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197 205 215 227 231 236 243 KATHERINE MANTHORNE Comisin Corografica of Colombia: An Extended Map of the Body Politic ANA MARIA BELLUZZO The traveler and Brazilian landscapes PABLO DIENER E MARIA DE FTIMA COSTA The Art of Travelers: From Documenter to Artist Traveler Perspectives of a new genre PAULO SILVEIRA Possible Odysseys FERNANDA ALBERTONI AND MRIO AZEVEDO Interview with Glria Ferreira ANNATERESA FABRIS Dialogues between images: photography and painting in the British pop art DANIELA KERN Mestiagens na Arte Contempornea Icleia Borsa Cattani

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245 SUSANNE B. KELLER ber das Verstndnis der Geographie unter den reisenden Knstlern

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257 265 273 287 PABLO DIENER El viaje pintoresco como categora esttica y la prctica de viajeros SARA BADA La obra de Rafael Castro y Ordez, fotgrafo de la Comisin Cientfica del Pacfico (1863-1865) ROLDN ESTEVA-GRILLET Iconografa Europeo-Americana de Bolvar ARTURO AGUILAR OCHOA La litografa como vehculo difusor de la obra de los artistas viajeros: imgenes de Mxico entre 1828 y 1847

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INTRODUCTION In 1850 the Republic of Colombia took the unprecedented step of establishing the Comisin Corogrfica, an expeditionary team composed of a geographer, naturalist, writer, and artist. Charting the cultural and ethnic diversity of the regions onto the multidimensional terrain, the goal was to define Colombian identity. Under the leadership of geographer Agustn Codazzi, the ten-year project made a significant contribution to the visual culture of scientific exploration in the form of an album of 152 watercolors. It constitutes an important pictorial typology of its people and environment, created by three successive artists: Carmelo Fernndez (1850-51); Enrique Price (1851), and Manuel Mara Paz (1852-1859). One of the most extensive records of its kind in South America, the album has yet to undergo thorough art historical analysis.2 When this expedition is mentioned at all in the literature on nineteenth century Latin American art, the same one or two figure studies by Fernndez done in its first year are discussed, as though they can stand for the work of the three artists completed over nine years. My aim here is to differentiate more clearly the hands of the artists, perform close readings of a selected cross-section of images, and contextualize them in terms of expeditionary art and Colombian history of that moment. The goal of this essay is to situate the watercolors of its lands and inhabiting bodies at the intersection of two contiguous fields cartography and art mutually animated by the new nationalist agenda. Our point of initiation is Bogot, the capital city, seat of power and authority. For the Comisin was ultimately a metropolitan project. Although the commission team spent almost all of its ten years surveying the outlying regions or departamentos, its center was the capital district and the president who had brought it into being by decree only a year after he took office.
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COMISIN COROGRAFICA OF COLOMBIA: AN EXTENDED MAP OF THE BODY POLITIC By Katherine Manthorne

ABSTRACT: The article analyses the artwork produced by the Comisin Corografica which visited Columbia in the decade of 1850. This enterprise was organized by the Columbian government with the idea of creating a visual catalogue of a descriptive nature about the regions and populations of this territory, precisely at the time when administrative divisions were being structured in that young republic. The Italian geographer, Agustin Codazzi, was named as head of this project. Three artists worked with him, respectively, Carmelo Fernndez, Enrique Price and Manuel Maria Paz. After carrying out the tasks of developing the Comisin, the artwork of the three artists recorded population types, calling attention to differences in function of socio-economic and regional origin, and, in relation to landscape, it has the sense of a visual cataloguing of the countrys geographical diversity. The artwork carried out by this enterprise was only partially published, namely what was cartographic; however, its iconography has only been reported. KEY WORDS: Comisin Corografica, drawings, population types (or popular types), landscape, Agustin Codazzi. In that Empire, the Art of Cartography had achieved such Perfection that the map of one Province alone took up the whole of a City, and the map of the Empire, a whole Province. With time, these Unconscionable Maps gave no satisfaction, and the College of Cartographers conceived a Map of the Empire that had the same dimensions as the Empire, and that coincided with it at every point. Subsequent Generations, less concerned with the study of Cartography, understood that the extended map was useless, and with a certain impiety abandoned it to the inclemencies of the Sun and of Winters. In the deserts of the West, certain tattered fragments of the Map are still to be found, sheltering Animals and Beggars; and in the whole country, there

Jorge Luis Borges, Museum: On Rigor in Science, Dreamtigers. Mildred Boyer and Harold Morland, trans. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964, p.90.
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Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, Acuarelas de la Comisin Corografica, Colombia, 1850-1859. Bogot: Litografa Arco, 1986. This is the most complete publication on the expedition with color plates of all the images, but lacking art historical analysis.

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are no other relics of the Discipline of Geography Jorge Luis Borges, Museum1

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The election of General Jos Hilario Lpez as President in 1849 marked a turning point for Colombia both economically and politically. Capitalism began to replace the old colonial structure, and the ideological differences between the established political parties overshadowed the previous emphasis on personalism that characterized the strong-armed caudillo. In 1850 the Lpez administration effected two changes of lasting consequence: it abolished slavery and it instituted new land distribution policies. In order to allow landowners access to more land, the agrarian reform program lifted the restrictions on the sale of resguardo lands; as a result, Indians were displaced from the countryside and moved to the cities, where they provided excess labor. Simultaneously Lpez divided the country into the administrative divisions that survive until the present day: the capital district of Santa Fe de Bogot and thirty-two (32) departamentos. He then created the Comisin Corogrfica to survey those peoples and lands, and thereby to establish a visual inventory of the nation. But whose vision of the Republic ultimately emerged from the project? And to what end? CODAZZI AS LEADER OF THE CHOROGRAPHIC COMMISSION The expedition was led by Italian-born Codazzi, who appears in silhouette in a watercolor by Fernndez, Encampment of the Comisin, Yarumito (Illus. 1). To the left and right of the scene the members of the expedition set up their tents, lie in hammocks, prepare a meal at the campfire, or relax. These men are all dark-skinned, dressed in the attire of the campesino, and engaged in menial tasks. Located at a slight elevation in the clearing at the center standing in profile are two Euro-Americans , one of whom is identifiable as Codazzi by the telescope he holds to his eye. The scene before us has no immediately identifiable landmarks; it could in fact represent any number of places along the route Codazzi will follow over the next nine years. We are meant then to interpret this image not in terms of the specifics of a single locale but rather as an indicator of the broader ambitions of the project. The configuration of the men in the landscape is telling, with the Indians and mestizos engaged in menial labor while the EuroAmerican geographer gazes into the distance with an air of authority. His figure calls to mind the phrase master of all he surveys, an indicator that in the act of surveying and mapping the terrain he was taking possession of it on behalf of his patrons, the ruling Creole class. Codazzi was in fact quite comfortably ensconced in the upper echelons of society in Bogot. He had been thoroughly integrated into his adopted city, as North American travel writer Isaac Holton noted on a visit there:

On no family in Bogot did I call with more pleasure than that of Col. Codazzi, who lives three streets above the Cathedral. The colonel is Italian, and his lady a Venezolana, but the younger of their numerous and intelligent children are Bogotanos.3 Prior to work in Colombia, Codazzi had conducted a major survey of neighboring Venezuela. Trained in Italy in classic geography, he worked in methods routinely linked to maps and picture-making. In this Ptolemic tradition he hired three successive artists/collaborators, to whom we now turn. THE ARTISTS Later director of Colombias first School of Fine Arts, Manuel Mara Paz (1820-1902) provides the most useful starting point for our discussion of the artists, for he served the longest seven years while each of the others served but one. He alone was native-born, from the department of Cauca. Several of his watercolors from the expedition feature a couple, meant to represent typical inhabitants of the region of a particular racial mix and class. His depiction of the Indios de Purac (Illus. 2) conveys a sense of dignity and individuality more pronounced than we find in the treatment of native peoples by foreign artists. For me, his non-academic style possesses the same fascination of the North American Indian painter George Catlin. He was a soldier, painter, and cartographer. Pazs technique therefore allows access into his personal merger of the demands of picture- and map-making, evident also in the landscapes he produced on the expedition.4 Carmelo Fernndez (1810-1887) initiated the artistic work of the Comisin, 1850-1851. The mandate for him and his fellow artists was spelled out in their contract: he was to illustrate the descriptions written by Ancizar with plates of the strangest landscapes, types of tribes and races, scenes showing customs characteristic of the people, ancient monuments already known or discovered by members of the Commision. As the nephew of Antonio Paez revolutionary leader and ultimately president of neighboring Venezuela Fernndez had unique stakes in the representation of free and independent Republican lands and peoples; furthermore, his artistic skills were
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Isaac F. Holton, New Granada: Twenty Months in the Andes. NY: Harper & Bros, 1857, p.172.
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Estampa de Manuel Mara Paz, miltar, pintor, y cartgrafo. Lampara, Bogot, Nro. 91, 1983.

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equal to the task of representation in a manner fitting its citizenry. By the end of 1851 Fernndez departed the Comisin, leaving the study of Antioquia province to his successor Enrique Price (18191863). The English-born Price had arrived in Bogot in 1841 attached to a British business firm. A cultivated man, Price founded the Sociedad Filarmnica: the first in Colombia. He studied painting, and taught and composed music. Working with the Comisin in 1852, he provided an amplified view of the single province: important sites, the lay of the land, even the way in which vines grew up the side of a tree. So accomplished were these views from nature, that his work is regarded as the foundation of Colombian landscape painting. CREOLE ELITE PATRONAGE These artists, like the expedition itself, found their support and patronage in the ruling Creole upper class. The elites empowered to construct new hegemonies in America were challenged to imagine many things that did not exist, as Mary Louis Pratt has written, including themselves as citizen-subjects of republican America. They engaged not only in a process of self-fashioning, but also authorized themselves to have others represented as they saw fit. Independence and Nation-Building, however, were not unknown processes, which gave rise to an unspoken debate over identity as they embarked upon their future.5 The Comisin stands at this critical cross-roads, charged to take a pictorial census at the precise moment when the social fabric was being reconstituted as a new American republic. A line from Jorge Luis Borgess Museum quoted in the epigraph conjures up perfectly the historical mindset of Colombia in 1850: in that Empire, the Art of Cartography had achieved such perfection that the map of a single Province occupied a whole City, and the map of the Empire, a whole province. Maps and visual records, in other words, carried great weight. To reconfigure the new republics provinces and peoples in the miniaturized confines of the maps and pictures was to create a significant document. The Comisin album was the product of a struggle over interpretive power: between the metropolis of Bogot and the rural provinces; between the new official government and its decentralized population; between foreign and native forces; and between colonial versus republican aspirations. Colombias spatial relations are complicated by its unique possession of both Atlantic (or Caribbean) and Pacific coastlines, with Bogot situated in the highland interior, the third corner of the territorial triangle. A map
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Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes, p.176; this book provides important insights into issues of what she terms transculturation.

of the routes covered by the expedition over its ten-year span reveals the butterfly pattern of the reconnaisances necessary to traverse its terrain: it fans out from the capital and terminates in the unhealthy Oriente (eastern province) where Codazzi met his death. Colombias terrain does not conform to the binary opposition of its neighbors Venezuela or Peru, where the coastal locations of Caracas or Lima spelled civilization, while the isolated highlands symbolized barbarism. The lack of what we might call a topographical hierarchy compounded the ideological dilemma that preoccupied its ruling class, who were unsure how to conceive the populations and lands over which they endeavored to rule. Codazzi and his expedition team were expected to solve this problem. But what intellectual and artistic means and traditions were at their disposal to accomplish this task? His specific charge to conduct a chorographic commission is critical, and further refined his conception of the interrelationship of geography and chorogaphy, maps and pictures. The primary task of geography is to establish either physical or political boundaries of significant land masses; its stated means are mathematical, or abstract. Its procedures fix essentially geometrical, and wholly spatial relations existing between designed political units arranged in a linear fashion upon a two-dimensional surface. Chorography, by contrast, is a perceptual mode. It requires an artist to create a vivid portrait of the distinct physiognomy of the diversely inhabited, individually discrete, sequentially adjacent landscape miniregions. The Comisin utilized these competing systems of representation, projecting them onto a series of sites around the country, which contributed to the formulation of a national narrative. The Comisins solution was brilliant: it insisted on taking the new departamentos as the organizational unit and linking regional physiognomy and costume with characteristic natural setting. This environmental determinism provided the foundation for the entire enterprise. The message that groups of people (or racial subgroups) shared characteristics shaped by their local topography was visually encoded in the album. It informed the individual pictures that emphasized the man/nature inter-dependence (and presumably would have informed the sequencing of figure studies interleaved with pure landscape as well, although Codazzi died before he could oversee the publication of the album). This practice became standard in expedition reports over the course of the nineteenth century. We need to remind ourselves, however, that at the start of the Comisin, Colombia had been an independent nation for only about twenty-five years. Over three hundred years of Spanish rule had left its artistic mark in two ways that are immediately significant for us. First, its colonial legacy barely allowed for a separate landscape genre. Second, eighteenth century Spanish figural art was largely devoted to religious themes, with secular art only

