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Joshua Tucker Available online: 22 Jul 2010

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Joshua Tucker
MUSIC RADIO AND GLOBAL MEDIATION Producing social distinction in the Andean public sphere
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This article offers a model for studying the dynamics of globalized popular musics, that fills methodological and theoretical lacunae in existing scholarly approaches. It deals with the emergence and circulation of a hybrid popular music called musica ayacuchana, which over the 1990s became an important site of ´ identification for the emergent Andean migrant middle class of Lima, Peru. Describing the role of radio stations and, particularly, DJs’ actions in this process, I suggest that attention to the working practices of mediators can reveal how popular music becomes attached to new identities, particularly in the context of broader social changes. Further, I use this example to show why scholarly accounts of globalization, which rarely attend to the everyday mechanics of mediation, must take them into account, to arrive at a satisfactory understanding of the way that these processes engage, challenge, and/or reproduce social hierarchies. Keywords popular music; radio; public sphere; globalization; Peru

In early 2005, Lima FM station Studio 92 aired a new, socially perceptive segment on their radio program Mal Elemento (‘Bad Element’).1 It was a satire in two parts, each lampooning a social type familiar to citizens of Peru’s coastal capital. The first half, entitled Vida en Lima (‘Life in Lima’), was dedicated to the foibles of Lima’s wealthy white criollos (‘Creoles’).2 Invariably it was set in a tony locale such as an ambassador’s residence, foreign electronica pulsing in the background. Here, shallow consumerists engaged in activities stressing their admiration for Euro-American trends, all the while addressing one another by mannered, foreign-sounding nicknames. In this way, the programme ridiculed Peru’s dominant class as xenophilic pitucos (roughly, ‘snobs’), poking merciless fun at a criollo who are perceived to define the value of material culture in relation to its cosmopolitan origins.
Cultural Studies Vol. 24, No. 4 July 2010, pp. 553Á579 ISSN 0950-2386 print/ISSN 1466-4348 online – 2010 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/09502386.2010.488409

where Spanish pronunciation is inflected by the indigenous Quechua language. and hence potentially ‘modern. The outstanding hit of the contemporary ´ huayno ayacuchano genre. More broadly. and social change in contemporary Peru.’ displaying cosmopolitan sophistication via elements of musical form. hungry to demonstrate its unaccustomed wealth and status. I advocate an ethnographic model for studying the relation between popular music. my interest is to account for the association between musical style and social position that it takes for granted. by focusing on key agents who crafted this imagery. as performed ´ by the Duo Hermanos Gaitan Castro. the segment began with a jarring shift in musical background. mass mediation. In this article. marker par excellence of bourgeois sophistication. It satirized their acquisitive pursuit of cultural and economic capital. and the media channels through which they worked. Aiming its barbs at the emergent migrant bourgeoisie. Turning back centuries of racist exclusion by a power structure anchored in the coastal criollo sphere. such as a successful merchant’s stall in Lima’s central market. and Veda en Lema skewered the perceived nouveau riche sensibilities of a new Andean middle class.’ in contradistinction to other traditional Andean musics. Vida en Lima/Veda en Lema can be read in part. perfectly underlined Veda en Lema’s knowing portrait of consumerism and social distinction. As such. mimicked the speech of indigenous and mestizo (‘mixed-race’) people from the country’s Andean highlands. replacing Vida en Lima’s i’s with e’s. in Ayacucho and Lima alike. The track was a favourite of then-President Alejandro Toledo. Peru’s highland majority has in recent decades achieved representation in the political and public realms.554 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S The programme’s second part also sent up social climbers. and the production of cosmopolitan sensibility. I want to show how one traditional style. as an astute commentary on the intertwining of popular music. ‘Como has hecho’ fused traditional Andean stylistics ´ with international balada and rock. became consolidated as a figure for Peru’s Andean middle class. This orthographic change. By focusing upon a limited group of agents. huayno music from the highland city of Ayacucho. Specifically. the segment was set at locales typifying their lifeworld. globalization. but was instead entitled Veda en Lema. I argue that this depended upon its public framing as cosmopolitan. Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . Signalling a change of social scene. focusing in particular upon objects connoting cosmopolitan savvy. Peru’s first modern leader of indigenous heritage. the hybrid style of ‘Como has ´ hecho. Slick techno was replaced by the song ‘Como has hecho’ (‘What have you done?’). and the style in general had become publicly identified with Lima’s ascendant Andean migrant community. I hope to demonstrate that a methodological focus on mediators can yield important insights about the mechanics of contemporary public culture.

listeners). A more nuanced approach instead emphasizes the way that a sense of ‘groupness’ is constructed by agents who shape and circulate music. for example.’ and cosmopolitan forms Since its inception. acknowledging that local socio-economic structures. ‘globalization. taking the production of expressive culture to be the equivalent of the effective adoption of social identities more broadly. Abu-Lughod 2005). Vertovec & Cohen 2002). tied largely to the spread of Western capital and communications. thus drawing listeners into evolving structures of shared meaning (see especially Frith 1996a).M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 555 Popular music. In an age of intense commodity circulation. scholarship on popular music in the global South has been dominated by studies of those processes. backed up by statements elicited from musicians (or. the conviction that identities are shaped by the ‘life of the imagination’ (Appadurai 1996) in relation to mass media thoroughly informs contemporary musical scholarship.3 As globalizing processes reorder conceptual worlds. it no longer seems desirable to: Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . most do not describe the specific contexts and channels in and by which translocal artefacts.’ Moving from apprehensive accounts of ‘westernization’ (Nettl 1985) to studies praising the socially productive nature of hybridity. which has greatly enriched scholarly understandings of mass mediation. in particular. the material basis of Appadurai’s imaginative cosmopolitan worlds. communities knit together different aspects of translocal material culture. take effect in consumers’ lives. As Richard Middleton has recently stated. Local regimes of custom and taste. finding meaning in travelling forms by adapting them to local constraints and interests. each ensure that the putatively ‘global’ reach of images. which are taken as analogous to the mindset of consumers. discourses. Some studies of music have attended specifically to the variegated nature of global processes. condition the spread of musical sounds and ideologies (see. conventionally labelled ‘globalization. Even in recent work on music production. However. analysis tends to reify the producer as auteur. this work has provided key insights into the way that musicians reflect and shape emergent social formations (see. Meintjes 2003). and the actions of those who mediate between ‘local’ and ‘global’ levels. and ideologies remains uneven (Mazzarella 2003. and scholars have resisted the notion that any given piece of music exteriorizes a preconstituted social identity (Frith 1996b). Erlmann 1996. scholars of globalization increasingly recognize that globalization is hardly experienced in a homogeneous manner (Turino 2000. rarely. as well as the unequal spread of capital and infrastructure. they often rely upon analyses of musical structure. Nevertheless. Perrone & Dunn 2001). Waterman 1990.4 Such ideas have been widely critiqued in scholarship on popular music. Instead. Turino 2000.

