The Singing of Psalms in the Early-MedievalOffice

By Joseph Dyer The anonymous fourth-century tract De poenitentia depicts with a grand oratorical flourish the universality of the psalms in the Christian world. Its author proclaims that the psalms are heard at vigils, at morning prayer, and at funerals in the city churches, but the power of "David" extends beyond their walls. Even in the fields and deserts and stretchinginto uninhabitedwasteland,he rouses sacred choirs to God. ... In the monasteriesthere is a holy chorus of angelic hosts, and David is first and middle and last. In the convents . . David is first and middle and last. In the deserts . . . David is first and middle and last. And at night all men are dominated by physicalsleep and drawn into the depths, and David alone stands by, arousing all the servantsof God to angelic vigils, turning earth into heaven and making angels of men.' Though the author may have exaggerated the centrality of the psalms in the lives of all Christians, he aptly characterized the role of the psalms in monastic life: there David was indeed "first and middle and last." Every monk was expected to memorize all 150 psalms. They were his daily bread, words always on his lips, the foundation of his life of prayer. St. Benedict, taking as his model the monasteries attached to the Roman basilicas, recommended the weekly recitation of the psalter, and some monastic regimens were even more demanding. The psalms also held a place of fundamental importance in education. If a candidate for the monastic or clerical state could not read, the psalter served as his primer of Latin grammar, and facility in memorizing the psalms provided the clearest early indication of exceptional intellectual ability. In the medieval Office the singing of psalms was far more than a musical exercise. It was ampler in its connotations than the mere adaptation of words to stereotypical melodic formulae. Years of daily encounters with the prayers of the psalmist fostered a rich contextuality of associations, a private and
This essay is an offering to Janet Knapp from one of her former students on the occasion of her retirement from the faculty of Vassar College. Research support has been received from the Summer Stipend program of the National Endowment for the Humanities and from the University of Massachusetts. I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of Professor Ruth Steiner, who facilitated access to the Dom Mocquereau Microfilm Archive at the Catholic University of America. De poenitentia, PG 64:12-13. The translation is by James McKinnon, Music in Early Christian Literature,Cambridge Readings in the Literature of Music (Cambridge, Eng., 1987), p. 90. The number of patristic references to the psalms in this volume is itself revealing.

64 SPECULUM (1989)


The Singing of Psalms interior exegesis of the scriptural text in an ever-widening field of significance. The fruits of this meditation on the psalms rarely appeared in written form, but it resonated with the method of exegesis in the writings of the Fathers. The Fathers regarded the psalter as a book of prophecy, "an assortment of oracles whose meaning is revealed to those who have the insight to discern it and apply it to the contemporary scene."2 This prophetic and spiritual mode of interpretation received its sanction directly from the New Testament. Jesus applied the words of the psalmist to himself, and the early church saw the entire Old Testament as a repository of types which came to fulfillment with the mission of the Savior. Of the four forms of scriptural exegesis cultivated in the patristic age (historical, allegorical, moral, and anagogical), the allegorical and moral appealed most strongly to the monastic imagination.3 They encouraged richly allusive interpretations which led far from the historical meaning of the text. The psalms lent themselves especially well to this approach, and those who sang the psalter weekly in the Divine Office could refer to written models as they strove to apply the psalm text to the understanding of doctrine, the practice of virtue, or the life of the church. A range of patristic commentaries on the psalms was available in Latin to western monks of the Middle Ages. Origen was the first to comment on the entire psalter, and his method of drawing out the hidden significance of the text became the paradigm for all later commentators. Though he wrote in Greek, the essentials of his method were available in the West through Jerome's Tractatusin psalmos, an adaptation of Origen's homilies on the psalms, and in the Latin translation of the homilies on Psalms 36, 37, and 38 by Rufinus.4 Origen deeply influenced some of the most widely read of earlymedieval authors: Gregory the Great, Isidore, and Hrabanus Maurus. As Jean Leclercq observed, "what was sought in him was not so much a doctrine as a mentality, and, most of all, a way of interpreting Holy Scripture."5 This can be illustrated by examining briefly the beginning of Origen's homily on Psalm 36. After describing the three types of interpretation he recognized - proG. W. H. Lampe, "The Exposition and Exegesis of Scripture to Gregory the Great," Cambridge History of the Bible, 2 (Cambridge, Eng., 1969), p. 159. See also Joseph Gelineau, "Les psaumes a l'epoque patristique," La Maison-Dieu 135 (1978), 99-116; Balthasar Fischer, "Le Christ dans les psaumes: La devotion aux psaumes dans l'eglise des martyrs," La Maison-Dieu 28 (1951), 86109; and Pierre Salmon, L'Office divin au moyenage, Lex orandi 27 (Paris, 1959), pp. 99-134. 3 Henri de Lubac, Exegese medievale:Les quatre sens de l'Ecriture,2 vols. (Paris, 1959); Johannes Quasten, Patrology, 3 vols. (1950; repr. Utrecht, 1964), 2:92-93. 4Jerome, Tractatus in psalmos, CCSL 78 (Turnhout, 1958); Rufinus, Origenis explanatio (PG 12:1319-1410). Rufinus's Prologus is printed separately in CCSL 20 (Turnhout, 1961). See Vittorio Peri, Omelie origeniane sui salmi: Contributoall'identificazionedel testo latino, Studi e Testi 289 (Vatican City, 1980), pp. 7-40. The basic study of the patristic commentaries is MarieJoseph Rondeau, Les commentairespatristiques du Psautier (3e-5e siecles), Orientalia Christiana analecta 219-20 (Rome, 1982-85); a briefer overview may be found in Aime Solignac, "Psaumes, commentaires," Dictionnaire de spiritualite, 12/2:2562-68. 5 Jean Leclercq, The Love of Learning and the Desirefor God: A Study of Monastic Culture, trans. Catherine Misrahi (New York, 1961), p. 96; de Lubac, Exegese medievale, 1:221-38.


The Singing of Psalms 537 phetic, mystic, and moral - Origen said of Psalm 36: "this entire psalm is moral, and given to the human soul as a cleansing and a remedy, since it makes manifest our sins and teaches us to live in accordance with the law."6 The opening verses of this psalm are: "Do not strive to outdo the evildoers or emulate those who do wrong. For like grass they soon wither, and fade like the green of spring." The psalmist's comparison suggested to Origen a passage from Isaiah 40.6-8 ("All mankind is grass .... The grass withers, the flowers fade, but the word of our God endures for evermore"). The flower's bloom represents the "glory of the flesh" exemplified in the arrogance of princes. One reigns after another, but their "bloom" soon shrivels, turns to dust, and is scattered by the wind ("verum etiam tanquam pulvis aridus et a vento dispersus"). The rich and the vain enjoy themselves in this life, though soon enough even the location of their tombs is forgotten. Origen contrasted this evanescence with the stability of the word of God. Dumb animals feed on the grass but the wise man feeds on the divine word, which is eternal, and on Jesus, the bread which came down from heaven. Origen's exposition of this psalm illustrates a kind of exegesis which was widely admired and emulated. As Dom Leclercq explains, "if he [Origen] was the favorite model of monastic commentators, this was because of his mastery of allegory, and consequently of the whole theory of the spiritual life."7 Among the Fathers the psalter was the book most often commented upon, and the wealth of patristic reflection was transmitted to the Middle Ages both directly and through excerpts in later authors. Hilary of Poitiers probably treated the entire psalter, and considerable portions of his Tractatus are preserved. Ambrose commented on several psalms, and Jerome was known to medieval readers both for his Commentarioliand for the Breviarium in psalmos once attributed to him. Augustine's prestige ensured the dissemination of his Enarrationes, the first completely preserved Latin commentary on the entire psalter. His writings gained even wider currency when Cassiodorus borrowed from them for his own influential exegesis of the psalms. Augustine, Jerome, and Cassiodorus became the source books for Carolingian commentators on the psalms.8 All monks would have had access to at least some of these commentaries or their literary descendants. Anyone who learned his psalms from a glossed psalter would have imbibed a commentary along with the text. Benedict recommended the Scriptures as "rectissima norma vitae humanae," and that recommendation was bracketed with references to the "holy Fathers."9
6 "Totus psalmus iste moralis est, et velut cura quaedam et medicina humanae animae datus, cum peccata nostra arguit, et edocet nos secundum legem vivere": Homilia prima, PG 12:131921. The Greek text has been lost; only the Latin version of Rufinus survives. 7 "The Exposition and Exegesis of Scripture from Gregory the Great to St. Bernard," Cambridge History of the Bible, 2:196. 8 Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (Notre Dame, 1964), pp. 3782. References to the patristic sources can be found in the works of Rondeau and Solignac mentioned in n. 4 above.. 9Regula Benedicti 73; RB 1980: The Rule of St. Benedict in Latin and English with Notes, ed. Timothy Fry et al. (Collegeville, 1981), pp. 294-96. In this chapter Benedict appears to quote from Ambrose's Expositio de psalmis.

The Singing of Psalms It would be difficult to overestimate the power of the psalms in the lives of those who prayed and sang the Office. As the words of the psalms were sung to the prescribed tones, each monk supplied them with his own "jeu spontane des associations, des rapprochements et des comparaisons," a private exegesis of the sacred text.10 The psalms were given a specifically Christian application by the tituli psalmorumand psalm collects. These titles were not those of the Hebrew psalter, but suggestions as to how each psalm should be interpreted in a doctrinal, prophetic, or moral way. Six principal series of such titles exist, and in many of them the interpretation of the psalmist's words as the "vox Christi" is emphasized." The psalm collects were actually used in the Office, though perhaps not widely, until the eighth century. The passage from Cassian's Institutes quoted below is an example of how they were joined to the singing of the psalm.12 The preceding considerations only begin to suggest the centrality of the psalter in the monastic world. In cenobitic communities the recitation of the psalms in common was regulated either by written rule or by the directives of the local abbot.'3 Most of the early monastic rules present rather loose guidelines about the number of psalms required and their distribution through the day or week. St. Benedict was the first to prescribe an ordering in specific detail. When his rule superseded older monastic traditions in the ninth century, its plan for the weekly recitation of the psalter became the norm of the monastic Office. The psalms, in contrast to the prayers and readings of the Office, were performed nearly always in a manner resembling singing rather than nonmusical recitation. Though one can imagine a continuum stretching from stylized public reading to genuine melody, the patristic and medieval texts which mention psalms and readings in succession make a clear distinction between the two. Isidore of Seville says that "a lectio is so called because it is not sung like a psalm or hymn but merely read."'4 The Rule of Sts. Paul and
'°Jacques Dubois, "Comment les moines du moyen age chantaient et goutaient les Saintes Ecritures," Le moyenage et la Bible, ed. Pierre Riche and Guy Lobrichon (Paris, 1984), p. 262. 1 Pierre Salmon, Les "Tituli Psalmorum"des manuscritslatins, Etudes liturgiques 4 (Paris, 1959); Salmon discusses each series and gives representative examples in L'Officedivin, pp. 115-23. On the interpretation of the psalms as "vox Christi" see Rondeau, Les commentaires, vol. 2 passim. 12 Andre Wilmart and Louis Brou, The Psalter Collectsfrom V-VIth Century Sources, Henry Bradshaw Society 83 (London, 1949); an improved text has been published by Patrick Verbraken, Oraisons sur les cent cinquante psaumes: Texte latin et traductionfrancaise de trois series de collectes psalmiques, Lex orandi 42 (Paris, 1967). For an interpretation see F. Vandenbroucke, "Sur la lecture chretienne du psautier au Ve siecle," Sacris erudiri 5 (1953), 5-26. 13 For a historical overview of the monastic Office in the West see Paul Bradshaw, Daily Prayer in the Early Church, Alcuin Club Collections 63 (London, 1981), pp. 124-29; and Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West (Collegeville, 1986), pp. 93-140. Structural questions are paramount in the classic study of Odilo Heiming, "Zum monastischen Offizium von Kassianus bis Kolumbanus," Archivfiir Liturgiewissenschaft (1961), 89-156; and in Corbinian Gindele, "Die 7 Struktur der Nokturnen in den lateinischen Monchsregeln vor und um St. Benedikt," Revue benedictine64 (1954), 9-27. 14 "Lectio dicitur quia non cantatur, ut psalmus et hymnus, sed legitur tantum": Liber etymosive Originum libri XX, 2 logiarum 6.19.9, ed. W. Lindsay, Isidori Hispalensis episcopiEtymologiarum


