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SVENSK EXEGETISK 75

P uppdrag av Svenska Exegetiska Sllskapet utgiven av Stig Norin

RSBOK

Uppsala 2010

Svenska Exegetiska Sllskapet Box 511 SE-751 20 UPPSALA, Sverige WWW: http://www.teol.uu.se/homepage/SES/ Utgivare: Stig Norin (stig.norin@teol.uu.se) Redaktionssekreterare: Thomas Kazen (thomas.kazen@ths.se) Recensionsansvarig: Cecilia Wassn (cecilia.wassen@teol.uu.se) Redaktionskommitt: Stig Norin (stig.norin@teol.uu.se) Samuel Byrskog (samuel.byrskog@teol.lu.se) Gran Eidevall (goran.eidevall@teol.uu.se) Dag Oredsson (dag.oredsson@teol.uu.se) James Starr (james.starr@efs.svenskakyrkan.se) Prenumerationspriser: Sverige: SEK 200 (studenter SEK 100) vriga vrlden: SEK 300 SE bestlls hos Svenska Exegetiska Sllskapet via hemsidan eller postadress ovan, eller hos Bokrondellen (www.bokrondellen.se). Anvisningar fr medverkande terfinns p hemsidan eller erhlls frn redaktionssekreteraren. Manusstopp r 1 mars. Utgiven med bidrag frn Vetenskapsrdet. Tidskriften r indexerad i Libris databas (www.kb.se/libris/). SE may be ordered from Svenska Exegetiska Sllskapet either through the homepage or at the postal address above. In North America, however, SE should be ordered from Eisenbrauns (www.eisenbrauns.com). Search under the title Svensk Exegetisk Arsbok. Instructions for contributors are found on the homepage or may be requested from the editorial secretary (thomas.kazen@ths.se). This periodical is indexed in the ATLA Religion Database, published by the American Theological Library Association, 300 S. Wacker Dr., Suite 2100, Chicago, IL 60606; E-mail: atla@atla.com; WWW: http://www.atla.com/. SE och respektive frfattare ISSN 1100-2298 Uppsala 2010 Tryck: Elanders, Vllingby

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Innehll
Exegetiska dagen 2009/Exegetical Day 2009
Thomas Rmer Christophe Nihan Kre Berge The Exodus in the Book of Genesis........................ 1 Deuteronomy 18 and the Emergence of the Pentateuch as Torah .............................................. 21 Was There a Wisdom-Didactical Torah-Redaction in the Exodus Story (Exodus 115)?..................... 57

vriga artiklar/Other articles


Tommy Wasserman Torsten Lfstedt Dag Oredsson Ren Kieffer Kenneth E. Bailey The Greek New Testament Manuscripts in Sweden with an Excursus on the Jerusalem Colophon....... 77 Paul, Sin and Satan: The Root of Evil According to Romans ........................................................... 109 The Shoshenq Connection in the Old Testament.. 135 Evald Lvestam in memoriam ............................ 155

Recensioner/Book Reviews
Jesus Through Middle Eastern Eyes: Cultural Studies in the Gospels (Holmberg) ..................... 157 Hans Barstad History and the Hebrew Bible: Studies in Ancient Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography (Tiemeyer) ................................. 159 Marianne Bjelland Kartzow Gossip and Gender: Othering of Speech in the Pastoral Epistles (Stenstrm) ............................. 162 Brian K. Blount Revelation: A Commentary (Stenstrm) ............. 164 Kasper Bro Larsen Recognizing the Stranger: Recognition Scenes in the Gospel of John (Enermalm Tsiparis) ............ 167 Richard A. Burridge Imitating Jesus: An Inclusive Approach to New Testament Ethics (Enermalm Tsiparis) ............... 169 Brevard S. Childs The Churchs Guide for Reading Paul: The Canonical Shaping of the Pauline Corpus (Starr)171 John Day (red.) Temple and Worship in Biblical Israel: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar (Green).................................................. 174 Susan E. Docherty The Use of the Old Testament in Hebrews: A Case Study in Early Jewish Bible Interpretation (Eriksson)............................................................ 177 James D. G. Dunn Beginning from Jerusalem: Christianity in the Making, Vol. 2 (Tranefeldt) ................................ 178 James D. G. Dunn New Testament Theology: An Introduction (Syreeni).............................................................. 180

The Greek New Testament Manuscripts in Sweden with an Excursus on the Jerusalem Colophon
TOMMY WASSERMAN (REBRO)

Greek Manuscripts in Sweden


On the occasion of the 400th anniversary of Uppsala University in 1877, Charles Graux from Paris made an expedition to several cities in Denmark and Sweden in order to compile catalogues of the Greek MSS in our countries.1 In 1994 a new catalogue of the major Danish collection of Greek MSS in the Royal Library of Copenhagen was compiled by Bjarne Schartau.2 In Sweden, however, Grauxs old catalogue, Notices sommaires des manuscrits grecs de Sede, supplemented by Albert Martin and published in 1889, is still the most recent of its kind. This catalogue records seventynine MSS in Sweden (sixty-six in Uppsala; eight in Linkping; three in Skokloster; and two in Stockholm). Today, however, there are to my knowledge 107 Greek MSS in Sweden, not counting papyri.3 Some of these MSS are bound together and registered under one shelf-mark (see e.g., Gr. 1 below containing Greg.Aland 441 and 442). Unfortunately, there is no uniform catalogue of all these MSS deposited in various institutions. A joint project to digitize the whole body of Greek MSS in Sweden and to produce a new catalogue
1

Charles Graux and Albert Martin, Notices sommaires des manuscrits grecs de Sede (Archives des Missions Scientifiques et Littraires IIIe srie, XV; Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1889), 293370, and C. Graux., Notices sommaires des manuscrits grecs de la grande Bibliotheque royale de Copenhague (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1879). 2 Bjarne Schartau, Codices Graeci Haunienses: Ein deskriptiver Katalog des griechischen Handschriftenbestandes der Kniglichen Bibliothek Kopenhagen (Danish Humanist Text and Studies 9; Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1994). 3 Lund University Library holds the most extensive collection of papyri in Sweden by far including ca. 800 papyri from Egypt, written in Greek. The complete collection has recently been digitized and made available in Advance Papyrological Information System (APIS): http://www.columbia.edu/cu/lweb/projects/digital/apis/.

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with extensive descriptions would be highly desirable. Some first efforts have been made on the level of separate institutions.4 Seventy-eight Greek MSS are in the University Library of Uppsala, Carolina Redivia (where also the valuable Gothic Codex Argenteum is deposited); in the Linkping Diocese Library there are thirteen MSS; in the Royal Library in Stockholm there are five (the famous Latin Codex Gigas, or Devils Bible is deposited in the same library); there are an additional four MSS in the Gothenburg University Library; three in the National Archive in Stockholm; two in the Lund University Library; and finally, one MS in the National Museum of Art (Nationalmuseum) in Stockholm. The first Greek MS to reach Sweden was Codex Rlambianus (Uppsala Gr. 28), probably acquired by the royal official Claes Rlamb when he was sent by King Karl X to Constantinople in 1657. The MS was later confiscated by King Karl XI and deposited in Uppsala in 1693. This massive MS in two volumes contains numerous works of classical authors, and has probably been the most influential MS in Sweden from the viewpoint of Greek classical studies. Ever since then a small but steady stream of Greek MSS have found their way to these northern latitudes.