particularly insufficient for scholars interested in the relation between musical globalization and its effects on social identity. seismic shifts in Peru’s demographics which fostered the ascendancy of the Lima’s migrant community. on their own. musicians and mediators publicly created via contemporary huayno ayacuchana an ‘Andean cosmopolitan’ subject position that could be inhabited by individual listeners. . and record producers. (Middleton 2003. or transform local hierarchies. In making this argument. come to identify with different kinds of cosmopolitan forms. I do not wish to exaggerate the power of music or media to shape identities. one craving legitimacy but still marginalized in a racist society. and successfully interpellated consumers into it.556 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S [examine] popular music with a view to deciphering there representations of identity that have already been laid down elsewhere: rather. are evenly distributed. more particularly. I do Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . Stated differently. all of which interact within a nominally shared public sphere.’’ and ‘‘selffabrication’’ are worth tracing to particular configurations of power. for only this kind of study can move beyond banal generalities affirming the universality of hybridity. . age. Its mediators recognized the reality of a nascent Andean bourgeoisie. station managers. nor the abilities and dispositions that underwrite their adoption. 3) Analyses of performed or recorded ‘texts’ are. education. Such an analysis is unable to account for the mechanisms by which subjects come to understand cosmopolitan forms as persuasive signifiers of personal and collective experience. neither musical ideologies. It is also unable to describe why different collectivities. and who can gain access to them. mediators. and wealth in particular places’ (Abu-Lughod 2005. how they are made persuasive. means describing where such ideas are spread. to show how translocal structures of sound and meaning engage. Understanding the ways that people come to possess and share a sense of investment in new musical idioms. we should be looking for mechanisms of practice and orders of discourse through which sites of musical work contribute to the construction. However. In other words Á those of anthropologist Lila Abu-Lughod Á ‘hybridizations and cosmopolitanisms are worth specifying . including DJs. the effects of media on what Appadurai calls ‘‘the work of the imagination. While it is clear that sound can be a vehicle for shaping common values. reproduce. 50). Musicians and. showing that it recruited particular kinds of listeners by tracing specified paths through local media networks. p. p. and hence a potential site of identification. These actions took place against a background of economic and political change.6 As an object of identification. actively constructed ties between the style and a specific image of bourgeois cosmopolitanism.5 Such a framework is especially imperative for scholars invested in interrogating the politics of musical globalization. maintenance and dissemination of identities. My analysis of huayno ayacuchano builds upon these foundations. the style contested dominant discourses of Andean backwardness.

malleable. This model invites specification of the actors involved in addressing and framing publics. Hall & du Gay 1996). Pinney 2001. In this way.7 Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 Shaping difference in the public sphere Recent scholarship on public culture offers an effective model for studying the relation between popular music and social change that I link to huayno ayacuchano (see especially Appadurai & Breckenridge 1995. 5). . and the means by which their models of groupness become persuasive. it arose from the public mediation of an emergent class sensibility. named as users with a particular interest. while moveable. . In an age of theory after ‘culture’ (see Ortner 1999). is hardly inevitable’ (Gal & Woolard 2001a.8 For these purposes. Warner 2002). but via the everyday interactions of private citizens who mutually recognize one another as objects of public discourse. and understood as having a historical endurance as such (Warner 2002). Garcıa Canclini 2001). 2002. 9). p. Such an approach recognizes that dynamics of inequality restrict certain classes of people from ‘going public. p. Further. In the case of Peru. the conditions that grant them the right to ‘speak’ in the public sphere. in an age where the public sphere has been irremediably colonized by capital. but by the identification of their groupness and their common interest in the public sphere. the figure of the public is an increasingly fruitful analytic lens.’ but it also shows that power-laden imageries nevertheless take on great force in peoples’ lives. a public appears as a contingent ‘framing of .M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 557 want to suggest that in times of societal restructuring. was not grounded in a collective sentiment that predated the style’s dissemination: rather. Following work on the socially creative dimensions of consumption (Miller 1994. the self-consciously cosmopolitan subject position of the migrant bourgeoisie that came to be associated with huayno ayacuchano. wherein accounts of ‘identity’ that emphasize coherence and unity over power-laden processes of group definition have become suspect (Brubaker & Cooper 2000. ´ scholars of public culture have effectively shown how publics come to life when groups are projected as markets for particular media.9 . offering ‘means of theorizing the formation of collectivities that cross ruptures of space and are outside formal definitions of ‘‘culture’’’ (Ginsburg et al. a ‘public’ is a social formation defined not only by shared attributes. Collective subjectivity arises not primarily through reference to pre-established commonalities (‘culture’). structures and practices that. mediators and musicians often work in tandem to organize new modes of identification. these ideas can illuminate the mass mediation of social identities. or the common social-structural position of its members. and borrowable.

as elsewhere.10 Commercial radio. And finally. specifically in terms of how they connect . . signaled. effectively controlling the overall tone and meaning of the broadcast space. [to link] these analyses to the society more broadly. radio is an important site of public ideological work. and scholars require a model for studying the emergence and endurance of mass-mediated intersubjectivity. ´ many DJs exert a greater leeway in selecting musical content for broadcasts than their counterparts elsewhere. and the strength of the habits tied to them. Few businesses leave the radio off during business hours. Especially where the listening public is much larger than the record buying public. and . More importantly. . . Sound emanating from transistor radios saturates the urban soundscape. and typologised within media practice. . and there is a marked need for attention to the agency of DJs in contexts where their actions are less overdetermined (see also Ahlkvist 2001). Limited in originality. and should be of prime interest to scholars of popular music (Hennion and Meadel 1986). p. should make certain channels especially active fields of organization.11 However. people together’ (Spitulnik 1994. as explained later. but see also Barnes 1988). 743). For these reasons. it eases the solace of time alone. Methodologically. popular music radio is a critical site for the construction of public distinctions in Peru. p. DJs are thus overwhelmingly absent from studies of popular music as well. It accompanies work and leisure. this means showing how mediators occupy subsectors of the public sphere. broadcasters serve only to deliver demographically calculated slices of a population to advertisers (Berland 1993. Radio broadcasting and the construction of musical experience The dynamics of radio broadcasting have received little attention in scholarship on popular music. In any given situation the relative prominence of particular media. 18).558 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 Such publics are omnipresent social formations. is assumed to be inherently alienating: guided by ‘the specific requirement to maximise audiences’ rather than a concern for listeners or music (Hendy 2000a. it provides a context for socializing. the structure of local radio industries and the nature of local broadcasts matter quite a lot in assessing such claims. particularly in North America. . the drive to develop an individual style of delivery means that DJs can exert other kinds of agency in their workplace. and it is rare for a household to pass an entire day without tuning in. interpellating particular citizens as consumers. the omnipresence of radio in Peruvian life is difficult to overstate. pandering to audiences of the broadest possible kind. In contemporary Peru. The task of the analyst is to show how ‘‘‘audiences’’ are semiotically constructed. they are of negligible interest compared to their creative colleagues in public or college radio (Berland 1998).