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beginning to emerge. Therefore we need to examine the pictorial pairing of man and nature that characterized the Comisin as an accommodation between Codazzis instructions and the colonial artistic heritage. BETWEEN COSTUMBRISTA AND CASTA PAINTING Fernndezs Mestizo Farmers is one of the few images from the Comisin familiar to a us from its appearance in 20th surveys. Like others of his watercolors, this one particularizes the costumes of the man and woman, their skin tone as the marker of race, details of their occupation, and natural surroundings. Each one represents a hybrid between an ethnographic study and a genre picture or scene from everyday life: a type usually subsumed under the category of costumbrista painting. Costumbrista can be broadly defined as the art of visual stereotypes, depictions of native people by foreign artist travelers interested in establishing broad usually national types. Under Codazzi, Fernndez developed a nuanced reading of the population which highlighted rather than suppressed the regional differences to be found in the provinces of Tunja, Tundama, Ocaa, Socorro, Soto, and Vlez. Careful scrutiny of physiognomy, costumes, and occupations were superimposed over the land, in the manner of a relief map layered over the national boundaries. Alongside the identification with region, however, the Comisin answered to the need to classify the population according to class, which from the colonial period had been defined in part by race. So the figures in the album are tagged in descending social order also as Notables, Personajes, Tipos, Campesinos, Napangas, and Indios. (Compare Prices Tipos de Medelln and his Personajes de Medelln, revealing his intention to differentiate class among people of the same region.) That impulse to racial and class identification had pictorial antecedents in the Casta paintings, which represented one of the few strictly secular art forms of the colonial period. They provide a singular window onto colonial life and society produced chiefly in Mexico, Peru, and Ecuador (which previously had been united with Colombia) and a visual testimony to the cultural heterogeneity and race mixing that permeated life in Spains American colonies. They were usually created as a series of sixteen separate canvases, although occasionally the scenes are represented on a single, compartmentalized surface. They illustrate the results of the intermingling of the three major racial groups that made up the population of the New World in colonial times Indians, Spaniards, and African slaves each with scenes typically depicting a man and a woman of different races with one or two offsprings. They are accompanied by a textual inscription that identifies the precise racial mix represented. Inscribed in one image, for example, is the formula: Indian and Mestizo produce Coyote. Purchased primarily by the Spanish elite, the Casta paintings fulfill the need for classification: classification not only of the racial mixtures, but also of

occupations, manners, dress, and lifeways. Usually the figures occupy a domestic setting or stylized landscape and feature emblematic objects that reveal the familys livelihood and social position. The Comisin figure studies, in my reading, are an amalgam of this casta tradition grafted onto the costumbrista format. It is this blended pictorial heritage that provides the means to portray Colombian society inscribed the racial and socioeconomic class of the sitters. AN ICONOGRAPHY FOR THE MEDELLN MIDDLE CLASS Working with the Comisin in 1852, Price provided an amplified view of the central Cordillera, with its busy center at Medelln. His Ro Negro (Illus. 3) set a standing couple of white descent Creoles before a cleared hillside. The wife is positioned several steps behind her husband, deferring to his dominant position; they wear out-of-style, rustic attire that identified their middle economic status. Unlike Fernndezs Notables of the Capital, Santander this is not a representation of elegant leisure or moneyed privilege; nor does it accord with Pazs views of lower class laborers. Rather, we have the feeling that Price interrupted these folks in the daily administration of their modest land holding, and coaxed them out in front of their house for a portrait. Typical of their station, they attempt a proper self-presentation, standing erect and framing the vista up the hill, surmounted by the entrance to their modest hacienda. How can we account for what can only be described as the appearance of a bourgeois couple of the countryside in Prices image at a moment in Colombian history when it is often claimed that there was no middle class? What was the rationale for visually charting these boundaries, on the part of the artist and of Codazzi and his patrons? These works were done in Antioquia, which was a rare case not only in Colombia but anywhere in Latin America of a dynamic frontier producing a rural middle class. As historian Alistair Hennessy notes: From the 1830s the coffee frontier pushed into the southern part of Antioquia as a consequence of initiatives by Medelln merchants, whose purpose in acquiring land was to encourage migration and settlement. This was a policy of enlightened self-interest. Merchants required a settled labour force on which they could draw for their own speculative ventures. This not only facilitated future development of their own coffes estates but assisted the emergence of a sizable class of smallholders who turned to pig-breeding and growing coffee themselves when the economy expanded.6
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Alistair Hennessy, The Frontier in Latin American History. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1978, pp.96-97.

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Antioquia witnessed the birth of a rural middle class the foundation for growing internal markets to which the merchant elite had served as midwife. A representative of British commercial interests in South America, Prices commemoration of this couple full of bourgeois pride must be understood in that context. While this picture is an ocean apart and a century later than the portrait of Mr. And Mrs. Robert Andrews by Prices compatriot Thomas Gainsborough, still there is a kind of kinship of appearance and intent. Both present married couples in cultivated landscapes, working farms of sorts; and yet both expunge the laborers who obviously till the land. As Ann Bermingham has noted of Gainsboroughs time: In general, the period made an increasingly rigid distinction between landscape as the natural domain of the landlord and agrarian landscape as the appropriate province of the laborer. 7 The Colombia Price encountered in 1852 faced a not dissimilar dilemma as agrarian capitalism slowly began to replace subsistence farming in this region especially. The artist worked to establish formal correspondences that link man and nature; the mans stiff posture is echoed by a barren upright plant stalk to the right, while the womans rounded form with bell-shaped skirt and billowing sleeves is repeated in the fuller, more leafy vegetation on her side of the picture. So while these visual cues point to self-identity between proprietor and property, there is also the obvious fact that they are in minimal contact with the earth, or with each other. Price portrays an uneasy alliance that is probably peculiar to the region he traversed, to its historic moment, and to his own artistic sensibility honed in the English rustic tradition. The challenges and possibilities of a developing middle class in Colombia are further elaborated in Antioquia, where a Creole couple take their place at the right side of a frieze of figures representing the local social and racial strata. At the opposite side is a black man, identified by his white blouse and bare feet as a peasant; and between them literally and figuratively appear two mestizas, with water jugs balanced on their heads. A picturesque fountain, cluster of tiled-roof buildings, and a church faade situate them within the life of the town, nestled against the Andean peaks. RESPONSES TO LAND In landscape too Price achieved an accommodation of Old World conventions to New World realities that led to his being regarded as the
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Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 17401860. Berkeley: University of California Press, c.1986, p. 30.

father of Colombian landscape painting. In his Montaa de Sonsn (Illus. 4) he provided a glimpse of primeval nature, before the expansion of coffee cultivation transformed the landscape. It presents a density of vegetation whose varied leaves and vines create an all-over pattern that pushes insistently to the surface. This effect is enhanced by its brown monochromatic palette and vertical format, which draws the eye of the viewer across the surface of the picture plane rather than back in depth. The light sepia tones at the top open to the sky, but become darker and denser the closer they are to the base of the composition: what could be conceived as its heart of darkness. This mysterious feeling is enhanced by the presence of the male figure, naked but for hat and short breeches, who stands with his back to the viewer on the brink of this shadowy realm. He is the last in a procession of Amerindians descending into the thicket and disappearing from sight, with only the tops of their straw hats still discernible. Among the more expressive of Prices work, this image can be read as a metaphor of resistance to exploration, settlement, and indeed comprehension. This composition provided an alternative to the panoramic salon composition. Jungle vegetation like moutain peaks and volcanic eruptions belongs to the natural sublime, inspiring fear and awe in the observer while simultaneously holding out the promise of secrets to be revealed. Price plays on that duality here; at the right threshold of Montaa de Sonsn a sequence of petroglyphs a message from the past, inscribed in now indecipherable code appears in a boulder, whose shape in turn suggests a death mask or skull. Colombia in 1850 confronted a problem no unlike that of the United States (albeit on a smaller scale): the problem of the frontier, of empty space. At the time in Colombia, some night-eight percent of the population lived in the highlands, the western escarpment of the Andes, and on the coasts, while the eastern areas comprising half the country - remained virtually unsettled. A cattle frontier had pushed into the Casanare and the Colombian llanos. Otherwise it was still the substantially untamed jungle of Riveras literary work La Voragine. The provinces Paz covered Mariquita, Neiva, Casanare, Popayn, Pasto, Tquerres, Buensaventura, Choc, Barbacoas, and Caquet included such territory. These empty spaces posed a twofold dilemma: how was a government to effect a redistribution of population, and how was the artist to depict these uninhabited and for the most part uninhabitable places? The artists Paz, Fernndez, and Price working with Codazzi on a daily basis absorbed his geographical orientation, and his strategies for mapping Colombias terrain. This was true particularly in the case of Paz, who spent seven years surveying his native land side-byside with Codazzi. These experiences encouraged him to merge empirical data gathered on-site with the artistic conventions of his colonial heritage. In this way he was able to forge a variety of landscape configurations which in effect blend the ideal and the real. This is revealed in two distinct landscape

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formats: the panoramas which spread broad stretches of terrain before the viewer; and the close-up study from nature, which provided the opportunity for detailed scrutiny of plants, trees, or rock formations. PAZ AND AUTOETHNOGRAPHY Codazzi died in 1859 in the Oriente. But like the rest of the expedition party, we traverse the country only to return to Bogot, where the maps, charts, texts, and pictorial images were submitted. But without Codazzis guidance, they were allowed to languish without proper plans for their future exposition to the public. If he had lived to see the material of the expedition published, then how might they have been presented? We can imagine the taking the maps created by Codazzi and plotting the coordinates where the expedition paused, and the artists created their watercolors. Selected points on the twodimensional map, in other words, were blown up into threedimensional renderings of topography and inhabitants. Together the two systems of geography and chorography would have provided a complex, multi-layered picture by which the nation could have comprehended itself and its material and social resources. The reality was not as ambitious. In a1862 a written study entitled Geography of the United States of Colombia was published, but no comprehensive album of pictures appeared. Only in 1889 did Paz compile at the request of the government The Geographical Atlas of Colombia, which featured maps and omitted the rich pictorial imagery. Did these publications fulfill the original aims of Codazzi and the Comisin? Of President Lopez and his Creole constituency? In this brief paper it is impossible to analyze these questions fully, but for our purposes here we might revisit briefly the charge of a chorographic commission. Chorography has historically been a tool in the empires arsenal, as John Moffitt observed: It is a truism that, as much as guns and warships, maps are indispensable tools of imperialism. By pinning regions and people to a map, and by capturing foreign native terminology in the script of the conqueror, 16th century Spaniards cemented their colonial power by describing, classifying, naming, thus opportunely inventing the fiction of their New Spain chorography, with its distinctly European signs for civilization towns, churches, forts, highways, ports, orchards, and towns was the timely didactic instrument by which to transform, literally domesticate, barbarian savagery, Otherness, into the very simulacrum of the Pax europea.8
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John F. Moffitt, Ptolemys Chorographia in the New World: Revelations from Relaciones Geograficas de la Nueva Espaa of 1579-1581, Art History 21 (Sept. 1998): 387.

