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Table of Contents From Punishment to Public Health: Reducing the Role of Criminalization in Drug Policy Sensible Marijuana Regulation Moving Toward a Health-Based Approach Building a Movement: Recruiting New Allies, Transforming Public Discourse Foundation Support, Grants and Donors Board and Staff Financial Statements
The work described herein includes that of the Drug Policy Alliance, a 501(c)(3) organization, and Drug Policy Action, a 501(c)(4) organization.
Letter from the President and Executive Director
Raising the Stakes
Never before have we felt so optimistic about prospects for ending the spectacularly costly and counterproductive war on drugs. Political leaders are calling for radical change. Millions of victims of the drug war are saying enough is enough. Civil rights advocates are embracing drug policy reform. Young people are speaking out in record numbers. Fiscal conservatives are tiring of the enormous costs. Parents are realizing that their children and the future of our society are better served by policies that rely dramatically less on criminal sanctions and harsh punishments. And more and more elected officials are deciding it’s time to step out. Last summer, the Global Commission on Drug Policy and DPA’s campaign commemorating the 40th anniversary of the war on drugs demonstrated the unprecedented momentum for legalizing marijuana and reforming other prohibitionist policies (see page 13). We generated more than 4,000 news stories around the world – a significant leap forward in expanding and legitimizing global debate about drug policy, prohibition and legalization. We felt mildly optimistic about Obama’s drug policies – until recently. He made good on his campaign commitments by promoting three evidence-based policies: reforming the racially unjust crack sentencing laws, eliminating the ban on states using federal funding for syringe access programs to reduce the spread of HIV/AIDS and hepatitis, and ending years of federal interference in the implementation of state medical marijuana laws. He even acknowledged that drug legalization is “an entirely legitimate topic for debate.” But it became increasingly difficult over the last year to distinguish Obama’s drug policies from those of Reagan, Clinton and the Bushes. What’s different from previous decades is that we are pushing back like never before. We’re preparing marijuana legalization and other drug policy reform initiatives for the ballot in 2012, working closely with both Democrats and Republicans in Congress to cut federal drug war spending, and mobilizing unprecedented numbers of citizens – online and in the streets – to push forward with crucial drug policy reforms in cities and states around the country. The ever more insistent cries to “put all options on the table” bode well for an intellectual, political and moral breakthrough in drug control policy. People are questioning drug prohibition like never before – certainly with respect to marijuana, but even with respect to other drugs as taxpayers rebel against spending billions to incarcerate hundreds of thousands of people for nothing more than possession of a prohibited substance. DPA’s approach is grounded in three principles: freedom, responsibility and compassion. We believe that people should not be punished solely for what they put into their bodies but only for crimes that hurt others. We insist that both individuals and governments be held responsible for the harmful consequences of their actions. And we know that when people struggle with drug misuse, compassion is typically more effective than punishment. As we move into a new phase of our work that builds on many of our federal, state and local victories, you can take pride in the fact that, thanks to your support, DPA is stronger and more effective than ever before. But we have a long way to go before we can claim victory in the struggle for drug policies grounded in science, compassion, health and human rights. We’re counting on your continued support to make that victory possible.
Ira Glasser President
Ethan Nadelmann Executive Director
From Punishment to Public Health: Reducing the Role of Criminalization in Drug Policy
More than half a million people whose only crime was to use, possess or sell an illegal drug are in prisons and jails right now in the United States. These individuals are overwhelmingly black and Hispanic – even though those groups use and sell drugs at similar rates as other Americans. Taxpayers spend tens of billions of dollars annually, in direct and indirect costs, to incarcerate them. DPA has led the way in rolling back harsh sentences and promoting alternatives to incarceration for drug possession and other drug law violations.
DPA’s efforts are putting drug policy reform on the agenda in the U.S. and around the world. Throughout this report you’ll see headlines from just a handful of the thousands of media stories that DPA generated this year.
George P. Shultz and Paul A. Volcker on Why the ‘War on Drugs’ Has Failed – And What to Do Next
DPA Succeeds in Reducing Crack/Powder Sentencing Disparity
For those of us who fought long and hard to reform the notorious 100-to-one crack/powder cocaine disparity in federal law, the Fair Sentencing Act, signed by President Obama in August 2010, is at once an historic victory and a major disappointment. It’s both too little, too late and a big step forward. The federal Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, which punished the sale of five grams of crack cocaine the same as 500 grams of powder cocaine, reflected the bipartisan drug war hysteria of the day and was approved with virtually no consideration of scientific evidence or the fiscal and human consequences. The argument for reform has always been twofold: sending someone to federal prison for five years for selling the equivalent of a few sugar packets of cocaine is unreasonably harsh, and it disproportionately affects minorities (almost 80 percent of those sentenced are African-Americans, even though most users and sellers of crack are not black). The new law increases the amount of crack cocaine that can result in a five-year sentence to twenty-eight grams (an ounce), thereby reducing the crack/powder ratio to eighteen to one. It also eliminates the five-year mandatory minimum sentence for simple possession of crack cocaine, marking the first time since 1970 that Congress has repealed a mandatory minimum sentence. When Congress passed the Fair Sentencing Act, however, they failed to make the new law retroactive, meaning that it would only apply to people sentenced in the future, but not people already serving unjust sentences. Thanks to DPA’s follow-up work with a powerful coalition of criminal justice advocates, though, in June 2011 the U.S. Sentencing Commission voted to retroactively apply the Fair Sentencing Act. The Commission received more than 43,000 pieces of mail urging them to apply the new law retroactively. This means that more than 12,000 people will be eligible for early release. Taxpayers will save $240 million – and, more importantly, people serving excessively harsh sentences will be reunited with their families and loved ones sooner.
Change is clearly afoot. The Fair Sentencing Act showed that traditional civil rights leaders are finally beginning to prioritize criminal justice reform. Black support for the late-’80s drug war helped legitimize the policies that led to the incarceration of millions of young African-Americans. The dawning realization of what they had wrought led the Rev. Jesse Jackson, Rep. Charlie Rangel and others to start calling for reform of the crack/powder disparity. The Congressional Black Caucus and black state legislators are now often at the forefront of sentencing and other drug policy reform efforts. Perhaps most surprising was the apparent ease with which the crack/powder reform gained bipartisan support. Dick Durbin provided the key leadership in the Senate, where the bill passed by unanimous consent, but the reform would have died without help from Republicans like Jeff Sessions, Orrin Hatch and Lindsey Graham. Likewise in the House, where support from the libertarian Ron Paul and his Republican colleagues James Sensenbrenner and Dan Lungren, both longtime proponents of the drug war, trumped the opposition of Lamar Smith, the ranking Republican on the Judiciary Committee. Many families will benefit from this reform, but it doesn’t go far enough. With your continued support, this will be the first of many long-overdue sentencing reforms.