and within individual programmes. Their significance is primarily assessed in terms of the materials they allow to pass. it is possible to show how DJs situate music within a broader experiential field. As noted by Hennion and Meadel (1986). By positioning them in different spots over the broadcast day. emphasizing how DJs attract their audience using an Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . They also imply that some styles are more ‘important’ or ‘mainstream’ than others.M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 559 The nature of radio consumption in Peru is distinct from that of other media artefacts. In this way. such as soap operas or news programmes. Two intertwined aspects of DJ work are of particular interest. In fact. and requires attention to broadcast markers that hierarchize musical styles. is the atmosphere and affect generated by DJs. p. the relatively unremarked nature of radio is what ensures that its ideological effects become pervasive. Rather than attending to a specific message or narrative. and an enumeration of the songs that are broadcast substitutes for effective analysis of DJ work. Interaction with radio sound is therefore often transitory and distracted. DJs are treated merely as conduits. The first relates to categorization. More significant. or talk radio. Peruvian radio is socially efficacious ‘because it weaves its magic through pleasures and subliminal framings’ (Abu-Lughod 2005. or by a stimulating workplace via a loud and lively salsa stations. Since music itself is considered to be the ‘real’ locus of signification and ideological work. and hard to disavow (see also Turino 1999). I argue instead that a primary aspect of DJ work is to shape the public values of the music that is ‘admitted’ to the public sphere. Understanding their activities thus requires analysing the entire inventory of particular programmes. and their elision in popular music scholarship is perhaps linked to the fact that they are not perceived to do much of anything. Commercial radio thus requires modes of analysis distinct from those usually applied in studies of popular music. 9) rather than didactic suasion. listeners use music radio primarily to create a context. embedded in broadcasts are framings and categorizations by which people internalize key dispositions and distinctions (Bourdieu 1993). placing songs and genres in proximity to other kinds of marked public cultural artefacts. naturalized. DJs organize ideas about music by linking it to ´ other materials over the course of a broadcast. explicitly designed to hail particular audiences for particular programmes. Spitulnik’s (1994) work on cosmopolitan nationalism and radio broadcasting in Zambia provides a particularly astute analysis of this matter. by programming them at peak listening hours (Berland 1998. however. mediators sort musical objects and imply that particular musical and discursive styles ‘belong’ together. As noted by Ahlkvist (2001). Like the Egyptian television programming described by Abu-Lughod. Spitulnik focuses primarily upon DJ talk. whether designing a relaxing home environment via a broadcaster of romantic baladas. Hendy 2000b). Nevertheless. the ‘gatekeeper’ metaphor still dominates accounts of pop radio DJs. among other possibilities.

[This] lifestyle. prosperity. in which listeners are encouraged to inhabit particular identities: they provide a ‘technology for the production of new kinds of selves’ (see Abu-Lughod 2005. 321.’ This discursive style. . Eurocentric minority centred in the coastal capital.560 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 easy. having fun. DJs use it in: a very deliberate effort to signal a certain kind of audience Á and more generally Á a certain kind of lifestyle. A general distaste for things Andean among Peru’s dominant classes has until recently extended to Andean cultural practices as well. mediators drew listeners into a mutual awareness that they inhabited a new kind of subject position. As such. and having fun Á or even more precisely Á having the leisure time and the sensibility to enjoy radio listening. to which I now turn. This would not have been possible without shifts in the Peruvian social landscape. 113). white. social discourse in Lima has been structured by a pervasive division between two supposedly irreconcilable lifeworlds: that of a progressive. original emphasis) It is critical for scholars to understand media and mediators not merely as ‘channels’ and ‘gatekeepers.’ cosmopolitan genres as rock. p. These tools of analysis are particularly useful in showing how huayno ayacuchano accrued its public over the 1990s. have been devoted to such ‘modern. this has meant that the public airwaves. In musical terms. and being in touch with a wider modern world . (Spitulnik 1994.’ Rather. particularly the more prestigious FM band. 315). conveys ‘primarily a mood of optimism. listening to the latest music and lingo. bantering style of popular DJ locution that she labels ‘the upbeat beat. they are agents who construct contexts. and the mood associated with it. Seeking to tap emergent markets among Peru’s Andean middle class. Critically. salsa. . Spitulnik argues that this has become a globally-circulating speech genre primarily because it provides a certain quality of experience to listeners. p. bolero. assuring them that they possess the requisite ‘bourgeois modern’ orientation to legitimately consume cosmopolitan cultural forms. Models of groupness and disjunct musical cosmopolitanism in contemporary Peru Historically. an imagined cosmopolitan community of affluence and excitement’ (Spitulnik 1994. . familiar to listeners of pop radio around the world. dismissed as a reservoir of backwards indigenes slated for inevitable extinction. p. and that of the Andean highlands. is one of modernity and cosmopolitanism: being up to date. and the local musica ´ criolla of the coastal region.

scholars once predicted the ‘Andeanization’ of Lima (Matos Mar 1984). Viewing such changes. However. rooted in a system of musical appreciation different from that of criollo aesthetes. Veda en Lema demonstrated that Peruvian audiences are assumed to recognize this as well. 1993. where people realign their lifeways by following the emergent patterns of the capital. 2002). Lima’s Andean migrant community is rent by internal divisions of class. Far from homogeneous. Veda en Lema both drew upon and satirized these discourses of uncultured arrivisme. indigenous versus mestizo). Public cultural manifestations. and disseminating these emergent social formations. However.12 And finally. in which distinctions of class and race are being reworked into new configurations. the programme also signalled the development of distinct local milieux of globalized consumption. Contemporary Peru is characterized by dynamic change.M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 561 However. which was consolidated in the Andean city of Ayacucho before moving to Lima. but it is certainly the case that the marginalized have accrued significant power. Lima’s nascent social formations also restructure life in the provinces. play a key role in organizing. Often contravening hegemonic categories of good taste. positioned between an adherence to ‘traditional’ lifeways and participation in a ‘global’ culture of modernity. with the sociocultural authority of the criollo minority waning in favour of an ‘Andean’ national identity. instead of a linear ‘Andeanization. race (that is. Musics that hybridize international and local elements have been interpreted as public manifestations of an emergent Andean migrant identity. With its use of the Gaitans’ hit song ‘Como has hecho’ to mark the Andean ´ middle-class milieu. in an age of intense media circulation and increased linkage between the capital and the provinces.’ life in Lima today is characterized by intense fragmentation. developing patterns in the provinces have the potential to reverberate in the national capital. Similarly. The existence of disjunct cosmopolitanisms in contemporary Peru becomes especially evident in the way that new musical fusions have typically been dismissed by Peru’s traditional elites. due to an influx of Andean migrants seeking work and better life chances in Lima. and popular music in particular. Juxtaposing elite and subaltern modes of consumerist Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . Romero 2001. by acknowledging that different sectors of society seek cosmopolitan cultural capital via different kinds of consumption. and region. Vich 2001. Scholars have long noted the development of distinct expressive practices within the bubbling cauldron of Lima (see Turino 1988. reproducing. It may be somewhat premature to speak of a stable ‘Andean bourgeoisie’ (see Fuller 2002). Peru remains profoundly stratified by race and regional origin. virtually unthinkable only decades before. as in the case of huayno ayacuchana. the last several decades have seen a massive shift in the social landscape. but room has been made for Andean mobility. the cosmopolitan forms of Peru’s emergent Andean middle class tend to be dismissed as ham-fisted products of the mere parvenu instead of aesthetic objects with their own validity.