The Greek New Testament Manuscripts


In the following I will first give a brief overview of all the Greek New Testament MSS located in Sweden, and then I will treat each item in the various collections according to their significance for textual criticism and related fields. I will also include some words about a few of the great personalities who brought these MSS to Sweden. According to the official register, Kurzgefasste Liste der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments, there are fifteen registered MSS in Sweden.5 In 2008, however, I identified the sixteenth located in the National Museum of Art in Stockholm. This is registered as Greg.-Aland
Images and descriptions of the two Greek MSS in Lund University Library, Medeltidshandskrift 54 and 57, are now available in St. Laurentius digital manuscript library: http:// laurentius.lub.lu.se/. The former MS, although fragmentary, is one of the oldest witnesses to the Apophthegmata Patrum (Collectio systematica) and was donated to the university library by Adolf Deissman in 1920. See further Stig Y. Rudberg, Les manuscrits grec de Lund, Eranos 67 (1969): 5461. 5 Kurt Aland, Michael Welte, Beate Kster and Klaus Junack, eds., Kurzgefasste Liste der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments (ANTF 1; 2d rev. and enl. ed; Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1994).
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1049 and was long thought to have disappeared. Its latest known location was the Athos monastery Kutlumusiu. I will describe it in more detail below. Table 1 (on the following page) gives a brief overview of the Greek New Testament MSS in Sweden. The column Textual classification indicates the classification according to two distinct systems where they have been applied. First, there is an indication of the Textwert (text value), according to the method developed by the Institut fr Neutestamentliche Textforschung (INTF) in Mnster.6 These data have been published in the series Text und Textwert (TuT).7 Secondly, there is the classification according to the Claremont Profile Method (CPM), devised by Frederik Wisse and Paul McReynolds.8 This method employs test passages in the Gospel of Luke, chapter 1, 10 and 20, and has not been applied elsewhere.

6 According to this method, also referred to as the Teststellen method, each MS is collated in selected test passages. The different readings are assigned numbers in which 1) represents a reading in agreement with the Majority Text (roughly equivalent to the Byzantine text); 2) represents the ancient text as reconstructed in the Nestle-Aland edition; S) represents special readings; and 1/2) represents readings where no. 1 and no. 2 agree. All MSS are then presented according to their numbers of 1, 2, S and 1/2 readings. Hence, in Acts, Greg.-Aland 441 (Uppsala Univ. Libr. Gr. 1) has 34 readings in agreement with the Majority Text; 14 readings in agreement with the ancient text (=Nestle-Aland 27); 23 readings where the Majority Text agrees with the ancient text; and 8 special readings. If a MS has more than 90% readings in agreement with the Majority Text it is simply classified as Byzantine. Such MSS have generally been considered to be of little value for the reconstruction of the initial text of the New Testament. 7 Kurt Aland et al. eds., Text und Textwert der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments (ANTF; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1987). 8 Frederik Wisse, The Profile Method for Classifying and Evaluating Manuscript Evidence (SD 44; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982).

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Uppsala Gr. 18: Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeldt As we have seen, the Uppsala University Library holds the largest collection of Greek MSS in Sweden by far.9 The first group of MSS in the Uppsala collection (now Gr. 18) were brought to Sweden by the efforts of a Swedish traveler, Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeldt (16551727), during two different research trips in the seventeenth century.10 In 16771682 he travelled to Norway, the Netherlands, France, Italy, England and Denmark, where he visited numerous libraries and archives. In 1678 he acquired three Greek New Testament MSS, Gr. 1 (Greg.-Aland 441, 442) and Gr. 4 (Greg.-Aland 899), from Venice, the provenance of which is also noted in the codices themselves.11 In 1688 Sparwenfeldt made another research trip to the Netherlands, France, Spain and North Africa, mainly in order to acquire items and historical documents of significance for the history of Sweden. In 1690 he acquired six Greek MSS in Spain (Gr. 23, 58).12 On a closer examination it turned out that they once belonged to the Escorial Library in Spain.13 Some of the MSS were copied by Andreas Darmarios and sold to King Philip II of Spain during the latter half of the 16th century. Thus they ended up in the Escorial Library.14
9

Stig Y. Rudberg has given a short description of the collection in , Notices sur les manuscrits grecs dUpsal. in Studia codicologia (eds. Kurt Treu et al.; TU 124; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1977): 395400; idem, Ngot om de grekiska handskrifterna i Uppsala universitetsbibliotek, in Corona amicorum. Studier tillgnade Tnnes Kleberg (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1968), 181186. 10 Contra Rudberg, Notices, 395; and idem, Ngot om de grekiska handskriferna, 181 182, who indicates that Gr. 18 were acquired during one travel in the 1690s. Similarly, Elisabeth Piltz, Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia in schwedischem Besitz, Byzantinoslavica 48 (1987): 206, erroneously states that the whole group was bought in Spain (the second trip). 11 V. Lundstrm, De codibus graecis olim Escorialensibus, qui nunc Upsaliae adseruantur, Eranos 2 (1897): 2, [I]n illo enim [Gr. 1] adnotauit Sparuenfeldius ipse Emptus Venitiis a J. G. Sparfvendfeldt, in hoc autem [Gr. 4] item Venitiis emit Sparfvenfeldt. The date 1678 is noted by J. Belsheim, Codex Aureus (Christiania, 1878), 17. Cf. F. H. A. Scrivener, A Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament for the Use of Biblical Students (ed. E. Miller; 2 vols.; 4th ed.; London/New York: Deigton, Bell & Co., 1894), 1:262. 12 In Gr. 6 the date 1690 is indicated, Don Juan Gauriel Esparuenfeldt en Ualladolid en el mes de Abrile 1690 (V. Lundstrm, De codibus, 3). 13 Ibid., 17; S. Y. Rudberg, Codex Upsaliensis Graecus 5, Eranos 50 (1952): 6070; L. O. Sjberg, Codices Upsalienses graeci 6 et 8, Eranos 58 (1960): 2935. 14 K. J. V. Lundstrm, Darmarios, Andreas Nordisk Familjebok (5th ed.), 5:1402. For a comprehensive biography of Andreas Darmarios, see Otto Kresten, Der Schreiber und Handschriftenhandler Andreas Darmarios: Eine biographische Skizze, in Mariahilfer Gymnasium Jahresbericht, 19671968: 611.

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In the same year, Sparwenfeldt also bought the famous Latin Codex Aureus in Madrid. In 1705, he donated all the Greek MSS together with many other valuable items to the Uppsala University Library, whereas Codex Aureus among other items were donated to the Royal Library in Stockholm. Uppsala Gr. 1 (Greg.-Aland 441, 442) The first volume, Gr. 1, is in fact two different and incomplete Apostolos MSS bound together.15 The first part (ff. 3182), registered as Greg.Aland 441, contains Acts (commencing at 8:14), Romans and 1 Corinthians to 15:38. Some pages are misplaced.16 This MS also contains Oecumenius commentary. The second part, registered as Greg.-Aland 442, contains the Catholic Epistles, and, of the Pauline section, 1 Corinthians 13:6 to Hebrews 13:25.17 There is also a chain commentary (catena) with an abridged version of Oecumenius surrounding the text in the margins.18 Both MSS are very important for the reconstruction of the Greek New Testament text, as evident from the indicated Textwert (Table 1), as they witness to the type of text commonly known as Alexandrian.19 Although we can surely expect minuscule 441 to be included in future text-critical editions of Acts and Paul, only 442 is included in the most recent NestleAland edition. This minuscule is also identified as one of the most important textual witnesses in the major text-critical edition, Editio Critica Maior (ECM), of the Catholic Epistles produced by the INTF in Mnster (441 is not extant in this section).20 The text-critical evaluation of manuscript witnesses selected for this new edition has been done on the basis of the Coherence Based GeneaThe handwritten library catalogue in Uppsala university library compiled in 1836 by C. E. Aurivillius says, [E]x duobus diversis codicibus compositum. 16 For the sequence, see Gregory, Textkritik, 1:270. 17 A collation of both MSS is available in P. F. Aurivillius, ed., Codex Graecus Novi Foederis e Biblioth. Acad. Upsal. descriptus et collatus. Vols. 15 (1783, 1786). The work is available on microfilm from Uppsala University Library. 18 See the edition by J. A. Cramer, Catena in Epistolas Catholicas, accerunt Oecumenii et Arethae commentarii in Apocalypsin (Oxford: Clarendon, 1840). 19 Cf. Scrivener, A Plain Introduction, 1:290 (Act. 68): Upsal. Univ. Gr. 1 . . . is in fact two separate manuscripts bound together, both of high value. Scrivener also notes that in the text of Paul it [Greg.-Aland 441] much resembles Paul. 17 [Greg.-Aland 33]. 20 Barbara Aland, Kurt Aland, Gerd Mink and Klaus Wachtel, eds., Novum Testamentum Graecum Editio Critica Maior. Vol. IV: The Catholic Letters (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1997).
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logical Method (CBGM).21 The results of the CBGM show that 442 has the initial text as its closest, or next most closely related potential ancestor in several epistles.22 Uppsala Gr. 4 (Greg.-Aland 899) The third MS, Gr. 4 is an illuminated Gospel codex from the 11th century, registered as Greg.-Aland 899.23 The text is generally of Byzantine character but in John it preserves many valuable readings.24 The MS has decorated Eusebian canon tables and illuminations of the evangelists in the socalled Macedonian style, prefacing each of the Gospels, but the folios with the illumination and headpiece of the Gospel of Luke are now missing.25 The titles and initials are written in purple-red ink. The illuminations of the evangelists are without frames and have been produced in an ascetic style, probably after 10th century models. The background is gilded, and the faces of the evangelists are distinct. To take Matthew as an example (fol. 8v; Plate 1), he is depicted as an aged man twisting his white blue beard, which contrasts the blue tunic and violet himation (or cloak). His nimbus is painted in a distinct red circle. He sits on a yellow chair, meditating in front of a brown pulpet on a red pillow with unwritten parchment in his lap. The written Greek text on the parchment of the pulpet, the first words of his Gospel, , has almost worn off completely. There are a number of different writing tools on the pulpit. The floor is green. Part of the colours, especially on the left side, has worn off. Apart from the illuminations, a significant characteristic of this MS, is the so-called Jerusalem colophon, which is a colophon found in some
21