Drug Courts Are Not the Answer: DPA Report Calls for a Real, Health-Based Approach to Drug Use
Drug courts emerged in the late 1980s as one of the only politically feasible alternatives to the harsh prison sentences enacted by legislators during the drug war hysteria of those days. But an alternative that looked good when the hysteria of the drug war was still fresh demands critical re-assessment – especially now as budget deficits and public opinion increasingly demand more effective and less expensive solutions. That’s why DPA released a groundbreaking new report, “Drug Courts are Not the Answer: Toward a Health-Centered Approach to Drug Use” (www.drugpolicy.org/drugcourts). At two Capitol Hill briefings in Washington, D.C., DPA was
Time to End Drug ‘War’
Congress Narrows Gap in Cocaine Sentences
From Punishment to Public Health continued
joined by the Justice Policy Institute and the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, who also recently released reports critical of drug courts. Our efforts are stirring up debates in state capitols and criminal justice circles around the country. Within 24 hours of the report’s release, the National Association of Drug Court Professionals – a group dedicated to promoting and fundraising for drug courts – responded harshly, with attacks that ignored the substance of the report and instead attacked the messenger. The NADCP held their own Capitol Hill briefing two weeks after ours, where they flew in spokespeople from around the country – including, of all people, Martin Sheen, father of Charlie – to tout the benefits of drug courts. The truth is that drug courts often fail to reduce time spent behind bars, save money, or improve public safety. Many drug courts cherry-pick participants expected to do well, including those with only petty drug law violations (like marijuana possession) who are not facing substantial time behind bars and who don’t really need drug treatment. Meanwhile, people struggling with significant drug-related problems may end up worse off in drug court than if they had received services outside the criminal justice system, been left alone, or even been conventionally sentenced. Drug courts ultimately confuse punishment with treatment and perpetuate a criminal justice response to what is fundamentally an issue of health. The fact that roughly 1.4 million Americans are arrested every year for drug possession is a problem that will not be solved by drug courts. More than twenty years after the creation of the nation’s first drug court, much better policy options are now being implemented to address addiction and drug use – and to fix the problems of mass drug arrests and incarceration.
DPA Report Makes Another Dent in the Tough-on-Crime Myth
When asked to rate the seriousness of 108 offenses found in New Jersey’s criminal code, respondents deemed that almost 90 percent of the offenses deserve less serious punishment than mandated by the state’s sentencing laws. For instance, the penalty under New Jersey law for growing 15 marijuana plants can bring a maximum sentence of 20 years, but New Jersey residents rated the offense at a level of seriousness mandating no more than one and a half years. These were the findings of a report released by DPA in April 2011 that is getting attention around the state and across the country. The report, “Crime and Punishment in New Jersey: The Criminal Code and Public Opinion on Sentencing,” was produced by the University of Pennsylvania’s Paul H. Robinson – one of the world’s leading criminal law scholars, a former federal prosecutor, and former counsel for the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Criminal Laws and Procedures. The report is adding force to an emerging national debate. For years, evidence has shown that the public strongly supports alternatives to incarceration and increased judicial discretion in sentencing. But a growing body of evidence indicates public support for a more comprehensive rethinking of criminal penalties. Polling in early 2011 by DPA in California showed similar results. Nearly three-quarters (72 percent) of those surveyed favored reducing the penalties for simple drug possession. This included strong majorities of Democrats (79 percent), independents (72 percent), and Republicans (66 percent). Both Republican and Democratic legislators in states such as California, Florida, Kentucky, North Carolina and Texas are grappling with huge budget shortfalls and are being forced to recognize that the prison spending sprees of the past are no longer sustainable. In these states and many others, policymakers are greeting DPA’s findings with enthusiasm.
Democrats Look to Cultivate Pot Vote in 2012
Portugal’s Drug Policy Pays Off; U.S. Eyes Lessons
Standing Our Ground in New Mexico
In the past decade, New Mexico has made more strides than any other state in addressing overdose and addiction through a health-oriented framework. But, with Governor Susana Martinez now in office, we need your support more than ever so the state continues to be a model for drug policy reform. DPA has worked hard for almost a decade to pass legislation in New Mexico requiring treatment instead of incarceration for people arrested for drug possession. In public opinion polls, more than two-thirds of New Mexicans support these efforts. In 2007 alone, New Mexico spent $22 million to incarcerate nonviolent drug possession offenders – and that doesn’t even include other drug law violations such as drug dealing, manufacturing or trafficking. In 2011, the legislation passed the Assembly and Senate for the first time, with bipartisan support. Thousands of New Mexicans called and emailed Governor Martinez, telling their stories and asking her to treat addiction as a health issue, not a criminal one. But it’s the nature of the legislative process that no amount of bipartisan support, public opinion, or common sense guarantees that a governor will sign a bill into law. With the stroke of a pen, Governor Susana Martinez vetoed the legislation, painting a bleak future for many of New Mexico’s families. “I know what it means to have an incarcerated parent. I know how it feels to have a parent that is sick and only gets time in jail instead of treatment,” stated Avicra Luckey, a family member affected by substance use. “Governor Martinez could have, and should have signed this bill to help families like mine.” DPA and its allies will not be deterred – and we will work to pass legislation supporting alternatives to incarceration in 2012.
The War on Drugs has Failed
After 40 Years, Is War on Drugs Worth Fighting?
Sensible Marijuana Regulation
Marijuana prohibition has resulted in more than 20 million arrests since 1970 and has deprived responsible people of their jobs, educational opportunities, property and freedom. It is unique among American criminal laws – no other law is both enforced so widely and harshly yet deemed unnecessary by such a substantial portion of the population. DPA’s efforts focus on making marijuana legally available for medical purposes, reducing criminal penalties and arrests for possession, and ultimately ending marijuana prohibition.
Jesse Jackson: It’s Time to End Dismally Failed ‘War on Drugs’
History Is on Prop. 19’s Side
California’s Proposition 19 Sparks Unprecedented Progress Toward Ending Marijuana Prohibition
Moving Forward on Ending Marijuana Prohibition
DPA Plays Major Role in Funding, Publicizing and Organizing Campaign California’s 2010 ballot initiative to make marijuana legal, Proposition 19, didn’t win a majority of votes – but it represents an extraordinary victory for the broader movement to end marijuana prohibition. The debate is shifting from whether marijuana should be legalized to how. Prop. 19 both elevated and legitimized public discourse about marijuana and marijuana policy. More people knew about Prop. 19 than any other measure on the ballot in 2010 – not just in California, but nationwide. Prop. 19 also forged a new coalition in support of making marijuana legal, receiving endorsements by labor unions, including SEIU California, and civil rights organizations, including the California chapter of the NAACP, the National Black Police Association, and the National Latino Officers Association. Meanwhile, Prop. 19 can claim one concrete victory: thenGovernor Schwarzenegger signed into law a bill to reduce the penalty for marijuana possession from a misdemeanor to a non-arrestable infraction, like a traffic ticket. That’s no small matter in a state where arrests for marijuana possession totaled 61,000 in 2009 – roughly triple the number in 1990. It’s widely assumed that the principal reason the governor signed the bill was to undermine one of the key arguments in favor of Prop. 19. Demographics, economics and principle all favor the ultimate demise of marijuana prohibition. A large majority of California voters under the age of fifty voted for Prop. 19. The youngest voters are most in favor while the most elderly voters are the most opposed. Meanwhile, the economic arguments for legalizing marijuana – including both the savings from reduced spending on law enforcement and the revenues from taxing legal marijuana – will only grow more persuasive.