rather than indigenous peoples (see however Llorens Amico 1983). generating new affective alliances.14 Instead of a truly ‘popular’ style. however. Many of these are seen as aesthetically incompatible. Within the system of distinctions that structures the field of Andean popular musical production (Bourdieu 1993). The world’s best´ known Andean style. Peru’s dominant Andean popular music. which became publicly identified as ‘the most elegant’ variant when introduced on record in the 1960s. Further. Los Kjarkas. the programme recognized that patterns of ‘globalist’ consumption are not uniform. By focusing on one musical strand alone.13 Nevertheless. Bigenho 2002. associated with distinct listening communities.’ cultural property of the privileged mestizo (‘mixed-race’) sector of Andean society. and Vıctor Jara (see for ´ ´ example Wara Cespedes 1984. and scholars frequently note its intense regional variety (see for example Llorens Amico 1983 Turino ´ 1993. panAndean music within Peru has mostly been consumed on and around university campuses. new audiences. individual genres often derive their meaning from opposition to one another. indigenous to the Peruvian Andes properly speaking. Romero 2001). a marker of musical and sociocultural erudition. an alienated music of refined intellectuals. 1993. traditional huayno style. and that there has been a powerful animosity between its practitioners and the huayno musicians who represent older traditions. At the same time. there is a scholarly literature treating the ‘pan-Andean’ style of artists like Inti-Illimani. artists often borrow features from other musicians in a continual attempt to capture new markets. it is this music that generally represents the region in world music record bins. even though it has been crucial to the emergence of styles such as contemporary huayno ayacuchano. In point of fact. it is at best tenuously ‘traditional’ or ‘Andean. is relatively well attested. However. few scholars have noted that certain regional huayno styles are marked as especially ‘elegant. For instance. existing literature has tended to elide this dynamic of the Andean music scene (see also Straw 1991). Quilapayun. At the same time. such distinctions also exist within the sphere of Andean music itself. and it is often seen as a misguided appropriation of Andean musical signifiers by outside performers. 2007). it has historically been quite unpopular in Peru’s Andean region. however. and in the repertoires of Andean street performers worldwide. and hence new consuming publics.562 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S cosmopolitanism in its equal-opportunity skewering. Social and stylistic differences are thus constantly reconstructed and repositioned. Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . an appreciation for pan-Andean music has long been a sign of serious intellectual engagement. Similarly. This is particularly true ´ of Ayacucho’s older. Though it is often left unstated in studies of Peruvian popular music.’ having been developed by the region’s elite leftists as a vehicle for anti-imperialist ideology. commonly denoted huayno (after the genre’s most prevalent song type) and based on earlier oral forms. the blanket term ‘Andean music’ includes a very heterogeneous set of commercial styles.

rather than seeking to bury it beneath chicha’s electronic instrumentation and ‘tropical’ dance moves. its legitimacy tied to its claim on ‘foreign. the practitioners of contemporary huayno ayacuchano argued that their music showed an appreciation for Andean heritage. They combined elements of Ayacucho’s ‘elegant’ huayno tradition with rock and pop. Hurtado Suarez 1995. all of these musical distinctions were widely recognized. The style’s musicians and mediators drew upon them to redefine Ayacucho’s huayno style. and how the actions of mediators were central to this achievement. Instead of countering the discourses of ‘Andean backwardness’ that long dominate Peruvian public discourse. Overall. using the respectable. and respectful of tradition. wah-wah guitars. Most importantly. faced with the task of rendering an outdated traditional style into a vehicle of cosmopolitan identification. They consciously presented the style as an alternative to the mode of musical fusion presented by chicha. however. As such. showing that the musical semiotics of Andean tradition could co-exist in the same expressive vehicle as the musical affect of cosmopolitanism. Romero 2002. much of chicha’s marketing apparatus revolved around its presentation as a hip.M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 563 Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 Another strand of literature deals with the fusion of Peruvian huayno. Ayacucho’s huayno style grew from a largely localized music of marginal interest. By the time that contemporary huayno ayacuchano appeared in the mid1980s. I will return to this issue in the conclusion to this article. Here.’ less parochial. ´ ´ in contrast to chicha. and ‘tropical’ beat. and international rock music called chicha (Turino 1988. Tucker in preparation). my goal is instead to show how. huayno ayacuchano achieved its image of cosmopolitanism in the popular sphere. seducing the traditional audience base of huayno with its ‘modernized’ keyboards. Colombian cumbia. Camouflaging its Andean roots. eminently suitable for an emergent Andean middle class. refined. to become a mass phenomenon in Peru. 1990. danceable. less ‘Andean’ and more ‘fun’ music than the parochial huayno listened to by generations past. educated legitimacy of pan-Andean musical stylistics as a counter to the declasse proletarian imagery of the former. and it became associated in the popular press with a highly-stereotyped ‘proletarian underclass’ imagery. cultural spheres. bringing a new audience to their new sound. It attracted a following due to musicians’ exploration of . it was widely decried as a hopelessly lowbrow. Music radio and huayno ayacuchano in the 1990s Between the early 1980s and the late 1990s. contemporary huayno ayacuchano seems to surrender to those very stereotypes. the style bespoke itself as a cosmopolitan form that was simultaneously educated. Chicha ´ gained massive popularity among Andean migrants in the 1980s.