The Comisin Corogrfica provides a variation on that theme. No longer an instrument in the hands of foreign conquerors, chorography became the instrument of the Lopez government of postIndependence Colombia, a means of imposing visual order on the political and social upheaval left in the wake of revolution, In its pages the provincial population were depicted, classified, and positioned into the expanded social order that defined the new Colombia and its creole ruling class. It is appropriate to conclude with the work of Paz, with whom we started. What little discussion there has been of Comisins art usually casts Paz as the minor talent but dedicated worker. Pazs position, however, as the Comisins native born and bred artist should prompt us to recognize the value of his work in the context of what Pratt calls an autoethnographic document: that is, those the Other constructs in response to or in dialogue with metropolitan representations. Autoethnographic images are therefore not authentic forms of selfrepresentation, but involve partial collaboration with and appropriation of the idioms of the conqueror. Consider, for example, Pazs representation of a couple from his home town of Cauca (Illus. 5) that typifies his borrowings from travel and academic art, hybridized with indigenous modes. Comparison of this work to Prices depiction of inhabitants of Ro Negro (Illus. 3, above) helps us to distinquish Pazs approach. Prices couple appear side-by-side but do not make physical contact; even their heads and gazes of the eyes turn in different directions. The matching color of the womans blue dress and mans blue jacket visually link them while their placement in the pictorial field filling most of the horizontal extent of the watercolor establishes their dominance over the landscape. These people are proprietors of their land, but do not feel especially comfortable in their middle economic status. Pazs designation of the female in his watercolor as apanga is significant for it is a term of quechua origin that signifies a mestiza or mulata of the middle class. His use of this term in relation to the population of Cauca is telling, for it specifies her situation not only racially but culturally as well. She is shown barefoot, dressed in a plain skirt, blouse, and shawl with nothing on her head. She stands with her arm through that of her partner, who is identified as a mestizo. They stand against a wall or fence with vegetation and a mountain landscape behind, and appear comfortably against the panoramic view of Cauca. As we can see from this comparison, he follows the general formula used by Price for the image of the white husband and wife in the landscape, but departs from it to suggest the different cultural circumstances of this mixed-race couple. They seem to be more comfortable in their environment, and simultaneously less tied to landownership. It is useful, therefore, to think of this and other

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work by Paz as dialogic, bilingual, and therefore capable of addressing audiences both in the capital and in the provinces. Further research may in fact reveal Pazs images to be the most important as a point of entry for regional populations into metropolitan visual culture. Cartographic doubling is the premise of this album. This duality rehearses the dilemma of the New World republics: the reality of mestisaje, the conjoining of ethnic opposites, as here the couple is identified in the title as Napanga y mestizo, The goal of Colombias creoles is and was to gain independence from Spain while retaining European sophistication and white supremacy. Yet all around them a new mestizo race was in the making and on the rise. The landscape has been the stage on which their struggles were fought. The Comisin album provided one visual assemblage depicting the native environment in which the new race was taking shape. It is a rare surviving fossil from the early independence era, a remarkable self-portrait.

KATHERINE MANTHORNE is a professor of Modern Art of the Americas at the History of Art Program, New York University. Prior to this, she was head of the Smithsonian American Art Museum research center. Among her works are Tropical Renaissance. North American Artists Exploring Latin America, 1839-1879 which has become a book of reference in the area; and her most recent work entitled Pictured Women Narrate their Histories: The Art & Culture of Reconstruction, 1863-1877. She is member of the Advisory Board for the Museo Del Barrio and was elected to the Board of Directors of the College Art Association (2006-2010).

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ANA MARIA BELLUZZO, The traveler and Brazilian landscapes

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THE TRAVELER AND BRAZILIAN LANDSCAPES Ana Maria Belluzzo TRANSLATED BY Alice Monsell ABSTRACT: The paper analyzes the concept of the landscape in the work of foreigners who visited Brazil, artist travelers, calling attention to a few specific aspects that molded their perception. In this context, particular emphasis is given to the constitutive role of distance and the comprehension of alterity. Principally, works by English artists are discussed, having as background the unique relationships of politics and commerce that Great Britain established with Brazil during the first years of its post-independence era. KEY WORDS: Brazilian landscape, artist travelers, the English in Brazil, comprehension of alterity. CONSTRUCTIONS OF THE GAZE In these brief considerations on landscapes and the gaze of the traveler, I delineate some central issues for studies and research about visual images, constructed with a universal language, but only apparently comprehensible. First, we inquire about the notion of landscape, asking how a mere territorial eventuality comes to be understood as a visual landscape unit. Instead of adopting a priori concepts of landscape, we prefer to ask what can we see in nineteenth-century Brazil and what models of appreciation would permit cutting out a piece of the sensory world to configure what is conventionally called landscape. Or, more precisely: how have certain modes of appreciation of the nineteenth-century European universe been united with the stimuli of topography, geography, vegetation and life in Brazil? Instead a priori notions of landscape, it seems more worthwhile to start with a more ample understanding of the existent world, considering it a space elaborated by forces coordinated by nature, man and time. Existing scenery is always a result of diverse actions and what exists to be seen can be seen through different views or angles. In dialoguing with

the existing landscape, some contemplate the action of natural forces. Others attribute meaning to the citys image. Still others give dimensions to a world transformed by man: cultivating the field, designing lines of communication, the capacity to build, the conservation of forests or the simulation of nature through the simple garden arrangement. In considering the travelers point of view, I suppose that different perspectives, of the native inhabitant or the foreigner, form the image of a place. Im referring to the words of Portuguese poet Fernando Pessoa, who said: the river of my village does not make me think of anything. 1 Here, I rely on the historical perception of travelers. The meaning attributed to landscape by residents would require another digression. For now, I will only say that when the resident revisits the landscape, it only fuels a journey in time, an incursion through memory or a trip into childhood. I call attention to the constitutive role of distance in relation to the travelers perception, noting the two-fold quality of the subjects estrangement. First, his distance before what he sees as extraordinary in the foreign place. Secondly, the distance propitiated by the journey in relation to what he had experienced in his place of origin, which led him to review aspects of his ordinary life, placed in a new perspective. In other words, I would say that the displacement of the foreign traveler is a two-way path. This implies guided comparisons, with at least in two ways of looking at it. The changes in habitual circumstances ultimately present opportunities for alterations in points of view. One may finally consider that the awareness of cultural relativity is a fundamental lesson engendered by the voyage. In these terms, the observers view is launched into another space that does not necessarily concur with traditional meanings attributed to the exotic object, that is, the object that comes from outside. Thus, considering the gaze engendered at a different time, it would not detect only primitive practices just because it comes from a previous time. I base my hypothesis on the thought that when a foreigner sees something he considers strange, it doesnt necessarily lead him to selfforgetting. Everything indicates that he does not lose himself, nor does he let himself become intoxicated by the exotic and the picturesque. He becomes, in the best of hypotheses, able to see with new eyes. Walter Benjamin is correct to insist that the journey does
1

PESSOA, Fernando. O guardador de Rebanhos. (1911-1912). In his: Obra potica. So Paulo: Nova Aguillar,1997: 214: () One goes into the World through Tejo; Beyond Tejo there is America; And the fortune of those who find it.; No one ever thought of what is beyond; The river of my village. The river of my village does not make me think of anything. Whoever is at the foot of its bed is only at its feet.

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not lead to absolute alterity, but redirects toward a time when the ordinary was not yet so, it provokes the experience of seeing for the first time or as he has said: toward the experience of never tested until then. Benjamin examined images of the city elaborated during the twentieth century and intuitively felt that journeys to distant places operate in a similar way as the subjects incursions into the past. He considered that spatial distance, like temporal distance, generated possibilities for the subjects reconstitution. 2 Therefore, another important inquiry falls on the ways cultures look at each other. To analyze the gaze launched by the European traveler on the American continent, this paper delineates the period when the Portuguese colony became the kingdom, when European eyes saw the Portuguese monarchy come into focus in the tropics. It was a time when public life and European consciousness were also being affected by great transformations. Europe wasnt about to assume any position in relation to the emergence of a nation in Brazil. But, as we know, the opening of Brazilian ports was a measure the British imposed on Dom Joo VI, they had already been authorized to enter the colony and were the first to see the dawn in the kingdom. British presence in Brazil is quite notable until Dom Joo VIs return to Portugal, when British imperial power begins its decline. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the royal Portuguese familys transference to Brazil and the opening of Brazilian ports to international trade brought an intensified flux of European visitors attracted to the immense unknown territory. At this moment, Brazil acquires visibility after remaining a Portuguese secret for three centuries as a defense of the colonys natural resources. Previously, merchant ships and around-the-world missions that had reached PortugueseAmerican shores hardly attempted to investigate the territory, though it would remain a target for projects and expectations so often portrayed in travelers reports and images ever since they had encountered the New World. During the first decades of the nineteenth century, travelers who arrived in Brazil could compare and confer the images and opinions that had been circulating in Europe with the facts of their experiences. The practice of the voyage appears to be associated with the process of acquiring knowledge based on the direct observation of the world, but we must ask: To what extent could different generations of artists and scientists arriving in Brazil use the immediate presence of what they were perceiving to their advantage? To what extent could they
2

determine how much confidence they could put in apprehending the universe through their senses? Generally, there is no doubt that landscape pertains to the senses. The artist constructs it by observing and translating it. It can be painted without being thought. One of our studys prerequisites is the foreign travelers presence, his identifying the Brazilian landscape by means of the baggage he carries. He approaches it based on his cultural traditions and education. He interprets unknown country by means of a cartographic model, admiring it as it evokes literary memories. The traveler might be qualified to read the morphology of the territory or be able to put the discerned scene into a historical perspective. He could observe vegetation by means of scientific classification methods, apprehend it with adventuresome impetus or dedicate himself to the pleasurable sentimental journey recommended by his aesthetic education. Would he be induced to record the customs because of diplomatic motivations or would his observations be related to commercial interests? I believe that these examples are sufficient to present the complexity involved in the study of travelers images, which constitute a notable contribution to the knowledge about Brazil the legacy formed during the nineteenth century by diverse international traditions. Scientists were studying vegetable morphology and classifying native species, universalizing them through the language of natural history (as in the case of Florilgio by Captain Cook, who used the Linnaeun method). The new German science revised the natural system and sought to apprehend tropical aspects produced by the interdependence of innumerous environmental factors. Other travelers, however, distributed images based on standards of aesthetic and cultural tastes. 3 I believe we cannot deny that images of savage places or wild places are products of culture, elaborated by desires, as any other imagined garden. The nineteenth-century landscape cannot be reduced to explaining it only by means of naturalism. It depends on models of interpretation, which supply it with images. When Europe opens its eyes to the New World, many Europeans arriving in Brazil had representations based on models of ancient civilizations in mind. The voyage to Italy had become the dream of every humanist searching for signs of the classical and it satisfied aspirations toward an ideal artistic culture. On his arrival in America
3

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BENJAMIN, Walter. Immagini di Citt. Torino: Einaudi, 1974 (2. ed.): 105.

FERREZ, Gilberto Iconografia do Rio de Janeiro. 1530 1890. Catlogo Analtico. Rio de Janeiro: Casa Jorge Editorial, 2000; 2 vols.

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with Bonpland, even the German scientist Alexander Von Humboldt had models of the voyage to Italy in mind and of searching for great Pre-Columbian civilizations. Comparing the practice of the voyage to Italy to the voyage to Brazil is elucidating. Since the seventeenth century, the practice of a voyage complementing the wealthy young Englishmans aristocratic education would have led him on a grand tour throughout the continent, notably to Rome, cradle of civilization, and to the Alps. The frame through which Europeans contemplate the Brazilian landscape was derived, not infrequently, from the the voyage to Italy serving as model. For example, an original watercolor by William Alexander, who had passed through Rio de Janeiro in 1792 on the road to Conchichina, was later reproduced in various engraved versions that were circulating in London at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The artist was a member of the Royal Academy and his interests fell upon the Carioca Aqueduct, giving relevance to human engineering and to the symbols of civilization and progress. . The presence of the British after the arrival of the Portuguese court, owed itself to diplomatic interests in relation to Brazils independence. Although travelers who produced drawings were sometimes professional artists, the majority of visual records were left to amateurs. Traveling, seeing and drawing were important components of the British elites education. Scribbling croquis, drawing in albums and noting down impressions in watercolors were favorable to the reputation of well-born officials. I refer to the specialized education of the gaze and manual ability. And I ask how much they indeed qualified for the task of opening their eyes to this yet unknown country. These dilettante artists who drew for pleasure and not as a trade took Brazilian images and brought them to the horizons of expectation of an English-speaking public, presenting them in exhibitions or publishing them as gravure prints distributed in albums and travel books. One must keep in mind that many of these images, recorded one at a time, would only be reunited for publication years later. The illustrated editions proposed an itinerary based on narrative turns that were intended to orient visiting travelers, that is, when they didnt restrict themselves to stimulating imaginary voyages. Many of these editions are part of the travelers culture and deserve to be studied in correlation with other travel literature genres. The artist travelers elected and constructed landscape values, they succeeded in visually defining local particularities and selected places that visitors could travel to and provided them with the pleasure of recognition. The editions were not only derived from conventional criteria, but also promoted criteria that conventionalizes, still affecting post cards today.