Marijuana isn’t going to legalize itself, but momentum is building like never before among Americans across the political spectrum who think it’s time to take marijuana out of the closet and out of the criminal justice system. Public support for making marijuana legal has shifted dramatically in the last two decades, particularly in the last few years. For the first time, a recent Gallup poll has found that 50 percent of Americans support making marijuana legal, with only 46 percent opposed. Forty years ago support registered at just 12 percent. It rose to 28 percent by the late ‘70s, dipped slightly during the 1980s, and then rose gradually to 36 percent in 2005. The past six years, however, have witnessed a dramatic jump in support, with important implications for state and national marijuana policy. Majorities of men, 18-29 year-olds, 30-49 year-olds, liberals, moderates, Independents, Democrats, and voters in Western, Midwestern and Eastern states now support legalizing marijuana.
Support for Making Use of Marijuana Legal Increases Do you think the use of marijuana should be made legal or not?
84 81 70 78 66 70
% No, illegal % Yes, legal
73 64 62 34 64 60 50 50
15 16 12 1970 1974
28 25 25 23 25
Sooner or Later, Marijuana Will Be Legal
California’s Prop. 19 Could End Mexico’s Drug War
Sensible Marijuana Regulation continued
Last summer, a bipartisan group of legislators introduced the first bill ever to end federal marijuana prohibition. This legislation allows states to set their own marijuana policies without federal interference, focuses federal law enforcement on violent criminals and organized crime instead of marijuana offenders, and saves taxpayer money. The ‘Ending Federal Marijuana Prohibition Act’ would end marijuana prohibition in the same way alcohol Prohibition was ended so states can control, regulate and tax marijuana like alcohol. Just a few years ago, Ron Paul and Barney Frank would probably have been the only members of Congress willing to sign on to this sort of bill. What’s amazing is that 20 Representatives have co-sponsored the bill – including people like Republican Rep. Dana Rohrabacher, and Democratic Rep. John Conyers, who recently chaired the House Judiciary Committee. The most surprising co-sponsor so far is Democratic Rep. Charles Rangel, who chaired the House Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control in the 1980s and ranked among the leading drug warriors in Congress. DPA has played a key role in persuading members to sign on and is continuing to do so. More than half of all drug arrests are for marijuana, and most of those arrests are for nothing more than possessing marijuana for personal use. More than 850,000 Americans were arrested for marijuana in 2010 alone – and 88 percent of those arrests were for mere possession. Even though African-Americans are no more likely to use or sell marijuana than other Americans, they’re far more likely to be searched, arrested and incarcerated. While the federal bill is not going to be enacted into law or even passed through a Congressional committee anytime soon, it has proven enormously valuable both in providing a vehicle for members of Congress to step out on the issue and in generating media coverage and public discussion.
In Colorado and Washington state DPA is deeply involved with local allies in drafting and funding initiatives that will appear on those states’ ballots in 2012. As these campaigns progress, we are playing a major role in shaping campaign strategy, forging new coalitions, and educating the public about what’s at stake.
Fighting to Save Medical Marijuana in New Mexico
New Mexico Governor Susana Martinez ran for office on a campaign platform that included dismantling the state’s popular and effective medical marijuana program, which is one of the most tightly regulated in the country and the first state-licensed production and distribution system. DPA’s 501 (c)(4) affiliate, Drug Policy Action, launched the “Don’t Take Away My Medicine” campaign to discourage Martinez from pursuing her threats. Drug Policy Action ran a television ad in New Mexico during Oprah and the World Series, which you can watch at www.donttakeawaymymedicine.org. The ad served its purpose well – after taking office, Martinez backed off her threat to dismantle the program. Martinez’s stance, though, emboldened a freshman legislator to introduce a bill to repeal the state’s medical marijuana program – a move that would have deprived thousands of seriously ill patients of their medicine. DPA’s New Mexico office mobilized to block this heartless legislation, alerting medical marijuana supporters to the threat and urging them to contact the legislature. After a huge response from New Mexico residents, the legislator withdrew the repeal bill. DPA worked incredibly hard from 2001 to 2007 to legalize medical marijuana in New Mexico – and we’re not about to let the state’s program get dismantled.
DPA Campaign Leads to Major Victory in Reducing NYC Marijuana Arrests
It is beyond hypocritical for New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg – who once said he smoked marijuana and enjoyed it – to waste so much money and to harm so many people’s lives.
Dump the War on Drugs
War on Drugs Has ‘Failed’, Says Global Drug Policy Group
The arrest statistics say it all. Just 34,000 people were arrested in New York City for marijuana possession from 1981 to 1995 – but in the last 15 years 540,000 people were arrested for marijuana possession. More than 50,000 people were arrested for marijuana possession in 2010 alone, far exceeding the total arrests from 1981-1995. The New York Police Department has provided no evidence that these massive numbers of arrests have done anything to reduce crime or to improve public safety and quality of life. There is also no evidence whatsoever that more people are smoking marijuana today than in the 1980s. A new DPA report released in March 2011 – among the first of its kind to quantify the costs of low-level marijuana possession arrests – finds that arrests for marijuana possession cost New York City taxpayers approximately $75 million each year. A single arrest for marijuana possession, including all police and court expenses, costs from $1,000 to $2,000 or more, conservatively estimated. DPA released the report at a City Hall press conference with three City Council members, allied organizations, and New Yorkers who have been arrested for marijuana possession. In a statement released with the report, more than 30 New York City-based organizations identified how they think the Bloomberg administration should spend $75 million. In September 2011, we reached a major breakthrough when NYPD Commissioner Ray Kelly issued an internal order commanding officers to follow existing New York State law by ending arrests for possession of small amounts of marijuana – as long as the marijuana was never in public view. The order does not change the law itself – but simply instructs officers to comport with the law. This could result in tens of thousands of fewer marijuana arrests annually in New York City. But, the devil remains in the details as to whether and how the NYPD implements this new directive.