its transformation into a social fact of mass importance owes more to the way that media workers repositioned the style within the Peruvian musical field.’ Its employees built upon earlier methods tested elsewhere. one DJ at another station responded to my query about the reasons for the style’s success by saying. ‘simple: it was Frecuencia A. In particular. the FM station Frecuencia A Record is acknowledged to have had a decisive role in this process. Licensed in 1997. but even rivals attribute the rise of huayno ayacuchano to Frecuencia A above all else. Ayacucho saw a sudden boom in FM broadcasting. since it was widely considered by station managers to be both socially worthless and unremunerative. DJs working at Ayacucho’s FM radio stations were pioneers in demonstrating that audiences could be convinced to think about huayno in new ways. At this time. By one experienced director’s estimate. In the late 1980s and early 1990s. and to experiments in formal innovation and musical fusion. the creation of a new market for huayno ayacuchano rested upon the way these channels were put to work. Developments in Ayacucho were underwritten by the sudden appearance of several new stations. This change in the local music scene derived from the willingness of innovative programmers to take risks with unproved music. FM antennas could be set up on rooftops in the city centre. an innovation reflected in the station’s motto: ‘The first folkloric station of the department. Peruvian broadcasters of traditional music function differently than their counterparts in the commercial operations of North America or Europe. after decades of dominance by three AM stations. where procedures emerged that became generalized as radio stations appeared in other Peruvian cities. though radio broadcasting had existed in Lima for over two decades.564 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S politically sensitive themes. there was no regular programming of Andean music. However.15 Virtually overnight several aficionados became small radio impresarios. in 1950s-era Lima. it was the first station in the city exclusively devoted to traditional music.16 This was a marked contrast to the situation that prevailed throughout the 1980s and much of the 1990s. working from their homes or back gardens. As noted earlier. in the late 1950s a handful of hobbyists Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . In a typical testimonial. And though their techniques of sociomusical engineering later became generalized throughout the country’s larger and more lucrative markets. How else would it have happened?’ By 2001 contemporary huayno ayacuchano was central to the programming of well over half of Ayacucho’s radio stations. Despite this. a decrease in the cost of transmitters made FM radio’s stereo-capable and high-fidelity signal affordable after many years of financial impossibility. At this time. when local music was largely absent from the airwaves. setting up an FM operation required less than one-fifth the capital needed for an AM transmitter: further. Even so. whereas an AM antenna required a hectare of open high ground.17 This relates to the manner in which such broadcasting emerged.

Airtime is inexpensive. with a unified broadcasting structure.M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 565 proposed to rent unused airtime from existing stations. is balancing their personally high standards with what the market will bear’ (2001. most tend toward the concessionary model. and Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . As such. according individual mediators a significant hand in structuring the public experience of Andean music. aficionados with a desire to communicate their ideas and disseminate their musical dispositions. 347). they rented hourly blocks of airtime to other individuals or organizations. and were usually hosted by non-professionals. The agents involved relied upon two key strategies. ‘hobbyist’ radio directors are often content merely to attract enough income to keep their stations afloat. Ayacucho’s Frecuencia A functioned strictly as a concessionaire in its early years. They revamped the nature of on-air DJ performances. Like other stations. and DJs dedicated to creating an audience for contemporary huayno ayacuchano found considerable leeway to do so over the 1990s. and they tended to target listeners from a single Andean locale. And while some stations are now run as format stations. both designed to neutralize the associations of moldy traditionalism and racially-marked backwardness that had accrued to huayno in the local imagination. . from friends and acquaintances. DJs need not slavishly follow the path of greatest cost-effectiveness. Instead of striving to maximize profits. fitting comfortably into the ‘musicologist’ paradigm described by Ahlkvist. many use the time slots guaranteed by advertising money to innovate. allowing the ‘safe’ repertoire that retains audiences to underwrite the parallel programming of new materials. and they are largely trusted to programme according to their personal dispositions. and since a sufficient number of advertisers are usually available to replace any that are lost. the funds to rent the airtime often derived from sponsors within the migrant community associated with that region itself. Principles of DJ independence continue to structure huayno broadcasting. and are required to highlight the recordings associated with them. Rather than maintaining managerial control over the day’s broadcasts. Consequently. who directed the content of their programmes largely at their own discretion. These first programmes thus appeared in the wee hours between 4 and 7 a. devoting the space to migrant audiences from the Andean highlands. Following these efforts. Mandated playlists are rare: even at format stations DJs are hired for their musical expertise. These programmes transmitted different musics. the radio stations that emerged throughout the Andean highlands in the 1960s functioned as concessionaires. p. Though many DJs work for record companies or concert promoters. targeted to distinct listening constituencies. transmitting the music of one area. on the one hand. or from their own activities as artists or concert promoters. They often retain strong opinions. in his study of programming philosophies: ‘[their] real challenge . . who raised money for their efforts from local businesses..m. many do not. To this day most DJs begin as hobbyists.

This was ´ fortuitous. there was no acceptance. purchased ´ ´ off-peak morning hours to promote his record company’s wares. and understood to lie outside the ‘respectable’ sphere. after the initial phase of experimentation with huayno ayacuchano among local performers. The leading producer of the new style. when Fernandez moved to Lima and left his show to his employee. on the other hand. The second instead sought a listenership among Ayacucho’s ´ proletarian underclass of indigenous peoples. was confined to the unglamorous hours between 4 and 7 a. but it was strong. understood as a ‘respectable’ idiom unlike chicha. and to related styles. and while he was also a private aficionado of huayno. As such. however. Produced by Fernandez himself. Despite this beachhead into the realm of mainstream radio. a market for local huayno existed among the city’s population. I don’t know who made it that way. backward. The profitable hours between 7 a. His background was in pop radio. ‘Ayacucho in ´ ´ all our hearts’) was consistently devoted to local huayno music. a young student of obstetrics named Julian Fernandez.. Taken together. instead remaining limited to a faithful ´ core audience.m. and synthesized musica tropical that Lima’s elites consumed in lieu ´ of folklore. these stations were marked as tacky. If ´ ‘Ayacucho en el corazon de todos’ had established Ayacuchano huayno as a ´ fixture on local radio. By the time that musicians began to record huayno ayacuchano in the late 1980s. ´ bolero. They all wanted something that was more modern. but also marked as an antiquated and parochial music of generations past. This trend began to shift in 1991. radio broadcasting and listening habits in Ayacucho were solidly structured around parallel models of musical categorization and radio temporality. Ayacucho’s huayno style. it was degrading to listen to [huayno]. none at all. the show did not find a mass listenership. since as a result of his earlier work he had also mastered the charismatic and bantering style of a pop music DJ.’ Huaman became pivotal in recasting the nature of huayno ayacuchano after ´ 1993. Such success showed that contrary to widespread perceptions. One targeted urban elites. marking it as a musical has-been. he described the uniqueness of this orientation in a 2002 interview: ‘There was a kind of complex among my generation. and midnight were reserved for two distinct kinds of programming.m. on the station Radio Cinetica. These spaces were largely devoted to chicha. tuning listeners into rhetorically ‘modern’ styles such as the elitist musica criolla. it also gave Huaman inside connections. these factors equipped him to decisively alter the status of huayno within the public Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . but between 1991 and 1993 it inspired a cult ´ following. a young DJ who had ´ been working in radio since 1985.566 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S challenged received wisdom concerning the position of huayno within radio space. ‘Ayacucho en el corazon de todos’ (roughly. It was hosted by Miguel Angel Huaman. airing in a rented slot from 4 to 7 a. no. that tendency. It remained marginal within the daily schedule. rock.m.