Certain places elected were shown repeatedly, reiterated by different drawings, elaborated by authors from various sources. This is the case of small Brazilian churches raised on knolls, inserted between hills, among these the church, Igrega da Glria, in Rio de Janeiro would not have gone unnoticed by the eyes of any traveler. 4 We observed William Gore Ouseleys drawings, executed during his residence in Brazil as Charg des Affaires (Head of Affairs) at the Brazilian Court. His views were produced between 1823 and 1833, however, he remained in Brazil till the end of the first half of the century. After returning to Europe, the writer published 25 lithographs in color, which were selected by Keen Victory; among these 20 were of Brazil. The work appeared with the title: Views in South America from original drawings made in Brazil, the River Plate and Panam by William Gore Ouseley, Her Majestys Minister Plenipotenciary of the States of la Prata and Charg at the Brazilian Court. London, 1852. W Gore Ouseley del. / Lane ed. / Needham Lith. William Gore Ouseley, son of an orientalist, was a man of great classical culture; he studied in Paris and Leyden and traveled to many countries (among them, Sweden and the United States) before arriving in Brazil. The work by Ouseley elucidates with respect to the picturesque English stroll practiced by those visiting Brazil. The term picturesque denotes those objects that were properly suited for painting. Thus, we see what kind of scene was considered aesthetically valid for painting. 5 In accordance with picturesque taste, the eye seeks relations that reveal in nature what is worthy of being appreciated or drawn, according to Arcadian poetic standards. The observer chooses favored angles for recording it using the consecrated values of painting and poetry. Pictorial tradition dictated norms for nature and only some noteworthy natural combinations would suffice and constitute adequate material for art.
4

BELLUZZO, Ana Maria. Brasil dos Viajantes. So Paulo: Metalivros, 1994, 3 vols.

On landscapes and picturesque landscapes, see: ANDREWS, Malcolm. The search for the Picturesque. Landscape Aesthetics and Tourism in Britain, 1760-1800. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1990.; SCHAMA, Simon. Paisagem e Memria. So Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1996; BRILLI, Attilio. Il viaggio in Itlia. Storia di uma grande tradizione culturale dal XVI al XIX secolo. Milo: La Silvana Editoriale, 1987; CLARK, Kenneth. Civilizao. So Paulo: Livraria Martins Fontes Editora, 1980 (1 a ed. English: 1969); KLINGENDER, Francis Donald. Arte e Rivoluzione industriale. Torino: Giulio Einaudi Editori, 1972.

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Two views, Victorian Hill and Cemetery and Ruined Chapel of San Gonalo, were recorded by Ouseley on the Bahia coast, observed by the artist while walking in the vicinity of Salvador. The British appreciated seeking very high places to avoid the extreme heat of the city below and enjoy the benefits of the sea breeze, which was more favorable to the habit of walking in the citys vicinity. The picturesque stroll gave a use to landscape, a wholesome and beneficial practice where walking and viewing joined the practical and the pleasurable. Ouseley considered the Colina da Vitria to be a favorite picturesque suburb in Bahia; it was the spot chosen by innumerous chcaras, which are houses in the countryside, and it met the preferences of the English in Brazil. (The British valued life in the country as a moral cure against the evils of the city and the court). Ouseleys drawings were aimed at fellow Englishmen, including demonstrative arguments of how they could take advantage of a touristic voyage. The illustrated album does not only elect places that are worthy of painting, but also furnishes the reader with necessary information so that the traveler might find them. A writer indicated, a tolerable carriage road leads to the English Cemetery, marked by a cross in the foreground, and to the point (pont) of Sat Antonio, as well as along the coast. 6 Poetic images incorporated into the picturesque landscape had given artists a repertory of conventional elements for example, the suave knolls of the humanists, where herds pastured and the sweet refreshing zephyrs blew. Noble English manners complimented the beauty of the natural Brazilian landscape, invoking idealized foreign models, such as those of pastoral poetry from Rome, archetypically exemplified by Virgils Eclogues. So, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Brazilian landscape was being filtered by Arcadian ideals, some utopian, others melancholic. Attracted by the vestiges of time left on civilization, Ouseley found ruins a few miles from Bahia on the Atlantic coast in the vicinity of Rio Vermelho. Ruined Chapel of San Gonalo was interpreted as an object of interest due to its picturesque position and interior and the solitary and deserted aspect of the little chapel. But, as response to his archaeological studies on the chapel of So Gonalo, he only discovered
6, 7

OUSELEY, Sir William Gore. Views in South America from original drawings made in Brazil, the River Plate and Panam de William Gore Ouseley. Her Majestys Minister Plenipotenciary of the States of la Plata and formally Charg des Affaires at the Court of Brazil. London, 1852; also see: CHAMBERLAIN, Henry. Views and Costumes of the city and neighbourhood of Rio de Janeiro, from drawings taken by Lieutenant Chamberlain, Royal Artillery during the Years 1819 and 1820, with explanations. London: Thomas MLean, 1822

the facts about its existence were unknown. He became quite impressed with the small stone ruin situated in such an artistic observation spot. He was also impressed by the little importance attributed to it by the Brazilian population. 7 The Brazilian coast, notably, that of Rio de Janeiro, constituted a great stimulus for sentiment of the picturesque. It provided an irregular and uneven terrain and offered a great variety of viewpoints, capable of revealing successive surprises to the observer. The very configuration of coastal cities and the implantation of architecture in irregular and mountainous territory met the longings of English landscape painting and drawing. The strong presence of vegetation and mountains along the sea turned nature itself into an obligatory sign together with architectural groupings. These were also integrated into their picturesque repertory: the isolated house in the middle of vegetation, the mixture of architecture with some aspect of nature, the chcaras or farmhouses in the country, which furnished an ideal model for the atmosphere esteemed by European travelers in Rio de Janeiro, Bahia and Pernambuco. This is why Ouseley insisted: There is no picture making in this sketch. It is a mere portraiture of the singular features that strike one on entering the outer harbor of Rio de Janeiro and looking back to the ocean.8 Amidst the outcroppings of an irregular coastline, the high summits act like points of orientation. The view of Corcovado Mountain from Praia Grande in Rio de Janeiro was recorded outside the city in a way that makes diverse scales evident. From the detailed foreground to blue mountains fleeing into the distance, where the characteristic summit of Corcovado appears, the observers eye winds along sinuous shapes reaching diverse points of escape. The vision of a beautiful bay is born from the littorals picturesque variety. The aesthetic standards of this period were established through the abandonment of regularity and symmetry, metric equivalents to English garden design. A game is established between natural aspects and pictorial artifice, presenting nature with elegance and civility. The universe is made hierarchical and presented with decorum, according to the good painting composition. In the approach to rich vegetation, one may observe that plant forms were subjected to compositional principals. They were treated without detail, as a mass or an area of the drawing, so that they could be included in the arrangement. They were not animated by the principal of expansion and transformation as in other representations of the period.
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This is a commentary made by Ouseley about the configuration of the watercolor entitled Po de acar; OUSELEY, William Gore, op. cit.

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Mangueiras was a mansion constructed by an Italian architect in a Rio de Janeiro suburb that the British Legation occupied for a certain period. The landscape was conceived as scenery for the architecture demonstrating the triumph of the classical over the rustic. The cultivated surrounding area is another motif of interest revealing a variety of species planted within mans reach. Ouseley also recorded the headquarters of the farm called Santana do Paquequer, property of a fellow countryman, which would become Terespolis, the city founded in the mountains. This record is considered the oldest document from this city in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Another amateur artist was Emeric Essex Vidal who came to Brazil four times. The first time in 1808, he came in the company of the Portuguese royal family. He later returned as Officer of the English fleet in the South Atlantic, between 1816 and 1818, when he produced views of Rio de Janeiro such as the Casa ao p do Corcovado (House at the foot of Corcovado), in 1817. From 1826 to 1829 and from 1834 to 1837, he was back in Brazil during the second voyage of Admiral Hamond.9 He also established variable relationships between architecture and landscape that composed the picture: either in relation to the vegetations masses or with respect to irregularities in the coastline or terrain. We note how he imagined hospitable landscapes and nature as shelter through a more direct approach to the rustic dimension by means of watercolor. The views of Brazil in his sketchbook were never published. He noted down habits of outdoor life in hot climate countries, the certain ways that people allowed themselves to be out of doors in the colonial countryside, as is shown in Chcara de Mr. Derbyshire (View from Mr. Derbyshires House at Engenho Velho) 1827, in which he explores chromatic values in watercolors full of sunshine. In The Porton at Botafogo, Rio de Janeiro, 1835, he observed the peaceful life of Botafogo bay, where one may detect, in the bays mouth, the presence of a house with iron gates and iron rails on the veranda. The delightful rural life - men and animals at peace in the valley would define the general character of the ranges and mountains near the city of So Sebastio, Rio de Janeiro. The Serra dos rgos (Organ Hills) was another impelling scene for European eyes. Watercolors reproducing aspects of the citys surroundings reveal how far the term picturesque was stretched during the nineteenth century. The picturesque character of the landscape in O vale das Laranjeiras,
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1835, is conveyed by means of modelled figures scattered throughout the region: they are black washerwomen. In this sense, the picturesque would have been understood as the quality that popular types confer to the natural landscape. A triumph of rustic values. ABOUT THE VAGUE NOTION OF THE PICTURESQUE, CLASSICAL TASTE IN TRANSITION TOWARD THE ROMANTIC Garden Scene on the Braganze Shore, in the port of Rio de Janeiro, was William Havells contribution [Fig. 1]. The scene was produced when he was more or less an official artist invited to join the Embassy of Lord Amherst at Beijing in 1817. He only went back to England in 1827 when he executed this guache, which is currently in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. We will attempt to grasp some aspects of this artist-travelers adventurous life. After his voyage to Beijing, Havell remained eight years in India where he supported himself painting small portraits. He is situated among English artists who sought to overcome the old landscape-tradition model of the voyage to Italy and affirm their own national landscape. This artist belongs to a generation of landscape painters who worked while travelling throughout Great Britain: he did croquis drawings in Gales, with its mountains, lakes and valleys. Continuing his travels, he established himself in Lake District, in 1807, where he rented a house in the country with the intention of living there temporarily, in the very environment that he proposed to paint, avoiding rapid excursions. This successor of the traditional picturesque stroll had a vigorous comprehension of nature and a sensibility for drawing and color. He had the opportunity to see works by Constable and Turner, the supreme interpreters of nature, and participate in the development of the English school of landscape painting at the beginning of the nineteenth century. He is situated among those artists who worked, not because of commissions, but due to certain personal choices, for the consumers of the landscape were often anonymous. Along with other artists, he contributed to A series of picturesque views of Noblemens and Gentlemens seats, which includes drawings produced before leaving for the Orient, accompanied by historical and descriptive commentaries for each motif, engraved in aquatint by R. Havell & Sun, 1823. The aquatints based on his watercolors were published in the book Picturesque Views of the River Thames. 10
10

Os Dirios do Almirante Graham Eden Hamond. 1825 1834/38, Rio de Janeiro: Ed. J B, 1984: 28. The watercolors were published in Vidal, Emeric Essex. Picturesque Illustrations of Buenos Aires and Montevideo and are of the same period as House at Foot of Corcovado

Among other artists, William Havell contributed to: A series of picturesque views of Noblemens and Gentlemens seats with drawings produced before leaving for the Orient, followed by descriptive and historical commentaries about each motif, engraved in aquatint by R. Havell & Son, 1823. - Picturesque Views of the River Thames contains aquatints of his watercolors.