For a description of the Coherence Based Genealogical Method, see Gerd Mink, Problems of a Highly Contaminated Tradition: The New Testament Stemmata of Variants As a Source of a Genealogy for Witnesses, in Studies in Stemmatology II (ed. Pieter van Reenen, August den Hollander and Margot van Mulken; Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004), 1385. 22 For James 442 is not listed; 12 Peter: not listed; 1 John: among the sixteen MSS with the initial text as their closest potential ancestor (ECM IV, Installment 3 [2003], 29*); 2 John: not listed; 3 John: initial text as the next most closely related potential ancestor; Jude: among the eighteen MSS with the initial text as their closest potential ancestor (ECM IV, Installment 4 [2005], 36*). 23 For a description of the illuminations, see Elisabeth Piltz, Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia, 206208. 24 Kurt Aland et al., eds., Text und Textwert der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments. IV.2: Die Synoptischen Evangelien. Das Matthusevangelium (ANTF 35; Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 2005), 322. 25 There is also a lacuna in John 16:517:8. Another hand has substituted John 21:1725.

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New Testament MSS stating that the Gospel has been written and compared with ancient copies from Jerusalem kept at the holy mountain.26 It is only the colophon in its full form that mentions Jerusalem, and it is almost always placed after Matthews Gospel. Thus, the colophon at the end of Matthew in 899 (fol. 56v; Plate 2) reads: ... (Copied and corrected from the ancient manuscripts of Jerusalem preserved on the holy mountain...).27 Excursus: The Jerusalem colophon According to Alfred Schmidtkes major study published in 1913, the Jerusalem colophon is found in thirty-seven MSS.28 The total number of MSS is actually thirty-six since (039) and 566 are two different sections of the same MS, now separated and registered under two different Greg.Aland numbers.29 In a more recent article, however, Willam Petersen refers to yet another MS with the colophon, minuscule 754.30 (His list also includes 892 instead of 829, which I interpret as a typo.) One important question is whether these thirty-seven MSS are related to one another in some way. Schmidtke thought that they did have a common ancestor and referred to them as Zion-Manuscripts.31 He as26

A colophon refers to a description at the end of a MS or a part of a MS where the copyist records various details of his or her work such as the copyists name, date of completion, length by measured lines, (lit. rows), etc. After the invention of printing, the colophons change and develop as they appear in printed books. 27 The other colophons are located at the end of Mark, fol. 91: ... (Copied and corrected similarly from the best and ancient manuscripts...); Luke, fol. 155: ... (Copied and corrected similarly...); in John the colophon is missing since the last sheet (f. 200rv) containing the end of John (21:1725) has been replaced at some point. Most probably, the original colophon was similar to those in Mark and Luke. MS 157, however, is noteworthy having the colophon mentioning Jerusalem after each gospel. 28 The MSS are: 039, 20, 117, 153, 157, 164, 215, 262, 300, 376, 428, 565, 566, 686, 718, 728, 748, 829, 899, 901, 922, 980, 1032, 1071, 1118, 1121, 1124, 1187, 1198, 1355, 1422, 1521, 1545, 1555, 1682, 2145, and 2245. See Alfred Schmidtke, Neue Fragmente und Untersuchungen zu den judenchristlichen Evangelien (TU 37/1; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1911), 3. Schmidtke refers to H. von Sodens sigla, which I have converted here for convenience sake. 29 The minuscule MS 566 contains Matthew and Mark. Then there is a change of script to uncial in that part registered as 039, containing Luke and John. 30 Wiliam Petersen, Zion Gospel Tradition, ABD 6:1098. Cf. Jrg Frey, Die Scholien nach dem jdischen Evangelium und das sogennante Nazorerevangelium, ZNW 94 (2003): 123, who indicates that 36 MSS contain the colophon a figure he takes over from Schmidtkes study. 31 See Schmidtke, Neue Fragmente, 7 (Zion-Zeugnisse).

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sumed that the ancient copies mentioned in the colophon had been located in a church on Mount Zion, one which Cyril of Jerusalem accounts for in the mid-4th century (Catech. 16.4; Migne PG 33:924). According to Schmidtke, the archetype of these MSS, which he dated to around 500 C.E., witnesses indirectly, through a number of marginal scholia, to a now lost Judeo-Christian gospel (Evangelistenausgabe Zion) equal to the Gospel of the Nazoraeans, referred to by Jerome.32 These marginal scholia are introduced by the words , the Jewish (Gospel), which led Schmidtke, followed by several other scholars, to connect the scholia with this lost Zion Gospel.33 The scholia are present in various forms in five MSS: 4, 273, 566, 899 and 1424, i.e., two of those that have the Jerusalem colophon (039/566 and 899). None of them have all the scholia. In the Uppsala MS, for example, they occur in Matthew 12:40, 18:22 (Plate 3) and 26:74.34 In J. K. Elliotts translation these scholia read:35
12:40: The Jewish does not have three days and three nights (in the heart of the earth). [This reference is uniquely preserved in 899.] 18:22: The Jewish has, immediately after the seventy times seven: For in the prophets, after they were anointed with the Holy Spirit, there was found in them a word [matter] of sin. 26:74: The Jewish: and he denied and swore and cursed.

Schmidtke thought that these scholia themselves went back to a commentary on Matthew by Apollinarius of Laodicea (ca. 310/320sca. 390), who in turn had collected the variant readings from the Zion Gospel.36 Schmid32 One of the scholia, at Matt 18:22 is cited by Jerome, Contra Pelag. 3.2. See further Frey, Die Scholien, 124125, 128. 33 Frey, Die Scholien, 122123, mentions the following scholars who accepted Schmidtkes hypothesis: E. Meyer, H. Waitz, M. Dibelius, E. Klostermann, A. Huck, W. Bauer, P. Vielhauer, E. Lohse, G. Strecker, A. F. J. Klijn, D. Bertrand, and J. K. Elliott (with caution). 34 A. F. J. Klijn, Jewish-Christian Gospel Tradition (VCSup, 17; Leiden: Brill), 34, erroneously omits reference to Matt 18:22. 35 J. K. Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 14. 36 For a critical evaluation of Schmidtkes elaborate hypothesis, see Frey, Die Scholien, 122137. Joseph M. Reuss attempt to reconstruct Apollinarius commentary on Matthew has made Schmidtkes assumption even more improbable. See Joseph M. Reuss (ed.), Mattthus-Kommentare aus der Griechischen Kirche (TU 61; Leipzig: Akademie-Verlag, 1957).