DPA Reports Shine Light on Racial Disparities in Marijuana Arrests
Legalizing marijuana isn’t just a question of smart criminal justice reform or our civil liberties – it’s also a racial justice issue. People of color, and especially black people, are arrested, prosecuted and incarcerated for drug offenses at extraordinarily disproportionate rates. The best available national evidence indicates that roughly the same proportion of blacks and whites use marijuana – but that black people are roughly three times more likely to be arrested for possessing marijuana. In late 2010, DPA released three reports by Queens College professor Harry Levine that document widespread race-based disparities in the enforcement of low-level marijuana possession laws in California (available at www.drugpolicy. org/library). In the last 20 years, California made 850,000 arrests for possession of small amounts of marijuana, and half a million arrests in the last 10 years. The people arrested were disproportionately African Americans and Latinos, overwhelmingly young people, especially young men. Most of those arrested aren’t immediately handed a lengthy sentence. But they are handcuffed, taken to jail, put into databases of criminal offenders and often end up spending days, weeks, months, and in some cases years behind bars. These arrests produce permanent criminal records that can disqualify people for jobs, housing, schooling and student loans. This evidence helped persuade the California NAACP, the National Black Police Association, the William C. Velasquez Institute and other prominent civil rights organizations to endorse Proposition 19. The fact that they stepped out on this issue is stirring up a much-needed national debate among African Americans and Latinos. The media amplified the impact of our reports, as racial justice became a key part of the national discussion about Prop. 19 and marijuana reform. Mainstream columnists in both California and across the country, including Charles Blow and Nicholas Kristof at the New York Times, wrote powerful articles citing DPA’s reports and highlighting the connections between race, marijuana prohibition, mass incarceration and criminal justice reform.
War on Drugs Declared Lost
Un Rapport Pointe L’échec de la Guerre Contre la Drogue
Moving Toward a Health-Based Approach
We advocate for new drug policies that focus on reducing the cumulative death, disease, crime and suffering associated with both drug use and drug prohibition. We promote voluntary counseling and treatment, including substitution therapies such as methadone, buprenorphine and heroin maintenance programs for people struggling with addiction. And, as overdose deaths have more than doubled in the past decade, DPA has taken the lead in promoting effective strategies for reducing fatalities.
War on Drugs ‘A Failure’, International Panel Declares
High-Level Panel: War on Drugs Has Failed
DPA Spearheads Passage of Syringe Exchange Legislation in New York
Building Support for the First Supervised Injection Facility in the U.S.
DPA’s work to increase access to sterile syringes for people who inject drugs is one of the cornerstones of the life-saving harm reduction programs we promote. More than a third of all AIDS cases in the U.S. are directly or indirectly attributable to injection drug use. Virtually all scientific studies have found that improving access to sterile syringes – through both pharmacies and syringe exchange programs – reduces the spread of HIV/AIDS, hepatitis C and other infectious diseases without increasing drug use. DPA played a pivotal role in passing legislation to expand syringe access in three of the states with the highest rates of drug-related disease transmission: California (2004 and 2011), New Jersey (2006) and New York (2010). In each case, we spent years overcoming kneejerk opposition from prosecutors and disheartening vetoes by various governors. In each case, we came back year after year after year, until we finally won. In New York, outgoing Governor David Paterson signed legislation – spearheaded by DPA and our local partner, VOCAL – that reduces HIV and hepatitis C by improving access to sterile syringes. The new law clarifies that people can possess sterile syringes and cannot be arrested or charged with drug possession for residue in used syringes. It also makes clear that police should stop arresting people in possession of used syringes. The measure will reduce disease, increase access to life-saving programs, and ensure proper disposal of used syringes. This new law gives people who use drugs the tools that they need to protect their health and that of their partners, children, and communities, as well as protecting taxpayers from the cost of HIV and hepatitis C infections. Making sure our public health and criminal justice policies are in synch means more people will participate in programs that are a gateway to better community health.
Supervised injection facilities (SIFs) are places where people who inject drugs can connect to health care services – from primary care to treat disease and infection, to addiction counseling and treatment. As of 2010 there were 92 facilities operating in 61 cities around the world – but none in the U.S. There is overwhelming evidence that SIFs are effective in reducing new HIV infections, overdose deaths and public nuisance – and that they do not increase drug use or criminal activity. DPA continues to be an active part of the campaign to build support for a SIF in San Francisco. As part of the local coalition Alliance for Saving Lives, DPA co-sponsored a symposium on supervised injection facilities in 2007 that brought researchers and advocates from Vancouver to talk about the success of Insite, North America’s first and only SIF. DPA is currently working with advocates, service providers, and community members in San Francisco to create the political will to support a SIF. In 2010, the MAC AIDS Fund gave DPA a groundbreaking grant to advocate for a SIF in San Francisco. DPA is conducting research on perceptions of the public safety implications of a SIF, and is planning to lead a visit to Insite in Vancouver for key San Franciscans including policymakers. A broad array of supporters – researchers, doctors, people who use drugs, advocates, police officers, and even political candidates – have spoken out in favor of a SIF in San Francisco. In the coming year, DPA is organizing mayoral and other forums about SIFs, bringing this bold drug policy proposal into the most high profile forums in the city.
Drawing Attention to the Overdose Epidemic in Texas
At the National Harm Reduction Conference in Austin, Texas, DPA released a report examining the overdose epidemic’s impact in Texas. The report found that accidental overdose fatalities in Texas skyrocketed between 1999 and 2007 by more than two and a half times. The report garnered extensive coverage in the Associated Press, Texas Tribune, Houston Chronicle, and in the Austin Chronicle.
Four Decades Later, It’s Time to Scrap the Dead-End Drug War
The Failed War on Drugs Is What’s Packing California’s Prisons
Building a Movement: Recruiting New Allies, Transforming Public Discourse
DPA is at the forefront of the burgeoning drug policy reform movement. While much of our day-to-day work involves organizing and leading political coalitions to advance specific policy objectives, we also “connect the dots” among the many issues related to drug policy reform. We have taken an issue that hovered at the fringes of American politics just 15 years ago and brought it into the mainstream without sacrificing our passion, our vision or our core principles.