" Archivfiir Musikwissenschaft (1965). responsorial and antiphonal.'8 While the earliest treatises employ several terms (varietas. in his description of the method he followed in preparing a tonary based on the antiphoner of Trier. The structural similarities between the psalm-tone formulae of Gregorian chant and those of the local Roman repertoire known as "Old Roman" allow us to trace the history of these formulae back to the eighth century. p. Regino of Prtim." Musica disciplina 30 (1976). and thus to a period before the two chant traditions separated. 17 Walter Lipphardt." Studia musicologicaAcademiaescientiarumHungaricae 13 (1971). Both Gregorian and Old Roman manuscript sources indicate the psalm tone to be used with a particular antiphon in the same way: the last six notes of the formula used to recite the psalm verses are set above the letters euouae (saeculorumamen). Corpus scriptorum de musica 21 (Rome. Ambrosian chant employs a similar system. 15 See Ewald 22 Jammers. folksong. On some philosophical implications of the term see Eleonore Stump. consisted of two components: the text of the psalm itself and the refrain inserted between verses. Since there can be no doubt that this refrain was sung. Boethius'sDe topicisdifferentiis(Ithaca. 275-88. Musica disciplina. Wissowa. To date the Amen and only extensive discussion of the differentia phenomenon is Clyde Brockett. divisio. ed.'6 Of somewhat earlier date (ca. 1890). PL 82:252.15 The first substantial evidence of a theory designed to organize the singing of psalms appears in the Musica disciplina of Aurelian of Reome. eventually the term differentia became the accepted designation for the cadential gesture which linked the psalm verses with a recurrent antiphon. CSEL 20 (Vienna. . equated the differentiaewith the "divisiones tonorum" under which he grouped the antiphons (see n. 18 Aurelian. Tertullian: "the Scriptures are read [and] the psalms are sung": De anima 9. pp. nor is it vols. (Oxford. Parallels between the formulae used to recite the psalms and epic poetry. "La recitatione delle letture nella liturgia romana antica. probably from the sixth century.17 Both of these documents concern a body of music which came to be known as "Gregorian" chant. suggests the manner of performance. 1911). ed. 16 Musica disciplina. 1965)." though anachronistic. quotes a famous injunction from the Rule (Praeceptum)of Augustine that texts intended to be spoken should not be embellished "with musical figures and the art of melody. 835) is the hypothetical archetype of a comprehensive tonary from Metz. 1975). Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 43 (Mtinster. Laurence Gushee." The need for so many of them has never been satisfactorily explained. Reifferscheid and G. it is only reasonable to suppose that the psalm was presented in a style consistent with the melody of the refrain. and the more elaborate pieces in the chant repertoire have been proposed by several scholars. a treatise thought to have been written about the middle of the ninth century. 1978). Der karolingischeTonar von Metz. 13-36. Cf. 248-61. An illuminating study of the liturgical lectio is Gino Stefani.The Singing of Psalms 539 Stephen. 47 below). Janka Sendrei. "Beitrage zu den musikgeschichtlichen Beziehungen des volksmusikalischen Rezitativs." The common forms of psalmody. 310. 14368." Ephemeridesliturgicae 81 (1967). 113-30. and differentia) to describe these cadences. There is a large corpus of such "differences. The term "recitative. which lists the antiphons of the Office and prescribes specific psalm-tone formulae appropriate to each of them. "Der Choral als Rezitativ. A. diffinitio. "Saeculorum Differentiae: Practical versus Theoretical Tradition. passim.

The Singing of Psalms always clear why one pattern makes a more appropriate link with the antiphon than another. 1963).CSEL 17 (Vienna.. he may say the psalms straight through because of urgent work. This custom is perhaps implied by John Cassian's remark (ca. pp. "Antiphon. 9-12 mars 1981 (Paris. Odo (880-942). 1977). uti omnibus patet.20 A similar inference may be drawn from statements in two important monastic rules of the early sixth century. the rules of the anonymous Master and of St. "Psalm: Latin Monophonic Psalmody. 1964). Hereafter The New Grove will be cited as TNG. Hereafter Sources chretiennes will be cited as SC. 11 (New York. 22 "Verum quia eiusdem officii antiphonae. For a general background see Thomas Connolly. Michel Huglo. in directum psallantur" ("If the community is rather large. 15:322-32. "Antiphone (liturgie). a practice which prolonged the Office considerably. cols." Dictionnaire d'archeologiechretienneet de liturgie 1/2:2282-2319. refrains are used with the psalms. the psalms are said without refrain"): RB 1980.7: "psalmos vero directaneos dicens. 2461-88.21 This dispensation would have been meaningless were not frequent repetition of the antiphon regarded as the norm. 212-13. La regle de saint Benoit. si vero minor." ibid. The Institutes ofJohn Cassian. 1894).6) also allows an exception at terce. Gibson. Bruno Stablein.. Benedict. 205. ed. the insertion of antiphons after every psalm verse helped to fill up the long vigils observed by Gallic monks during the long nights of winter. volentes officium ad lucem usque protendere. and the end of the antiphon is linked to the reciting pitch of the psalm tone by a short initium. "Notes sur l'antiphonie. "Le temps du moine d'apres les premieres regles monastiques d'Occident (IV-VI siecles). 2. English translation by Edgar C." The New GroveDictionaryof Music and Musicians. on. unamquamque antiphonam per singulos psalmorum versus repetendo canebant": Vita S. 20 vols. Paris. 144-91. 6 vols. 220. SC 181-86 (Paris. 1980). et eius temporis longiores noctes. Gattungen der Musik in Einzeldarstellungen:Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade (Bern. La regle du Maitre. According to a tenth-century vita of St. The Regula Benedicti (17. Louis Petit. 1886). The Rule of the Master.2.. p. 5:452-63. second abbot of Cluny. Michael Petschenig. 260. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. vol.1:523-45.19 There can be little doubt that the antiphon was sometimes repeated by the choir after every psalm verse. p. 415) about "these same [psalms] prolonged by the melodies of antiphons" ("hos ipsos antiphonarum protelatos melodiis"). eds. cum antiphonas. Sources chretiennes 106 (Paris.. as we have said above"). time in the monastic world see J. Jacques Hourlier. Both permit the omission of antiphons in order to alleviate the burden of the Office on very small monastic communities. The number of times the antiphon was intercalated into the body of the psalm text varied according to circumstances which may never be fully understood. See the discussion of monastic vigils in Adalbert de Vogiu." Die Musik in Geschichteund Gegenwart. 18. sext.22 The same frequency of repetition is implied by Amalarius of Metz in his 19The principal treatments of antiphonal psalmody from a historical perspective are Henri Leclercq. ed. 99-128. 197172). pp. however). ser. ut supra diximus. Biarne.." in Wulf Arlt et al. and none: "Si maior congregatio fuerit." in Le tempschretiende lafin de l'antiquite au moyen age (III-XIIIe siecle)." ibid. S. Johannis Cassiani De institutis coenobiorumet de octo principalium vitiorum remediis. Colloque international du Centre national de la recherche scientifique. "Antiphon. The typical structure of a psalm tone may be examined in Examples 8-. the English translation is by Luke Eberle. The middle of the psalm verse is marked by a mediant cadence (not in Ambrosian chant. 20Institutes 2. 540 . Cistercian Publications 6 (Kalamazoo. p. pp. Odonis 10. 21 See the Regula Magistri 55. breves sunt. 1984). Adalbert de Vogiu. (London. "Antiphone dans la liturgie grecque. PL 133:48.13 below. p. 1:471-81. if it is smaller. urgentem laboris operam" ("moreover.

. Musicological Studies 15 (New York. p. the practical tradition preserved in the manuscript antiphoners used in the singing of the Office has received almost no attention. ed.The Singing of Psalms 541 description of nocturns. 24 See Charles Du Cange. 23 . Peter's antiphoner. ex. Amalarii episcopiOpera liturgica omnia. 1922-24). Archivio di San Pietro E 14) prescribe a truncated first statement of the antiphon. 126-54 (= Worcester. Rubrics ("hodie antiphonamus") in the Old Roman Antiphoner of St. Cathedral Library. 10 vols. forthcoming. 25 Two noted psalters included in the present study (Bibl. ed.e.25 Our present knowledge of Gregorian psalmody derives almost exclusively from theoretical sources: medieval writers on music. Paleographiemusicale 9 (Solesmes. 1950). ex senis antiphonis quas vicissim chori per singulos versus repetunt": Liber de Ordine Antiphonarii3. Das Antiphonar von Ahrweiler. Aurelian of R6eme memorializes a custom of singing the "alleluia" refrain of the laudes (Psalms 148-50) of the Sunday morning Office between each psalm verse: Musica disciplina 20. 1968). The Antiphonale monasticum(Tournai.Kolner Beitrage zur Musikforschung 37 (Regensburg.v..24 In Gregorian chant the singing of the antiphon was later restricted to the beginning of the psalm and to the end of the doxology which closed each psalm. While many of the treatises and a few of the tonaries have been edited and studied by musicologists. Ottawa Mediaeval Texts and Studies 4 (Ottawa." Studia musicologicaAcademiaescientiarumHungaricae. ed. 133.4. The etymology of the term (tresltrium-fari. Clyde Brockett reports on an example from Mozarabic chant of an antiphon repeated within the psalm: Antiphons. Studi e Testi 140 (Vatican City. Untersuchungenzu den Psalmdifferenzen. Responsoriesand Other Chants of the Mozarabic Rite." 8:190. A long rubric for the Old Roman psalmody. pp. s. pp. between] each verse. and 12 (Solesmes. 1971). the (often anonymous) say three times) describes the practice well. and modern chant books like the Liber usualis. collates the psalm tones from selected antiphoners representative of regional German practices. Leopold Favre. Terence Bailey. (Niort.. 3. F.. 1905-9). and Bibl. pp. "Triumphing" the antiphon for the Benedictusand the Magnificat was one of the last reminders of this solemn psalmody of an earlier time. 11. part of which consisted of "six antiphons which the choirs repeat alternately through [i. 133. whether modern or medieval. Beitrage zur rheinischen Musikgeschichte 94 (Cologne. 24. however. 1966). p. seek to discover in a given repertoire a regularity susceptible to description in the form of universals. 1979).. Peter's may point to a similar usage in singing the ordinary psalms of the Office. The antiphon was sung thrice: (1) before the Gloriapatri. "triumphare. 2 (= Lucca. "The Performance of Office Antiphons in Twelfth-Century Rome.VI. Vat."23 The last remnants of this older custom did not disappear until the later Middle Ages. Tables of differentiaehave been extracted from individual antiphoners by modern authors: Willibrord Alfons Heckenbach. 1934). Chigi C. Glossariummediae et infimae Latinitatis. Gushee. 106-7. Jean Michel Hanssens. Even this was eventually curtailed. and (3) after the Sicut erat.Hereafter Paleographie musicalewill be cited as PM. 1210-19. p. will be analyzed by Edward Nowacki. 26 Hugo Berger. They not infrequently create and eventually succeed in imposing a uniformity which may ". 25 of the St. Vat. Biblioteca capitolare 601). found on fol. when the initial statement became reduced to a single phrase of the antiphon. and trans.39-40.160). (2) before the Sicut erat. p. and the Liberusualis (many editions) reproduce the (30) most common differentiae.26 Music theorists. 1883-87). That the antiphon could be repeated within the psalm seems to be understood by the tenth-century Commemoratio brevis de tonis et psalmis modulandis when it recommends that the "repetitio antiphonarum quae in fine versuum inter captandum fit eadem qua psalmus celeritate percurrat" ("the repetition of the antiphons which occur between the verses should be at the same speed as the psalm"): ed.

One of the products of this theoretical activity was a species of handbook known as a tonary. however. but there. especially books 2 and 3. or Mesopotamia." Revue benedictine99 (1989). Music in Early ChristianLiterature. One of the goals of the classification is to create a smooth musical transition between the psalm tone and its antiphon-refrain. noted breviaries. an eastern monk who had passed his youth and maturity in the monastic settlements of Egypt and the Near East. at the conclusion of which all rise and sing with a loud voice: Gloria patri et filio et spiritui sancto .28 The earliest statements about the singing of psalms in the western monastic Office are found in the Institutesof John Cassian (ca. the prayer that follows The classic study is Michel Huglo.29 This is clear even in an observation which notes a slight variation in the use of the doxology. Tonaries summarize in practical form decisions made on the basis of theory. 360-ca. as indeed they did if one can judge from the antiphoners. 1971). In the Institutes Cassian does not point to any significant difference between the style of psalm singing practiced in fifth-century Gaul and the customs he had witnessed in Egypt. 28 27 . Les tonaires (Paris.we have never heard anywhere throughout the East. he found already established there a monastic Office of psalms familiar to him from the East. they are usually silent or imprecise about the principles applied to the generation of the catalogue. 29 Institutes. The compilers of tonaries intended to exercise an influence on practice.The Singing of Psalms not have existed in practice. CSEL 17:16-45. Their work went on for many centuries before standardization was achieved. English translations of many representative texts (with the exception of monastic regulations) may be found in McKinnon. 41-74. They also permit certain inferences to be drawn about psalmodic customs antecedent to the ones they record. Though these practical manuscripts postdate by many years the intervention of a normative music theory. When he came to Gaul about 415. Palestine.27 The large tonaries divide up the entire corpus of antiphons according to the psalm-tone formulae suitable to each. 542 Before discussing the manuscript transmission of differentiaeand other matters related to medieval psalmody. That practicewhich we have observed in this province [Gaul].that one sings the psalm. Some of the essential points are summarized in the current discussion. and noted psalters included in the present study. The medieval theorists who grappled with the challenge of defining how antiphons should be connected to psalm tones encountered difficulties in establishing universal principles. I would like to review the ways in which the psalms were rendered in the early monastic Office. literary evidence must be the primary source of information. while all keep silence when the psalm is finished. Since the codification of the monastic Office began centuries before the appearance of the first antiphoners. they preserve important information about the singing of psalms in the medieval Office. Though some of them include or are attached to brief commentaries. Psalmody in the monastic rules and the transition from solo to choral singing of the psalms are discussed in my "Monastic Psalmody of the Middle Ages. 435).