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It is important to point out the proto-typical images coming from the Arcadian ideal which harmonized with classical architecture, its bushy groves of trees and distant waters, a seventeenth-century motif. These were being assimilated into the variations of European national landscapes, modelled in accordance with geology and vegetation. Throughout the eighteenth century and at the beginning of the nineteenth century, many English artists were on a picturesque voyage through their territory in pursuit of a their own particular landscape tradition, strongly associated with the mystique of a national identity. This is when they mapped their topography and images of their native land appeared. The same procedure would be practiced later with boldness by European travelers standing before Brazilian scenery. Thus, Brazil became the object of an Arcadian mapping. Maria Graham wrote her statement about the taste for the picturesque. She tells us in her own words: Sometimes we entered the savage and dense forest, through those gaps filled with bushes, and right after that we emerged in open fields, with sparse coconut palms, between which one saw country houses, granges and plantations. From every elevation one saw the bay, the sea or the lake, completing the panorama. Here and there, the immense gameleira (fig) tree emerged like a tower, adorned, besides its own leaves, with innumerous parasites, from the rigid cactus to the tillandsia, the constant presence of a church or monastery tower softened and ennobled the lands features. 11 The text corresponds to the image Tree in a garden, Bahia, one of the illustrations in her book. Graham was always observant of tropical variety. She mentioned the tillandsia, an air plant species, and the gameleira tree, whose wood was used to made canoes and wooden bowls. However, besides botanical interests, she manifested the taste for the tortuous appearance of the tree, branches that intersect and roots that throw themselves over other trees. On the one hand, she revealed herself to be a historian engaged in learning about Brazil, who sketched a summary of Southeys work 12; on the other hand, she was an author who left us subjective statements. She involved herself in the subjects she wrote about, elaborating momentary impressions and sincere commentaries in the first person in her diary. In the same way as her writing, her original drawings expressed
11

a certain liberty of commentary and the oscillations of an impressionable and changeable person, rich in sentiment, letting the appearance of things affect her and produce impressions in others. She observed nature, retaining the principle lines capable of expressing vital reality as Ruskin had theorized. He said that the principal lines are always expressive of past history and of the present action of each thing. And, he added: Of the mountain, show how it is erected; of the tree, how it develops, and the inconveniences it has to face along the way. 13 Just when man was ready to directly experiment his relationship with the landscape, it was propitiating his making certain personal choices and an intimist way of working that, in my opinion, are just as important as the conventional practices involved in identifying places. Besides introducing Brazilian scenery into the conventional nineteenthcentury landscape repertory, English travelers were also expressing individual views. Maria Graham approached the landscapes rocky perspectives with abrupt slopes, also seen as picturesque. Observing Corcovado Mountain in Rio, she noted the shape of small vegetation emerging on its steep and rugged hillside and how the vital force of a plant sprouted from its aridness. Reader of the landscape, she noted the extended lines of Brazilian farm houses, that, here and there, underscore the solitude of nature. She did not consider the houses deprived, but poor, without any association to any idea of improvement. And, though in Brazil, nature seemed to be so beautiful as in India or Italy, she considered, the lack of any relationship with man, as an intellectual and moral being, withdrew half of its enchantment.14 She launched a view distant from the summits and inhabited the intimate dimension of garden recesses. In the drawing The View of Corcovado, the garden replete with the variety of life functioned as a repoussoir, from which she could contemplate the edge of the irregular mountaintop. The hortus conclusus (enclosed garden) is the place of retreat and contemplation. These drawings by Maria Graham were published in her book Journal of a Voyage to Brazil, and residence there during part of the years 21,22,23. The book presented arguments defending the emancipation of Brazil from Portuguese dominion and showed the English as
13

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GRAHAM, Maria. Journal of a Voyage to Brazil, and Residence There During part of the Years 21,22,23, published by London, Longman & C. & J. Murray, 1824:167.
12

RUSKIN, John. Arte Primitivo y Pintores Modernos. Buenos Aires: El Ateneo, 1944.
14

SOUTHEY, Robert. Histria do Brasil. Belo Horizonte So Paulo: Itatiaia, 1981 (1. ed. in English: 1810-1819).

GRAHAM, Maria, op. cit.: 218.

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indignant in relation to the slavery regime and engaged in combating slave trade traffic. Besides engravings based on her drawings, the book contains engravings about slave commerce, based on the work by painter Auguste Earle, who she met in Brazil. The few works made by Auguste Earle, while traveling in Brazil, are found today in the Commonwealth National Library of Camberra, in Australia. Earle attended the Royal Academy, along with Sir Landseer and William Turner. He abandoned the tradition of academic painting and revealed affinities with eighteenth-century English social satire, as in Hogarth, leaning towards depicting urban scenes and customs. I note the original work Gate and Slave Market at Pernambuco, in oil over canvas, which was exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1824, probably the same one that is in a Brazilian collection today. [Fig. 2]. Its architectural scenery is probably based on a drawing by Maria Graham. The alignment of the buildings guides the eye to the north gate of Recife, including, in the foreground, a grouping of slaves being sold, scattered around the patio. The scenes made by Earle have strong inflections of humor and introduce some deformation into the figures. In the same book he published Gate & Slave Market at Pernambuco, another illustration of Earles authorship appears with the same theme: Mercado de Escravos do Rio, no Valongo (Slave Market in Rio, in Valongo). URBAN CENTER AND OUTSKIRTS It would be impossible to deal with the meanings landscape has constructed without writing about contrasting elements. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the city of Rio de Janeiro was expanding outside the area of Portuguese occupation, outside the urban colonial nucleus. Like other Europeans in Brazil, English travelers formed isolated groups in Rio de Janeiro, as well as in Bahia and Recife. They reside in houses in the country on the outskirts of town or in peaceful coves, such as Botafogo. They engaged in picturesque strolls through the woods, passed Tijuca Falls, climbed Corcovado Mountain. They avoided the downtown Rio de Janeiro environment, an area of precarious sanitary conditions, with a large population of freed African slaves as well as those still enslaved. The city, having received some improvements at the end of the eighteenth century, was now being remodeled with the Portuguese Courts arrival. The suburban garden was also prescribed to cure the afflictions of city life. English ways of cultivating nature and the spirit and idealizing the garden as a bucolic place of repose and solitude, their habit of residing in houses and country houses located in groves of trees in suburban areas were a counterpoint to the ways of Portuguese colonists. I refer to the more compact urban two-storey houses that

were built as adjoining structures, one after another, erected along the promenade with windows looking directly down onto the street, from where one could watch the people pass by. I refer, in short, to architectural and urban standards that presented themselves more inclined towards community life. 15 Few records appear in the English travelers works indicating the impressions caused by the downtown area where the black population lived. Some noteworthy ones are those by William Smyth, English Navy officer in the South Atlantic. The Place Square, taken from a boat opposite loading place is a view of arriving in Rio de Janeiro from the sea. And Sketch taken from Market place, Rio de Janeiro is another view of the same location, as seen from inside the city [Fig. 3]. They are watercolors produced in 1832, made on a two-page spread, which is part of an unpublished sketchbook. The watercolor View of the Fountain of Carioca, finished in 1833, is one of the most important iconographic documents about buildings, transportation and other aspects of the population who frequently visited the central part of the city. The urban landscape of the city of Rio merited a precious circular panorama, with eight sheets, drawn by William John Burchell from the top of Morro do Castelo (Castle hill) in 1826. 16 The botanist William Burchell was in Brazil from 1825 to 1829. He arrived, along with the draftsman Charles Landseer, with the entourage accompanying the diplomatic mission headed by ambassador Sir Charles Stuart, British envoy to Portugal and Brazil, who came to negotiate the recognition of Brazilian independence. Burchells panorama reveals the constructive handling of visual representations structural components, achieving a result that could not be deduced solely from visual data. Burchells vision is that of a constructor of landscape, contrasting with a picturesque vision which reveals the enjoyer of natures spectacle, situated more in the dominion of aesthetic reception. The apprehension of the picturesque relates to the artists use of a psychological and dogmatic method that analyzes aesthetic impression. It was not bound to beauty, but to the subjective faculty that makes one feel and take pleasure in the world.
15

FREYRE, Gilberto. Ingleses no Brasil. Aspectos da influncia britnica sobre a vida, a paisagem e a cultura do Brasil (Aspects of British influence on life, landscape and culture in Brazil) (1948). 3. ed.: Rio de Janeiro: TopBooks, 2000.
16

FERREZ, Gilberto. O Brasil do primeiro Reinado, visto pelo Botnico William John Burchell 1825-1829. Rio de Janeiro: Fundao Moreira Salles/ Fundao Pr Memria, 1981.

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Burchells panorama reveals the architectural dimension of the city itself, implanted along the hillside slopes. The Greek word panorama means the view of the whole, however, panoramic drawing challenges the perceptive field. Drawing a panorama requires logical organization of the large flat areas and a sensibility to detail, the capacity to deal with space in all directions, which should be conjugated with the factual information required for this genre. The reduction of the landscape to architectural geometry functions in accordance with the teachings of perspective. Burchell started by doing an inventory of the erected space in the city in Rio de Janeiro, as encyclopedists might, revealing his profile as artist-scientist. A noted botanical explorer; he took it upon himself to journey through the Brazilian countryside organizing a herbarium of 7200 species. He left hundreds of watercolors with subtle and rigorous observations about Brazilian cities and places he visited. But the watercolors and drawings were considered preparatory drawings and the studies of this talented artist would not be published and are now in the Museum Africa, in Johannesburg. He also produced the Catalogus Geographicus Brasiliensis, a nine-volume manuscript, whose whereabouts are unknown. TRANSFORMATIONS OF NATURE Finally, I would like say a few words about another side of the poetic of English travelers who attentively observed natures transformations. It is above all In these cases that landscape assumes the function of metaphor for subjective feelings: human moods approach natural states. The works by Emeric Essex Vidal and John Christian Schetky clearly show their artistic inclination to be cultivators of sensation. They are capable of perceiving atmospheric variations and making good use of effects such as the winds movement, variations in luminosity, alterations in humidity and temperature. Through painting, they are handling transformations and incontrollable forces of nature. As we know, light variations have the power to temporalize the painted scene and attribute it with the ephemeral character of a recorded occurrence showing the precise time of day or night, at the instant the sun is at a certain angle or in moments of signs of rain or clear skies. Such motifs tended to translate themselves directly into plastic and luminous values, into qualities compatible with the language of visual arts. The watercolor Transport vessel under a summer gust of wind was sketched by the navy officer Emeric Essex Vidal in 1835. It expresses danger in the stormy sea, often present in the maritime imagination. The ship is threatened by a coming storm. The image of danger at sea also emerges in the watercolor entitled, Slave Brig, a record produced in 1834, which is about the horrors of slavery and slave traffic during

the passage from Africa to America: the heavy atmosphere and precarious ship conditions due to excess weight in a turbulent sea. Trade had been prohibited since 1807 and this image is elaborated one year after the abolition of slavery in England. It is impossible not to recall Turners The Slave Ship, a work Ruskin considered the most sublime sea yet painted by the artist and the most important painting of the Academy exhibition of 1840. The image of the shipwreck is recurrent in the romantic fantasy Salvage of Stores and treasures from H. M. S. Thetis at Cape Frio, which includes two canvases in oil, painted by John Christian Schetky in 1833, currently in the collection of the National Maritime Museum, London [Figs. 4 and 5]. In this work, the dimension of the sublime is even more expressive. The two canvases refer to the loss of a ship that carried the Bouganville expedition in 1766, and provokes the comparison between two differing conditions along the same stretch of the Cabo Frio coast in Rio de Janeiro state. At first, one sees: the serenity of the sea before the rocks. In a second canvas: the indomitable sea, the massive revolt of the waters breaking against the rocky coast. The human spirit transported in a tranquil sea and a turbulent one. In the composition of the stable sea: there is human control over the universe and principles of intellectual and artistic order. In the other, showing the uncontrollable movement of the sea: there are the limits of reason and animating forces of nature, the sensation of pleasure through the threat of man placed in danger - sublime horror. In this final image, one encounters an eloquent metaphor of human adventure, the voyage through land and seascape.
ICONOGRAPHIC SOURCES Icon 1 - Sidney Parkinson (ca. 1745 1771). Watercolcor produced during Captain Cooks first voyage of circumnavigation (1768-1771). Natural History Museum, London. Banks Florilegium, vol XVI. It contains Brazilian plants. Icon 2 - Martius, Carl Friedrich von (1794-1868). Lagoa de aves, no Rio So Francisco, pen and ink and sepia on paper. Fundao Maria Luiza and Oscar Americano, So Paulo. Illustration from the book by Spix e Martius Atlas Zur Reise in Brasilien. Some plants also appear in Flora Braziliensis de Martius. Spix and Martius came to Brazil with the Austrian scientific mission (Misso Austraca) in 1817-1820. Icon 3 - William Alexander (1767-1816). Rio Aqueduct, 1792, watercolor. British Museum, London. He visited Rio de Janeiro in 1792, on a voyage to Beijing. Icon 4 - William Gore Ouseley (1797-1866). Views in South America from original drawings made in Brazil, the River Plate and Panam by William Gore Ouseley, Ministro Plenipotencirio de Sua Majestade para o Estado de la Prata e Encarregado na Corte brasileira. Londres, 1852. It contains 25 lithographs by J. Needham based on the originals by Ouseley, executed between 1823-1833.

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Victorian Hill and Cemetery. Harbour of Bahia, lithograph. Ruined Chapel of San Gonalo Bahia, lithograph. Corcovado Mountain vista da Praia Grande (view of Praia Grande), in Rio de Janeiro, lithograph. Mangueiras subrbio(suburb) R J, lithograph / Mangueiras subrbio (suburb) R J, watercolor. Icon 5 - Emeric Essex Vidal (1796-1861) House at foot of Corcovado, 1817, watercolor. View from Mr. Derbyshires House at Engenho Velho, Rio de Janeiro, 1827, watercolor. The Porton at Botafogo, Rio de Janeiro 1835, watercolor. Serra dos Orgos, s.d., watercolor. The valley of Laranjeiras from the bridge of Catete, Rio de Janeiro, 1835, watercolor. Vidal came to Brazil for the first time in the company of the Royal Family in 1808-9. His second visit to the country between 1816-1818 occurred during a voyage to the South Atlantic. In 1834, he returned with the secretary of Admiral Graham Hamond. He came back once again before 1837. Icon 6 - William Havell (1782-1857). Garden Scene on the Braganze Shore, in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro. Guache on paper, 1827. The Victoria & Albert Museum, London. The guache is based on an original croquis drawing produced in 1816, when he was passing through Rio de Janeiro on voyage to China, a diplomatic mission of Lord Amherst. Icon 7 - Maria Graham (1785-1842) Tree in a garden at Bahia, undated. Sepia on paper. View of Rio. Corcovado from a homegarden, 1822. Pencil on paper. From the Corcovado, 1824. Pencil, spia and ink on paper. British Museum, London. Reproduced in the book by Maria Graham: Journal of a Voyage to Brazil, and Residence There During part of the Years 21,22,23, published in London, Longman & C. & J. Murray, 1824. - Maria Graham, amateur writer and artist, traveled worldwide. She lived in Conchinchina with her father, who was an admiral. She visited India between 1808 and 1815. She went to Brazil for the first time on the frigate of her husband Thomas Graham on voyage to Chile in 1821. There she remained until 1825. She was the governess of the daughter of Dom Pedro I. Icon 8 - Auguste Earle (1793 -1839c.) Gate and Slave Market at Pernambuco, s.d. leo/tela. Museu Imperial, Rio de Janeiro.