Report: ‘The War on Drugs Has Failed’
Major Panel: Drug War Failed, Legalize Marijuana
Your Message Reaches Millions
The Global Commission and 40th Anniversary of Drug War Strike a Chord Last June, the Global Commission on Drug Policy and the events commemorating the 40th anniversary of the war on drugs showed the world that there is unprecedented momentum for legalizing marijuana and ending prohibition. These events were major steps toward attaining the critical mass at which the momentum for reform exceeds the powerful inertia that has sustained punitive prohibitionist policies for far too long. The Global Commission is comprised of former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan; Richard Branson, founder of the Virgin Group; four former presidents, including the commission’s chairman, Fernando Henrique Cardoso of Brazil; George P. Shultz, former Secretary of State; Paul Volcker, former Chairman of the Federal Reserve; and several other distinguished world leaders. Never before has such a prominent group called for such far-reaching changes in the global drug prohibition regime – including not just alternatives to incarceration and greater emphasis on public health approaches to drug use but also decriminalization and experiments in legal regulation. DPA has played a pivotal behind-the-scenes role with the Commission since its inception. We helped shape the Commission’s formation and recommendations – identifying and assembling the Commission’s membership, developing the content of their report, spearheading the Commission’s media outreach, and managing their report’s finalization and production. The Global Commission was a natural evolution from one of DPA’s earliest successes, when we drafted and published in the New York Times an open letter to U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan as world leaders gathered at the 1998 U.N. General Assembly Special Session on Drugs. The letter and its critique dominated global media coverage of the U.N. event, demonstrating for the first time the breadth and legitimacy of drug policy reform sentiment around the world.
Just two weeks after the Global Commission launched its report, on June 17 we “celebrated” the 40th anniversary of President Nixon’s speech in which he declared drug abuse “public enemy number one” and committed to waging “a new, all-out offensive.” This moment is widely regarded as the unofficial launch of America’s spectacularly unsuccessful and costly global war on drugs. DPA organized allies to stage a day of action with more than 50 events throughout the country, in cities including Chicago, Los Angeles, New Orleans, New York and San Francisco. The series of events was highlighted by large-scale events in Washington, D.C., where we were joined by elected officials, civil rights leaders, and celebrities. In all, DPA’s efforts around the Global Commission and the drug war’s 40th anniversary generated more than 4,000 news stories around the world – and almost all of them were favorable and on-message. So, what’s next? We’re working closely with the Global Commission and other allies to extend and elevate its message throughout the U.S. and around the world. We’re also making efforts to get more VIPs to step out on the issue. We were thrilled when President Jimmy Carter and Reverend Jesse Jackson each published an op-ed on the 40th anniversary calling on U.S. leaders to adopt the recommendations of the Global Commission – but there are a lot more people who share their convictions who’ve yet to join us. We’re planning events in 2012 at the International AIDS Conference to provide more opportunities for leaders to step out on drug policy reform. Thanks to your support, we are making it increasingly difficult for policymakers to ignore the credibility of the Global Commission and the seriousness of its recommendations.
Drug War a Failure: World Panel
Dealing with Addiction to the ‘War on Drugs’
The Global Commission on Drug Policy’s Recommendations
1. Break the taboo. Pursue an open debate and promote policies that effectively reduce consumption, and that prevent and reduce harms related to drug use and drug control policies. Increase investment in research and analysis into the impact of different policies and programs. 2. Replace the criminalization and punishment of people who use drugs with the offer of health and treatment services to those who need them. 3. Encourage experimentation by governments with models of legal regulation of drugs (with cannabis, for example) that are designed to undermine the power of organized crime and safeguard the health and security of their citizens. 4. Establish better metrics, indicators and goals to measure progress. 5. Challenge, rather than reinforce, common misconceptions about drug markets, drug use and drug dependence. 6. Countries that continue to invest mostly in a law enforcement approach (despite the evidence) should focus their repressive actions on violent organized crime and drug traffickers, in order to reduce the harms associated with the illicit drug market. 7. Promote alternative sentences for small-scale and first-time drug dealers.
Former Swiss President Ruth Dreifuss, who is a member of the Global Commission and DPA’s International Honorary Board, spoke at the launch of the commission’s report.
8. Invest more resources in evidence-based prevention, with a special focus on youth. 9. Offer a wide and easily accessible range of options for treatment and care for drug dependence, including substitution and heroin-assisted treatment, with special attention to those most at risk, including those in prisons and other custodial settings.
10. The United Nations system must provide leadership in the reform of global drug policy. This means promoting an effective approach based on evidence, supporting countries to develop drug policies that suit their context and meet their needs, and ensuring coherence among various U.N. agencies, policies and conventions. 11. Act urgently: the war on drugs has failed, and policies need to change now.
Building a Movement continued
New Directions Conferences Bring Together Elected Officials, Drug Policy Scholars and Community Leaders
DPA has emerged as the “go-to” organization for drug policy reform efforts. We pitch stories every day to reporters and columnists, send out press releases, draft op-eds for publication by staff and other prominent public figures, debate on talk radio, appear on television, and speak to audiences across the country and around the world. We react to breaking news, and we make our own news, always with an eye toward informing and shaping public opinion. DPA is unusual among advocacy organizations in that more than half of our staff regularly engage the media. More than two dozen DPA staff are interviewed or mentioned in more than 1,000 radio, TV and print stories every year. Our efforts are putting drug policy reform on the agendas of thought leaders and organizations around the world. DPA’s executive director, Ethan Nadelmann, is frequently presented with invitations from influential organizations and media outlets. He regularly addresses leading forums on the right and the left – from the Conservative Political Action Conference, Milken Institute and Young Presidents’ Organization to the NAACP, Democracy Alliance and Campaign for America’s Future. And he reached millions of people with appearances on HBO, Fox News, Al Jazeera, BBC and more than a dozen other news outlets in the last year alone. In addition to our breakthrough work with the Global Commission, DPA played a leading role in media engagement around California’s Proposition 19 campaign – generating unprecedented media coverage about making marijuana legal. DPA released and publicized a series of reports that drew attention to the racial disparities in marijuana arrests, organized parents to serve as spokespeople for the campaign, and landed stories in major papers on a daily basis. DPA has also stirred up debate and generated media coverage of less-discussed issues – such as how to deal with the epidemic of overdose fatalities, promoting the success of Portugal’s decade-long drug decriminalization policy, challenging the uncritical embrace of drug courts, and highlighting racial disparities in drug enforcement, prosecution and sentencing.