while the eastern monks restricted its singing to the end of antiphons. hac vero glorificatione trinitatis tantummodo solere antiphona terminari": Institutes 2. p. 239-44. PL 21:454. and that a delinquent monk had to forgo his privilege of standing before the community to sing the psalm alone. Eberle. instructed women religious that they should not engage in any work or speak during the psalmody ("dum psallitur. ut uno cantante in clausula psalmi omnes adstantes concinant cum clamore. This injunction could be interpreted to mean that their lips were not otherwise occupied. p. ed. 208. There is a similar instruction for the office of duodecimaon Easter evening (Codex regularur. qui cantat.17.The Singing of Psalms 543 is offered up by the singer. CSEL 17:24. The Institutes. Codex regularum monasticarumet canonicarum(Augsburg. SC 106:310. Aureliani Arelat. 530) specifically contradicts this traditional monastic practice. 1759). Benedict (ca." each of whom was charged with the singing of two ordinary psalms followed by one with an alleluia refrain.. "Antiphona.8. cit." ed. In a passage he added to his translation of the Greek Historia monachorumin Aegypto he claimed that "it is the custom there for all to sit while the psalm is recited by one."31 About a hundred years later. an ordinary psalm. The monk Rufinus. sed cum omnium silentio ab eo. The rendition of the psalm itself does not differ: one monk sang the psalm and added the psalm prayer while all listened in silence. 238. 31 "Moris est autem inibi sedentibus cunctis ab uno dici psalmum ceteris vel audientibus vel respondentibus": Historia monachorum29. 34Some of the evidence for solo psalm singing is less direct and makes sense only in the context defined above. nusquam per omnem Orientem audivimus. Germain Morin.34 Nothing in the widely observed Rule of St.). The seated posture of the monks may imply responsorial psalmody in this instance. a contemporary of Cassian. see Bernard Botte. 32 "Quatuor fratres binos psalmos et alleluiaticum tertium dicant": "Regula S. fabulari omnino vel operari non liceat"): Regula virginum 10.. tamen psalmum et responsorium vel versum non imponat": Regula Magistri 73. Even the plural form found in a famous phrase from the rule. ." Sacris erudiri 4 (1952). 33"Nam frater qui correptus in oratorio fuerit. S. 1942). Lukas Holste and M. the others either listen or respond."33 The logical assumption in all of these cases (and elsewhere in the Rule of the Master) is that the singing of a lesson. confirms that this custom of solo chanting of the psalm was practiced among the semianchoritic monks of Lower Egypt. 2 vols. Caesarii Arelatensis opera varia. .30 In Gaul the doxology was sung by all the monks at the conclusion of every psalm.32 In central Italy the Rule of the Master mandated that "a brother who was rebuked [for tardiness] in the oratory . Apparently it was not customary in Gaul to attach this psalter collect to the psalm. Cassian's use of antiphona as a neuter plural is exceptional. Many other monastic rules from the fifth and sixth centuries attest to the persistence of solo psalmody in the monastic Office. may on no account sing a psalm or a responsory or a lesson until he has made satisfaction.. translation by Gibson. finito psalmo orationem succedere. . loc. 1:152. or a responsory was an individual activity. (Maredsous. "let us stand to sing the psalms in such a way that our minds are in 30 "Illud etiam quod in hac provincia vidimus. trans. the monk and bishop Aurelian of Aries (d. Aurelian's predecessor as bishop. 551) prescribed that the psalms at nocturns were to be divided up among four to six "soloists. Caesarius of Aries (470-542). They add this hymn in honor of the Trinity only to the end of antiphons. gloria patri et filio et spiritui sancto. Brockie. 2:104.

. Respect for seniority in the singing of the psalms. was normative in early-medieval monasticism in the West. et al. unless mitigating circumstances dictated otherwise. but with our heart as well" ("non solum vocibus. "Regle des IV peres et seconde regle des peres. can be traced back uninterruptedly to early monasticism. when the monks come for the kiss of peace or for Communion. It was emphasized in the material which reflects the customs of the first true cenobitic communities.7. 1982)." Revue benedictine 77 (1967). A further 544 35 Regula Benedicti 19. which reads: "Therefore. as in all aspects of monastic life.4): RB 1980. just as it was in the East. 6).35This solo psalmody. Both the vicinity of Rome and the orbit of the monastery of Lerins in southern Gaul have been proposed as points of origin. p. They supposed that a single monk would sing the text of the main corpus of antiphonal psalmody as his brethren listened in silence or interrupted him occasionally with a refrain. Ordo iste teneatur ut nullus priorem in monasterio ad standam vel psallendi ordinem praesumat praecedere" (cap. Eberle. or when they sing the psalmody or take their place in choir. nullus praesumat sine praecepto eius qui praeest psalmi laudem emittere. Early Monastic Rules: The Rules of the Fathers in the Regula Orientalis (Collegeville. ad psalmum imponendum. common to such widely separated areas. In fact. 36 "Astantibus ergo ad orationem. 278-79. 207. 77. Edition and commentary in Jean Neufville."37 It might be objected that since Benedict does not distinguish here between responsorial and antiphonal psalmody. they do so in the order decided by the abbot or already existing among them. Neufville's text is reproduced with an English translation in Carmela Vircillio Franklin. ad communionem. those founded by Pachomius in the early fourth century.The Singing of Psalms harmony with our voices" ("sic stemus ad psallendum ut mens nostra concordet voci nostrae"). p. That ordering is to be maintained. the solo psalmody of the ancient monastic Office did not require a specially trained cadre of cantors. sed et corde ad Deum clamare": SC 106:216. sed et. every monk was expected to take his turn as soloist. pp. . 37 "Ergo secundum ordines quos constituerit [abbas] vel quos habuerint ipsi fratres sic accedant ad pacem. Cf. 20-21. but by seniority within the community. trans. A typical formulation of this rule of seniority may be found in the fifth-century Rule of the Four Fathers: "Let no one among those assisting at prayer presume to utter the praise of a psalm without the command of him who presides. which were always rendered by a soloist. he could be referring to the verses of responsories. pp. Thus. in choro standum" (63. RB 1980. agrees with comparable expressions of a general exhortatory nature in other rules."36 Seniority is likewise honored in the Rule of St. the Regula Magistri 47: "Non solum vocibus. so that no one may presume to precede another of higher rank in the monastery for standing or for the order of the singing of the psalms. I believe that this quotation must be taken in the context of monastic traditions established by the abbots who wrote before Benedict. it is a paraphrase of an injunction from the Rule of the Master: "we must cry out to God not only with our voices. Every monk knew all the psalms by heart and. 216-17. corde ad Deum clamare"). pp. Benedict. The order in which each monk sang "his" psalm was governed. not by talent or special office.

p. The singing of psalms . p. "Les repons 'de psalmis' pour les matines de l'Epiphanie a Septuagesime selon le cursus romain et monastique..if this is possible . Choral psalmody was not unknown in early monasticism outside the context of the Office. Kassius Hallinger." Archivfur Liturgiewissenschaft (1984). 110. . The oldest psalm large congregations of lay men and women is frequently mentioned with approval by the Fathers.39 Choral psalmody was customary at the death and burial of a member of the monastic community. 41 "Initium versuum psallentium in choro priores qui in eis stant incipiant. Regula Pauli et Stephani: Editi6 critica. this psalm was to be sung "choris alternantibus": "Actuum praeliminarium Synodi I.passim. Music in Early ChristianLiterature.. in prima aut secunda syllaba pariter unanimiter et uno ore subjungant: ut non sit dissonantia cantantium. si potest fieri. 443.obviously no more than a selected few . Unlike the Master. Adalbert de Vogue dates this rule in the second half of the sixth century: Les regles monastiquesanciennes (400-700).. Aquisgranensis commentationes sive Statuta Murbacensia" 3. Benedict subordinated the responsoriumto the reading which preceded it. Raymond Le Roux. 134-35. 39 According to decrees prepared in 816 for a council on monastic life held at Aachen. Typologie des sources du moyen age occidental 46 (Turnhout." pp. Paul and Stephen. in J. It is found in the Rule of Sts. 27486. if indeed it does refer to choral rendition of psalm verses in the Office. quae maxime ab inordinato initio. that there may be no disorder among the singers.on the first or second syllable and as if from a single mouth.e. 1985).38 Thus it is unlikely that Benedict would have spoken of "singing the psalmody" in reference to the solo verses of the psalm responsories rather than to the (solo) antiphonal psalmody. "Zum monastischen Offizium. Petrus Nowak. . Let the senior members of each choir of singers begin the psalm verses. something which often happens. 13 and 58. but this practice was also observed by devout Christians in secular society. would be the only monastic document before the late 38 See Heiming. ed. 1959).40 Before the last half of the eighth century the monastic literature records a single exception to the practice of solo psalmody in choro (i. 40McKinnon.. . 1 (Siegburg. who counted the responsorial psalms as part of the daily psalmody." Etudes gregoriennes6 (1963). pp. for they rely on the antiphonal psalmody of the preceding nocturn for their texts.Scripta et Documenta 11 (Montserrat. for example. 5). but it was restricted to a few well-defined circumstances. 39-148. 1963). particularlyas the result of a confused beginning and a certain self-willeddissension. in the Office). quibus incipientibus mox omnes. after this beginning let all presentlyjoin in together . "Die Strukturele26 mente des Stundengebets der Regula Benedicti. a central Italian rule which has been dated in the mid-sixth century. He did not reckon the responsories following the readings as part of the weekly obligation to recite all 150 psalms. Corpus consuetudinummonasticarum. from the refectory to the church. As the monks moved about as a group.i comentari.41 This isolated evidence.The Singing of Psalms 545 argument can be adduced to support this assertion. et quodammodo contentiosa varietate solet accidere" (cap. they chanted Psalm 50. Evangelista Vilanova. sung during the period between Epiphany and Septuagesima.. are not independent.

42 The manuscript tradition of the Rule of Sts. The simultaneous singing of the psalm verses by a large group of untrained singers demanded the development of some general principles that could be followed by the entire choir. the evidence for choral psalmody as the norm for the celebration of the Office becomes stronger. he could have freely varied the melodic formula to which the psalm was set. Before the advent of choral psalmody considerable latitude could be allowed to the individual monk in the singing of his psalm. Bailey. and one is justified in wondering whether the guidelines for choral singing of the psalm verses were part of this rule three centuries before. Instead of the liberty allowed a solo psalmist in the choice of formula and text adaptation." Die Musikforschung6 (1953). 43"Quando in choro ad psallendum statis. By the ninth century choral psalmody seems to have become more common. . The causes which in the last half of the eighth century stimulated the transition from solo to choral psalmody in the monastic Office cannot be accurately determined. 44The Commemoratio brevis presumes that when the antiphon is inserted. et illi incipiant versus qui prae ceteris utilius possunt. however. The document known as Memorialequaliter (II) directs that "when you are singing psalms in choir."43From this relatively late date on. though deeply entrenched local customin this as in other matters . Its actual introduction. He exchanged quiet "rumination" on the text for a more active involvement in the opus Dei. ed. as a refrain: "Doppelchor und Psalmvortrag im Fruhmittelalter. so that the rest can join in on the first or second syllable. Paul and Stephen occur in various pieces of Carolingian monastic legislation. Paul and Stephen does not begin until the ninth century. 106.546 The Singing of Psalms eighth century which points to choral psalmody in that context. As long as he presented the other members of the community with a clear musical signal when the antiphon was to be sung.would not have been readily surrendered. represented a fundamental change in monastic spirituality: the monk no longer meditated on the sacred text. there was now urgent need for general agreement on the ways all 150 psalms could be sung chorally and linked with a changing repertoire of antiphons. The Commemoratio does not imply that the antiphon was repeated after every verse. do so with a harmonious and concordant voice [consona et concordi voce]. but prayed it himself. 298. and instructions similar to those found in the Rule of Sts. let those who are best able to do so begin the verse. i>owever. ut ad primam syllabam vel secundam ceteri convenire possint": Corpus consuetudinummonasticarum.44 There must have been agreed boundaries. Since memorization of the psalter had always been a monastic obligation. but one suspects that in practice highly diversified formulae were found from one monastery or diocese to another. it will be sung at the same tempo as the psalm itself. the conditions for choral psalmody had been present for centuries. however. This development had musical implications which could not be ignored.1:253. consona et concordi voce psallite. The entire choir would have 42 Corbinian Gindele interprets "versus. p." somewhat implausibly.