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tke made this connection to Apollinarius on the basis of another scholion in 039 and 899 in the Pericope of the Adulteress (John 7:53ff), which refers to Apollinarius.37 However, in my examination of 899 I have found that this scholion is actually not there; Schmidtke must have made a mistake. Nevertheless, new collations have shown that the scholion in question is present in six of the thirty-seven MSS with the Jerusalem colophon (039 20 215 262 1118 1187).38 It should be noted, however, that this scholion is not introduced by the words . Thus, Schmidtkes connection of the Jerusalem colophon in thirtyseven MSS with the scholia in Matthews Gospel, found in five MSS, only two of which have the colophon, and, further, the connection to Apollinarius, based upon a scholion in Johns Gospel extant in six MSS is untenable, more so since most of the thirty-seven MSS are not even textually related in terms of their running New Testament text.39 In the end, only a single MS, 039/566, has all the three features: the Jerusalem colophon, scholia in Matthew, and the Apollinariusscholion in John (see Table 2). However, it is even possible that 039/566 shifts textual character from Luke onwards, i.e., the change of script to uncial in Luke and John may coincide with a shift of exemplar, which would completely undermine the genealogical connection between scholia in Matthew and John (this question requires more research).

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Schmidtke, Fragmente, 73 n. 1. More recently, Frey, Die Scholien, 127, imports the error concerning 899 from Schmidtke, since Frey did not have access to the actual MS: Die Verbindung mit Apollinaris von Laodicea wird dadurch begrndet, da in Handschrift 566 und 899 auch zum Text des Johannesevangeliums, nmlich zu Joh 7,53 8,11, ein Scholion begegnet, das unter anderem auf Apollinaris verweist. 38 In private communication, Maurice A. Robinson, who has examined the pericope in all the MSS, reports that these six MSS contain the scholion, which reads: . 39 Although Schmidtke depended on Von Sodens doubtful genealogical classifications, he apparently realized some of the difficulties with the differing textual character of the MSS: Der Codex 30 [Greg.-Aland 1424] ist nun das lteste und textlich unverdorbenste Glied der kleinen Familie a, die auf einen ausgezeichneten, blutreinen Nachkommen von Z [Zion edition] zurckgeht, der jedoch die Z-Subscriptionen gleich so vielen ganz sicheren Zeugen der Ausgabe Z schon verloren hatte, whrend andere Vertreter der -Gruppen sie noch durchgerettet haben. Zwischen der in Ir und 370 f mndenden Z-Linie und der Form von a besteht gar kein nheres Verwandtschaftsverhltnis. Wir treffen also den fraglichen Apparat [the scholia] in den lteren Gliedern zweier Reihen an, die beide ganz selbstndig von der gemeinschaftlichen Basis Ur-Z ausgegangen sind (Schmidtke, Neue Fragmente, 25). Apart from this explanation, Schmidte appealed to the gradual adaptation to the Byzantine standard text (ibid., 5).

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In conclusion, the transmission histories of the Jerusalem colophon, the various scholia in Matthew and John, and the New Testament text itself are distinct. Although they surely overlap in some cases, they can certainly not be traced back to one common ancient archetype, connected in turn to a lost Zion Gospel.40 This does not mean that the fascinating scholia in Matthew are not in themselves connected to a JewishChristian gospel.41 As for the intriguing Jerusalem colophon, regardless of its origin, it apparently became popular and was reproduced in varying forms in one or more Gospels, sometimes independent of the text.42 I assume that it was soon used simply to emphasize that the MS had been copied from and compared with the best ( ) and most ancient MSS, which, according to this tradition, were from Jerusalem.43 Perhaps this popularity has to do with another tradition, recorded in many subscriptions, that Matthew wrote his gospel in the Hebrew dialect in Jerusalem.44 It is only the colophon in its full form that mentions Jerusalem, and it is almost always placed after Matthews Gospel. Another question concerns the meaning of the holy mountain that is mentioned in the colophon. Kirsopp Lake proposed that it refers to Sinai.45 When Schmitdke launched the Zion theory, he pointed out that the phrase in Jerusalem excluded Lakes interpretation. According to another pro-

According to Frederik Wisses classification of MSS in Luke, the following MSS belong to Group : (039), 164, 199, 262, 899, 1187, 1555 and 2586. Two of the MSS (199, 2586) do not have the colophon, which illustrates the partial overlap between ancestry of text and colophon, respectively. See Frederik Wisse, The Profile Method for Classifying and Evaluating Manuscript Evidence (SD 44; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), 102. 41 Hence, Petersen, Zion Gospel Edition, 1098, points out that all of the scholia can be paralleled from much earlier sources connected with the Judeo-Christian gospel tradition. 42 In an examination of a peculiar addition in the Gospel of John, also popular on Mt Athos, I have likewise demonstrated that the history of readings is not synonymous with the history of MSS, although the two categories overlap. See Tommy Wasserman, The Patmos Family of New Testament MSS and Its Allies in the Pericope of the Adulteress and Beyond, TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism (http://purl.org/TC) 7 (2002): par. 48. 43 For this usage of , see LSJ s.v. II.1. Cf. Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 5.30.1, (in all the best and ancient manuscripts). 44 See Hermann von Soden, Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments in ihrer ltesten erreichbaren Textgestalt hergestellt auf Grund ihrer Textgeschichte (2 parts in 4 vols.; 2nd unchanged ed.; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 19111913), 1:314; cf. Schmidtke, Fragmente, 17. 45 Kirsopp Lake, Texts from Mount Athos, StudBib 5 (1902): 138139; idem, On the Italian Origin of Codex Bezae, JTS 1 (1900): 445.

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posal the mountain referred to is not Zion but Athos.46 If one considers where the MSS with the colophon are located (in ancient collections), a clear majority are indeed kept in the monasteries of Mt Athos, only one MS is in Jerusalem.47 I think the major problem with the association of the holy mountain to Mt Athos, however, is the fact that the colophon is present already in Codex (039), dated to the 9th century, and this MS of course goes back to an earlier archetype, whereas the oldest monastery on Mt Athos, the Great Lavra, was not founded until 963 C.E. There were certainly activities in the Athos area long before this date, but on the basis of this evidence, I still find it less likely that the colophon originated there. However, I agree with Schmidtke, who points out that later scribes made the association to Athos.48 In any case, these type of references in a colophon would lend authority to the work of the scribe. There are other good examples of colophons with an appeal to specimen copies, deposited in various important places or connected with significant church fathers.49 This excursus shows that the time is ripe for a new and thorough investigation of both the Jerusalem colophon and the various scholia, respectively.50 Uppsala Gr. 9 (Greg.-Aland 900) The next MS, Uppsala Gr. 9, was acquired by another traveler, Adolf Fredrik Sturtzenbecker (17571783), who was the royal chaplain of the Swedish legation in Constantinople. He was only twenty-six years old when he visited the Thessalian monasteries, and just like Jacob Jonas Bjrnsthl who had been in the area a few years earlier (see below), he
Ibid., 445 n. 1. Athos: 922, 980, 1032, 1071, 1118, 1121, 1124, 1545, 1555; Jerusalem: 1355; Sinai: 1187, 1198; Thessaloniki (Vlatadon): 1682; Tirana (earlier Beirat) 2245; Trikkala (Dousikon): 901 (now in Uppsala); Venice: 215, 899 (now in Uppsala). Athos is overrepresented, even when taken in consideration that there are many more MSS preserved in the monasteries on Mt. Athos. 48 Schmidtke thinks this accounts for various modifications in some MSS, e.g., the omission of holy mountain in order to avoid confusion (Neue Fragmente, 56 n. 2). 49 For similar appeals to specimen copies in colophons in mastercopies, see Eberhard Nestle, Einfhrung in das griechische Neue Testament (4th ed. revised by Ernst von Dobschtz; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1923), 4041 and Schmidtke, Fragmente, 21. 50 Cf. J. N. Birdsall, Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis, in Collected Papers in Greek and Georgian Textual Criticism (Text and Studies Third ser. 3; Piscataway: Gorgias Press, 2006), 122: Here once more, we may indicate a topic on which research has stood still; the manuscripts containing this intriguing colophon have not been investigated since 1911, in the work of Schmidtke.
47 46