featuring small rolls and no traditional paneto ´n (‘Christmas fruitcake’). you know? Huaman. especially in a small market like Ayacucho. By all accounts it was a startling experience for local listeners. they said that.’ So many years I’d done this. I’ve got to try. it wasn’t the right space. kept on that road. said ‘Miguel Angel. and success was not immediate. Huaman ´ described Frecuencia A’s Christmas celebration.18 An indication of their success. as a spare affair. you know? So. The financial risk of this move should not be underestimated. that it wasn’t right. said I’d lowered my standards. As the programme’s listenership increased. Isaac Argumedo. rising to become one of the most successful in the city by the late 1990s. The proposition that contemporary huayno was an Andean music unlike other styles. Huaman ´ himself confessed his apprehension about placing mu ayacuchana in the most ´sica important slot of the broadcast day: I’ll tell you. I had that experience. Nor was he the only person to find the placement inappropriate: ´ A lot of people criticized me. I thought I’d be disappointed. Such an idea had never been attempted in Ayacucho. In 1996. Nevertheless.m.m. contemporary music. To my face. I said ‘huayno. at 10 a. So. functionally interchangeable with the pop genres that ‘properly’ occupied the day’s central hours. Rock station Radio Melody became a huayno station ´ literally overnight. associations between genre and schedule had come to be experienced as normative expressions of distinction in Ayacucho. and other supposedly ‘modern’ musics.?’ It doesn’t fit. and hired regular employees with a demonstrable talent for radio presentation rather than unproved amateurs. was the rapidity with which other stations moved to imitate them. the station’s manager. They converted it entirely to huayno programming. he rented space on Frecuencia A. The listenership of a radio station is difficult to assess in Peru: most radio workers rely on word of mouth and personal observation to determine their level of success. filling the midday slots with contemporary huayno ayacuchano. was far from self-evident. I mean I also thought. however. Listening to huayno. and others developed shows in the middle of the day. however. but I kept doing it. was and remains a talented DJ. now you do [huayno]?’ They made fun of me. ‘this isn’t the right space. In . Through long familiarity and listening practice. decided to change the station’s format. boldly assuming a spot at the peak hour of 10 a. but I said well.M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 567 Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 sphere. the station soon attracted a regular audience. rock. DJs opened themselves to monetary ruin and social censure by thrusting huayno onto a stage normally occupied by salsa. I said it myself. you used to do pop. and his programme soon ´ became the radio’s central show. I was pretty embarrassed. after their initial three months of work.

’ Frecuencia A’s DJs interspersed broadcasts with humorous asides. because Ayacucho was always invaded by stations from Lima. DJs underscored for listeners huayno ayacuchano’s potential as a site of a different Andean identification. Poaching experienced pop DJs from other stations. we did nice things. affluent. and people liked their style. Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . they adopted the same easy. who most needed reassurance that an Andean style like huayno ayacuchano could be ‘their music. Frecuencia A’s success rested in part upon the perceived quality of the music that they transmitted. they sought to exploit the ‘cosmopolitan DJ’ speech genre as a way of legitimating the new huayno ayacuchano style. charming discursive mode as salsa and rock shows: Institutions. flirting and joking on-air with callers. and popular modes of radio interaction.568 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S Huaman’s words. especially ones that targeted a relatively young.’ Constructing context in broadcasting space Naturally. After long years of degrading associations. I tell you. everyone was listening to Frecuencia A. we made ourselves sweet. we had a really nice programming style. the convincing way in which that music was presented was equally important in attracting an audience. slangy. ‘That’s where this idea that huayno should only be on in the ´ morning ended for good. urban audience. Significantly. rather than the indigenous migrants who formed the audience for other kinds of Andean music. that is. no? So. and melodious manner of Latin American FM DJs. because we thought about it: how can we get an office to listen to us? It was tough. or in an office. in this quote Huaman describes the switch as a calculated attempt ´ to reach a particular audience. it was the middle classes who most required convincing.’ By publicly performing their own cosmopolitanism via a stylish form of address. They spoke rapidly in the characteristically slick. What Huaman refers to as the ‘style’ of Lima-based radio is not primarily ´ a matter of musical selection. However. They adopted mannerisms and patterns of interaction similar to those used on pop stations. We were pretty smart with our programming. you know. Knowing that listeners sought not only music but also a particular atmosphere in radio consumption. Offices and institutions are sites where middle-class professionals are employed. This involved a major shift in discursive style. derived from DJs’ knowledge of local listening habits. implicitly evaluated in class terms. we made it so that you could listen to this music in a kitchen. but rather something like Spitulnik’s ‘upbeat beat. one that could be recognized and appropriated without shame. we made adjustments.

‘La Caribena. Talk revolved around revamping the station’s overall tone. and similar noises connoting fun Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . most of the conversation was devoted to the metapragmatics of broadcasting. and ˜ tecnocumbia (a Peruvian variant of chicha). Huaman was especially vocal. It was conducted informally.19 Instead of repertoire choices. in a small room just outside the station’s broadcast booth. accom˜ ˜ panied by an energetic swooshing sound. However. Significantly. Many DJs around the city and in Lima had seen stints of varying lengths in its broadcast booth. DJs are regarded as skilled for the degree to which they can entertain listeners and maintain interest in the programme. The meeting was therefore convoked by the station’s director to remedy the situation via programming changes. laser sound effects. it rocks!’). rather than their detailed knowledge of music itself. incongruously. yeeeah. the neotraditional huayno ayacuchano by this time received roughly equal airplay. sound effects called cunas. was one of many cunas used ˜ continually to foreground a mood of animated entertainment. whose selections of upbeat huayno were bridged. some of the city’s trend-setting DJs still worked at the station. suena!’ (roughly. monitoring the airplay of other stations and constantly renewing their mixed sets based on the hits emerging elsewhere. by brief snatches of seashore sound effects.M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 569 Within this milieu. the most popular in the city. and it was still a central institution. clips signalling the opening of the broadcast day and of individual programmes. against the background noise of a weekend broadcast hosted by DJ Coco C. their listenership had decreased substantially. Creating the requisite atmosphere is a matter of both language register and of using key contextual devices during a broadcast. At this time. he ´ was also involved with rival Radio La Caribena. However. and pre-recorded ‘pilot’ CDs containing current hits to use in DJ absences were all proposed as improvements. In addition to his role at Frecuencia A. however. a testament to the extent to which these musical categories had become commensurable. though a mastery of both is ideal. in order to achieve a style in line with that being used at more successful stations around the city. Others included female giggles. ˜ In a fashion similar to a North American Contemporary Hit Radio station. La Caribena trafficked in musical genres such as rock. The signature phrase ‘La Caribena: siiiii. due in part to the widespread adoption of their model by other stations. La Caribena had attracted a wide audience using a calculated blend of musical ˜ genres. salsa. Like Lima’s FM stations. The use of catchy station identifications. The importance of the latter was emphasized for me during a meeting that took place at Frecuencia A in January of 2003. this meeting featured neither the hierarchical instruction session nor the definition of playlists that I had anticipated. pop. such as ˜ those in use by Coco C. All of this musical content was framed by attention-grabbing cunas and ˜ electronically-processed station identifications.