it proved to be (at least in part) the source of problems at Trier. "Antiphonal Psalmody in the Mozarabic Rite. Though the few written-out examples I have discovered (Exx. id est differentias") proper to each. Berkeley. "Accentual and Cursive Cadences in Gregorian Psalmody. "The Antiphons of the Octoechos. pp. on the basis of the Commemoratio points to a mixed practice for the mediant cadences (p." InternationalMusicological Society:Report of the Twelfth Congress. sicut a maioribus nostris traditae sunt. antiphonas. On the basis of the Trier antiphoner he drew up a tonary which grouped the antiphons according to the "divisions of the tones.45 It is impossible to establish the order of priority from the manuscripts under discussion here.547 The Singing of Psalms to select the same cadence formulae from the many possibilities available. ut reor. et sicut ipsa harmonicae disciplinae experientia monstravit. divisiones etiam tonorum." Lest he be reproached by less experienced musicians ("superstitiosis musicis"). distribui tonis.46 This must 45 See Terence Bailey." Journal of the American Musicological Society 13 (1960). Byzantine psalm formulae did not adapt to changing accent patterns according to Oliver Strunk. Daniel Heartz and Bonnie Wade (Kassel. 469). 165-90. the differentiae"("divisiones etiam tonorum. et eum a principio usque in finem per ordinem diligenter revolvens.Many scholars believe that originally there was no such adjustment and that the fixed (or cursive) cadence prevailed.1977. ut decens et conveniens fiat concinentia. 464-71. quas superfluas arbitramur. organization of the psalm formulae according to harmonica disciplina." Journal of brevisBailey the AmericanMusicological Society29 (1976). 1977). distinctis ordinibus inserere curavi. Even a century after the transition began. et pro huiuscemodi re vestram venerationem saepe commotam vidissem. See also Don Randel. simple assignment of the last six syllables of the verse to the six pitches of the differentia. 1981). 900) to Bishop Rathbod of that city. Standardization and discipline became high priorities. The small number of comparisons they permit indicates that the differentiae were adapted to the accent patterns of the text. quae in extrema syllaba in versu solent fieri. The change from solo to choral recitation of the psalms did not take place quickly or without incident. The solution found in the antiphonal psalmody of the Office places the accents of the text invariably on the same pitches of the differentia. Regino attributed the difficulty to a lack of agreement on the tones to be used in singing the antiphonal psalmody. arripui antiphonarium. especially p. In a letter prefaced to the tonary he summarized his editorial principles: respect for tradition. In a letter (ca. Regino of Prum observed that in certain churches of the diocese of Trier the "chorus of psalm singers resounds with discordant voices" ("chorus psallentium psalmorum confusis resonaret vocibus").This "accentual" method requires the repetition of certain pitches. propter dissonantiam toni. 414-22. 50-67. 11-13 below) are set to nonpsalmic texts. he placed the superfluous differentiaein the margins of the pages. Adiiciunt autem quidam et alias divisiones. Since the choice of differentia rested on musical considerations. 174. an adjustment more difficult for a choir than the alternative method. it did not take into account the variable accent patterns of the end of each verse and half-verse of the psalm. pp. and a reduction in the number of differentiae by the omission of those he deemed "superfluous. quas in illo adnotatas reperi. id est differentias. Sed ne a superstitiosis musicis . propriis. 46 "Cum frequenter in ecclesiae vestrae dioecesibus chorus psallentium psalmorum melodiam confusis resonare vocibus. that is. reprinted in Strunk's Essays on Music in the Byzantine World (New York. ed. there is no reason to believe that psalm texts were treated differently.

(2) those that were fitting but unnecessary. 49Huglo. Based on the evidence of the admittedly defective edition of Regino's tonary published by Coussemaker. it appears that Regino was extremely selective in choosing differentiae for inclusion. 50 De musica cum tonario 22. John of Afflighem classified all differentiae into three categories: (1) those that were fitting and negotiate the setting of verses from Psalm 71 illustrated in the Commemoratio brevis: "Gallikanische Liturgie. I believe that many of his problems can be traced back to the difficulties he encountered in trying to adapt idiosyncratic solo psalmodic formulae for choral participation. Conv. 1978). In the early twelfth century the tonary in Florence. for his manual is both incomplete and repetitive. repr.565. ed. and (3) those neither fitting nor necessary." Indeed.presented challenges which seem to have overwhelmed the author. for the extant sources of his tonary do not record these extra differentiae.though in this case not necessarily of differentiae . Especially interesting is his critical stance toward the tradition and his readiness to discard certain formulae.48 Although the eleventh-century tonaries are still comparatively rich in differentiae (see Appendix B). 1963). anonymous compilers of tonaries may have followed. Nazionale." Epistola de harmonicainstitutione. 71-89. and John on Music. opposed to a soloist . the diversity of practice . 1784. 48 Bruno Stablein maintains that it would have been impossible for a choir . Hildesheim. 1:230-31. Les tonaires. In this . Music Theory Translation Series 3 (New Haven. 53-55 in the Bailey edition of the treatise. Les tonaires. later medieval theorists took a position which emphasized the need for reduction and revisions which (they thought) would impose better order on the system. justified reductions in the number of differentiaeon the basis of "musicae artis. added simply for decoration. He had little patience with the second category and also implied that the proliferation of differentiaewas undesirable because it had been engendered by "corrupt" antiphons. Guido. Hucbald. Joseph Smits van Waesberghe. 2:373. utrum eas necessarias. the treatise has been translated by Warren Babb. A century later. 47 Huglo.49 Similar reductions are prescribed for other tones.548 The Singing of Psalms have led to their demise. pp. Regino's tonary is reproduced in Edmond de Coussemaker. 1864-76. 1963).47 Regino's methodology offers a valuable insight into the principles that other. 17 above). 1950). This example corresponds to exx. pp. fiftyfive) found in the slightly earlier Carolingian tonary of Metz. The Carolingian tonary has been edited by Walter Lipphardt (see n. 159-61. 20. ed. an supervacuas opinari velit. F. periti cantoris iudicio relinquentes. Scriptoresecclesiasticide musica sacra potissimum. sopp. He fits all the antiphons of the repertoire to about half the differentiae(twenty-eight vs. p.III. eas subtus aut supra in margine adnotare studuimus. repr.50 Similar editorial interven- reprehendamur. Martin Gerbert. Corpus scriptorum de musica 1 (Rome. Blaise. Bibl. but maintain that "regulariter et naturaliter" it ought to have only four. 153-56. the author of the Commemoratio brevis was less inclined to reductionism: he tried to include many traditional nuances. (St. Scriptorumde musica medii aevi nova series. Hildesheim." Written comments in the tonary acknowledge that tone IV has nine differentiae. 4 vols. (Paris. pp." Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart.3 vols. but he was not able to construct an entirely coherent synthesis of material "de diversis collecta.4:1321 and ex.

Cf. just contracting it. 1274). Claire Maitre. One of the manuscripts which contain the Regulae (Paris. as quoted by Berger. 1981). Pietro B 79) contains a very large number of differentiae(fifty-eight). pp. di S. exclusively oral."53 In the fourteenth century Heinrich Eger von Kalkar (1328-1408) wanted to jettison all of the troublesome "caudas diversas" as modern superfluities.54 Comparable expressions can be found in other theorists. some of this diversity must be attributed to regional variation. Scriptorum. Usus enim civitatum.p. 9-11 septembre 1979 (Paris. 56 "De differentiis seu principiis eorum.inevitably influenced the contents of the antiphoners. in Gerbert. Peter's basilica between the twelfth and the fourteenth century. The theorists never suggested expanding the corpus. Actes des journees d'etudes de la Societe francaise de musicologie a l'Institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes d'Orleans. 1:181).See the list of psalters in Appendix A.3:30. nulla musicae regula numerum certum declaravit. while the fourteenthcentury Gregorian antiphoner (Arch. . Genevieve 2284. or high initial pitch. 151. This program . See Norman Smith. 53Scientia artis musicae 11. also shared the view that one saeculorum amen per mode was quite sufficient "de artis natura. He nevertheless transmits the traditional teaching. 61. quot differentias seu principia unusquisque eorum habeat.56 This observation seems to be passage John also expresses his preference for differentiaewhich end with a single note rather than with a neume. Heinrich Huschen (Cologne.2:182. Pietro B 87) contains an unusually small repertoire of them (twenty-three and the tonusperegrinus). In the thirteenth century Petrus de Cruce mentioned that various cities still clung to local customs of psalm singing. p. sed propriam differentiam posse sufficere": Regulae.) claims that many of the differentiaewere created "inconveniently" and work just as well in one mode as in another. would have fostered maximum diversity. 7:858-59. UntersuCantuagium. While the old soloistic tradition. chungen zu den Psalmdifferenzen. 2:269. 55The fact that B 87 begins as a noted psalter may have some relevance: invariably this category of manuscript has fewer differentiae. This process of radical reduction of differentiae can be observed strikingly in the psalmody of St. Scriptores. "Guy de Cherlieu. Coussemaker. the Regulae de arte musica of Guy d'Eu (Coussemaker. 1962). The Old Roman antiphoner of the basilica (Arch. Scriptorum.52 Elias Salomon (fl. This cannot be explained entirely by the change in chant repertoire which took place at the basilica in the intervening years. Bernardi proposed that only three differentiae were required to link the reciting tone to antiphons with either a low.perhaps along with the need to simplify the musical tasks of the monastic or collegiate choir ." TNG. The twelfthcentury Cistercian monk Guy d'Eu thought that a single differentia would suffice for each mode. 52 "Arbitror autem. midrange. Bibliotheque Ste. on which the Tonale is based. "Recherches sur les Regule de Arte Musica de Gui d'Eu." Les sources en musicologie. immo plane affirmo unicuique modo tantum. The Tonale S.55 The reduction in the number of differentiaein the manuscript tradition was promoted by theorists and by the compilers of tonaries.51 A few theorists of the later Middle Ages approached the differentiasystem with radical proposals that would have virtually eradicated it.549 The Singing of Psalms tion caused Cistercian and Dominican liturgical books to deviate from traditional practices. 54 ed. qui diversi sunt. 13 c. di S. Scriptores. 51 In Gerbert. a secular priest. 79-86.

12 c. 1962). This offered both a manageable corpus of material and an indigenous repertoire which could be compared with the contents of the Old Roman antiphoners. The first of these is scheduled for publication in Monumenta monodicamedii aevi. A preliminary survey of antiphoners from various parts of Europe led me to restrict the Gregorian field to Italian antiphoners whose pitches could be accurately transcribed.. as Hucke points out) in Ewald Jammers. 1976).have no Old Roman parallels.. both Old Roman and Gregorian. vii. There are also observations on Old Roman psalmody (not always easy to follow. 4-18. the equivalent of Gregorian tone I. This is true of dant eis differentias diversimodo. and London. di San Pietro B 79 (St. Since not all differentiaewere sung throughout the liturgical year.59 In addition to the antiphoners I examined several noted psalters and noted breviaries. Peter's.tonaries and treatises . 59For example. 12631. Gregorian theoretical constructs . Vat. Bibl. Add.22. Musik in Byzanz. since the entire repertory of differentiaecould conceivably be preserved even under these circumstances. I undertook an investigation of both the quantity and the diversity of differentiaepresent in a representative sampling of medieval Italian antiphoners. In order to test the hypothesis that large numbers of differentiae represent the survival of a tradition of solo psalmody.58 The examination of these manuscripts also provided an opportunity for collecting the rare cases of psalm tones set to a complete text. those would be lost which were concentrated around a particular feast or season contained in the missing section(s). edited by Eugene Leahy. however. im pdpstlichenRom und im Frankenreich(Heidelberg. Many of these sources have only sporadic notation of differentiae: the staves drawn to receive them remain empty. 12 c. cap.G does not occur early in the manuscript. This was not always an obstacle. 58Helmut Hucke presented the psalm tones of the Old Roman antiphoners in "Karolingische Renaissance und gregorianischer Gesang.). Furthermore. V. ed. Brit. however. the better to understand how psalm texts and those of other provenance were fitted to the differentiae. alter vero minus": Tractatusde tonis. If the later portion of that manuscript had failed to survive." Die Musikforschung28 (1975). in the antiphoner Benevento. Lib. this differentia would have seemed to be absent. Arch. p. Denis Harbinson. 29988 (possibly from the Lateran.The Singing of Psalms confirmed by the information provided by the Italian antiphoners covered in the present study. it was sometimes necessary to have recourse to incomplete ones or to a single surviving volume of an original winter-summer pair. pp. Only after the psalm tones had been extracted directly from the Gregorian antiphoners would it be possible to draw reliable conclusions about the relationship between the two traditions with respect to the antiphonal psalmody of the Office.57 Recourse to the Gregorian practical sources was necessary to permit a genuine comparison between Gregorian and Old Roman systems of antiphonal psalmody. but it is used later to the exclusion of all other mode I differentiae.). Corpus scriptorum de musica 29 (Rome. 57 The only surviving Old Roman antiphoners are Bibl. the direct examination of the Gregorian practical tradition promised new insights about the Gregorian system itself. tum quia unus plus. 550 . Though complete antiphoners were the most desirable sources.

