secondly. bring in capital. It dictates when to devalue the currency and consequently the purchasing power of that currency continues to decrease over the years.

Constantino (1979: 71) believes that genuine nationalism as an ideology of liberation must have two basic characteristics: (1) it must be mass nationalism and (2) it must be anti-imperialist. Moreover. Genuine Nationalism. Constantino (1979: 76) goes on: Unity in diversity can only be achieved through constant dialogue among the various social strata having different experiences and ideological positions. What then should be done? Constantino believed in a nationalist economic alternative and in an ethics for nationalists. The middle class must realize that there is a connection between imperialism and their economic woes in that they are both beneficiaries and victims of imperial control. Philippine economic development. As a consequence of these twin goals. the struggle against imperialism becomes a struggle 5 . Gustathion. Constantino recommended (a) the dismantling of the American bases and (b) the “struggle for the national surplus—an effort to ensure that the fruits of the labor of the citizens go to the national fund to be accumulated for public investments and to provide the necessary services for the people instead of being siphoned off to other countries.were purely imitative. Diosdado Macapagal. Garcia‘s “Filipino First” policy began the setting up of a modest industrial base under the protection of exchange and import controls. In the neocolonialism of the 1950s. the principal focus of the national phase will be on anti-imperialism. (2) on the tourism industry which develops resorts and hotels that are mostly affordable only to foreign tourists and a few Filipinos. According to Constantino. and unity among the various strata is essential. Once united. and DDT. In this sense. Nationalism must attain the twin goals of national and social liberation. Their economic position is steadily deteriorating due to inflation. (3) on the export of manpower. Garcia’s successor. benefits only the transnationals and the Filipino middle and upper classes. The nationalism that emerged during this time was the nationalism projected by the middle and upper classes of society to serve their own interests (see Constantino 1978a: 269-301). nationalism became a subversive word associated with Senator Claro M. (4) on export-oriented agricultural crops that eat up 55% of arable lands. the masses and the leaders from their ranks will then be in the front lines and will serve as the main force of the nationalist movement. who advocated complete independence from the United States both politically and economically. Part therefore of the leadership will have to be drawn from progressive petty bourgeois elements during the initial educational campaign for nationalism. Philippine nationalism is historically associated with its long struggle for political independence. This happens when mass nationalism becomes the order of the day. They should establish cooperatives. While President Carlos P. The economy took the firm path of development chartered by the IMF and World Bank. Nationalist Economic Alternative Historical Background. according to Constantino. but the people’s welfare and economic status remain untouched. The labor-peasant sector by then would have grown in strength and experience.” and (c) the unification of the various nationalist social strata for a common cause. there seems to be mendicant policies that are based on mistaken priorities such as reliance (1) on export-oriented industries that primarily import their raw materials. Philippine labor should forge itself for economic unionism at the national level and not just in the fragmented individual firms. dismantled economic controls in the early 1960s thereby demolishing the initail gains of economic nationalism. The peasantry lacks homogeneity and should be brought to the mainstream of economic nationalism. Lastly. Recto. It was mistakenly believed that nationalism was accomplished after1946 when the Philippines became independent. some chemicals or drugs banned in the United States found their way to the Philippines like Folidol.

It is a challenge to the government to adopt the nationalist alternative and recognize that the general objective is that the economy must be controlled by Filipinos. nationalists propose a bottom-up approach which will organically connect the people’s growing productivity and freedom from economic deprivation to the utilization of accumulated surpluses for investment in industrial growth that will serve the growing needs of the population. it must be recognized that basic to any decision to complete national liberation is the adoption of policies that will ensure a socially just distribution of the national product and the mobilization of the national surplus to increase productive capacity primarily for the satisfaction of the basic needs of the population. The country’s natural resources must be protected from imperialist plunder. The evidence of surplus is all around: (1) the various luxury and non-essential items that are consumed by a minority. with appropriate mechanism for the activation and participation of the people” (Constantino 1979: 77). both state and private. that is. In other words. Challenge to Government. establishment nationalism will take over. without strings attached. A broad nationalist movement is just the beginning of the process of real liberation. Nationalist capitalism must be encouraged instead of driving most of Filipino capitalists into partnership with transnationals. In the initial phase therefore the nationalist movement need not concern itself with radical demands (Constantino 1979: 71. The sector that now monopolizes the consumption cake will be adversely affected by the sacrifices to be made and it is expected that opposition to a nationalist leadership will come from this sector. Initial Phase of the Nationalist Movement. Artificial and distorted private consumption must be shifted to social consumption. Exports should play a subordinate role to production for local basic needs. Without the element of mass participation. Participation is a kind of education which leads to the elevation of consciousness.for a new type of democracy wherein the masses have effective participation in directing the economic social and political life of a nation. and which can provide stable markets for its products. Indigenous technology should be fully encouraged and employed in agriculture and industry. productive factors in agriculture and industry must be harnessed for the needs of the majority. Increased exportation should not be a goal in itself but only a consequence of accumulated surplus which will be judiciously allocated to serve the producers of wealth. and (2) the foreign exchange which transnationals siphon out in the form of profit remittances—that come from surplus production and comprise the product of Filipino labor. Only a militant population can sustain the process of national renewal. The need for the development of heavy industry which serves as the foundation of any real industrialization must explore the possibility of availing itself of the assistance of socialist and Third World countries which are willing to transfer technology with soft-term loans. Nationalist Austerity. The starting point should be the people. It is necessary that the government should adequately respond to pressure especially coming from foreign monopoly capital by 6 . Income from exports must be devoted to capital build-up. This nationalist movement in the initial phase may just concentrate on the minimum demand such as “to restrain foreign capital and strengthen Filipino capital. National capital must be protected against the inroads of foreign capitalists. There is honor in austerity and therefore national austerity should become the status symbol. hindering social transformation instead of ushering it. 77) implicit in the advocacy of alternative systems. Constantino (1979: 79) maintained: Instead of a trickle-down effect.