Slave Market in Rio de Janeiro, 1845. Watercolor. British Museum, London. Reproduced in the book by Maria Graham: Journal of a Voyage to Brazil, and Residence There During part of the Years 21,22,23, published in London, Longman & C. & J. Murray, 1824. Drawings produced in Brazil between 1820 and 1824. Icon 9 - William Smyth (1800-1877) The Place Square, taken from a boat opposite loading place,1832. Sketch taken from Market place, Rio de Janeiro, 1832. Watercolors on paper, two-page spread; part of a sketchbook, 1832-34. Museu Imperial, Rio de Janeiro. View of the Fountain of Carioca, 1833. Watercolor on paper. The traveling painter Auguste Earle was in Rio de Janeiro in the years of 1820, 1821 and 1824, and participated in the expedition of Fitzroy, on the Beagle in 1832. Icon 10 - William Burchell (1781-1863) Rio de Janeiro- Panorama on eight sheets, 1826. Pencil and watercolor on paper. Museum Africa, Johannesburg, South Africa. Burchell came to Brazil in 1825, accompanied by Charles Landseer, on the diplomatic mission recognizing Brazilian independence headed by Sir Charles Stuart. He remained in the country till 1829. Icon 11 - Emeric Essex Vidal (1791-1861) Transport Vessel under a Summer Gust of Wind, 1835, watercolor on paper. Slave brig, 1834. watercolor on paper. Geyer Collection, Rio de Janeiro. Icon 12 - John Christian Schetky (1778-1874) Salvage of Stores and Treasures from H. M. S. Thetis at Cape Frio, 1833. Oil on canvas. National Maritime Museum, London.

ANA MARIA BELLUZZO is a full professor at FAU-USP, researcher and art critic. Research committee member of the International Center for the Arts of the Americas of the Musem of Fine Arts, Houston (MFAH) and coordinator of the project Recovering Critical Sources in Brazil, FAPESP. Curated exhibitions, such as: Brasil dos viajantes (So Paulo, Lisbon and London, 1994-1996), Antropofagia e Histrias de Canibalismo (XXIV Bienal de So Paulo, 1998), Cor. No Cor. Retrospectiva de H. Barsotti (Retrospective) (So Paulo, 2004). Among her publications are O Brasil dos Viajantes (1995; 2000) and Gravuras de Antonio Henrique Amaral (2004).

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THE ART OF TRAVELERS: FROM DOCUMENTER TO ARTIST TRAVELER PERSPECTIVES OF A NEW GENRE Pablo Diener Maria de Ftima Costa TRANSLATED BY Alice Monsell ABSTRACT: This paper studies the emergence of the category of the Art of Travelers in the ambit of scientific expeditions during the Enlightenment, and its constitution as an artistic genre. During the first decades of the 1800s it was gaining autonomy and definition. Alexander von Humboldt is presented as responsible for the theoretical and methodological foundation of the art of travelers and we discuss how, from a perspective essentially committed to the classicist tradition, the German naturalist and traveler gave impulse to the development of the genre through his incursions in the field of aesthetics, as well as by supporting painters journeys to the American continent in a practical way. KEY WORDS: art of travelers, aesthetics, Alexander von Humboldt, scientific expeditions. In recent decades, works by artist travelers have been the focus for many investigations and exhibitions. Researchers in the most diverse fields of knowledge have been studying them, seeking to understand their meanings or the motifs that are represented in their images. Traveling alone or on naturalist expeditions, these artists were familiar with learning about different places and their natural and urban landscapes, human types, daily rituals, everything that could fit on the small sheets of paper in their travel journal, the carnet de voyage, or in their drawing portfolio. In this journal, using pencil, watercolors and even oil, the traveler recorded his first-hand impressions that places produced. However, the artwork itself would only be elaborated afterwards, generally on the trip back. Back in the security of their studios, these artists returned to their sketches and gave form to the work. Almost always, it would be a view representing the landscape in which the vegetation harmonized with reliefs and human figures in costumbrista scenes.

Therefore, these artworks constituted a new category in the field of Art History. Emerging timidly at the end of the eighteenth century as part of scientific expeditions, or more precisely, in association with the journeys of circumnavigation, they will acquire a new status during the following century. On the expeditions of the Enlightenment, the pencils and brushes were handled by Illustrators, or documenters. It was their function to record the botanical, geographical and zoological images that expedition scientists indicated on paper. The work of the individual who performed documentation was not attributed a value in itself; for it was a complementary task, however, essential to the great cataloguing the circumnavigators were carrying out. At the beginning of the 1800s, this individual will transform into an artist. Although we still find him in scientific ventures, more and more individuals, alone or occasionally in pairs, will travel for the pleasure of seeing and recording, in function of their own motivations. Although perhaps unaware of it, the artists-travelers had presented themselves. It is not known exactly who coined this word-concept, but everything indicates that it emerged in Mexico during the second half of the last century, precisely in order to designate the artwork of so many foreigners who flocked to the ancient Mexican nation in the mid 1800s and whose work soon acquired the Latin-American conceptual universe. Today, the term is part of the vocabulary of historians worldwide. However, the intellectual formulator of this fine arts genre was Alexander von Humboldt. In this travelers writings, we find theoretical presuppositions about the art produced on journeys. Despite not having used the expression artist-traveler he may be considered the one who delineated a distinct space for the work of illustrators, liberating them from the dictates imposed by the scientific expeditions of the 1700s, in which artists were subjected to performing a totally subordinate role. His ideas granted autonomy for the visual recording carried out by traveling artists and offered this work a status more suitable to the intensions of a nineteenth century artist. Nonetheless, Humboldts aesthetic proposal is based on a classicist tradition. The Prussian naturalist found his archetypes in the beauty of classic antiquity and his search for new directions for the development in the arts presents itself in association with historicism. It is from this perspective that he defines the roles that art, especially painting and literature, may perform when associated with the sciences. In his programmatic writings which initiate the publication of results of the journey realized in America, that is, in Essai sur la gographie des plantes (Paris, 1805) and in the article Ideen zu einer Physiognomik der Gewchse (in Ansichten der Natur, Tbingen, 1808), Humboldt announces the value of synthesis that painting possesses as a language for the comprehension of Nature. It is in these works that he proposes an innovation in landscape painting. But his thought is formulated more completely in his great and last work Kosmos.

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In this book, considering Nature as master, he invites painters to give form to his pressuppositions, seducing them in the following terms: And why must our hope be in vain? We believe that the painting of the landscapes should shine with a splendor unknown until now; this will happen when the ingenious artists more frequently go beyond the narrow boundaries of the Mediterranean, distancing themselves from the coasts, and when one is free to embrace the immense variety of Nature in the humid vales of the tropics, with the native purity and freshness of youth1. The naturalist was able to see his hopes satisfied within his lifetime. The revitalization of landscape painting that he promoted has a generalized reach, however to the extent that it defined the tropical world as the best model for this genre, his proposal acquired special resonance among the artists that we call artist travelers today. Tropical America is what, in his opinion, offered pictorial motifs par excellence. The new political situation that the American continent was experiencing during the post-independence era permitted a considerable increase in the flux of foreign visitors in places formerly under colonial Spanish and Portuguese rule during the first decades of the nineteenth century. However, even before the complete opening up of frontiers, Humboldt became known as one of the pioneers in the recognition and diffusion of Spanish America. In fact, he was the first non-Spaniard that had practically unlimited access to this geographical ambit and, furthermore, he was free to consult all sources that he found necessary. This travelers enormous fame as an Americanist is fruit of the intense work he carried out bringing to the public a series of works about the results of his journey. This facilitated his postulates serving as a guide, just as much in relation to the routes that one should take, as in the manner which the artist-travelers pencils or brushes should apprehend nature. His more evident and direct influence manifested itself among the French and the German, but soon spread across the entire European continent, as well as determined the direction of artistic work for a great number of painters in the United States. In this article, we study the role exercised by Alexander von Humboldt as formulator of the theoretical and methodological presuppositions of the art of travelers, and analyze this new genre as an artistic language form of conservative character. This is because, in reviewing the writings of this naturalist, we perceive that the revolution that he proposes emerges from aesthetic thought that should be qualified as conservative for the nineteenth century.
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HUMBOLDT AND THE ARTISTIC TRADITION OF HIS EPOCH On the 17th of September of 1860, the auction to sell the artistic patrimony that had been owned by Alexander von Humboldt was initiated in Berlin. The catalogue of sale offered a list of 490 items (some composed of various pieces), which included graphic work, painting, watercolors and drawings, photographs, sculptures, medals and coins, as well as beautiful objects for domestic use2. We should certainly be cautious in analyzing this legacy, since, in the strict sense, it is perhaps not Humboldts collection of art. It would be better to simply interpret it as a group of artistic objects that this traveler had accumulated during his long life. There are pieces that he acquired due to personal decision, but there are also those he maintained in his possession that he had received from friends and admirers, whether because they were attributed artistic value or simply for sentimental reasons. Among the works he possessed are found some works by Albert Berg, Johann Moritz Rugendas, Ferdinand Bellermann and Eduard Hildebrandt, who we may consider the most distinguished German artist travelers who had worked with Humboldt. Also there is an exemplar of a photo album that the Hungarian Pl Rosti composed at the end of the 1850s with the works he produced during his journey to Cuba, Venezuela and Mexico. These and other works by artist travelers, as well as a good number of portraits of distinguished men of the sciences, travelers or not, composed the iconography most directly related to the author of Relation historique dun Voyage aux Rgions quinoxiales du Nouveau Continent. It is clear that the names of French travelers are missing, such as the Count of Clarac, whose work Humboldt praised in the pages of Kosmos, and also other figures related to his biography, for example, the members of the so-called French Artistic Mission, which reached Brazil in 1816 and that counted on his support. But, even though it may not be complete, this listing records the attention Humboldt dedicated to the works done by artist travelers. Among the names of European artists that were his contemporaries, whose work or portraits Humboldt kept with him till his death, is Franois Grard, his professor in fine arts, besides being his collaborator and friend. We may also find some pieces by the classicist master Jean-AugusteDominique Ingres, such as a self-portrait engraved by L. Calamatta, which bears the dedicatory Ingres a ses lves, and the painting Lonard de Vinci rend Fontainebleu les dernires soupirs entre les bras du Roi.
2

Humboldt, Alexander von. Kosmos. Entwurf einer physischen Weltbeschreibung. Vol. VII, 2nd part. Edited and commented by Hanno Beck. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buschgesellschaft, 1993: 75. All of the citations were taken from the original version of the mentioned works and are included here in the translation done by the authors of this paper.

Alexander von Humboldts Kunstnachlass. Katalog der Versteigerung vom 17. September 1860 (und folgenden Tagen), in Berlin, im Hause der Oranienburger Strasse 67. Berlin: Guthschmidt & Comp., 1860.