63Both secular and monastic manuscripts are represented. are two examples. listed in Appendix A) range in date from the twelfth to the fourteenth century and cover most of the Italian peninsula. and Friuli in the north. cap.V. 601 (PM 9). and Vat. lat. Because of these problems I cannot claim that the statistics presented here on the number of differentiaein a given manuscript are absolutely definitive. 62 Only one earlier manuscript. Bibl. sheer inadvertence could have easily allowed some formulae to slip by unobserved." Etudes gregoriennes 15 (1975).. 63Jean Claire has discovered such archaic practices in late manuscripts from Aachen (Bibl.The Singing of Psalms 551 even large breviaries like Monte Cassino 420 and Rome.60 Since my principal interest was in quantity. cap. from Naples and the Beneventan region in the south to Lombardy. 61 The lists of differentiaeaccompanying the published facsimiles of Lucca. Centr. The antiphoners. One regional variant of Gregorian chant exhibits certain features which have 60 Even breviaries without music could have been employed in the sung Office. Cathedral Library F. Because of the sometimes subtle distinction between one differentia and another. a breviary from Farfa.) Because of this problem differentiaewhich appear to be anomalous are difficult to judge: do they represent archaic tradition or a slip of the pen? I have invariably considered such dubious entries as representing differentiae only if clearly attested elsewhere in the manuscript. (Chigi C. This meant that manuscripts earlier than the twelfth century could not be included. 53v). . directs the cantor not to begin the psalm with its first words. noted breviaries. Casanatense 1574. while antiphoners from the central and northern areas tend to present the usual Gregorian psalm tones. for the familiar differentiae are on occasion entered so cursorily that the exact pitches intended can be difficult to divine. The three-hundred-year time frame assured that a sufficiently large number of complete antiphoners would be included. Bibl. Even with staff notation the pitches are not always obvious. since these had already been sung as the antiphon (fol. Farfa 22. Piedmont. Bibl. was complete enough to be included. and Worcester. there seems to be no distinction between them with respect to the psalm tones. and noted psalters chosen for this study (about 50. 35) and Metz (MS 461): "Les repertoires liturgiques latins avant l'octoechos I: L'office ferial romano-franc. Naz.160 (PM 12). an antiphoner in the Biblioteca comunale at Todi (MS 170. Considering the large amount of documentation examined in the course of this project. 14446. This conservative approach avoided the creation of a differentia when no difference was intended. The Beneventan tradition of psalmody appears to be in some respects a special enclave. A rubric in Rome.137. were compiled by the editors of these volumes.61 Nor did I compare the modal assignment of antiphons in the antiphoners with the same antiphons in the tonaries. I did not attempt to draw up separate tonaries for the manuscripts in this survey. possibly from the end of the eleventh century).62 Neumed manuscripts could not provide much control when several differentiaein a single mode might be written in virtually the same way. 15-16 and passim. a breviary from Caiazzo near Naples. it also allowed for the possibility that older practices might be conserved in relatively late manuscripts. Old Roman psalmody most definitely is. I decided to rely on manuscripts whose pitches could be read.

and in manuscripts from Friuli and the Veneto. cap. the Office of the Virgin.that a large repertoire of differentiaerepresents merely scribal sloppiness or later diffuseness rather than the heritage of antiquity.65 Several of the antiphoners listed are well known for the tonaries associated with them: Piacenza 65. another similarly mixed source is Vat. As the differentiaebecome fewer. and they yielded the most information on the practice of psalmody. and local variants tend to disappear. Benevento V. The oldest complete Italian source in staff notation for the antiphonal psalmody of the Office seems to be Todi 170. moreover. One can agree with Paul Cutter's observation that "it was just those melodies that were sung almost every day with which the greatest liberties were taken": "The Old Roman Chant Tradition: Oral or Written?" Journal of the AmericanMusicological Society 20 (1967). 65For a list of the contents of this and other Vatican manuscripts see Pierre Salmon. Pietro E 14 also contains canticles. In this so-called "Germanic dialect" a pitch with a minor second above it will slide up to the higher tone. and Graduel romain: Edition critique4/1 (Solesmes. olim 64) has 45. Some of the manuscripts listed in Appendix A contain liturgical items of varying types: for example. 40). p. Chigi C. 1960). 601 and the incomplete 603) have approximately the same number (ca. Der karolingischeTonar. 222-45. Monza 16/82. the major second a-b becomes a-c. The large number of differentiae represented.a moderately high figure which corresponds to that found in the antiphoners of this period. A few of the noted breviaries (Todi 170. My experience with the manuscripts. pp.against the view that I am proposing . This shift occurs in manuscripts from German-speaking lands. Vallicelliana C. tandis que la partie la plus recente tend vers l'unification"). and d-e becomes d-f.. Two twelfth-century antiphoners from Lucca (Bibl.177 (Salmon no. Les manuscrits liturgiques de la BibliothequeVaticane. 1968).13. and the Office of the Dead. hymns. 291 ("c'est la partie la plus ancienne de la tradition qui est la plus differenciee. 1 (Vatican City. A manuscript in the chapter library at Ivrea (62. 173. and Lucca 603. from eastern Europe. Such lack of thoroughness also reduced the value of the noted psalters considerably. It could be asserted . The antiphoners naturally represent the largest group of sources consulted for the present study. For example.The Singing of Psalms ramifications for the differentiae. an eleventh-century noted breviary with 40 differentiae. but most of the others contain only sporadic entries of differentiae. albeit sporadically. they tend to be confined to those which make up the core of the common tradition. The largest Gregorian source I have been able to discover 552 64See Lipphardt. . Vercelli 70.even when the staves had been drawn to receive them. This development is consistent with the information culled from medieval theorists and tonaries.22) had the psalmody notated consistently.VI. the noted psalter in Archivio di S. in twelfthcentury antiphoners is no longer found in antiphoners of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 149). leads me to conclude that it is usually possible to separate intent from carelessness. but I can point to an apparent trend toward reduction in the number of psalm-tone formulae.64 I cannot offer any definitive proofs because of the relatively late date of the sources.

13 (31 differentiae)67 three related manuscripts from Klosterneuburg. witnesses of the "Germanic" chant dialect. The Romano-Beneventan tradition. almost all the medieval manuscripts which remained at Treviso were destroyed during the Second World War. three incomplete ones at Monte Cassino. There is never any confusion among them.. This tradition seems to have been richly supplied with differentiae (45-55). "saeculorum amen. State University of New York at Buffalo. from central Italy) come from Tuscany (Lucca." Ph. contains about 67 differentiae. The other contemporary antiphoners are unexceptional or are too fragmentary to provide reliable data." Studies in Early Music History 5 (1986). lat. c in modes III and VIII. Beneventan psalmody will be discussed in Kelly's forthcoming book. In a given mode the differentiae usually share six basic structural tones. 53-83. Borg. arch. 405. dissertation. No fourteenth-century manuscript among those collated has an unusual number of them.5 and C. corresponding to the six syllables of the closing words of the doxology. Two antiphoners which represent the tradition of Aquileia at that late date (Gorizia A and B) include a small repertoire which is in agreement with the common Gregorian tradition. is preserved in four manuscripts from Benevento.The Singing of Psalms 553 comes from the twelfth century: an antiphoner (MS 84) preserved in the archiepiscopal library at Udine in Friuli. 14446 from Caiazzo near Naples and Vat. so it is impossible to determine whether or not the Udine manuscript represents an important local tradition. like Dom Hesbert's treatment in PM 14. to be sure.Unfortunately. This proliferation of differentiae could be related to the absence of a music theory which directly addressed the Beneventan repertoire as well as to the oft-demonstrated inclination of Beneventan manuscripts to retain special practices against the pressure of Gregorian conformity. 67The winter Office only of both manuscripts is catalogued in Jacob Ledwon. The presence of large numbers of differentiaein certain manuscripts (and in a few tonaries) has not received a satisfactory explanation. it has 50 formulae. . Not even a catalogue of prewar holdings exists. Florence) and further north. and I have discovered no instances of a crossover from one mode to the other within these 66For an excellent overview see Thomas Kelly. 1986. A fragmentary source from Udine (Bibl. The only manuscript supplied with an unusual number of differentiae (Vat. All but two (Vat. This manuscript. lat. and another incomplete manuscript now at Naples. as it existed in the twelfth century. lat. "The Winter Office of Sant'Eutezio di Norcia. Several of the other manuscripts consulted from this period were incomplete and hence difficult to evaluate. 72) contains a very small repertoire of differentiae.66 There are. some of which are not found outside this enclave. smaller collections from the and a group of twelfth century: Vallicelliana C." Two pairs of tones share the same reciting pitch: a in modes I and IV. has been devoted to the chants of the Mass.D. 14676) comes from Pavia. "Montecassino and the Old Beneventan Chant. from the diocese of Treviso near Venice. The Beneventan Chant. Most earlier scholarly attention. Evidence from the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries is mixed.

a in Chigi C.177 and Monte Cassino 420. r a-- . 1 D e= - . The purpose served by this embellishment is not immediately clear..of the basic six-note structure. They set up separate categories for these differentiaefor use with specific antiphons. There is still another uniform characteristic: with the exception of tones V and VII. -. Such an analysis may seem inviting to twentieth-century ears..- w . 554 EXAMPLE 1 Specimens of typical differentiae (a) Mode IV 0 (b) Mode VIII e e e u o u a a e u o u a e Q-. fol. Furthermore. 66. ea "IJ ' z . 11 * -IUD e- . I can only point out that this kind of reductionism does not represent the perspective of most medieval theorists. 68 Exceptions are tone I. all the tones remain level or descend at the cadence.-@. 0. but also because of the embellishment .The Singing of Psalms pairs.VI. * j**V'. 1). because the parameters of variation found among the differentiaewithin a mode or even across modes can be so narrow. While I cannot claim that they should not be reduced to a small number of Urformen (it would be a simple exercise). those belonging to modes IV and VIII illustrate it particularly well (Ex. . Although all the tones with more than a single differentiaor two exhibit this characteristic.68 The variety of differentiae arises not only because of their different final least'from the standpoint of the modern analyst .I There is a modern inclination to perceive similar differentiaeas variants of a prototypical Urform..

" Ph. _ | O mors e. al-le-lu ..69 A 69After a thorough'investigation of antiphon assignments in Italian tonaries.mi-nus.. 1 lr ' it Vi . 3)....vit ° do .7. fol. 2) mi-chi do. 1985. In most cases the differentia performs its function of linking psalm and antiphon well. Harvard University.D.. dissertation. fol. p. of course.A. 1.ri-bus 113v i0 . | -r^ .. .ia. Paul Merkley concluded that in the sources he examined "there appears to be no consistent relationship between the saeculorum amen formulas and the incipits of the antiphons assigned to them": "Conflicting Assignments of Antiphons in Italian Tonaries. There are many situations.. fol. 23r in se . One can even find in every antiphoner cases in which the connection between differentia and antiphon must be judged somewhat clumsy (Ex. Many additional examples could be cited.. Monte Cassino 420. Al-le-lu . 2 EXAMPLE Linkbetween and differentia antiphon A Todi 170. particularly with respect to the first two pitches of the differentia. . 250. 19r e Todi 170. fol. .. which display a more neutral character and elicit subjective impressions of suitability based on tessitura and intervallic relationships..mi-nus. 94r Quoniam Naples XVI. fol.The Singing of Psalms 555 some of these "variants" turn up consistently all over Italy and elsewhere in Europe. r mors tu a. fol. Monte Cassino 420. Q . 11 Ivrea 62. The need to connect the psalm with its following antiphon cannot account for all the variants in Ex.ia. 156r u o u a e Deus au . * 11 Es. rather far removed from the beginning of the antiphon as they are. ^ »' ± "V' 'v I. This is particularly true when the differentiamakes a felicitous approach to the reinception of the antiphon by foreshadowing or providing a mirror image of its initial notes (Ex.

Brit. Lib.. and VII. I -. fol. 4. P =f = =_ = A 4 -- - -- ..--X . a diversity attested both in the manuscript tradition and in the theoretical . V. The antiphoner from Treviso (Udine 84) is unusual in having a variety of terminations for the psalm tone of mode II. lOv Ec-ce in nu . 17302. The lack of variety present in the psalm tones for modes II. Lib.. which are found quite consistently in all regions (Ex.. The psalm tones for modes II. 6). 1 e e °. lat. !1 -_ 1. add. fol. and VI have typically only one or two cadential patterns.. 4r 556 i.. IV. Many manuscripts have but a single differentia for each of these tones. 17302. _» 11 | (c) Vat..The Singing of Psalms few formulae have only a minimal cadential inflection from the reciting pitch (Ex. EXAMPLE 3 Link between differentiaand antiphon Ivrea 62. and VI is as striking as the diversity found among the tones for modes I.. e u o u a e A 1 I E runt sig-na...i ? .bi-bus. ra.IIu o u a A e . EXAMPLE4 Differentiae with minimal cadentialinflection (a) Ivrea 62 e (b) Monza 15/79 u o u a .. V. A. fol. one can advance the hypothesis that this stark simplicity might represent an archaic stage of development. see also Ex. The effect resembles that of the tones used for lessons and collects.* * * * .. 5). add. 14676 -C -° Over the centuries the proportion of differentiaeremained remarkably constant across the modes. 9r i i--- ---_ _^_ Ce - 1 II lum et ter - Brit. Though this might be determined entirely by musical reasons.