s/he must offer a better alternative to the existing unwanted reality. (9) s/he must assume the attitude of friendly understanding of diverse issues and discuss them constructively rather than assume the attitude of looking down on one who does not share his/her views (avoid “crab mentality”). (3) s/he must unify theory and practice by self-analysis and reflection. the development of Western tastes and cultural consumerism. There are many reasons for this transformation.utilizing the only force that can effectively counter such pressure. (2) s/he must adhere to the norm of commitment to a definite historical purpose. the continuance of the Westernizing influence. (13) s/he must specialize in a field that one could use in the nationalist struggle. (7) s/he must aim for the collective welfare and not for self-gratification since sincere dedication to a cause needs no publicity for the individual.” Constantino (1970: 160-73. 7 . practice the virtue of austere living. But unlike Vietnam. (14) lastly. is assured. s/he must be selfless for what s/he advocates or chooses s/he advocates or chooses for all and not for oneself. 1978a: 292-307) discussed the various ethical guidelines for a genuine nationalist to follow: (1) the true nationalist must be an advocate of social change. decolonization is rapid and nationalism seems to be the motivation. (6) s/he must consider the people’s interests as primary and over and above his/her own self-interests. particularly the people who are united and aware of the dire consequences of foreign economic domination. and which s/he could make use of in a changed society: s/he must therefore be cautious in applying for or accepting foreign scholarships. (4) as one who rejects the status quo. colonialism in the Philippines has not been dismantled but has been transformed into neocolonialism. The case of Vietnam is a clear example. (8) s/he must articulate the nationalistic spirit of the people. according to Constantino (1966: 54-55). Nationalist Ethics Observing the nationalist ethics is essential to economic development. (12) s/he must consciously tame his consumption habits. (11) s/he must confront the ethical and cultural realities of the present not necessarily to idealize rural living but to depict the actual state so that the necessary future changes can be delineated. In “Ethics for nationalists. avoid an overattachment to things. Third is the development of crab mentality where one condescendingly considers the opposing views as inferior and tries to pull down the opponents through lies and other means. guard against transforming luxuries as necessities for personal consumption. THE CRITIQUE Colonial Setting It is understandable that colonial consciousness will develop among the natives in a colonial setting. (10) s/he must seek the roots of the present problems from the past and study the present to determine what to change in the future and how best this can be done. Among them is the perpetuation of the use of the English language as the medium of instruction in education where. The communists always call their political system as a people’s democracy because they believe the people—the proletariat and later the total population—have been democratically empowered: they have a people’s rule. (5) s/he must not become a bigot by constantly employing self-criticism. In other places. and redirect consumption patterns to things Philippine. as in communist countries. Second is the evident luxurious lifestyle of the ruling class who simply could not sacrifice their tastes for an austere life. The prerequisite is a counterconsciousness through a process of mass education and mass mobilization (Constantino 1979: 80-81). What is not understandable is that it will continue as a dominant force during the post-colonial era.