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Franois I, dedicated to Humboldt by the painter himself. In a like manner, there are works mentioned of the Swiss painter Leopold Robert, who used an impeccable classicist language to stylize popular figures from southern Italy and also reproductions, or graphic works, based on the work of Winterhalter, Kaulbach, Cornelius, among others. Nevertheless, one searches in vain for any mention of the more innovative individuals in the artistic world of the epoch: neither the name of Delacroix, visceral adversary of Ingres, nor of Turner, repudiated by academics for scandal and for his boldness in landscape painting; neither is there reference to Corot, the master of studies in oil. None of these artists are found on the long list of auctioned paintings. With respect to the exceptions that must be made when studying this legacy, and taking into account that the forms of diffusion of avant-garde artists work made it more difficult for it to be incorporated in the collections of art lovers, obviously we should not attribute an absolute value to our interpretation of the aesthetic world of Humboldt. However, it is significant that the absences that have been noted here are the same as in the pages of Kosmos, the book that, in dealing with aesthetic issues, represents the mature synthesis of his thought. There, in dealing with the landscape tradition, Humboldt enthusiastically refers to the achievement that this genre offers the XVII century: In virtue of a more elevated conscious of the sentiment of Nature, the same century can reunite Claude Lorraine, the painter of light effects and vaporous distances; Ruysdael with his shadowy woods and his threatening clouds; Gaspar and Nicolas Poussin, who gave life to the trees with such an imposing and stately character; Everdingen, Hobbema and Cuyp, whose landscapes seem the same as Nature3. In light of this praise, it is not strange, for example, to find being sold in Berlin a series of 30 proof sheets that represent lithographic landscapes by Ad. de Heyeck, based on Gaspar Poussin, the disciple of Nicolas Poussin. In turn, the lack of decisive references to the fantastic development that landscape painting and its procedures of realization were undergoing - for which art theorists contributed at the end of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth -may be explained, on occasion, through the history of reception of these genres. The fact that Corot did not consider some of his works, such as etudes dapres nature, to be artworks to be shown publicly justifies, to a certain extent, Humboldts not mentioning any one of them or many other similar works produced during the first half of the nineteenth century. On the other hand, it is surprising that the value given to the painter of light, Lorrain, is not extended to Turner, an artist who dedicated himself primarily to capturing the effects of light and color in his landscapes. Also noted is the
3

admiration for Ruysdael, painter of shadowy woods and threatening clouds, does not prompt Humboldt to mention the continuity that the Dutch Baroque acquired through the works by the English painter John Constable, whose studies and finished works represent a bridge between tradition and the innovations that the landscape genre experienced in the nineteenth century. In his aesthetic proposal, synthesized in Kosmos, Humboldt writes:

Making sketches before the scenes of Nature is the only way one may paint on the return journey -, the character of distant regions in finished views of the landscape; and his effort will be even more felicitous if the artist makes partial studies of the same places, giving in entirely to his emotions, whether drawing or painting in the open air the tops of the trees, bushy boughs loaded with fruit and flowers, trunks extended over the soil and covered with pothos or orchids, stones, a steep riverbank or part of some woods4.
Nevertheless, these formulations gained more significance when one compares Humboldts writings to those of Pierre-Henri Valenciennes. In 1800, Valenciennes had published lements de perspective practique lusage des artistes, in which he observes:

One must not fail to make some painted studies of beautiful trees, whether individually, or in groups. Record the details of the bark, of the moss, of roots, of branches, of the ivy that surround them and where they find their support; above all, carefully choose and study the variety of trees, its bark and foliage, which is of maximum importance. () It is certain that these sketches do not represent paintings in themselves; however, they should be saved in portfolios to be consulted and utilized each time it is necessary. () A care that landscape painters dont usually take is the placing within the terrain of the products that are peculiar to each place. () It is through these combinations that the landscape is enriched, and the eye wanders with pleasure through the trees and plants that appear in accordance with the types of soil and the qualities of the terrain5.
Hence, we note that proposals we find in Humboldt are very close to those in Valenciennes, which, to a great extent, were already being
4

Ibidem: 75-76.
5

Humboldt, Alexander von. Kosmos. Op cit.: 71.

Valenciennes, Pierre-Henri, lements de perspective practique Lusage des artistes. Paris: Edition of the author, 1800, re-printing facsimile. Genebra: Minkoff, 1973: 409-412.

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put into practice by artists and their contemporaries. Nevertheless, this does not invalidate their innovative meaning. For Humboldts contribution should be sought in a later step, that is, in the elaboration of the finished work. Faithful disciple of the classicist school, this Prussian philosopher conceives that sketches should guide the elaboration of the finished work. Certainly, the first connotation of this is that the work be concluded as a painting with motifs clearly defined. In his scientific-naturalist point of view, the work should have a descriptive value. However, it is not a simple question of precise figurative description; landscape painting is not conceived as a mere reproduction of the natural. The painting should also be bearer of an idea. Through this component, the representation of Nature acquires a halo of a genre with the dignity of Fine Art. With this, his proposal acquires great importance. Even so, the fact that he postulates his premise that the great leap would happen once artists went beyond the bounds of European geography, as he does in the pages of Kosmos, attests to the special value he attributes to the artist-travelers work. It was by defining this point that he decisively contributed to saving the art of travelers from the subordinate position to which it had been submitted until then. For Humboldt, the best and most complete model the landscape painter could aspire to is found in the tropical world. It is there that the artist must practice his academic studies. By acquiring this base for knowledge through his travels, he could arrive at a profound compenetration with nature and, thus, surpass the simple recording of his visual experience, materialized in the croquis drawings and sketches, to attain a formulation in which these preparatory works would certainly converge, though already with the intention of composing a view that defines the landscapes character. This is the idea that agglutinates towards the concluded work. It summarizes a general impression and offers a coherent representation of the physiognomy of Nature. Besides this, art should accomplish a didactic function, with the value of a stimulus for studying the natural world. Therefore, the best characterization of the region is the version representing the landscape in its optimum potentialities, this version being the work that he creates on his return journey using the sketches made while traveling. The idealized nature of this proposal is analogous to what Renaissance Masters demanded for representation of the human figure; they recommended that in realizing his work, the artist combine the best things that could group together from the many studies of models to, then, create the final product. Leonardo suggested that the apprentice select the best studies of the body or its details from his notes and practice them until they were memorized. Giorgio Vasari insisted that the artist

incessantly practice before a nude model and, thus, memorize it so that later he may reproduce it spontaneously. Nonetheless, soon, the Renaissance Masters often warned against attempting to simply invent a perfect figure, ignoring natural examples. Therefore, according to this school, the best representation of the human figure results from a synthesis of the sketches6. In essence, this is the criterion that Humboldt as much as Valenciennes, as well as the majority of the classicist masters intend to put into practice through their teaching about painting landscapes. Furthermore, this is what Humboldt defined as the physiognomic representation of nature when teaching the means by which the artist-traveler should construct his landscape paintings. In the last years of his life, Humboldt took one more step, which absolutely parallels the development occurring in art practice. In a letter written in 1853, he advises an artist-traveler, Albert Berg, whose drawings: () conserve the studys spontaneous character with which they were originally produced. Everything that is added afterwards to sketches that had been elaborated in a happy emotional state, will lead these to loss of their vivacity. By this, I dont mean to say that the technical perfection applied to a drawing executed in the place does not contribute to enriching the effect and veracity by which one apprehends the character of a landscape; however, a traveler, in his rapid passage through regions of difficult access, is not often under conditions that make it possible for him to finish his work with tranquility7. We see that the Prussian naturalist seeks to echo the development of the aesthetic ideas that move painters of the epoch: what he calls vivacity of the drawing made in the happy state of mind referring to the the person who confronts Nature is an invitation to value the spontaneous visual experience of the artist. In his opinion, under these circumstances, the artist concentrates his maximum creative capacity. This valorization appears as a counterpart to the uneasiness that was manifested by members of the Barbizon School who were tired of the pretentious theatricalism of the official art, respond to the impact that the direct contact with reality provoked on the sensibility.
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Cf. Johnson, Mark M. Idea to Image, Preparatory Studies from the Renaissance to Impressionism. Cleveland: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1980.
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Apud Rojas Mix, Miguel, Die Beduntung Alexander von Humboldts fr die knstlerishce Darstellung Lateinamerikas. In: Pfeiffer, Heinrich (org.), Alexander von Humboldt: Werk und Weltgeltung. Munich: Piper Verlag, 1969: 118.

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As we have seen till now, the chapter of Kosmos dedicated to the theme of the artistic representation of nature offers, in truth, a carefully thought out compendium of the ideas about aesthetics that Humboldt came to develop for four decades. Nonetheless, it is in the first works, that is, in Essai sur la gographie des plantes e Ideen zu einer Physiognomik der Gewchse -, and also in the correspondence that he maintained with the artists that he urged to travel to America that we find the first formulations of these thoughts. These writings permit us to affirm that, since the conclusion of his American journey, at the beginning of 1800, Humboldt was already courting the idea of counting on a naturalist iconography that would fuse with his philosophy of nature. Even if, at that moment, the conception of a school of artist travelers was beyond the aspirations of the Prussian naturalist, it is evident that he had already intended to make a mark in an artistic direction, according to his aesthetic maxims. Being a grande erudite, he obviously knew the way in which other scientist-travelers had faced the problem of dealing with the illustrators on their expeditions. The most classic model was what he had seen during his meeting with Jos Celestino Mutis, the Spanish botanist who lived in Santa F de Bogot, who was in charge of the Expedicin Botnica al Reino de Nueva Granada. In spite of the title of expedition, this project, strictly speaking, was situated research, headquartered in Bogot. From 1783, Mutis had begun to establish a studio with painters who worked on the elaboration of botanical figures. With the course of time, this workshop got to the point of constituting a true scriptorium, in which, in its best years, was able to count on up to nineteen painters working simultaneously and, in the course of three decades, produced more than five thousand leaf blades (conserved today in the Archive of the Royal Botanical Gardens of Madrid). On these leaves, the plants appear to be illustrated with maximum precision, according to scientific requirements; however, besides this, in some, the work of the illustrators seems to be concerned, not only with satisfying the necessities of naturalist study, but also with purely aesthetic aspects. The numerous representations in which different kinds of vegetation are represented as miniatures for choir books, presenting complex modes of distribution on the leaves of drawings, including the composition of initial letters. The Mutis project very quickly faced the most frequently experienced problem by naturalists during expeditions, with respect to their illustrators: the issue of the status and autonomy of the artist. A paradigmatic case occurred with the painter Pablo Caballero, from Cartagena de Indias, considered one of the most distinguished New-

For the activity of the artists on the Botanical Expedition to the Kingdom of New Granada: Barney-Cabrera, E. Pintores y Dibujantes de la Expedicin Botnica. In: Historia del Arte Columbiano. Vol. V. Barcelona/ Bogot: Editorial Salvat, 1977: 1177-1200, and San Po Aladrn, Maria Pilar de (org.). Mutis y la Real Expedicin del Nuevo Reyno de Granada. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas / Real Jardn Botnico. 2 vols. Bogot: Villegas Editores/Barcelona: Lunwerg Editores, 1992.

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WOULD IT BE THE CREATION OF A SCHOOL OF ARTIST TRAVELERS?

Granadian painters. The name of Caballero is stated on the list of artists of the studio for only two months, in the year of 1785. The fact is that he neither withstood the discipline of the work, nor the dictates imposed by Mutis. As the story has it, the head of the expedition demanded total subordination, which offended, in the understanding of Caballero, his dignity as an artist. Mutis had conceived the Botanical Expedition as a project to be accomplished in the long term and aware of the problem with the artists, not only created a studio of illustrators in order to satisfy their immediate needs, but also founded a school of drawing, which was directed by Salvador Rizo, a painter from Cartagena de Indias who, besides his artistic function, performed a role that could be understood as administrator of the expedition. The studio and the school functioned with a structure of a guild, with workshops and apprentices, and were transformed into a large academy of natural sciences, which remained active until Mutiss death in 18088. The problem that presented itself during the Expedicin Botnica al Reino de Nueva Granada was, to a certain extent, unique, since it dealt with a project that was carried out in fixed headquarters. Taking advantage of these circumstances, Mutis could create his studio and school. Nevertheless, this very same issue of the artists status and authority was present in circumnavigation voyages, when the solution was not so easy of being found. Yet, does one doubt that Humboldt also was perfectly familiar with the conflicts that occurred on itinerant expeditions? Certainly he was informed not only through his personal experience, but also because of his detailed knowledge of the daily life of some of the most complex American expeditions of his time, referring to the expedition captained by Alessandro Malaspina. Without a doubt, this was the most ambitious naturalist enterprise that illustrious Spain would send to their colonial territories (from 1789 to 1794), but it would also become the example for any other project of this type, in view of its great mishaps. Here, we are not concerned with studying the Spanish crowns negligence in ignoring this enterprises results and conquests and its stingy persecution of Malaspina. What matters, once again, is not losing sight of the conflicts that occurred with illustrators and their relation to the production of visual records.