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died during the trip in 1783. His diary is still kept in the Uppsala University Library.51 Sturtzenbecker acquired Uppsala Gr. 9 and a Greek Psalter (Uppsala Gr. 10) from the Meteora monasteries.52 They were donated to Uppsala University through his will in 1784.53 Uppsala Gr. 9 is an illuminated tetraevangelion with an appended list of lessons according to the Synaxarion and Menologion. According to the Liste it dates from the 13th century and is registered as Greg.-Aland 900.54 The text is Byzantine and belongs to cluster 202 in Luke.55 Titles and initials are in gold and pink. The illuminations are in Paleologian style.56 There are four portraits of the evangelists with typical Paleologian traits, like drawn out bodies with peculiar postures, or the three-dimensional impression with architectural scenes and draperies. Elisabeth Piltz points out that the miniature of Matthew (fol. 4v) is of lower quality and not by the same artist as the other portraits.57 For example, she draws attention to the deformed head with half the ear missing. The frame is damaged. The drapery in red frames the golden background. The evangelist sits on a green pillow with red ribbons, holding a scroll. His crossed legs is an older Western motif. He has brown-grey hair and a
51 Uppsala University Library, shelfmark X 405. To my surprise the diary has not yet been edited and published. 52 F. H. A. Scriveners note (also in Gregorys Textkritik) that Sturtzenbecker received it in 1784 is of course wrong since he died one year earlier. See F. H. A. Scrivener, A Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament for the Use of Biblical Students (ed. E. Miller; 2 vols.; 4th ed.; London and New York: Deigton, Bell & Co., 1894), 1:262. 53 Christian Callmers information that Sturtzenbecker acquired three MSS from Meteora which were donated to the library in 1787 is erroneous only two MSS were donated and it was in 1784. See Christian Callmer, Jacob Jonas Bjrnsthls thessaliska resa, Lychnos (Uppsala and Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 19461947): 173 n. 6. Aurivillius handwritten library catalogue says concerning Gr. 9: In bibliothecam Upsaliensem venit testamento a Fr. Sturtzenbecker, qui ab antistite quodam graeco dono acceperat 1784; and there is a reference to this note under Gr. 10. 54 On the basis of the miniatures, Hugo Buchtal dates the MS to the early 14th century. See Hugo Buchtal, Das Musterbuch of Wolfenbttel and its Position in the Art of the Thirteenth Century (Wien: Verlag der sterrichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1979), 51. Elisabeth Piltz indicates zum Ende des 12. oder Anfang des 13. Jhs in her 1987 article Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia, 207, whereas she changes the date to around 1300 in idem, Det levande Bysans (Stockholm: Natur och kultur, 1997), 174. 55 Wisse, The Profile Method, 67. 56 Descriptions of the illuminations include ke Davidsson, Miniatyr och initial: Medeltida bokmleri i Uppsala universitetsbiblioteks samlingar (Uppsala: Universitetsbiblioteket, 1970), 2630; Buchtal, Das Musterbuch of Wolfenbttel, 51; Piltz, Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia, 207208.; K. W. Nyberg, Lukasbilden i Sturtzenbeckerevangeliariet, Bysantinska Sllskapets Bulletin 17 (1999): 3138. 57 Ibid., 207, Bei dieser Figur fehlen Teile der Zeichnung. A ist kein so guter Maler wie B.

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red beard. He wears a blue tunic and a violet cloak. The floor is green. Hugo Buchtal who dates this portrait to the early 14th century says, the shape of the drapery and footstool, and the lectern with its scroll winding over the table can be traced back to their ancestors [i.e., earlier models] ... of the thirteenth century.58 Uppsala Gr. 1123: Jacob Jonas Bjrnsthl The second major group of Greek MSS in Uppsala, now Gr. 1123, were acquired by the great adventurer and scholar Jacob Jonas Bjrnsthl (17311779). Since he is in many ways Swedens equivalent to the famous traveler and scholar Constantin von Tischendorf, who discovered and examined many MSS of major importance, a few glimpses of Bjrnsthls career are in place. During the twelve last years of his life Bjrnsthl travelled in Europe and the Orient. An abridged version of his travel journal and letters was published posthumously in five volumes by Carl Christoffer Gjrwell, and was translated to German and Italian.59 The original purpose of his voyage was to accompany two young barons Rudbeck as guide and tutor on their grand tour. Bjrnsthl was never to return to Sweden. First he travelled in Europe for nine years (1767 1776), where he visited renowned scholars (or their descendants) and examined several important manuscript collections. This resulted in numerous notes, transcriptions, manuscript catalogues, and a few translations of significant MSS. During his time in England he was appointed professor of Oriental languages in Uppsala 1776, and in the same year he embarked on his last journey to the Orient.60 He arrived in Constantinople two months later, where he stayed for almost three years. In 1778 Bjrnsthl wanted to travel further into the Orient. He applied to the Royal Chancellor in Sweden for means to undertake another travel. This was granted by King Gustaf III in June. Bjrnsthl was to travel to
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Buchtal, Das Musterbuch, 51. Carl Christoffer Gjrwell, Resa til Frankrike, Italien, Sweitz, Tyskland, Holland, ngland, Turkiet och Grekeland beskrifen af och efter Jac. Jon. Bjrnsthl (6 pts. in 4 vols.; Stockholm: Nordstrm, 17801784); Jacob Jonas Bjrnsthl . . . , Briefe auf seinen auslndischen reisen an den kniglichen bibliothekar C.C. Gjrwell in Stockholm (trans. J. E. Groskurs; 6 vols.; Rostock-Leipzig: J. C. Koppe, 17771783); G. G. Bjoernstaehl, Lettere ne suoi viaggi stranieri di Giacomo Giona Bjoernstaehl professore di filosofia in Upsala scritte al signor Gjorwell bibliotecario regio in Stoccolma (translated from the German edition by Baldassardomenico Zini di Val di Non; Poschiavo: G. Ambrosioni, 1782-1787). Notably, the German edition was published before the Swedish original. 60 For a detailed description of this last phase of Bjrnsthls life and travels, see Christian Callmer, Jacob Jonas Bjrnsthls thessaliska resa, Lychnos (19461947): 149196.