empty room hung with posters of huayno stars. The adobe-walled house with a door opening onto a large. opening off the back of a dark. departure.m. Therefore. At roughly 10:00 a. Contemporary huayno DJs like Huaman do not merely play ´ music. In effect. he eased himself into the closet-sized broadcast booth. I was sure that I had come to the wrong location. Lowering the volume and bending to the microphone. Huaman often seemed like he was in constant motion from the moment ´ he arrived at Frecuencia A. In Huaman’s case. thoroughly comfortable in the role of entertainer: . the DJs at Frecuencia A were eager to capitalize on their semiotic value. They create a certain mood and atmosphere through the force of their on-air personalities. ranging over the breadth of his vocal capacity as he energetically set the programme’s tone for his listeners. Aware that these devices had become important means of signalling a cosmopolitan aura of bourgeois leisure. His melodious tenor instantly conveyed a sense of humour and diversion. though. ‘desperately seeking the audience’ (1991) by making the broadcast style resonate with the way that listeners had come to imagine themselves and their place in the world. the meeting featured no specific instructions as to musical content. that would allow the station to continue operating at its previous level. after having heard his voice on the airwaves for weeks. and stereo. He tended to grin as he speaks. miniscule mixer and ancient-looking microphone atop a tiny wooden desk were a far cry from the Macintosh G4s and glassed-in booths I had seen at local pop music stations. Frecuencia A’s radio workers were. he announced the time and gave the station’s identifying slogan. in Ang’s memorable phrase. did not portend the slick musical empire that the sound of his show had led me to expect. The first time that I sought him out at Frecuencia A. encouraging listeners to tune in as they go about their daily business.. Instead. the engaging sound world generated over the ´ course of his show stood in stark contrast to the limited conditions under which it was realized. Constructing context: DJ style Even more important than cunas. bare courtyard.m. Once I located the broadcast booth. I was further amazed by the station’s sparse setup: the two old CD players. and the tiny hand-lettered sign bearing the station name.570 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 and excitement. it would be the intentional borrowing of these stylistics. where a pilot CD had been playing since Argumedo’s 9:30 a. cassette deck. but more importantly. tied to the listener’s immediate milieu. It is ˜ primarily through their on-air actions that identification with a cosmopolitan social space is not only achieved. is the work of DJ performance. necessary signifiers of modernity for an audience in search of a particular mediated experience.

340). . Using local idioms and toponyms. Huaman dexterously wove elements such as station identifications. that they were ´ spending time with a particularly cool friend. song titles. into a relentless patter that drove the overall mood of his programme. His personalized humour brought listeners into a sphere of public intimacy. but also an ability to interweave the humour. to liven up Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . the job of a radio worker is to inform and educate. It was often used improvizationally. a space of familiarity that was conspicuously shared with others in broadcast range. whatever that is. . I’m a little sick. . Unique to the nominally ‘commercial’ DJ. really too bad. and it doesn’t want to let go. We’ll have to wait four days. . time ´ checks. at Frecuencia A. He continually drew on his repertoire of linguistic skills and verbal signifiers to communicate such elements with a mix of hip. Spitulnik’s description of ‘good deejaying’ on Zambian radio closely parallels the assessments of Peru’s contemporary huayno DJs. I’ve been taken by a cold. . worldly slang and local references. Huaman’s goal was for listeners to feel a sense of rapport. two days ago.M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 571 10:03 a. .m. who also evaluate ‘how skilfully the disc jockey blends a personalised commentary with time checks and channel identification . such that listeners were both reassured of his programme’s cosmopolitanism and its personal relevance: that it was locally directed. I’ll get better the natural way: drug-free [laughs]. However. Anyway. because a cold lasts eight days. formed at a time when radio work held the status of an amateur intellectual pursuit. indissolubly knitting huayno ayacuchano and a ‘modern’ sensibility to one another. it is a mode of discourse reviled by older intellectuals and huayno presenters. his radio style is shaped by the need to communicate a cosmopolitan aesthetic. and advertising. and information that listeners expect from a broadcast. often deployed via inside references of the kind that flesh out playful interactions between friends in daily life. the first folkloric station of the region . p. saluting specific listeners around the city. intimacy. six days still. trendiness. artist names. no? They’ve recommended that I take . Such banter is central to his job. A sense of humour pervaded the entire show. Establishing a mediated space that people will want to inhabit for two hours requires not only discerning musical taste. For many of them. and with the musical selections themselves’ (Spitulnik 1994. his projection of familiarity made listeners aware that they were both personally addressed and part of a larger public that could recognize and appropriate the products of mediated cosmopolitanism as fast as Huaman ´ deployed them. as you can see. vitapirena. These various elements and functions typically interanimated one another across the broadcast. and that they were fashionably hip for hearing it.

Here at Frecuencia A. suggesting an intimate rapport with his public. By engaging with potentially-recognizable locals day after day. trust a clinic where you get service from a professional. Here. a shout out to Sandra. . a lighthearted reference to the nickname of local musician Hugo Dolorier. with a degree from the US. so you don’t get sulky. that of addressing specific listeners. for you with love: ‘Tu eres angel ´ de mi vida. It audibly ties Huaman’s hip on-air persona ´ to persons within the immediate milieu. the ducks. but they are also solicited ´ by callers who respond to his invitation for requests. with the Americas Orchestra. each allow Huaman to turn even the most functional aspects of his programme into a ´ source of amusement for listeners. And to you as well. In these cases. He’s always there. . Sandrita. of Dr Jorge Luis Fernandez. ‘You’re the love of my life. ´ love of my dreams’]. This normally appeared during the instrumental lead-in. Fulfilling such requests and saluting callers by name establishes a sense that the programme is directly connected to the community itself. Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 . they can participate in his world of savvy cosmopolitanism. and ties both to the ‘global’ sphere. Huaman allows listeners ´ to be drawn imaginatively into his personal space.572 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S aspects of the programme that would otherwise remain functional and dry. Don’t trust self-trained doctors. they go. Ronald and Hugo Dolorier . And this song for you. the ducklings. angel de mis ilusiones’ [roughly. there you are. a shout out to you. member of the Peruvian ophthalmo´ logic college. they’ll be back next week . encourages the perception that the programme is identified with the community. what a lost cause! Your eyes need good attention. not like these dudes who. Many of these comments are directed to Huaman’s personal acquaintances and sponsors. assuring listeners that simply by picking up the phone.. they ´ come. as Huaman dropped his voice to its lower range and softened his tone. A second. like Dr Fernandez. This passage also demonstrates a third key discursive activity of DJs. orchestra of the quack quack brothers. frequently building upon the ´ songs themselves. often ´ ending with a recitation of the opening lyrics: Also. a kiss for Sandra. complementary mode of discourse that was pervasive over Huaman’s show was the evocation of romance. you know. where are you Sandra? Ah. . he makes the public both audible and visible to itself. . by insinuating an anonymous romantic intrigue. such as song introductions and advertisements: Let’s go. arriving to your homes courtesy of the Tres Mascaras ´ clinic. and a droll extrapolation upon a daily advertisement.