Drug policy is a national, and even a global, problem – but the practical solutions and political will for reform emerge from people and organizations working at the city and state levels. The challenge is that those who work locally are typically so focused on day-to-day issues and limited in resources that they rarely get the opportunity to engage with new ideas and strategies. We can’t build the drug policy reform movement without breaking down the barriers and knocking down the silos into which organizations inevitably compartmentalize themselves. That’s why DPA has developed a strategic initiative, called New Directions, to move the debate forward, using daylong community gatherings as an organizing tool. New Directions is about connecting the dots between seemingly disparate elements of the drug policy reform movement. Our aim is to facilitate an evolution in thinking about drug policy – and to foster new collaborative relationships across fields that can help bring about local reforms. Following up on the success of the first New Directions conference in New York City in 2009, we organized remarkable gatherings in Los Angeles and Washington, D.C., in 2010 and in Newark, New Jersey in 2011. We convened unlikely allies, especially from the health and criminal justice fields who often don’t work together or see each other as allies in the broader drug policy reform effort. In California, we co-hosted the conference with the California Society of Addiction Medicine. In D.C., we brought together a broad collection of co-hosts, including the ACLU, American Foundation for AIDS Research, Criminal Justice Policy Foundation, National Association of Social Workers, National Black Police Association and Physicians for Human Rights. In Newark, New Directions was co-sponsored by Bethany Baptist Church. Reverend William Howard, the highly respected and politically connected minister who leads Bethany, had reached out to DPA seeking help in stimulating new ideas and dialogues in Newark. DPA brought in leading drug policy scholars and activists from around the country and abroad, while Bethany brought in key local policymakers, including the police chief of Newark and the attorney general of New Jersey – who not only spoke but also stayed and listened for much of the day.
End Failed Drugs Campaign: Ex-Leaders
War on Drugs Has Failed, International Panel Says
Building a Movement continued
The conferences place importance on exposing Americans to international expertise – such as former longtime Swiss secretary of health Thomas Zeltner, Canadian member of parliament Kash Heed, and key Portuguese officials involved in implementing the country’s decriminalization policy. It’s essential that we do all we can right now to build momentum for reform. People and organizations are listening for fresh ideas about how to move past the drug war, and those on the front lines must be prepared to respond. Similar events are planned for additional cities – so keep an eye out for a gathering in your area soon.
DPA Art Auction Brings Together Artists Working for Drug Policy Reform
Following up on successful events in 2008 and 2009, the third re:FORM was held in New York City in 2010, co-chaired by filmmaker Darren Aronofsky, Peter Lewis, George Soros and arts philanthropist Elizabeth Sackler. In February 2011, we hosted the fourth installment in Los Angeles at the Honor Fraser Gallery, co-chaired by DPA Board member and CODEPINK co-founder Jodie Evans, along with filmmaker Gus Van Sant.
Expanding into Colorado
DPA’s ongoing series of art auctions – known as re:FORM – represents a groundbreaking partnership between the art world and the drug policy reform movement. These art auction benefits are inspired by artists who have used art as a vehicle for social change – and have enlightened others to join us in stopping the madness of the war on drugs.
Colorado is at the forefront of efforts both to legalize marijuana and to reform drug policies more broadly. In May 2011, DPA officially expanded into the Centennial State, as Art Way began work as DPA’s first-ever Colorado Drug Policy Manager. The state presents a remarkable opportunity to build left-right alliances, given its libertarian leanings. There will be an initiative on the ballot to legally regulate marijuana in 2012, which DPA is working on closely with local and national allies. And we have confirmed that Denver will be the host city for the 2013 International Drug Policy Reform Conference, so mark your calendar for October 23-26, 2013.
Global War on Drugs Has Failed, Key Panel Says
Report: ‘Global War on Drugs Has Failed’
New Technologies, New Audiences
Have you taken a look at DPA’s website – www.drugpolicy.org – recently? Not only does it have a new look and feel, but it’s also re-structured to provide easy-to-access information on a wide range of issues. DPA has significantly increased its capacity to exert influence online by broadening its social networking reach and expanding its email messaging program. Our email list has quadrupled in the past two years to more than 200,000 subscribers – significantly increasing our capacity to generate pressure on federal and state elected officials. We’ve also drawn in thousands more supporters through Facebook, Twitter and online video.
DPA’s 501 (c)(4) affiliate, Drug Policy Action, launched a campaign on television to discourage New Mexico Governor Susana Martinez from pursuing her threats to dismantle the state’s popular and effective medical marijuana program. The television ad ran in New Mexico during Oprah and the World Series, and you can watch it at www.donttakeawayourmedicine.org. The 2011 POLLIE Awards, which honor achievement in political and public affairs communications, recognized the “Don’t Take Away Our Medicine” ad with a GOLD award for the best Web video in state and local public affairs. Meanwhile, DPA’s fullpage newspaper ad that ran in the Los Angeles Times during the Proposition 19 campaign in California was awarded “best in category.”
DPA Organizes Parents to Call for End to Drug War
While the goal of DPA’s work is always to effect change, this year DPA has also received a number of honors for the proficiency and versatility of our campaigns and advocacy efforts. You may have noticed from the new look and feel of DPA’s website and publications that we have adopted a bold new visual identity illustrated by the simple, inclusive statement, “We are the Drug Policy Alliance.” The idea conveys the tremendous scope of our struggle, and underscores our conviction that drug policy reform isn’t really about drugs at all – it’s about people. Our visual identity is enhanced with strong typography, saturated color and authentic photography, capturing real supporters as they are engaged in real events. In addition, some brand elements were intended to be flexible, such as the “We are the Drug Policy Alliance” statement transforming into “I am the Drug Policy Alliance” when worn on a t-shirt. The seventh annual REBRAND 100® Global Awards recognized DPA as one of the world’s most effective rebrands. This prestigious honor is the highest recognition for excellence in brand repositioning. For more information, see: www.rebrand.com/distinction-drug-policy-alliance. DPA has also been identified by experts as a top nonprofit working in criminal justice in the United States. Philanthropedia, an organization that improves nonprofit effectiveness by directing money to and facilitating discussion about expert-recommended high-impact nonprofits, lauded DPA for “smart and innovative leaders, their emphasis on collaborating with other organizations, and their sincere and unwavering commitment to drug issues.”
More and more parents are realizing that the drug war does nothing to protect their children – and even makes their lives more dangerous. DPA is collaborating with our longtime grantee, A New PATH, to launch an initiative called Moms United to End the War on Drugs. This national moms’ movement seeks to stop the violence, mass incarceration, disease and overdose deaths that are the result of current punitive and discriminatory drug policies. This campaign is also an explicit movement-building initiative that harnesses the moral authority of parents to highlight the drug war’s failures and to generate mainstream calls for widespread drug policy reform. Moms United has staged rallies and vigils in San Diego, Orange County, Los Angeles, Santa Barbara, San Francisco and at the state capitol in Sacramento. Mothers, family members, healthcare professionals and people in recovery gathered to bring focus to the havoc that our drug policies have wreaked on families. The rallies also sought to remember and acknowledge those who have lost their lives, health or liberty to the war on drugs. Names of individuals whose lives have been damaged or lost because of the war on drugs were added to a fabric banner that continues to grow as this campaign moves across the nation.
White House Pushes Back on Report Declaring War on Drugs a Failure
Global War on Drugs a Failure, High-Level Panel Says
DPA received support from twelve local and national foundations this year. Most support specific parts of our agenda that align most closely with their own organizational prioirites, on issues including racial justice, prison reform, human rights, civil liberties, HIV/AIDS prevention and community health.