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Palestine and Egypt, and return home through North Africa. He received specific instructions for the journey, the purpose of which was to acquire a better knowledge of Palestines conditions and anything that could illuminate biblical culture and history, including new and important variants in Hebrew and Greek manuscripts, etc.61 A specific task was to acquire biblical MSS, which would be of use for the new Bible translation commissioned by the king. However, Bjrnsthl was to wait for a travel partner appointed by the king. This person eventually became ill and could not travel. Another scholar, Matthias Norberg, was appointed in his place. By that time, Norberg was in the Ambrosian Library, transcribing Origens Hexapla from a Syriac MS, which Bjrnsthl had drawn his attention to, so he could not join Bjrnsthl at once. During this delay, Bjrnsthl decided to embark on a little detour to Greece, when he was given an opportunity to sail with a Swedish ship in January 1779. The main purpose of the travel was to examine the old Greek MSS on Mt Athos. However, the first destination was the Meteora monasteries in Thessaly. Bjrnsthl had heard that there were books and MSS there, which no foreigner had seen. These monasteries were not yet known in Europe. In fact, Bjrnsthl was the first European ever to make a research trip to Thessaly. Several well-known travelers mention Bjrnsthl and his visit in the Meteora monasteries.62 Spyridon Lampros, who was to make extensive research of these monasteries in the beginning of the twentieth century, acknowledges Bjrnsthl as the first scholar to research the Meteora monasteries.63 On July 12, 1779, Bjrnsthl died of dysentery in Saloniki at the age of 48. Later in July his will was opened in Constantinople. Bjrnsthls Oriental and Greek books and MSS were to be donated to the Uppsala University Library. They were transferred there in 1784. Unfortunately, all of the collations and catalogues from the travel in Thessaly have been lost.
Callmer, Bjrnsthls thessaliska resa, 152 n. 6 (my translation). F. C. H. L. Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grce 3 (2nd ed.; Paris, 1826), 335, states L esprance de trouver des manuscrits aux Mtores, que la nature semble avoir placs pour tre les archives de la terre classique, y avait attir, en 1779, M. Biornstal, voyageur sudois, le premier qui ait vu cette contre en observateur. See also R. Curzon, Visits to Monasteries of the Levant (London, 1849), 279, who mentions Bjrnsthl (Biornstern) in connection with Meteora. 63 . . , , 2 (1905): 49. Cf. N. A. , Geschichtliche Forschungsresultate und Mnchs- und Volkssagen ber die Grnder der Meteorenklster, Byzant.-neugriech. Jahrbcher 3 (1922): 383.
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Apart from some scattered notes and items, most of which are now in the Lund University Library, many of the books and MSS of Bjrnsthls legacy are still kept in Uppsala. Uppsala Gr. 11, 12 and 13 are Greek New Testament MSS. Interestingly, there is a note in Gr. 12 (Greg.-Aland 901) showing that the MS once belonged to the monastery Dousikon or Hagios Bessarion64, which was probably the last monastery Bjrnsthl visited. The origin of the other two MSS is unclear.65 Uppsala Gr. 11 (Greg.-Aland 1852) The first of Bjrnsthls codices, Uppsala Gr. 11, registered as Greg.Aland 1852, dates from the 13th century. The MS is arguably one of the most important extant minuscules. It contains Acts, the Epistles and Revelation, but since the first fifty-eight folios are missing, the text commences in Acts 9:33. On the first extant page someone, probably the contemporary librarian and Greek scholar Pehr Fabian Aurivillius, has inscribed LEGATUM BJRNSTHLIAN 1784 with large letters in the lower margin.66 The MS has an old pagination in Greek. It is most probably Aurivillius who has added another set of pagination (page 1 is indicated on the first page) as well as a reference system in Latin indicating the various books, chapters and verses. As evident from Textwert (Table 1), the text of 1852 is far more valuable in the Catholic Epistles than elsewhere. It retains more than three times as many ancient readings than Majority readings, besides a number of special readings (Cath: 181 61/2 562 16s). In spite of that, 1852 is only among the frequently cited witnesses in NA27.67 This is likely to change since future Nestle-Aland editions will be successively adapted to the new major text-critical edition Editio Critica Maior (ECM), based upon new research (see above). MS 1852 has now been identified as one of the most

64

The church of the monastery was founded in 1558 by the saint Bessarion, who also restored the monastery that had been destroyed. Today most of the MSS from Dousikon have been transferred to the National Library in Athens, but the monastery still retains one Greek New Testament MS (Greg.-Aland 2806). 65 The chief librarian, Otto Walde, reported to a biographer, Christian Callmer, that the MSS were not from the Meteora monasteries. See Callmer, Bjrnsthls thessaliska resa, 173 n. 6. It is unclear on what basis Walde could make this statement. 66 I would like to thank Hkan Hallberg, Ass. Librarian at Uppsala University Library Manuscript and Music Department for this identification. Apparently, the hand is similar to the list of books and MSS donated by Bjrnsthl, Legatum Bjrnsthlianum, which Aurivillius wrote. Aurivillius also collated several Greek MSS (see above). 67 See NA27, p. 19* (introduction).

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important witnesses in the Catholic Epistles.68 In an extensive examination of the textual tradition of Jude, 1852 was found to preserve some very rare ancient readings. For example, in Jude 15 it reads , a reading otherwise attested only in P72 and Codex Sinaiticus.69 Uppsala Gr. 12 (Greg.-Aland 901) The next MS brought home by Bjrnsthl from the monastery Dousikon, Uppsala Gr. 12, is registered as Greg.-Aland 901. It dates to the 11th century and contains the whole of the New Testament except Revelation. There is a list of lessons according to the Synaxarion and Menologion. The text is Byzantine. Just like Uppsala Gr. 4 (899) it has the Jerusalem colophon, but the texts of the two MSS, although of Byzantine character, are not immediately related. Uppsala Gr. 13 (Greg.-Aland 902) The final MS from Bjrnsthl in Uppsala is Gr. 13, registered as Greg.Aland 902. This is a tetraevangelion from the 12th century. The text is Byzantine. In the binding I have found an extra fragmentary leaf by the same scribe, which was included in the pagination (added later) with text on the recto from Luke 1:17 ()1:25 ( []). It has no text on the verso. Probably the scribe made some error on this page and decided to reuse it for the binding.

The CBGM as applied for the ECM of the Catholic Epistles indicates that in James 1852 is among the ten MSS with the initial text as their most closely related potential ancestor (ECM IV, Installment 2 [2000]: 23*); 12 Peter: the exact relationships are not specified: 1 John: among the sixteen MSS with the initial text as their closest potential ancestor (ECM IV, Installment 3 [2003]: 29*); 2 John: among the nine MSS with the initial text as their next most closely related potential ancestor; 3 John: among the fifteen MSS with the initial text as their closest potential ancestor; Jude: among the seventeen MSS with the initial text as their second most closely related potential ancestor (ECM IV, Installment 4 [2005], 36*). 69 Tommy Wasserman, The Epistle of Jude: Its Text and Transmission (ConBNT 43; Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2006). Recently I examined the physical MS in Jude in Uppsala and discovered a marginal reading in greyish ink, which had not been visible on the microfilm I had consulted earlier, and which is therefore not noted in my apparatus: The ending - is written beside the line with in v. 15, which most probably refers to the attested alternative reading . This reading is neither noted in NA27 nor in the ECM. See Barbara Aland, Kurt Aland, Gerd Mink and Klaus Wachtel, eds., Novum Testamentum Graecum Editio Critica Maior. Vol. IV: The Catholic Letters. Installment 4: The Second and Third Letter of John, The Letter of Jude (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2005).

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An examination of the data in Text und Textwert and the CPM, shows that the Gospel text is almost identical to a MS in the Bodleian Library in Oxford (Selden Supra 28), dated to the 1314th centuries, and registered as Greg.-Aland 53. It is not possible at this point to say if the Oxford MS is a direct copy of the Uppsala MS. More research is necessary. Uppsala Gr. 67, 68, 69, 73 (Greg.-Aland l1950, l949, l950, l1256) The three lectionaries Uppsala Gr. 67, 68, 69 were donated to the library in 1891 by the Norwegian-Swedish consul in Smyrna, F. W. Spiegelthal. Since these MSS are not continuous-text MSS but lectionaries, their text have not been examined and classifed in the Text und Textwert series or with the CPM by Wisse. In general, however, the lectionaries witness to the Byzantine text with very few exceptions. Indeed, Birger Gerhardsson who collated characteristic passages of the text of the fourth lectionary, Uppsala Gr. 73 (Greg.-Aland l1256), concluded that it belongs to the Byzantine text-type.70 Uppsala Gr. 67 (ff. 86121), registered as Greg.-Aland l1950, is a lectionary with lessons from the Gospels, Acts and the Epistles dated to the 15th century. It is now incomplete with only 36 extant folios. The text commences near the end of the Synaxarion, / , and breaks off in the Menologion, January 6. The next MS, Uppsala Gr. 68, registered as Greg.-Aland l949, is a lectionary that contains lessons from the Gospels for all weekdays between Easter and Pentecost, and for Saturday and Sunday the rest of the weeks. The MS is dated to the 12th century. The third MS that was donated by Spiegelthal, Uppsala Gr. 69, registered as Greg.-Aland l950, is a lectionary with lessons from the Gospels for all weekdays of the year. The MS is dated to 1289/90 in a colophon. The last lectionary, Uppsala Gr. 73, registered as Greg.-Aland l1256, contains lessons from the Gospels for all weekdays between Easter and Pentecost, and for Saturday and Sunday the rest of the weeks. It was acquired together with Gr. 74 from a Bulgarian refugee in 1950, who said he had received them from a priest in Sofia.71 After examination, however, it turned out that there was a colophon in Gr. 74 that showed that it originally came from the monastery at Kosinitza in Drama (formerly Turkey,
70 71

Gerhardsson, Ein griechisches Lektionar, 78. S. Y. Rudberg, Ngot om de grekiska handskrifterna, 183. Uppsala Gr. 74 is a menaion for September, dated to 1441.