22.' ' _ _ _ _ _ The Singing of Psalms EXAMPLE5 Differentiae of modes II. V and VI (a) Beneventanmss. for the contemporary Old Roman antiphoner of the basilica (Arch. In other words. V. Certain of them are to be found with remarkable consistency in virtually every manuscript consulted: the tone classified VIII.I S S 1 0 (b) Casanatense1574 (V) ' - ! - _ __11 || e u o u a e (c) Ivrea 62 (VI) e u o u * I" a |**' e sources. These two antiphoners disagree thoroughly on the basic repertoire of psalm tones. 160-73. Pietro B 79) had a very different custom of psalmody. one suspects. Of all the medieval antiphoners and tonaries consulted.only the Beneventan tradition remains aloof (Benevento. (II) 557 VO W+ »4 u o ''9 u * a v e I. di S. . There are various regional preferences or adaptations as well." Studien zur Musikwissenschaft (1962). While the exact provenance of this manuscript is somewhat uncertain.70 The total number of differentiae used in the Old Roman tradition (more than 102) far exceeds what can be encountered in the Gregorian tradition. Several of the differentiae Falvy associates with specific northern traditions turn up in Italy as well.G in the modern chant books (see Ex. "Zur Frage von Differenzen der Psalmodie. perhaps from the Lateran. it is almost certainly from Rome or its environs. It cannot under any circumstances be from St. as Bruno Stablein believed. 21. (This is true even apart from the differentiae assigned to the altera positio of tone IV with its final on a.19-20. Monte Cassino 542. than do any pair of Gregorian manuscripts regardless of their 70 Zoltan 25 Falvy. Peter's. Naples XVI. but it is difficult to be dogmatic about the exact content of these regional traditions. I a a e . 9: "Ut confirmet") is the best example . none has a larger number of differentiae than the Old Roman antiphoner now in the British Library. the two Old Roman antiphoners differ far more widely in their psalmody than do any two Italian manuscripts selected at random or.A.7). _ I A .) Could it be possible that a small number of differentiaepoints to a mode which was established as an independent entity later than those modes which have more differentiae? Comparisons between Italian antiphoners and manuscripts from north of the Alps prove that a core repertoire of differentiaewas practically universal in all modes.

" The system was imposed in its complete form on the Mass psalmody." p.75 The absence of a controlling theory specific to Old Roman chant allowed differentiaeto proliferate: a situation most likely 71 They could never have been used in the same church without creating enormous confusion. The psalm tones are. . 72 "Karolingische Renaissance. however. 73 The two F-mode antiphons cited by Hucke from the Old Roman antiphoner in the British Library. The diversity of the two practices could have been one of the reasons why "strenui cantores" were needed at the Lateran in the time of Prior Bernhard (1145) to respond to a city choir at vigils and matins on the feast of John the Baptist. Bernhardi Cardinalis . Peter's antiphoner (fol.73 There is no reason to believe.74 This original layer of formulae seems to be common to both traditions. .558 The Singing of Psalms geographical origin. . yet only 3 of these formiulae are common to both manuscripts. 7. This is an amazing discrepancy. 11. It does not seem likely that Old Roman chant singers would have felt a need to supplement their already rich repertoire with additional Gregorian formulae. as Bernhard informs us. "ex diversis terrarum partibus. Ecce iam venit and Haurietis aquas. the Gregorian responsory tones were used instead of the special Old Roman ones." p. in fact. a unique feature which has never been adequately emphasized. p.a "regional" practice carried to ultimate lengths by churches on opposite sides of the Tiber. that specific Gregorian psalm-tone formulae were imported to Rome along with the octoechos. Ordo officiorumecclesiaeLateranensis. Ludwig Fischer. 74 With respect to Italy see Paul Merkley. At this period the Lateran canons came.71 Thirty-nine differentiaeare found in one or the other manuscript. Peter's would not have been the best place to recruit these cantors. unsystematisch. 166-224. while in the Office it was incorporated only fragmentarily ("stiickweise"). 75 When the Old Roman repertoire was supplemented with Gregorian responsories for the feast of the Apparitio of St. Historische Forschungen und Quellen 2-3 (Munich. the only area in which the two traditions consistently share identical melodies. ohne das System theoretisch zu bewaltigen. but not in both. 140. 1916). in verschiedenen Redaktionsschuben und unvollstandig. and both antiphons have a G final in the St." Studies in Music from the Universityof WesternOntario 10 (1985). they must have come from city churches which shared the custom of the Lateran. 2:30*). This discordance between psalmodic practices strengthens Stablein's hypothesis that the British Library antiphoner could have come from the Lateran (Monumentamonodica medii aevi. For example. unlike any encountered in the Gregorian tradition . Helmut Hucke has suggested that Old Roman chant borrowed from Gregorian-Frankish chant the system of (eight) church modes and that the corresponding psalm tones were taken over in Rome "spit. Michael. The more likely explanation is that the Old Roman tradition preserves an original layer of luxuriant psalmodic variety which was subsequently lost to the Gregorian tradition as a result of the activity of theorists and the influence of tonaries. "The Transmission of Tonaries in Italy." They might have encountered difficulty in adapting the psalms to the rich variety of psalm tones in use at the Lateran. ed. 21): "Karolingische Renaissance. Peter manuscript) and 12 in the British Library antiphoner.72Hucke points to E-mode antiphons with a psalm tone reciting on the final and to the absence of the equivalent of Gregorian mode V (F final with c recitation) from the Old Roman antiphoners. St. are associated with a G-mode psalmody. in the equivalent of Gregorian mode VI there are 7 formulae in B 79 (the St.

Arch. di S. 14v-15r. Add. Bryn Mawr College. Cap.The Singing of Psalms 559 parallel to that which existed in the Gregorian tradition during its pretheoretical stage." pp. though the flat is All of the available information on these enclosures is assembled and interpreted by Elaine DeBenedictis. dissertation. 6b). Brit.. if only peripherally." In my compilation of Old Roman differentiaefor the antiphonal psalmody of the Office (Appendix C) I have chosen a "modal" arrangement of the formulae.. I have found it in only two Gregorian antiphoners from Italy (Ivrea 62 and Cividale 57. Peter's (Ex. An alternative hypothesis could be suggested. "The 'Schola Cantorum' in Rome during the High Middle Ages. Antiphons with an a final and a reciting tone on the final have a similar intervallic context. a former Cluniac monk. among them Metz 461 and Aachen. This allows comparison with other published compilations and demonstrates that in Old Roman psalmody there are elements which offered a foundation for the Gregorian system of finals and related reciting tones elaborated by Frankish theorists. its configuration at that point fits well with the hypothesis of a derivation from a highly varied solo psalmody not fully controlled by the pressures toward conformity exercised by the tonaries and their theorist-compilers. 76 . 77 Another anomaly is of more restricted significance: the "0" antiphons of Advent. 35. is comparatively rare in the Gregorian tradition. fol. Most obvious of these elements is the absolutely consistent choice of reciting tone(s) with a given final. but with a differentia not encountered elsewhere in conjunction with E-mode antiphons: Vat. Although Old Roman psalmody before the twelfth century cannot be recovered. Dom Claire has pointed out its presence with an antiphon model he calls "timbreK" (LaudaJerusalem represents this type) in manuscripts thought to preserve archaic psalmodic practices.76 These are first documented at Rome during the pontificate of Paschal II (1099-1118). 14r-v. London. 6c). 99-105. 78 "L'office ferial.D. fols. 29988. Its appearance is restricted to a very few manuscripts. There are but two striking features which set Old Roman psalmody apart: the absence of a c reciting tone with an F final and the very frequent appearance of an E final followed by a psalm formula which recites on the final itself. 1983. allied to the lack of a theoretical tradition in Old Roman chant." pp. at a much later date than it did elsewhere in Italy and northern Europe? Such a late transformation. usual with Old Roman antiphons of the Office. Perhaps also connected with the introduction of choral psalmody. at least where Old Roman chant was sung. all with D final. Did the choral singing of psalms implant itself in Rome. see Ex. would have fostered the soloistic diversity I have postulated. was the introduction to Rome of monumental choir enclosures for the chanting of the Divine Office. 6a and b) as well as in the Old Roman antiphoner of St. Pietro B 79." Ph. Lib. are associated' with a psalmody reciting on E. "Karolingische Renaissance.77 This latter procedure.78 It occurs also in antiphoners from Cambrai and Ivrea (Exx. 15-17. Their erection symbolized a higher degree of solemnization of the canonical Office and may have also signified a new and more important role for the "chorus psallentium. For a different arrangement of the Old Roman psalm tones see Hucke.

Charles Atkinson surmises that the parapter tones associated in theoretical sources with the three troublesome antiphons mentioned above might be "a remnant of an earlier.80 560 EXAMPLE6 Psalm tones with reciting note on final of antiphon A (a) CambraiC. and Angeli Domini (Musica disciplina 16. In matutinis. practice": "The Parapteres:Nothi or Not?" The Musical Quarterly68 (1982).4.minum. pp. do-minum. 162r Lau da Je-ru . 110-11). 55v g+ Lau (c) . an acknowledged repository of ecclesiastique(Paris. fols. 60v. Quia mirabilia. di San Pietro. 180v. 51. see "The Tonus Peregrinus . more flexible. 27.lem do.lem do. Martyres Domini. 1980).sa-lem Turin.The Singing of Psalms not always expressed (Ex. pp.A Question Well Put?" Orbis Musicae: Studies in Musicology (Tel Aviv. Bibl. The Commemoratio archaic psalmodic customs.19. in this case) for the antiphons Nos qui vivimus. 1714). Thomas Kelly has informed me that he has discovered on flyleaves in a private collection (photographs at Solesmes) certain Beneventan antiphons with a D final associated with a reciting tone on E. (thirdhigherin MS) .ru . pp. but by no means exceptional. da ihe-ru.p.mi num. e u o u a e (b) Ivrea 62. V.79 The Beneventan tradition preserves a number of these cases attached to the antiphons Speret Israel.I. (e) Antiphonale Monasticum. and 187v.38. B79. and perhaps even non-Roman. fol. treats such D psalmody as a special. He considered these anomalies survivors of Gallican chant: Traite historiqueet pratiquesur le chant brevis. 5-6. fol. pp. Museo Archeologico Nazionale 57. Aurelian of R6eme recognized a psalmody on the final (D. in the Bailey edition). fol. In the eighteenth century the Abbe Lebeuf observed in contemporary French antiphoners many similar cases of a reciting tone on the final of the antiphon or on the tone above the final.F. Benevento. 6d).11 ie-sum chris-tum do. 79 80 . fol. 54-55. 183r. cap. Michel Huglo has noted a similar practice maintained in some French churches "for many centuries" with these antiphons. 55r '2 ^^ Lau - ' ^ £--° 120r (d) Lau - da The Old Roman chant antiphoners give exclusive preference to this E- Cividale.mi num. 52v Lau da ihe-ru . familiar because of their usual association with the tonus peregrinus. category (ex. Arch.29. da o ^ 1. ed. Gushee.Iubilate Deo. fol.

A hypothetical subsequent development caused the supposedly "unstable" b-natural to drift towards c. CompactioV G = Monte Cassino 318 H = Naples.7 I = Vat. however. XVI. as analogies with modes II and VI might suggest. I . One finds a mixture of b and c reciting tones in Beneventan chant (Ex.A. Dom Claire has postulated a theory of evolution from a "modalite archaique" (psalm recitation on the final).I -' "e3{ -- .8' This line of reasoning regards preference for the b reciting tone as evidence of an earlier stage of development.21 C = Benevento V. ABCD b BG * N· Z ' AC 'Z H^ I A = Benevento V. 14446 81 Jean Claire. l. EXAMPLE7 Beneventan psalm tones with reciting note on b or c ABCDEFGHI G BC BCD BCD C a BCG in lower MS) (tone BC Q Us t A -I . 196-211.. 229-45.561 The Singing of Psalms psalmody and have no trace of the typical Gregorian mode-III psalmody reciting on c.19-20 B = Benevento V. this would result in a reciting note on b. the customary reciting note in Gregorian mode-III psalmody. Cent. Bibl." Revue gregorienne 40 (1962).22 D = Monte Cassino 420 E = Monte Cassino 542 F = Monte Cassino. lat. which would require in this case that the E "corde-mere" remain the reciting tone while the final descended to A (with obligatory B-flat). . the norm in the Old Roman psalmody of the Mass. 7). Transposed up a fifth. A corollary of the same hypothesis presumes to explain why the reciting tone in Gregorian tone VIII is c and not b. "L'evolution modale dans les r6pertoires liturgiques occidentales. Nat. which is.