Charles Evans Hughes Memorial Foundation
Honoring the legacy of Supreme Court Justice and New York Governor Charles Evans Hughes, this family foundation supports legal and human rights, among other important causes. This year, they funded our work to develop a drug policy blueprint for New York City and State in the wake of the 2009 Rockefeller Drug Law reform victory.
Curtis M. McGraw Foundation
This foundation based in Princeton is the longest-running funder of our efforts to expand access to sterile syringes to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS in New Jersey.
Fund for Nonviolence
The Fund for Nonviolence supports social change and provides grants to create a justice system that treats every human being with dignity. They are a key ally in our work to end incarceration for drug possession in California.
MAC AIDS Fund
Funded by sales from MAC Cosmetics VIVA GLAM lipstick line, the MAC AIDS Fund is a leader in the field of harm reduction and one of the largest private sources of funding for HIV/AIDS organizations. This year, they funded DPA’s syringe access advocacy in New Jersey and supervised injection facility advocacy in California.
Public Welfare Foundation
The Public Welfare Foundation has been addressing the needs of underserved communities for decades and is among the most respected criminal justice reform organizations today. They’ve been funding DPA since 2008 and currently support our sentencing reform efforts in New Jersey and New Mexico.
Hugh M. Hefner Foundation
A staunch defender of civil liberties since 1964, the Hefner Foundation has provided DPA with general operating support for many years.
Rosenberg Foundation Open Society Foundations
No other foundation has done more to advance drug policy reform than OSF, providing substantial general operating support to DPA and grants to our allies in the field. DPA’s predecessor organization, the Lindesmith Center, became OSF’s first U.S.-based project in 1994. Providing critical funding to advocates in California, the Rosenberg Foundation believes that criminal justice reform is one of the most urgent civil rights issues of our day. They are a key ally in our work to end incarceration for drug possession in California.
2010-2011 Advocacy Grant Awardees
San Francisco Foundation
The Bay Area’s leading community philanthropic organization, the San Francisco Foundation funded DPA’s effort to organize the San Francisco Mayor’s Task Force on Hepatitis C, a new advocacy coalition to improve hepatitis C prevention, services and policy.
Syringe Access Fund
This consortium of funders, managed by AIDS United, has played a pivotal role in expanding access to sterile syringes across the U.S. and has supported DPA’s work in California and New Jersey since 2004.
The Drug Policy Alliance Advocacy Grants Program seeks to promote policy change and advance drug policy reform at the local, state and national levels by strategically funding smaller, geographically limited or single-issue projects. Funded annually at a level of roughly $1.2 million, the Advocacy Grants program works to raise awareness and promote policy change through two vehicles: the Promoting Policy Change Program and the Rapid Response Program. Organizations are national unless otherwise indicated. Promoting Policy Change $50,000 DrugSense $40,000 to $45,000 Law Enforcement Against Prohibition New York Academy of Medicine (NY) San Francisco Drug Users Union (CA) Students for Sensible Drug Policy The Ordinary People Society (AL) $20,000 to $35,000 A New Path (CA) Alabama Citizens for Drug Policy Reform (AL) AlterNet California Society of Addiction Medicine (CA) Colorado Criminal Justice Coalition (CO) Families for Freedom (NY) Institute for Metropolitan Affairs (IL) Justice Strategies Project Lazarus (NC) VOCAL (NY) Less than $20,000 ACLU of Mississippi (MS) CANGRESS (CA) Direct Action for Rights and Equality (RI) DRCNet Foundation Drug Policy Education Group (AR) Drug Policy Forum of Hawai’i (HI) Drug Truth Network
Families Act! (CA) Homeless Youth Alliance (CA) Labor / Community Strategy Center (CA) Mothers Against Teen Violence (TX) New Mexico Women’s Justice Project (NM) Partnership for Safety and Justice (OR) Queers for Economic Justice (NY) Regional Congregations and Neighborhood Organizations (CA) Voluntary Committee of Lawyers Women on the Rise Telling HerStory (NY) Youth Justice Coalition (CA) Rapid Response $20,000 to $32,000 A Better Way Foundation (CT) Bethany Baptist Church (NJ) Students for Sensible Drug Policy The Ordinary People Society (AL) $10,000 to $15,000 California Society of Addiction Medicine (CA) Colorado Alliance Marijuana Education Fund (CO) Legal Services for Prisoners with Children VOCAL (NY) Less than $10,000 A New PATH (CA) California Opioid Maintenance Providers (CA) Canadian Students for Sensible Drug Policy CitiWide Harm Reduction Program (NY) Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition (CO) Ella Baker Center for Human Rights (CA) Institute of the Black World National Black Police Association National Justice Initiative Prevention Point Pittsburgh (PA) Riverside Church (NY)
The Libra Foundation
The Libra Foundation supports organizations that promote fundamental freedoms and human rights in the U.S. and around the world. A long-time DPA supporter, this year they funded our national criminal justice reform advocacy.
Zanvyl and Isabelle Krieger Fund
A vital foundation primarily serving the people of Baltimore, the Krieger Fund has been funding DPA since 2005, most recently with a grant for general operating support.