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today Greece).72 Subsequently, in 1954 Kurt Aland of the INTF in Mnster and S. Y. Rudberg in Uppsala concluded that Gr. 73 was the MS formerly known as Kosinitza 202 (Gregorys l1256).73 Judging from palaeographical and iconographical data, and the lectionary system, Gerhardsson thinks the MS was copied around 1300 somewhere in western Asia Minor.74 According to the Liste it is dated to the 13th century. Gteborg University Library Cod. Gr. 2 (Greg.-Aland 2288) The Greek and Latin MSS in Gothenburg, formerly held in the public library, are now in the university library.75 Gteborg, Cod. Gr. 2 was acquired in 1907 from Jacques Rosenthal in Mnchen by Professor Vilhelm Lundstrm on behalf of the Gothenburg Public Library.76 It dates to the 15th century. The text is Byzantine. At first this MS became registered as Greg.-Aland 1944. Subsequently, however, Kurt Aland announced that the MS originated from Biblioteca Estense in Modena where it had once formed a part together with Gr. 13, a.U.2.14 (II A 13), and so it was transferred to the same number, Greg.-Aland 2288. On the last folio (104v) of the part which is still in Modena the text of Romans breaks off in 1:5, and continues in the part in Gothenburg. Apparently, the two parts had been bound separately, and the latter part (II A 14) was separated from the Modena collection at some point.77 It is impossible to know how and when this happened, but when Scholz visited Modena on his biblisch-kritischen Reise in 1820, the two parts were apparently still there, since he collated them under siglum 177 for his edition, wheras Puntoni, who published an index of the Greek MSS in Biblioteca Estense in 1896, noted the latter part as deperditus.78 The part in Gothenburg contains the Pauline epistles (from Rom 1:5) and Hebrews.
72

See J. A. Thomopoulos, Remarques sur quelques manuscrits grecs d Upsal., Eranos 49 (1951): 5962. The monastery was destroyed in 1916. Today, most of the known MSS from this monastery have been transferred to the Ivan Dujev Research Centre, Sofia. 73 Gerhardsson, Ein griechisches Lektionar, 72. Cf. Gregory, Textkritik, 3:1271 (1256). 74 Ibid., 8288. 75 For full descriptions, see the manuscript catalogue by Tnnes Kleberg, Catalogus codicum Graecorum et Latinorum bibliothecae universitatis Gotoburgensis (2nd ed.; Gteborg: Elanders Boktryckeri, 1974). 76 Lundstrm acquired two Greek and twenty Latin MSS from Rosenthal for 6500 SEK, donated by five private persons. See S. Hallberg, Gteborgs Stadsbibliotek: Det frsta halvseklet 18911940 (Gteborg: Gteborg Stadsbibliotek, 1941), 42. 77 See further Tnnes Kleberg, Eine aus Modena stammende Gteborger Handschrift der Paulinischen Briefe, Eranos 52 (1954): 278281. 78 Ibid., 280.

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Gteborg University Library Cod. Gr. 3 (Greg.-Aland 2441) The second Greek New Testament MS in Gothenburg is Cod. Gr. 3. Professor Vilhelm Lundstrm acquired this MS from K. W. Hiersemann in Leipzig in 1920, and donated it to the Gothenburg Public Library in 1935. The names of some previous owners are noted inside of the book cover.79 The MS is registered as Greg.-Aland 2441 and dated to the 14th century. It is written on paper, in contrast to all the other Greek NT MSS in Sweden that are made of parchment. The paper has a watermark (Briquet 4173).80 The MS is severely damaged by water and worms. It contains Acts and the Epistles with considerable lacunae.81 The text is of Byzantine character. Linkping Diocese Library T.14 (Greg.-Aland 1851) The Linkping Diocese Library acquired its first Greek New Testament MS, T.14, in 1757 from the property left of archbishop Eric Benzelius (16751743) in Uppsala, formerly bishop of Linkping (17311742). Benzelius had studied under Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeldt and made several trips to foreign scholars and universities. He was particularly interested in book and manuscript collections. Later, in 1702, he became librarian in Uppsala and subsequently acquired several Greek MSS for the Uppsala University Library. He also had an impressive personal collection of Greek books and MSS. Linkping T.14, registered as Greg.-Aland 1851, contains Acts and the Epistles with lacunae.82 In the Liste it is dated to the 10th century. According to Graux and Martin the date 1200 is indicated on fol. 222v where the NT text ends (Philemon).83 However, there is no colophon by the scribe. Some illegible traces of letters are visible in the lower margin, but they may well have been added later. The codex contains various liturgical hymns before and after the New Testament section. There is a list of contents and a list of lessons according to the Synaxarion and Menologion. Besides running lection notes for the liturgical reading from the Apostolos, there is on 229rv a list of prokeimena and allelouiaria to be sung before and after the liturgical reading. On the last extant page (229v) an
Donn par m. Bienz fils; ex-libris Werner Schreiber. Kleberg estimates that the bookcover is from the 18th century (Catalogus, 14). 80 Charles M. Briquet, Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des marques du papier des leurs apparition vers jusquen 1600 (2nd ed.; 4 vols.; Leipzig: K. W. Hiersemann, 1923). 81 For the exact contents see Table 1 with footnote. 82 See footnote in Table 1. 83 Graux and Martin, Notices sommaires, 76.
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unidentified homiletical text commences. Chapter references and various notes in Latin have been added later, possibly by Benzelius. The text is Byzantine. A collation of the MS by P. F. Aurivillius is available in Uppsala (MS Gr 63, Num. F.). Linkping Diocese Library T.277 (Greg.-Aland 2600) The second Greek New Testament MS in the Linkping Diocese Library is T. 277, registered as Greg.-Aland 2600. It was acquired together with four other Greek MSS including a Greek Psalter (T.275) by Professor K. G. Westman from the Danish collector of Byzantine art Halvor Bagge around 1920.84 This mutilated codex is dated to the 13th century and contains Luke 20:19John 13:14. As evident from Textwert (Table 1), the text in John is valuable, not least for the many special readings (20 special readings in just thirteen chapters). The CPM classification says little since the MS was not extant in two of the test chapters (Luke 1, 10) and fragmentary in Luke 20. Nationalmuseum NMB 1961 (Greg.-Aland 1049) We have come to the last Greek New Testament MS in Sweden, Nationalmuseum NMB 1961, which is registered as Greg.-Aland 1049. This MS was long thought to have disappeared among text-critics its latest known location according to the Liste was the Athos monastery Kutlumusiu, where it was once registered as MS 70. Apparently, the monastery sold a number of MSS in the beginning of the 20th century in order to secure their finances. In 1955 it was bought by a Swedish executive, Sven Ericsson, at a Sotheby auction. Ericsson donated it to the National Museum of Art in Stockholm in 1968. In the following I will give a rather detailed description.85 The codex is dated to the 11th century according to Gregory (and the Liste).86 Carl Nordenfalk, however, indicates the 12th century, which is more plausible since the MS is a typical example of a Gospel book from the Comnenian period (10811261). Initials and rubrics are in purple.
84 Hjalmar Frisk, Fem nyfrvrvade grekiska manuskript, 4551 i Linkpings bibliotheks handlingar 3 (1922): 4851. 85 The former head of the National Museum of Art, Carl Nordenfalk, gives a detailed description in Bokmlningar frn medeltid och renssans (Stockholm: Rabn & Sjgren, 1979), 2225. Further, Elisabet Piltz discusses the illuminations in Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia in schwedischem Besitz, Byzantinoslavica 48 (1987): 208209. 86 The dating in the Liste depends on Gregory who examined the MS in 1902. Then it soon disappeared.