” Moreover. and if the people want to reconstruct society they must first reconstruct the school by converting all—the administration. British English. the study of the past to understand the present in order to shape the future. there are claims that Filipinos have colonized the English language and it is now a Filipino language since it has developed its own vocabulary and Filipino English is now distinct from American English. Editor 1996a and 1996b. Reuters 1996a and 1996b). Counts and Theodore Brameld: reconstructionism as a philosophy of education (see Ozmon and Craver 1997: 171-205). They object to what they call “Tagalog colonialism” or “Tagalog imperialism. Today we have witnessed the rise of Ilokano nationalism and Cebuano nationalism such that these natives would rather have English instead of Tagalog as the lingua franca of the country. and Australian English. The issue now is—can a Filipino English nationalist adhere to Constantino’s mass nationalism such that his nationalism will redound to the benefit of all and not just of the privileged few? If the answer is affirmative. many of which could be deleterious to Filipino development as a global economic power. In outline it argues that something is wrong with society. Constantino seemed to follow the educational theory that is currently espoused by George S. There are also claims that Filipino English nationalism has arrived (see Cruz 1996.Filipino as Medium of Instruction Filipino. faculty. Without nationalism as a foothold. or the Tagalog that developed in Metro Manila. it was not enough: it had to open up its economy to the world by converting its centralized economy into a market economy and by joining the World Trade Organization. In this case the country opens up itself to all sorts of cultural invasion. cut off the umbilical 8 . so it could not embark into a global economy. then Constantino ought to welcome this kind of development. Had the Americans left the Filipino revolutionary leaders alone and did not colonize the country. Tagalog would have been the national language since it was the language of the revolution. Consumerism Both industrialization and superindustrialization require consumerism. the setting up of cooperatives. The reconstruction of society need not only involve formal education but should also be supplemented by informal education. Constantino advocated education as mass decolonization and mass mobilization. Cuban economic development is mass-based and austere but it is not democratic. on the other hand. Constantino advocated internationalism—cultural and economic—on the basis of a firm nationalism. Constantino said that a nationalist choice is not a personal choice since a nationalist must be selfless: it is a choice for the people or the nation. can be used as a medium of instruction as a matter of national policy but it will have to confront a stiff opposition. Subjects must have social contents and about half the learning must be through the realities of life outside the classroom. Canadian English. that education is the best agent of social change. for the national interest. What is dangerous is the preaching of internationalism without a firm nationalistic foundation. However. and studentry into social activists—and then use it to reconstruct society. China started with mass nationalism. Toffler. Japan and America are practising these. thereby involving the people in the economic development of the country with the assurance of an equitable distribution of the nation’s wealth (it was not a trickle-down but a bottom-up economic development). Superindustrialization Constantino lived in a world which is characterized as industrial or what Alvin Toffler (1980: 1-445) called the Second Wave civilization. the people cannot properly select what to consume from the outside that will be good for them as a nation because it is possible that the people select only for themselves as individuals—for their own personal interest—and not for all as a nation—that is.

For 9 .cord of the future from the past and constructed an image of the future based on present cultural. but this cluster still has to be fully integrated and more knowledge input should be made to diversify its electronic products. the emergence of a supersymbolic economy where the means of exchange is through plastic cards rather than paper money. Superindustrialism (Toffler 1970. CONCLUSION The nationalist challenge is still very relevant today. For Third World countries. novelty and diversity. transitory attachments to things. A national steel mill employing some 2. There will still be heavy industries but they will be highly computerized. the rise of adhocratic working groups which are project-oriented and temporary and which will replace most large organizations. the setting up of superindustrial nationalist cooperatives that will support the thrust towards creating a superindustrial society. This theory is called educational futurism (see Gripaldo 2000: 113-46).” Toffler enumerated four clusters of industries in a superindustrial society: electronics and computers. the existence of knowledge workers who are multi-specialists and the decline of monospecialists who—according to Toffler—are narrowminded and fanatical. places. the return of work from the factory to the cottage—or what is called the electronic cottage. The Philippines right now is advancing in the first cluster: electronics and computers are its number one export products. and ideas. he recommended the shift from a highly agricultural economy (First Wave) to the Third Wave economy by bypassing the Second Wave civilization which is dying anyway. It began in 1956 when service or white collar workers outnumbered industrial or blue collar workers. 1980. the exploration of oceans and outer space. The first cluster is very basic as it will be used in the other clusters. but if it wants to catch up. the decline of the political significance of the nation-state because of (i) tribalism or the desire for ethnic independence of cultural communities. The Philippines as a Third World country lags behind in superindustrialism. There is. customized rather than standardized production. the wiping out of hunger and disease through the application of new food and drug technologies. and biological industries. For Jean-Paul Sartre (1964: 291). third. The people’s nationalist challenge now is: do Filipinos want to become a superindustrial society on or before the year 2025? If the answer is affirmative. How may one situate Constantino’s mass nationalism in superindustrialism? Superindustrialism or Third Wave civilization will replace industrialism which is the dying Second Wave civilization. and (iii) the economic activities of transnationals which bypass the national state and directly make agreements with local governments. Former President Fidel Ramos called this shift as “pole vaulting. and technological trends. 1990) is characterized with rapid change. and mass-based establishment of nationalist economic cooperatives. to my mind. educational reorientation. This image of the future will serve as the guide for educational curricular offerings. space industries. oceanic industries. organization. the utilization of education as the means of realizing the image of the future as a superindustrial society. people. and fourth. something that can be retained from Constantino even if one disregards the colonial past. the retention of the Sartrean perspective in the nationalist ethics.400 workers will have to be replaced with a computerized steel mill of only—as Peter Drucker (1993: 72-73) said— about one-sixth highly skilled electronic workers. Toffler believed superindustrialism would be fully organized by the year 2025. There are four important items to consider: first. it must start making nationalistic choices—choices not for oneself alone but for the interest of the nation as well. the replacement of colonial consciousness with a nationalist consciousness thereby doing away with colonial and crab mentality. second. (ii) the replacement of the nation-state by regional technopoles or regional economic organizations. economic. when one makes a choice s/he does it not for himself/herself but for all humanity. the rise of prosumers or people who consume what they produce without necessarily going to the exchange market. then by all means they must do the necessary nationalist measures of austerity.