DPA Honorary Board
DPA Board of Directors
Former Mayor Rocky Anderson Harry Belafonte Former Defense Secretary Frank Carlucci Congressman John Conyers, Jr. Walter Cronkite [1916-2009] Ram Dass Dr. Vincent Dole [1913-2006] Former Surgeon General Joycelyn Elders Judge Nancy Gertner Former Police Chief Penny Harrington Calvin Hill Arianna Huffington Former Governor Gary Johnson Judge John Kane Former Attorney General Nicholas deB. Katzenbach Former Police Chief Joseph McNamara Former Police Commissioner Patrick V. Murphy [1920-2011] Dr. Beny J. Primm Dennis Rivera Former Mayor Kurt Schmoke Dr. Charles Schuster [1930-2011] Alexander Shulgin Former Secretary of State George P. Shultz Russell Simmons Judge Robert Sweet Former Chairman of the Federal Reserve Paul Volcker
Christine Downton Former Vice Chairman and Founding Partner of Pareto Partners Jodie Evans Co-founder, CODEPINK James E. Ferguson, II Senior Partner, Ferguson, Stein, Chambers Law Offices Jason Flom President, Lava Records Ira Glasser, DPA Board President Former Executive Director, American Civil Liberties Union Carl Hart, PhD New York State Psychiatric Institute Kenneth Hertz Senior Partner, Goldring Hertz and Lichtenstein LLP Mathilde Krim, PhD Founding Chair, American Foundation for AIDS Research (amfAR) David C. Lewis, MD Founding Director, Center for Alcohol and Addiction Studies, Brown University Pamela Lichty President, Drug Policy Forum of Hawai`i
International Honorary Board (In formation)
Ethan Nadelmann, JD, PhD Executive Director, Drug Policy Alliance Robert Newman, MD Director, Baron Edmond de Rothschild Chemical Dependency Institute at Beth Israel Medical Center
Richard Branson Founder, Virgin Group Ruth Dreifuss Former President of the Swiss Confederation Václav Havel [1936-2011] Former President of the Czech Republic Sting
Rev. Edwin Sanders, DPA Board Secretary Senior Servant, Metropolitan Interdenominational Church Coordinator, Religious Leaders for a More Just and Compassionate Drug Policy George Soros Chairman, Soros Fund Management John Vasconcellos Former California State Senator Co-Founder, The Politics of Trust Richard B. Wolf, DPA Board Treasurer Chairman of Board, Consolidated Dye
Management Team Ethan Nadelmann, Executive Director Ryan Chavez, Managing Director, Finance & Administration DeDe Dunevant, Managing Director, Communications Stephen Gutwillig, Deputy Executive Director, Programs Jill Harris, Managing Director, Strategic Initiatives Clovis Thorn, Managing Director, Development Communications Jag Davies, Publications Manager DeDe Dunevant, Managing Director, Communications Megan Farrington, Deputy Director, Internet Communications Jeanette Irwin, Director, Internet Communications Stefanie Jones, Event Manager Tommy McDonald, Deputy Director, Media Relations Kristen Millnick, Internet Communications Coordinator Tony Newman, Director, Media Relations Anthony Papa, Manager, Media Relations Derek Rosenfeld, Internet Communications Associate Development Rafael De Arce, Manager, Membership and Development Operations David Glowka, Manager, Foundation Relations Judh Grandchamps, Gift Entry Associate Clovis Thorn, Managing Director, Development Finance and Administration David Abbott, Office Manager Teresa Barrow, IT User Support Associate Ryan Chavez, Managing Director, Finance & Administration Michael Linares, Executive Associate to Ethan Nadelmann Lina Mingoia, Human Resources Manager Boris Sporer, Director, Information Technology and Knowledge Management Candida Ventimiglia, Controller
Public Policy Headquarters asha bandele, Director, Advocacy Grants Program Yolande Cadore, Director, Strategic Partnerships Jill Harris, Managing Director, Strategic Initiatives Office of Legal Affairs Daniel N. Abrahamson, Director, Legal Affairs Theshia Naidoo, Staff Attorney Daniel Robelo, Research Associate Tamar Todd, Staff Attorney Office of National Affairs Daniel Z. Brito, Government Relations Manager Bill Piper, Director, National Affairs Grant Smith, Federal Policy Coordinator Maggie S. Taylor, Policy Associate Jasmine Tyler, Deputy Director, National Affairs State Policy Offices California Aviva Cushner, Administrative Associate, San Francisco Margaret Dooley-Sammuli, Deputy State Director, Southern California Jessica Gelay, Administrative Associate, Southern California Meghan Ralston, Harm Reduction Coordinator, Southern California Marsha Rosenbaum, Director Emerita, San Francisco Laura Thomas, Deputy State Director, San Francisco Colorado Art Way, Drug Policy Manager, Colorado New Jersey Amanda Bent, Administrative Associate Meagan Glaser, Policy Manager Roseanne Scotti, State Director, New Jersey Elizabeth Thompson, Policy Associate New Mexico Olivia-Belen Sloan, Outreach/Education Associate Emily Kaltenbach, State Director, New Mexico New York Kassandra Frederique, Policy Associate Evan Goldstein, Policy Coordinator gabriel sayegh, State Director, New York
Drug Policy Alliance, a 501(c)(3) Organization DPA Statement of Financial Position FY2011 June 1, 2010 – May 31, 2011 ASSETS Cash and cash equivalents Grants receivable Accounts receivable Prepaid expenses and other assets Deposits Property, equipment and leasehold improvements, net Total Assets LIABILITIES AND NET ASSETS Liabilities Accounts payable and accrued expenses Compensated absences Total Liabilities Net Assets Unrestricted Temporarily restricted Total Net Assets Total Liabilities and Net Assets DPA Statement of Activities FY2011 SUPPORT AND REVENUE Contributions unrestricted Contributions temporarily restricted Total Income EXPENSES Program expenses Management Fundraising Total Expenses CHANGE IN NET ASSETS Net assets, beginning of year Net assets, end of year
Drug Policy Action, a 501(c)(4) Organization Drug Policy Action Statement of Financial Position FY2011 June 1, 2010 – May 31, 2011 ASSETS Cash and cash equivalents Investments Accrued interest receivable Total Assets LIABILITIES AND NET ASSETS Liabilities Accounts payable and accrued expenses Net Assets Unrestricted
$ $ $ $ $ $ $
6,136,126 2,003,998 37,895 125,603 81,264 120,251 8,505,137
$ $ $ $
2,827,296 0 0 2,827,296
$ $ $
703,577 229,775 933,352
Total Liabilities and Net Assets
$ $ $ $
4,578,392 2,993,393 7,571,785 8,505,137
Drug Policy Action Statement of Activities FY2011 SUPPORT AND REVENUE Grants and contributions $ 570,000 Membership $ 5,847 Investment income $ 7,269 Miscellaneous income $ 2,366 Total Income $ 585,482 EXPENSES Program Expenses Consulting Campaign donations Ballot initiatives Travel and other Insurance Miscellaneous Support Services Administrative expenses Professional fees Total Expenses CHANGE IN NET ASSETS Net assets, beginning of year Net assets, end of year
$ $ $
9,519,352 209,921 9,729,273
$ $ $ $ $ $ $
6,217,545 1,616,596 1,204,645 9,038,786 690,487 6,881,298 7,571,785
$ $ $ $ $ $
36,509 195,600 15,000 376 799 7,142
$ $ $ $ $ $
123,515 26,109 405,050 180,432 2,615,789 2,796,221
We are the Drug Policy Alliance and we envision a just society in which the use and regulation of drugs are grounded in science, compassion, health and human rights, in which people are no longer punished for what they put into their own bodies but only for crimes committed against others, and in which the fears, prejudices and punitive prohibitions of today are no more. Please join us.
California DPA Office of Legal Affairs Berkeley, CA firstname.lastname@example.org Los Angeles, CA email@example.com San Francisco, CA firstname.lastname@example.org Colorado Denver, CO email@example.com District of Columbia DPA Office of National Affairs Washington, D.C. firstname.lastname@example.org New Jersey Trenton, NJ email@example.com New Mexico Santa Fe, NM firstname.lastname@example.org New York Drug Policy Alliance Headquarters 131 West 33rd Street 15th Floor New York, NY 10001 212.613.8020 voice 212.613.8021 fax email@example.com
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