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Titles are in golden uncial. Borders with flower decoration in blue, green, red and white frame the titles. The MS has iota subscripts. It has eight decorated Eusebian canon tables (the last one is empty) with prologue, list of chapters and pericopes for the liturgical year. Nordenfalk suggests that the codex was produced in Constantinople. However, prologues to the Gospels and the portraits of the evangelists have been added later.87 Nordenfalk reports the opinions of Belting, Buchtal and Weitzmann that the illuminations stem from Paleologian time (14 15th centuries). The exact dating, however, is difficult since there are no quite similar examples of illuminations in Byzantine MSS. The first striking thing is the absence of a golden background. The white clothing of Mark, Luke and John deviates from the Paleologian style, betraying influence from older models (so Nordenfalk), whereas Matthew, clearly of the same hand, is more typical with dark blue tunic and purple brown himation. Elisabeth Pilz goes so far as to characterize the portraits as nonByzantine.88 She thinks they originate from elsewhere, and that the artist attempted to build on the Byzantine tradition, but failed. For example, the artist had difficulties to keep the portraits within the frames (especially John; Plate 4). The Evangelists have no sandals. Their heads have the wrong dimension and their poses are unusual. The colours are neither the wax tempera nor the distemper typical of Paleologian time. The current binding is a thick wooden board clothed in leather and blackened silk. An earlier deluxe binding is mentioned in an inscription dated to 1605 (7113 of the Byzantine era) on fol. 201v, where it is said that it was commissioned by a prominent Romanian lady, Elisabeth, daughter of a ruler in Moldau-Valacy, in co-operation with the abbott Paisiou. This note has led Elisabeth Pilz to suggest that the illuminations may be from Moldau-Valacy.89 In my opinion, this is unlikely, since the illuminations, dated to Paleologian time by leading experts, are much older than the binding mentioned in the note. As for the New Testament text, which has not been examined in detail before, I have collated the MS in selected passages in the Gospels against control witnesses: Matt 19:1326 (42 test passages); Mark 11:1526 (38 test passages); Luke 13:3414:11 (40 test passages); John 6:607:1a (40 test passages). The results show that the MS is to be characterized as Byzantine. My further examination in Luke using the Claremont Profile
Matthew, fol. 8v; Mark, fol. 63v; Luke, fol. 101v; John, fol. 159v. Piltz, Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia, 209. 89 Ibid.
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Method has revealed that the MS is a member of M609.90 The other members are: 609, 1047, 1220, 2098 (Luke 1), and 2661. It is to be noted that 1047 is located in the same monastery (Kutlumusiu 68) as was 1049 formerly. Hence, it is very likely that 1047, dated to the 13th century, has a common background to 1049. This relationship requires more research. What is most interesting with MS1049 is that its text in the Pericope of the Adulteress (PA) is practically identical to that of M (021). Apparently, the PA was not in the exemplar of 1049, and so the text was copied from M directly, or via another MS.91 According to a report from Maurice A. Robinson who has collated virtually all known MSS in the PA, there are three other MSS which have an almost identical text to M (021) in the PA: 1220 (Sinai/St. Petersburg), 1347 (Jerusalem, Saba) (differing slightly) and 2661 (Athens). Two of these belong to M609 (1220 and 2661). The other members in M609, according to Robinson, have a different text in the PA. In conclusion, M609 is a larger group of related MSS, whereas 1049, 1220 and 2661 form a close family with a common archetype, of which text in the PA was probably copied from M (021), or vice versa. The direct dependence of a minuscule on an uncial is extremely rare.92 I know only of 1071, which is copied from D (05) in the PA.

Summary
This article has treated the sixteen Greek New Testament MSS in Sweden. Uppsala University Library holds the largest collection, eleven MSS, some of which were brought to Sweden by the Swedish travelers Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeldt (16551727), Adolf Fredrik Sturtzenbecker (1757 1783), and Jacob Jonas Bjrnsthl (17311779). We have caught a few glimpses of their careers and how they acquired MSS, in particular the
90

See Wisse, The Profile Method, 101. According to Wisse the family profile of M609 in Luke 1 is: 4, 6, 17, 34, 36, 37, (53); in Luke 10: 1, 3, 8, 9, 10, 15, (19), (22), (25), (35), (37), (47), 57, (62), 63; in Luke 20: 9, 18, 19, 28, 33, 42, 50, 60, 61, 62, 64, (65), 70, 73, 74, 76. MS 1049 has the following profile in the test passages in Luke 1: 4, 6, 10, 28, 34, 36, 37. (I have disregarded test passage no. 24 in Luke 1 since there is apparently an error in Wisse here both variants are in bold typeface.); in Luke 10: 1, 3, 8, 9, 10, 15, 22, 25, 35, 37, 50, 57, 60; in Luke 20: 9, 18, 19, 28 (1049*), 33, 42 (1049*), 50, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 70, 73, 74, 76. 91 In the closely related 1047 the PA has apparently been added by a later hand. See Gregory, Textkritik, 3:1123. 92 Cf. K. Lake, R. P. Blake and S. New, "The Caesarean Text of the Gospel of Mark," HTR 21 (1928): 207404, who collated a large number of MSS at Sinai, Patmos and in Jerusalem, and found very few cases of direct copying, even among the minuscules.

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great adventurer and scholar Bjrnsthl, whom I have described as Swedens equivalent to Constantin von Tischendorf. Uppsala Gr. 1 actually consists of two MSS (Greg.-Aland 441, 442) bound together in one volume. These are notable from a text-critical perspective for their excellent New Testament text. The illuminated Gospel codex Uppsala Gr. 4 (Greg.-Aland 899) also preserves a good text in John, but this MS is notable above all because it is one of merely thirtyseven known MSS that preserve the so-called Jerusalem colophon, normally placed at the end of Matthews Gospel. Further, it contains some even more unusual scholia in Matthews Gospel which are introduced by the words , the Jewish [Gospel]. Alfred Schmidtke, who erroneously claimed that 899 contains another unusual scholion in the Pericope of the Adulteress (John 7:53ff) that refers to Apollinarius, tried to connect these three features found variously among MSS the Jerusalem colophon, the scholia, and the Apollinarius-scholion to a now lost Judeo-Christian gospel (Evangelistenausgabe Zion), but his theory is untenable. A combination of all three features is, as we have seen, in fact only found in one single MS (039/566), which is certainly not the archetype from which these features are derived. Incidentally, the Jerusalem colophon is also found in Uppsala Gr. 13 (Greg.-Aland 902). Another notable MS in Uppsala is Gr. 11 (Greg.Aland 1852) with Acts, the Epistles and Revelation. This is one of the most valuable extant minuscules in the New Testament textual tradition, especially in the Catholic Epistles. The two MSS in Gothenburg preserve a Byzantine text. One of them, Cod. Gr. 2 (Greg.-Aland 2288) containing the Pauline Letters and Hebrews, originally belonged to a codex, one part of which is still in Modena (with Acts and the Catholic Epistles). Of the two MSS in the Linkping Diocese Library, T.277 (Greg.-Aland 2600) has a valuable text in John with a significant amount of special readings. Finally, there is one MS in the National Museum of Art in Stockholm, NMB 1961 (Greg.-Aland 1049). I have treated it in greater detail, since it was long thought to have disappeared by text-critics and has not previously been examined in detail. This illuminated Gospel codex has a very valuable text in the Pericope of the Adulteress (John 7:53ff), which closely resembles the text of M (021). Such a close textual relationship between a minuscule and a majuscule MS is quite uncommon in the New Testament textual tradition.

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Uppsala University Library

Plate 1 Uppsala Gr. 4 (Greg.-Aland 899) fol. 8v Evangelist portrait of Matthew

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Uppsala University Library

Plate 2 Uppsala Gr. 4 (Greg.-Aland 899) fol. 56v Jerusalem colophon (end of Matthew)

Uppsala University Library

Plate 3 Uppsala Gr. 4 (Greg.-Aland 899) fol. 34r scholion, Matt 18:22

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National Museum of Art, Stockholm

Plate 4 Nationalmuseum NMB 1961 (Greg.-Aland 1049) fol. 159v Evangelist portrait of John