as can be seen in Ex. I) have only a single tone reciting on b.84 Some of the Enchiriadis manuscripts notate this piece incompletely or omit it altogether. 52. Four Beneventan manuscripts (E. "Ambrosian Choral Psalmody: The Formulae. or (with b-flat) a with the same results from the standpoint of psalmody. and she assumes for it a pitch level which produces a differentia similar to the ones under discussion. b . ed.The Singing of Psalms Benevento V. 84 Hans Schmid. 6e of the present article." ibid.21 (siglum B in Ex. 316. They both notate unambiguously the same differentia ending on G in two different versions. 85 "'Musica' et 'Scolica Enchiriadis': The Literary. so generalizations about their contents may be dangerous. Gerbert. exx.21 and 22 are quite clear in their notation and serve as a control for the other Beneventan-Cassinese sources. 259 and Ex. . 19. 1984.85 The tone is transcribed without a clef in Ex. a. Scriptores. p. 1:167. "Les recitations modales des 3e et 4e modes et les manuscrits beneventains et aquitains. with a variety of formulae reciting on b and ending on the three possible cadential tones (G. 47-52. It is the musical example which illustrates composite organum at the fifth ("Sit gloria Domini"). 7). p. however. dissertation. Veroffentlichungen der musikhistorischen Kommission 3 (Munich. the case for b as a primitive reciting tone is made by Joseph Gajard." Ph. 7. Theoretical. 7) has the strongest tradition. both Benevento V. None of these manuscripts is complete. pp.indicated in the left margin of Ex. but a complete psalm tone. 42. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften.82 Although exact pitches can be difficult to interpret in some Beneventan manuscripts because of the frequent absence of clefs. F. 562 82 The matter has been discussed by Eugene Cardine. the Antiphoner of Ahrweiler preserves doublets of psalm tones in both the normal and the "Germanic" versions (see n. 451-63. 6. one reciting on b and the other on c. 26 above). as well as the second tonary in Monte Cassino 318. Nancy Phillips has demonstrated convincingly that it is not an antiphon. 54)." Rivista internazionaledi musica sacra 1 (1980).D. "La corde recitative du 3e ton psalmodique dans 1'antique tradition sangallienne. Such a doublet for the parallel differentia ending on a does not exist. but the starting pitch can be taken as E. have a psalm tone reciting on b which resembles the tonus irregularis of the modern Antiphonale monasticum (see Ex. 6e above). The b reciting tone is the norm in the Commemoratio brevis (Bailey ed. 53." Etudes gregoriennes 1 (1954). Although unrelated to the Beneventan tradition.83 A psalm-tone recitation on E may be preserved in one of the most celebrated of medieval treatises: the Musica enchiriadis.. 9-45. 1981). b. It resembles the "tonus irregularis" assigned to certain antiphons in the modern Antiphonale monasticum and an Ambrosian psalm formula reciting on E. and Musical Sources. New York University.. 83 Monte Cassino 318. Two of the Beneventan sources. and it is the one most widely found. Comparison of the contours of these psalm tones in the Beneventan manuscripts which have both b and c as reciting tones lends some support to the hypothesis of a semitone displacement of the hypothetical original b reciting tone.. 8. see Terence Bailey. probably because the shift up to c would make the melodic contour of the resulting differentia too static. H. Musica et Scolica enchiriadisuna cum aliquibustractatulisadiunctis.

no accommodation of textual accents to the melodic formula) is much older.e . 45 above). One can easily understand why: years of daily familiarity gave the singers an intuitive mastery of the variables inherent in the 150 psalms. 9 includes the only two specimens I have encountered. Peter's. but the exigencies of choral performance demanded clarification and simpreplification. which would illustrate both mediant and final cadences. one of the chief concerns of the singer (whether solo or choral) is the manner in which the psalm text is set to the cadences of the psalm tones. only some of which survive in the extant practical sources. lae. Though strong arguments have been made that the cursive method (i. They did not need specific illustrations for any of the psalms. Many combinations ("modi" in his terminology) are illustrated with practical examples . neither of these specimens is unusual in any respect. The Italian antiphoners contain virtually no psalm tones underlaid with a complete psalm verse."propter tardiores fratres.a do-mi- ni in sae-cu- la. flexible solo practice. Aside from the rather elaborate mediant cadence in the example from Lucca.ri.tur do-mi-nus in op .bus su. Most of the texts completely notated to a psalm tone are exceptional in that they are not taken from the psalter. "Cursus. The largest category of fully notated texts is 86 For a treatment of the possibilities see Ruth Steiner. and the extended essay in PM 4. In providing this assistance the author of the Commemoratio served many fascinating features of archaic psalmody." A valuable critical examination of medieval and modern (Solesmes) practices is Terence Bailey. . Since psalm tones are music at the service of words." as he explains! The profusion of often redundant examples illustrating various patterns of textual accents would not have been needed under the older. One of the chief concerns of the brevis is the adaptation of these textual patterns ("pro diversa Commemoratio positione verborum") to the cadential formulae of the psalm tones. whereas texts not taken from the psalms would not be so familiar and readily adaptable.. however. 27-204.The Singing of Psalms EXAMPLE8 Psalm tone reciting on E/b from the Musica Enchiriadis 563 Sit glo - ri . "Accentual and Cursive Cadences in Gregorian Psalmody" (n. Ex.86 The author seems more concerned about the mediants than about the finals.e. all the evidence I have been able to uncover leaves no doubt that the adaptation of changing accent patterns is the norm from at least the tenth century. one of them is from the Old Roman antiphoner of St. pp.

196. "La psalmodie ancienne des huit tons.ter- num. 223v (natale) VallicellianaC. e--m-' -w w di - .cun. ed.pi . Paul (January 25) and St. S. quia ipse plus omnibus laborasse apostolis cap. Paul Vercelli 37. the series of versus ad repetendumfor nocturns and lauds on the feasts of the Conversion following manuscripts examined in this study have either full (nocturns and lauds) or partial sets of the versus. fol." La tribune de SaintGervais 14 (1908). fol.ri. 169v 87 The short texts are drawn from autobiographical writings of St. 14676. 219v Vat. (For complete documentation on the manuscripts see Appendix A. 79r (conversio) VallicellianaC. fol.5. Laurence Vercelli 37. They are intended to be sung after the "Gloria patri-Sicut erat" at the end of the psalm and are followed by a final repetition of the antiphon. Bibl. 226v of et us. Laurence. Ilr Utconfirmet il-lud et cor-ro-bo-retin iu-di-ci-o et iu-sti-ti. fol.564 EXAMPLE 9 The Singing of Psalms Completely texted psalm tones Lucca. As far as I am aware. Pietro B 79.a a . Jean Michel Hanssens. p. They were observed in French manuscripts by Amedee Gastoue.5. See Honorius of Autun. fol. fol.dum mag-nam mi. se.' am tu. fol. Gemma animae 4. Studi e Testi 140 (Vatican City. fol. 97. 135r VallicellianaC. Paul or St. 116r VallicellianaC.115: "Nocturnale officium de sancto Paulo ideo versibus antiphonarum insignitur.87 The Vat. fol.cor - di Arch. Similiter versus ad antiphonas de sancto Laurentio cantatur. 14676. quia eius passio omnibus martyribus praefertur. 162v St. 1950).5. 58r ^ Miserere -w me i de us .que in sem. the tradition of these verses and the order in which the customary texts appear have not been studied. Laurence in his Liber de ordine antiphonarii 60-61. Laurence (August 10). 56v Vercelli 70.13. sic de ceteris notandum est" (PL 172:732). Paul and from the passio of St. lat. . fol.) St. Amalarius of Metz does not mention them in connection with the feasts of St. fol. 602.

ti as ti . Nevertheless.IV. 250r 565 Vallicelliana C. (b)Turin.. 10).mi. fol. 218r Udine. The uniformity of the antiphoners in transmitting these versus suggests that the texts were not adapted spontaneously by the scribes: they were copied from the model just as the surrounding antiphons were. 160r Ivrea 33.go do-mi-ne ihe as ti . fol.. they are the largest body of material for judging how prose texts were set to the psalm tones.nes gen - tes. Bibl. mediant cadences go a go do mi. 84. Syrus.20. fol. Since the manuscript antiphoners transmit only the concluding cadence of the psalm F. while Ivrea 62 contains special ones for the feast of St. arch. fol.ste. 199v Udine. because not all modes are represented among the antiphons to which the written-out versus ad repetendumare do-om su chri . 169r Gorizia B. arch. 79. A few of the tones have mediants which are as elaborate as some final cadences (Ex. 138r Gorizia B.4. fol.te do.. fol.rem iu . In all cases the differentiaeare adapted to the variable accent patterns of the text. fol. 230v) and St.. 136v Gra.da . 84.i a. fol. The examples in the Commemoratio brevisand the contents of the antiphoners listed above represent the largest body of medieval material on the internal cadences of the psalm tones. 255r). EXAMPLE 10 of Mediant cadences versus repetendum ad (a) Vercelli37. Bibl. 145v Ivrea a. 139v).num om. .. fol. 156v Benevento V. 54r Benevento V.. fol.. fol..The Singing of Psalms Udine. fol. 133v Cividale 57.5 also has versus ad repetendumfor the feasts of the Assumption (fol. 170v pre-or-di. 139r Gra-ti - Gra-ti - as ti. 178v Monza 16/82. ste. Udine84.. fol. fol. 213v Udine. first bishop of Pavia (December 9. De . Bibl.. 141v Ivrea 62. Bibl. arch. 204v Monza 16/82. 79. fol. fol. Denis (fol. Lau. Not all modes are me ut vi-de . fol. arch.stum.

qui. VII. and VIII) offer sufficient writtenout examples in the Italian antiphoners to establish treatment of accent at the final cadence. Ex.a 11a do . .a ip . F. Benevento.. Ex.) gives special emphasis to the cursive cadence. Paul and St. Laurence which show adaptation of the formula for a line of text which ends with a proparoxytone. 41 Final cadences are treated similarly. it is extraordinary that the Instituta patrum (early 13th c.." Musica disciplina 4 (1950).us ho-mi-nis. 566 I EXAMPLE of Elevation reciting tonebefore mediant cadence Cum in. 129v Benevento. Qui . which connect the final note of the antiphon with the reciting ex. 11 demonstrates accentual mediant cadences and reflects a general characteristic of mode-II mediants found also in the Commemoratio: elevation of the reciting pitch a few syllables before the the final accent.. fol.mi .am de... van Dijk.o.8). no.set ihe . Comm.The Singing of Psalms Sometimes the texts are so brief that no mediant cadence occurs.Brevis.-- In re.88 None of them are treated cursively. 99r Benevento.ti . but all of them are accentual. Only three modes ( Bailey ed.. fi . This is true of both the mediant and the final cadences.. fol. but mode VII (Vercelli) adjusts to the last two accents of the line.20.i..21. are generally those found in the modern chant books..tras. Benevento.. 40 Comm. 12b shows a differentia adapted to accommodate a proparoxytone. fol. Ex. V.Brevis.. o .i.III. J. ex. 251r -L'--'------.20. by chance the same differentia appears in its "normal" state elsewhere in the Bobbio antiphoner (Turin. 214v A() n Et erunt ut complaceant Caeli enarrant e .vit. 99-109. The written-out medieval examples show widespread preference Given this qui ha .. S.lo. just as it is in the Commemoratio brevis. V.necum se.sus in De . Bailey ed. The initia of the psalm tones. V. 12a illustrates this with passages from the versus for St.ris glo.nus de .se ternmplum ta . 88 .cis. fol. All of the written-out tones that I have seen in the antiphoners must be interpreted as accentual cadences. fa. "Saint Bernard and the Instituta Patrum of Saint Gall. Modes I (Ivrea) and VIII (Vercelli) adjust to the final accent

fol. 127v -nrd-un onfite _- t tes.nita . 140v e u o u a e [in.mi. 13).ma me ..III. 11 hoc nunc et us-que in fol. L... tri-num de-um con-fi- ten - ~~~~~e.a un.8. for a "second intonation" to introduce the last half of the psalm verse (Ex./.ter-ces-] si . k @-pa ter - A · ni .ne.e. /... Ivrea 62. The Commemoratio tacitly assumes that this second intonation is a normal feature of psalm tones.s. /. 131v .. 255v Et e .. 156v fol.gra .cu-lum. 135r fol../. ^r. I would now like to review some of the insights gained from this study of psalm singing in manuscripts of the medieval cor-ro-bo ra. .co - mun su sti - do. /. EXAMPLE13 Psalm tones with second intonation Vallic.ns' et per. .. a view which finds confirmation in the Italian antiphoners. 156v Vercelli 37 fol..a. 135v Monza 15/79. The modern chant books do not reflect this medieval '^^ e u o u a e I ' Ex . I.... fol. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~M Be.dic a .ti . i.ter .tis sub . ..gra ro e -go ti . /.a .um et pr.stan. fol.F. et om. chri - ta ti stum '* (k ti am con tu de fess .am iu na E-i & I .. Textual documentary .us (T)9 a. -am. 157v fol.5.The Singing of Psalms EXAMPLE 567 12 Adaptationof final cadence to differing accent patterns (a)^ (a) Ivrea 62. sum. /.... 57v (b)^ (b) Turin. C. fol. ti ../..