and where you put horns on me (cuckolded me: ‘me pusiste cachos’). and to generate the atmosphere of fun attending musical consumption: Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 A shout out to the hottie (‘cuerazo’)! Yeah! Hey! Let’s go . where we met. making them aware of counterparts hearing elsewhere within broadcast range. both a distinctive listening market and a distinct subject position took shape along with it. He also drew on phrases particular to the Ayacucho region. they are more than just a social aggregate of . frequently using the Quechua language.M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 573 Huaman’s frequent mixture of local idiomatic expressions with a translocal ´ colloquial vocabulary achieved a similar effect. these tactics had largely succeeded in redefining the public image of huayno ayacuchano. They encouraged people to tune in by placing music within a discursive frame identified bourgeois leisure and cosmopolitan discourse. and ´ drew upon their knowledge of radio stylistics to convince listeners that they could do so without fear of ridicule. In articulating contemporary huayno ayacuchano to an Andean middle-class public. and tying the experience of radio listening to known locales in the vicinity. These are especially used in performance to maintain forward motion. linking them into a new kind of cosmopolitan Andean public. DJs helped individual consumers of huayno ayacuchano to understand themselves as members of a social entity with a historicity superseding the immediate moment of listening. His speech was liberally peppered with expressions that form a part of Peru’s street lexicon. a fact well evidenced by its appearance on the cosmopolitan. artists and mediators organized audiences. Sapachallan warmi! Ama waqaspalla! (Quechua: Lonely woman! Don’t cry now!). as well as the position that it later attained in Lima. Rather. and by ˜ its massive presence in local and media channels. youth-oriented station La Caribena. . especially cries of encouragement from traditional huayno performance. to the Muyurina Valley. It is in this way that radio publics take on social body: ‘when radio listeners have an awareness of one another and a sense of simultaneous participation. The success of the style did not depend in any simple way upon the way that the music ‘represented’ a pre-existing social group. . By 2001. This identification between music and sociality was not merely a logical culmination of tendencies latent within the country’s changing social climate. DJs such as Huaman created both spaces in which to experience it. Conclusion As contemporary huayno ayacuchano became a mass-mediated object. Publicly interpellating listeners.

in order to show how. However. 19).574 C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 listener who happen to use radio. Acknowledgements This article is based on research conducted between 2001 and 2003 in Peru. Support is gratefully acknowledged from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. It is quite clear that contemporary huayno ayacuchano’s success is at best an ambivalent victory for Andean public representation. the case of huayno ayacuchana does show how mediators engage and redraw the categories imposed by local hegemonies. media. However. which take affiliation with the Global North as the only legitimate mode of cosmopolitan identification. its existence as a distinct class of object is in and of itself a challenge to the historic Peruvian paradigm. and showing the underlying conditions that legitimate such contexts. Understanding the mechanics of globalization requires attention to media networks and to the actions of such agents. This allows for a description of how global processes both subvert and reproduce hegemonic aspects of local and translocal power relations. the style’s mediators would in effect seem to have succumbed to the notion of Western superiority that has attended Peruvian colonialism for five centuries. Only by demonstrating how the vehicles of cosmopolitan identification are inserted into everyday life can a satisfying portrait of globalization. They have a sense of intersubjectivity’ (Spitulnik 1994. In adapting it to the dominant discourses of respectability. It is precisely for this reason that the contexts and processes of globalization and cosmopolitan identification require more attention than they have so far received in studies of popular music. will aid in the creation of a theoretical toolkit for working effectively with globalization and cosmopolitanism. the account of music. The emergence and coherence of huayno ayacuchano’s public may not portend a revolution in Andean representation. the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological . mediators working with the tools they are granted do manage to reformulate such codes. as both agents of social change and as mediators of the hegemony. premised on the swallowing up of Andean distinctiveness. just enough to create some space for powerful new ideas. p. As such. While submitting to dominant codes. be achieved. one that accounts for its unevenness and disjunct nature. Instead. reworking them as best they can. and social change presented here brings with it none of the satisfying. In order to understand how those involved with global processes get inside hegemonic structures. studies of popular music must move beyond ‘reading’ style and assuming that their subjects do the same. people manage to redirect the effects of broader social changes. attending to the way that mediators create contexts in which to experience music. counterhegemonic claims of liberating hybridity that often accompany studies of globalization.

and Paja Faudree. Note that such an analysis does not assuage Habermas’s own fears about the etiolation of the democratic public sphere. I would also like to thank Jonathan Ritter. Jessaca Leinaweaver. In wide use since the colonial period as a term for persons of European or African heritage born in the New World. Calhoun (1992b). However.’ I mean specifically to designate those individuals who are involved in processes of musical distribution and sales. wherein the rise of mass media and consumer society reduces the public’s role to that of spectator. and reconsidered his original work. Notes Downloaded by [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online IPB] at 17:50 02 February 2012 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 This article is based primarily on fieldwork carried out in Lima and Ayacucho. This is not to deny that the rhetorical shift to ‘cosmopolitanism’ obeys other considerations as well: however. ´ ´ all of whom commented on some version of this piece in a most helpful way. focusing on other media and methods of organization. By the term ‘mediator. I limit myself to the actions of key agents working in the field of ‘folkloric’ radio: for a fuller discussion see Tucker (2005). Javier Leon. the methods by which audiences were persuaded of their logic of compatibility. that is considered to be ‘non-Andean’ (neither indigenous nor mestizo) in terms of both cultural practice and descent. For other key studies of recording studio work see Greene and Porcello (2005) and Zak (2001). expanded. Spitulnik (1994). as opposed to those whose musical talents generate the sound contained in the wares that they circulate. today ‘criollo’ properly refers to that population. between 2001 and 2003. It should be noted that Habermas has to a large extent disavowed studies adapting his ideas about the public sphere and public culture (Habermas 1989). is advocated in Thornton (1996). those studies focusing on ‘vernacular’ cosmopolitanisms and the uneven distribution of ‘global’ process is my main concern here. A full account of this process would specify which ‘global’ factors were selected to appeal to whom. it does invite further scholarly specification of the consequences of this shift. Peru. It would also assess the everyday situations in which ideas are appropriated by consumers. largely confined to Peru’s coastal region. See especially Fraser (1990). . by whom. however. All citations are taken from interviews conducted by me during that period. In this article. and in which they are deployed as positional markers.M U S I C R A D I O A N D G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N 575 Research. A similar approach. which has substantially revised. and the University of Michigan’s Rackham School of Graduate Studies and Centre for Latin American and Caribbean Studies. Gal and Woolard (2001b) and Warner (2002).

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