Gripaldo. Hofstadter. 1966. Otherwise. 20 August. Drucker. _______________. 20 August. Renato. Anti-intellectualism in American life.” REFERENCES Constantino. New York: Harper Business. Is this English? Philippine Daily Inquirer. ed. An address to the superintendent of manufactories. in the absence of any of the aforecited. Inc. but retains its distinct and separate identity. Peter. which “means the freedom to plan and work out our national goals without outside interference and with our national interest as the principal criterion. Starweek. Richard. ______________.1978b.: Prentice Hall. English is a Filipino language. _______________. Manila: National Book Store. . The Philippines: The continuing past. This paper was delivered on 1 December 1999 as a professorial chair lecture at the Ariston Estrada Seminar Room. Rolando. when a nationalist makes a choice.” Its political expression is independence. N. the regionalism of the regional technopole. The Filipinos in the Philippines and other essays. 1970. . s/he does it not for himself/herself but for the nation as a whole. reprint ed. that is to say. Isagani R. Merrill. in fulfillment of the Ariston Estrada Sr. Φιλοσοφια : International Journal of Philosophy 29. once economically strong. 1970. and Samuel A. Craver. II Professorial Chair in Liberal Arts. 2000. Cruz.. 1996b. 1970. Philosophical foundations of education. 11 August. 10 . Edited by Istvan Meszaros. 2. Quezon City: Foundation for nationalist studies. New York: Alfred A. Neocolonial identity and counter-consciousness. This action is one step towards globalism where economic choices to be made are choices not for oneself but for humanity as a whole. nationalism is an expression of the reality that “we have a country of our own. 1996. in that order. admits of foreign influences. Philippine Daily Inquirer. Robert. which must be kept our own. Ozmon. Drawing the line. Manila: Erehwon. . 1997. one ought to ask oneself: is this a product made by a Filipino company? If the quality and price are not much different from imported brands and/or brands produced by foreign firms in the country. _______________. The nationalist alternative.. of course. for example. London: Merlin Press. Quezon City: Malaya Books. Owen. Inc. Inc. Edited by Harwood F.Constantino. For Constantino (1966: 96). Editor. that is. then the nationalist buyer must choose what is to the interest not only of oneself but of the nation as well. 1964. 1993.” Its cultural expression is the development of a culture that is rooted in “our own heritage. will graduate from nationalism to internationalism. USA: American Management Association. one ought to buy a shampoo made by a Filipino company or by a Filipino-foreign joint venture or by a transnational company based in the country. Howard A. _______________.J. De La Salle University. Englewood Cliffs. Postcapitalist society. Merrill. Manila: National Book Store. Classics of management. 1996a. on the other hand. Quezon City: Foundation for Nationalist Studies.1979. Eventually. Knopf. it insists on full control of its economic destiny.” While accepting “the aid and cooperation of its technologically more advanced sister nations. Inc.1978a. NOTES 1. Harwood F. La Sallian education in the future tense. the nationalist—all things being equal—may buy the imported one or may attempt to use an appropriate herbal substitute. When one buys a shampoo. In Classics of management.” Its economic expression is industrialization with the desire to consciously “control the management of our resources. a Third World country. Dissent and counter-consciousness.

New York: Bantam Books.Reuters. Cleveland: World Publishing Company 11 . _______________. Edited by Walter Kaufmann. Alvin. Asia now claims English as its own. 1996a. 1964. 12 August. In Existentialism from Dostoevsky to Sartre. Toffler.1980. ______________. 1996b. Sartre. 1970. Existentialism is a humanism. New York: Bantam Books. The third wave. we have colonized it. Jean-Paul.’ Philippine Daily Inquirer. The Straits Times. ‘English is now ours. Future shock. 12 August.

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