The b reciting tone. after the antiphon had been reduced to a simple frame for the singing of the psalm. This latter development. Centuries later. the antiphon must still have been intercalated with some frequency. and indeed was. were it not for the replacement of solo chanting of the psalm verses by choral psalmody in the late eighth century. except for evidence of a diversity of formulae prevalent before the earliest antiphoners with notation that can be accurately transcribed. The reduction in psalm tones left a core of common differentiae found nearly everywhere. This practice presumably led to a considerable diversity in the formulae used to chant the psalms. this procedure is assumed to be the prevailing one by the Commemoratio brevis.90 The force of tradition was powerful enough. Choral psalmody also entailed a progressive campaign to reduce the diversity inherited from an earlier age.89 The system of psalmody revealed by the practical sources does not differ essentially from that recorded in the theoretical tradition. the large repertoire found occasionally in the twelfth century disappears completely by the fourteenth. but there persisted a few regionally preferred formulae. The aim of the differentia system was to permit all the monks to participate simultaneously in the sung psalter. psalm tones reciting on the final (E or a. A few aspects of an earlier age are also recoverable in Italian and northern antiphoners from the twelfth century: a generally more varied differentia system. and absence of the equivalent of Gregorian mode V in the chants of the Old Roman Office. and hence required no unusual musical ability. found in Beneventan manuscripts." 568 . occasioned a breach in the musical traditions of western monastic psalmody. 90For a brief discussion see Dyer. the entire differentia apparatus seemed. is probably just such a regional and perhaps archaic feature. still maintains a fairly large repertoire of differentiae (40). most prevalent in Old Roman chant). as much a part of the history of spirituality as of the history of music. "Monastic Psalmody of the Middle Ages. This diversity might have lasted even longer. both cumbersome and obsolete. the noted breviary Todi 170. All the evidence in the practical sources points to adaptation of the psalm tone to the changing accent patterns of the text. The sole eleventh-century source. particularly since there existed no theoretical restrictions to the introduction of variant formulae. 89 As we have seen. to preserve a few elements which link the medieval Office with its roots in the most ancient psalmodic traditions of cenobitic monasticism. At that period the responsibility of singing the psalms was shared by the entire community in succession. The advent of choral psalmody stimulated theorists to standardize the melodies to which the psalms were sung and to prescribe the class of antiphons with which each formula should properly be used. a process which naturally found an echo in the practical sources. Though the extant sources do not present a compelling pattern of inexorable reduction. however. At the time this system originated. otherwise the differentiae would have been superfluous.The Singing of Psalms evidence previous to the eighth century points to solo rendition of the psalms in the monastic Office.

Bibl. Germanic dialect. cap. Compact. Conv. 31r-150r. 267 123 fols. Vat. 15/ 79 Piacenza. Bibl. 66 Date 11/12 c. 12 c. pitches not always clear incomplete Antiphoners Manuscript Benevento. Differentiae 45 33 24 Comments from S. psalmody related to above 275 fols.VI. lacunae 12 c. antiphoner: fols. fragmentary. V Monte Cassino. 13 c.. Old Roman antiphoner from the Lateran (?) 360 fols. Bibl. incomplete 228 fols. 12 c. cap.. cap. sopp. cap. del Duomo Florence. 601 Lucca. Bibl. Vallic. CAO 5. CAO 5. 615 from cathedral. cap.. 1012. no. Brit. fragment. 29988 Lucca. 12 c.The Singing of Psalms APPENDIX A LIST OF MANUSCRIPTS Noted Psalters Manuscript Bibl. Bibl.. 603 Monte Cassino.. 65 Rome. Pietro E 14 Vercelli. 45 30 26 83 33 39 40 260 fols. Brit. Lib. pitches not easily determined incomplete (194 pp.21 Florence. Add. 12 c. Eutizio.. Bibl. cap. 62 (olim 64) Klosterneuburg. 560 Ivrea. 240. 12 c.177 Bib. no. C. Lupo (?). 12 c.VI. cap. 14 c. Arch. 542 Monza. Vat. 274r-450r from S. Maria of Pontetetto 113 fragments. Vat. Lib.. 599 Lucca. di S. Bibl. 13.. V. Bibl. 12 c. 709 257 fols. Bibl. no. 17302 London. some notation added in 13-14 c.). 12 c. Arch. cap.. Bibl. Differentiae (few) (few) (few) (few) (few) 569 Comments MLBV no. PM 9. 13 c. gaps in notation MLBV no. CAO 5. many gaps in notation. 1013 London. 149. arch. partial inventory: Ledwon 12 c. Laur. 12 c. 1010.163 Udine. 12 c. no. 12 c. Bibl. from S. CAO 5. 25 32 32 31 31 . Chigi C. Add. Chigi A. 72 Bibl. 12 c.5 Date 12 c. 304 fols. notation not always entered music on fols. 12 c.

com. Vat. 244 fols.. Vat. Mus. from Aquileia (?) 344 fols. from Bobbio. Bibl. 16/ 82 Turin. cap.. 36 30 (ca. 14 c. no. di S. 12/13 c. from Bobbio 189 fols. F. del Semin. 37 The Singing of Psalms 12 c. Vat. 5 Lucca. Univ. Bibl. (Adv. antiphoner 329 fols. cap. 14 c. from Benevento . V.13 Benevento. Naz. Udine. Bibl.. Bibl. Bibl. lat. 405 Vercelli. damaged at top of pages MLBV 140.) 54 CAO 5. CAO 5. Eutizio. 329.. cap. 288 fols. Germanic dialect. 14 c. Univ. Bibl.. C. Bibl. 70 Cividale. calendar of Aquileia. C. archiv. from Bobbio. 170 Rome. 13 c. Bibl. and 94 fols. 14676 Bibl.38 Lucca. del Semin. ODMA 70-71 403 fols. lat.-Easter).. from S. 12/13 c 12/13 c. 602 Monza. few diff. 24 14 c.) 23 28 14 c. 236 fols. no. Archeol. Old Roman antiphoner pp. Univ. 194 Germanic dialect. Arch. 226 fols. 19-20 Benevento. 11 c. Naz. Germanic chant dialect 335 fols. 67 58 35 32 42 34 24 30 50 32 31 24 28 204 fols.570. 13 c.. Differentiae 23 40 31 Comments 422 pp. 12/13 c. cap. Vat.III. faded. 287 fols. F. 24 and 20 part of a 4-vol. from Treviso MLBV 118. Bibl.. inventory: Ledwon 12 c. from Pavia. 50 (ca. MLBV 456.4 Bibl. Arch. 12 c. Naz. Pietro B 87 Vercelli.4 Udine. Naz.. Arch. Bibl. Bibl. 12 c. 30 and 26 Bibl. di S. cap. Bibl. Vat. Bibl.22 Date 11 c. 233 fols. Teologico B Turin. 13 c. 12/13 c. 13/14 c.. F. cap. no. munic. 137 216 fols. heighted neumes. Bibl.8 Turin. V. cap. with Arch. 1-394 225 fols. 57 Gorizia. Vallic. Pietro B 79 Cambrai. 13/14 c.I. CAO 5.. cap. Bibl. Bibl.IV.. arch. 84 Bibl. Borg. Teologico A Gorizia. 182 fols. ODMA 53-54 544 pp. 13 c.. Noted Breviaries Manuscript Monte Cassino 420 Todi. 12 c.

The Singing of Psalms Naples. 1986. Pierre Salmon. Pierre Salmon.). 1 (Vatican City. 12 c.. 13 c. L'Office age."Ph. lat. 147 fols. Rerum Ecclesiasticarum antiphonalium Documenta:Series Maior. 26 25 19 24 from S. Vat. Paris. Les manuscrits liturgiques de la BibliothequeVaticane. "The Winter Office of Sant'Euteziodi Norcia. Corpus Officii. ODMA PM Paleographie musicale.. Pietro de Castro (?) CAO Ledwon MLBV Rene-JeanHesbert.D. Naz. 12/13 c. 137 Vercelli. from Gaeta. 14446 Bibl.A. Bibl. 1963-79. cap. 1574 Bibl. 1968).V. Centr. from Caiazzo MLBV 242. State Universityof New York at Buffalo. Jacob Ledwon. 13 c. Bibl. ODMA 65-66 a fragment (63 fols.Fontes 7-12. Rome. divinau moyen Lex orandi 43. Bibl. Vat. dissertation. 1967. XVI. Casanat. . Deodato (?). many lacunae 375 fols. MLBV 487..7 Rome. Chigi C.6 vols. partially noted. (summer only) from S. ed. Vat. 170 REFERENCES: 571 12 c.

Monte Cassino. Archivio del Duomo (12 c. 1956). 1975. from information in Michel Hu Piacenza. Laurence Gushee. Edmond de Coussemaker. Liber Usualis (Tournai. ser. 1. vol. Monte Cassino.). 128-56.). ed. 213v-222r. Gall. 2. Q 318 (11 c. 1934). Marginal letters added to the Antiphoner of Hartker (12 c. fols. 4*-30*. p. Monza. Florence.APPENDIX B NUMBER OF DIFFERENTIAE IN SELECTED TONARIES Metz I II III IV V VI VII VIII TPer TOTAL Aur 5 1 4 5 1 1 10 5 x 33 Reg 5 1 5 5 2 1 6 3 28 MC-1 13 3 3 11 4 3 9 8 54 MC-2 10 1 5 9 2 1 7 6 41 Cas 9 1 4 7 1 1 6 4 33 Har 9 2 6 8 2 2 6 6 41 Clm 9 2 6 9 2 2 6 5 41 Pia 8 1 4 6 1 1 8 5 34 11 2 7 10 3 2 13 7 55 ABBREVIATIONS: Metz Aur Reg MC-1 MC-2 Cas Har Clm Pia Flo Ver Mon LU Walter Lipphardt.). lr-7r. Biblioteca capitolare 70 (13 c.). Vercelli. Corpus scriptorum de musica 21. . Q 318 (11 c.). clm 14523 (12 c. pp. Stiftsbibliothek Paleographie musicale. Biblioteca capitolare 16/82 (13 c. Archivio capitolare 54 (12 c. Abbazia. de Tonary of Regino. Biblioteca Casanatense 54 (11 c.). Munich. Rome. Scriptorum musica medii aevi nova seri 73. fols. 102v-103r. Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Musica disciplina. Der karolingischeTonar von Metz. St. pp. Antiphonale monasticum(Tournai.).). 112-17. pp. 218v-224v. fols.). ed. pp. fols. 50*. 245-85. fols. Rome. Abbazia. 277r-283r. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.

j- [ e e u o u a .r only BL I |B79: aGFE D Iv... mA aN .O I . I I Used with "0" antiphons only sed -+ - antip s on - . 1 a B79only e u o u BL: E I e A I8V n A 11 A N- M .I I r~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~I ~~~~~~I1-$ m -- * l--y BL only O AI - ^ * * *S- I1AI . BL only II BL: aG - A .. W.. 0 BL only §h. m. X Ia 7 BL only _ V BL only &^~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I on ·'- IF w i D-Mode: Reciting tone on F .The Singing of Psalms APPENDIX C 573 D-Mode: Reciting tone on a A A A e u o u a I I e - IV A e u o u a le I A B 79 only I I A BL only I v e I X I ' mm 0 - 0 1.

574 The Singing of Psalms E-Mode: Reciting tone on E A A ItAI a I e B 790nly e -. o u a u W I W o BLonly e u o u'a IIe 'V BLonly I · a _ "' w B 79 only B 79 only L rI BL only - I BL: EF ¶2 E-Mode: Reciting tone on a A A A BL only e u o u a I e BLonly BLonly M9 only euou e u o u a Ie !l » BL only I I B o790nly AI I BL only V BL only B 79: GF | A I A BL: GF IR I ' B 79 only A BL only I- A BL only I - I A A A A .

The Singing of Psalms F-Mode: Reciting tone on a A A 575 e u o u J)4 a I e I B 79only e u o u a e ~~~B 79: GP B 79 only B 79 only L-' on1 * =^ * * III I* IT. | BL only BL only A I BL only V BL only A I I BL only .

. ___ 1 _m !m mI 1 . BL only ^ ~ c: I ~~~~~~ | ~BL: cbaG BL: a BL only [ BL only I BL only . .a I e I I BL/B 79: a I -- - I BL only I BL/B 79: c | BL only L1 IA MII BL: cdG I II 1 ..576 The Singing of Psalms G-Mode: Reciting tone on c ~A ~ BL: ba k " e uu o u BL/B79: aG | aG e BLonly e u o u . .

The Singing of Psalms G-Mode: Reciting tone on d 'A A 577 A euou u a u I e A B 79 only e u o u a I e I V BLonly A V B 79 only A » B 79 only A A A BL:cb I BL: cb I V A BLonly I s A BLonly BL: c I A A AE @ r1 r. - BL: dc )V B 79 only A R 79: d I I BLonly "% I a-Mode a-Mode A V B79only A e u o u a I e V BLonly e u o u a e A B 79 only .

578 The Singing of Psalms COMMENTARY The Old Roman antiphoners exhibit a remarkable degree of diversity as well as disagreement in their repertoire of psalm tones. the Gregorian equivalent of the latter (mode VI) shows the greatest agreement. it may be assumed that it is common to both. About one-third of the repertoire falls into this category. Peter's manuscript (B 79) or the antiphoner in the British Library (BL). and I have not included in Appendix C the psalmody of the Paschal Vespers found in the Old Roman graduale. Further consideration of the material could result in their classification as independent differentiae. Although the total number of differentiae surpasses 100. The E-mode psalmody with an a reciting mode is in one respect another nexus of disagreement between the Old Roman antiphoners. 5319. Joseph Dyer is Associate Professor of Music at the University of Massachusetts.Boston. many of them are confined to only one of the antiphoners. In the absence of an indication that a particular formula is found only in the St. the greatest disagreement occurs in F-mode psalmody with an a reciting tone. Vat. The greatest agreement occurs in D-mode psalmody with an a reciting tone. That has been indicated in Appendix C. In a few cases I have indicated variant readings above the staves. MA 02125. I have tried to be conservative in my estimates. . Curiously. lat.

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