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Once the court approved the project for the journey, Malaspina dedicated himself to finding skillful painters who represent live those objects, which even the most agile brushes could not completely describe and who, furthermore, possess a docile and diligent nature9. The choice fell on Jos del Pozo from Seville, who, on being hired, was described as an excellent individual for a painter of perspective, of very good education, with some knowledge of geometry and a great robustness for an age of 32 years10, and Jos Guio from Madrid, for the botanical and zoological drawings. In spite of the qualities originally attributed to Pozo, in the course of the journey, his relationship with Malaspina deteriorated to the point of being accused of lacking the spirit to work, that is, of laziness, and lacking discipline. Finally, in Peru, Pozo abandoned the expedition. Before his desertion, it became apparent that the specialized character of the work by Guio, dedicating himself solely to plants and animals, presented serious disadvantages and the head of the expedition opted to substitute him. More than a year would pass before he could get artists that would enter in agreement with Malaspinas demands. This meant that, during this period, all due visual documentation of places visited was not carried out, neither flora nor fauna, generating grave losses for the expedition. As solution to the emergency, they counted on Jos Cardero, a sailor who demonstrated abilities as an illustrator, and on the temporary contracting of Toms de Suria, a Spanish artist who had established himself in Mexico. The arrival of Malaspinas expedition in this city coincides with that of Italians Juan Ravenet and Fernando Brambila, who are included as artists, substituting Pozo and Guio. While still in Madrid and before traveling to America, Humboldt had direct knowledge of the incidents concerning Malaspinas expedition. Furthermore, in establishing a personal relationship with Felipe Bauz, who had been part of that circumnavigation voyage as the one in charge of painting and cartography, Humboldt certainly could have been informed in detail about the fundamental aspects of daily conflict experienced during the journey. A third case that made the German traveler especially sensitive to this subject was that of Johann Moritz Rugendas, the most prolific artist supported by Humboldt. Rugendas had spent almost four years in Brazil (from 1822 to 1825), as illustrator of the expedition captained by Georg Heinrich von Langsdorff. The relationship between artist and his superior
9

could not have been worse and little was lacking for them to come to blows. Rugendass contract incorporating him in Langsdorffs expedition contained draconian clauses. Among other duties, the contract demanded that the artist practice his art in a servile manner, and that his disposition be ready under all circumstances to illustrate all that was requested by his superior. Furthermore, Rugendas would be required to hand in all his material produced during the course of the journey; if he wrote a diary, Langsdorff would have the right to consult it and use it in the manner he thought best11. However, Rugendas was never able to submit himself to the working conditions that his contract imposed on him. Even though the relationship between the artist and the naturalist had broken apart due to apparently circumstantial disagreements, the underlying causes may be found in the extreme subordination and the lack of personal space that the artist was vindicating for himself. Finally, like Pozo, he opted for abandoning the expedition and returning to Europe. It is symptomatic that Langsdorff goes on to face the same type of problems soon after, this time with Aim-Adrien Taunay, the artist who substituted Rugendas as illustrator of this expedition. We recall that Rugendas, like Taunay, belonged to prestigious families of artists. They both had been educated with the awareness that their workmanship was not simple handicraft, but creative work, in which individuality played an essential role. The simple recording of motifs indicated by another fell terribly short of these two creative young mens aspirations. Concerning this issue, Humboldts aesthetic thought arrives to aid the artisttraveler. His postulates, though based on conservative notions, make it clear that the role that draftsmen and painters should have on journeys is much more relevant than that of a simple producer of documents. Humboldt recognizes the status and authorship that these artists required. For him the valorization of the artists-travelers artwork is much higher than that of an objective documental record. Whether they are studies of flora, fauna or croquis drawings of the topography, these are working materials, considered to be partial elements. Once these are subjected to the artistic idea, they may be transformed into a magnificent artistic creation of the landscape-painting genre. These expectations are high if we recall that, from Humboldts perspective, it is precisely tropical nature that will lead to the great blossoming of landscape painting. But, this premise is found in flagrant contradiction to the increasingly predominating direction of the nineteenth century artistic
11

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Sotos Serrano, carmen. Los Pintores de la Expedicin de Alejandro Malaspina. 2 vols. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1982: I/67.
10

Sotos Serrano, Carmen, op.cit.: I/69.

For documentation about the conflicts with artists during the expedition of Georg Heinrich von Langsdorff in Brazil, consult: Costa, Maria de Ftima, e Diener, Pablo. Viajando nos Bastidores: Documentos de Viagem da Expedio Langsdorff. Cuiab: Edies Universidade Federal do Mato Grosso, 1995.

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avant-garde. It would not be the choice of a certain motif that would validate artistic work. To the contrary, all motifs become valid. In persisting with previous categories, Humboldt follows classic tradition. However, from this starting point, he develops a current that will give great impulse to the relationship between art and the sciences. HUMBOLDT AND THE ARTIST TRAVELER: SOME PPROXIMATIONS Before the enormous prestige that Humboldt had conquered within the intellectual universe of Europe at that time, his recognition of the work produced by travelers and the value he attributed to their artwork represented a milestone for every draftsman or painter who dared to participate in the representation of overseas lands. The impulses Humboldt set into motion yielded fruit in most distinct ways. In Paris, in 1815, for example, Humboldt was consulted about the Portuguese crowns intention to create an academy of art in Brazil. Rio de Janeiro had become the capital of the Lusitanian monarchy after Napoleans troops had obliged the Royal Family to transmigrate to their colony. Once in Brazil, they sought ways to equip the city and prepare it as a dignified seat for the court. As part of this project, the Portuguese government commissioned their ambassador, Marquis of Marialva along with Luis XVIII, to hire artists willing to carry out an academic project in South America. Marialva, in turn, asked for Humboldts advice. It was this traveler who suggested the name of Jacques Lebreton as director of the Colnia de Artistas (Colony of Artists), that was later consecrated by Brazilian historiography as the Misso Artstica Francesa (French Artistic Mission). Although this case indelibly marked local production and Brazilian art history, Humboldts influence in relation to the construction of American images by artist travelers is much greater. His personal and more direct influence is noted in a series of German artists who traveled to South America and who were responsible for the principle groups of images of many countries (of the Americas). It is certainly the most studied aspect of this chapter in the history of the art of travelers12. The person most faithful to Humboldts aesthetic system of ideas was the Bavarian Johann Moritz Rugendas13. Their professional relationship began
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in Paris at the end of 1825. Rugendas, as we have seen above, had just returned from Brazil, after his frustrated experience as an illustrator on the Langsdorff expedition. In reviewing the drawing portfolios of the young artist-traveler, Humboldt discovered work that closely approximated his postulate referring to the physiognomic representation of tropical nature. In light of this, Humboldt opens the doors of the Parisian cultural and artistic world to Rugendas, pointing towards the publishing his Brazilian works14. But this did not suffice, he would also support and guide the young artist, urging him to go back to America. Following this advice, in the beginning of 1830, Rugendas writes to Humboldt telling him of his project to travel to overseas lands, and this is the enthusiastic response: I rejoice in your decision to go to America and think, thanks to the living record of the types of vegetation that the Lord realizes, a new epoch in painting landscapes will begin. And, right away, he makes a series of suggestions about the route that Rugendas should take, advising him to seek out landscapes abounding in the contrasts generated by abrupt differences in altitude. He concluded by summarizing his idea with an elegant compliment: A great artist, like the Lord, should seek the great15. Years later, Humboldt would also successfully support the project of the painter Ferdinand Bellermann who sought funds from the King of Prussia for his journey overseas. Bellerman then proceeded to his destination, Venezuela, and, between 1842 and 1846, visited those most outstanding places suggested by his mentor. Eduard Hildebrant was another artist who was able to get access to the crown through the naturalists mediation and even received commissions for paintings that were intended to help him financially in accomplishing his journey to Brazil between 1844 and 1845. Finally, Albert Berg traveled to Columbia between 1859 and 1850, thanks to the support that he received from Humboldt. And, upon returning to Germany publishes, in 1854, his album Physiognomie der Tropischen Vegetation Sdamerikas, whose introduction was written by that illustrious traveler.
13

For Rugendas see Diener, Pablo. Rugendas. 1802-1858. Catlogo de la obra. Augsburgo: Wissner Verlag, 1997 and Diener, Pablo e Costa, Maria de Ftima. Rugendas e o Brasil. So Paulo: Capivara, 2002.
14

The study that marked the direction for investigations dedicated to the art of travelers is that of Richert, Gertrud. Johann Moritz Rugendas. Berlin: Rembrandt Verlag, 1959. For a general interpretation of Humboldts artistic tradition see: Rojas Mix, Miguel, op.cit.: 97-130; see also Lschener, Renate. Deutsche Knstler in Lateinamerika. Maler und Naturforshcer des 19. Jahrhunderts illustrieren einen Kontinent. Catalogue of the exhibition. Ibero-Amerikanisches,Institut, Preussischer Kulturbestiz Berlin. Berlin, 1978.

Rugendas, Johann Moritz. Voyage Pittoresque dans le Brsil.Paris: Engelmann & Co., 1827-1835.
15

Letter from Humboldt to Rugendas from March 13th, 1830; apud Richert, op.cit.: 23.

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These artists offer the most decisive examples of the role performed by Humboldt in order to see his theoretical presuppositions put into practice. In moving to a distant region, they established a more direct and evident intellectual relationship with the Prussian traveler and achieved, by means of their pencils and brushes, what Humboldt had proclaimed in his publications and defined as the physiognomy of nature. It will be the task that a great artist must undertake Humboldt had written already convoking artists in 1806, () in studying the character of all these groups of plants, not made in greenhouses, but in the very majesticness of tropical nature. How interesting and instructive will be the work that places at the disposal of all, the sixteen fundamental plant forms, first the individual form, afterwards contrasting one with another? In reviewing the work that these painters produced during their travels throughout South America, we are convinced that they adopted Humboldts writing as a primer. In the specific studies of plants, one perceives the intention to situate them in their natural setting. The overall compositions of the heart of the tropical forest are thus transformed into a kind of ideal artistic incubator in which the painter distributes a rich collection of his studies originally sketched in his travel journals while on expedition in lands distant from his own. These paradigmatic individuals show us the new function that the artisttraveler acquires. The role they perform is obviously richer than that of illustrators on expeditions during the Enlightenment. Also, the academic value their work acquires, raises them to a much higher status than that of a simple Sunday painter who seeks the picturesque and registers his impressions of a journey.
REFERENCES ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDTS KUNSTNACHLASS. Katalog der Versteigerung vom 17. September 1860 (und folgenden Tagen). Berlim: Guthschmidt & Comp. 1860. BARNEY-CABRERA, E. Historia del Arte Colombiano. Vol. V. Barcelona / Bogot: Editorial Salvat, 1977. COSTA, Maria de Ftima, e DIENER, Pablo. Viajando nos Bastidores: Documentos de Viagem da Expedio Langsdorff. Cuiab: Edies Universidade Federal do Mato Grosso, 1995. DIENER, Pablo e COSTA, Maria de Ftima. Rugendas e o Brasil. So Paulo: Capivara, 2002. DIENER, Pablo. Rugendas.1802-1858. Catlogo de la obra. Augsburgo: Wissner Verlag, 1997. HUMBOLDT, Alexander von. Ansichten der Natur. Stuttgart: Reclam Verlag, 1992. HUMBOLDT, Alexander von. Kosmos. Entwurf einer physischen Weltbeschreibung. Daermstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1993; 2 vols.

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JOHNSON, Mark M. Idea to Image, Preparatory Studies from the Renaissance to Impressionism. Cleveland: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1980. LSCHNER, Renate. Deutsche Knstler in Lateinamerika. Maler und Naturforscher des 19. Jahrhunderts illustrieren einen Kontinent. Catalogue of the exhibition. IberoAmerikanisches Institut, Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin. Berlin, 1978. RICHERT, Gertrud. Johann Moritz Rugendas. Berlin: Rembrandt Verlag 1959. ROJAS MIX, Miguel. Die Bedeutung Alexander von Humboldts fr die knstlerische Darstellung Lateinamerikas. In: Pfeiffer, Heinrich (org.), Alexander von Humboldt. Werk und Weltgeltung. Munich: Piper Verlag 1969. RUGENDAS, Johann Moritz. Voyage Pittoresque dans le Brsil. Paris: Engelmann & Co., 1827- 1835. SAN PO ALADRN, Maria Pilar de (org.). Mutis y la Real Expedicin Botnica del Nuevo Reyno de Granada. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas / Real Jardn Botnico. Bogot: Villegas Editores / Barcelona: Lunwerg Editores, 1992; 2 vols. SOTOS SERRANO, Carmen. Los Pintores de la Expedicin de Alejandro Malaspina. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1982; 2 vols. VALENCIENNES, Pierre-Henri. lments de perspective practique lusage des artistes. Paris: Edition by the author, 1800; re-printing facsimile: Genebra: Minkoff, 1973.

PABLO DIENER is a Author of the catalogue of Rugendas work and of research studies on scientific and artistic journeys to America (in the 18th and 19th centuries). Co-organized exhibitions such as Los artistas europeos del siglo XIX en Mxico (European Artists of the 19th century in Mexico) (Mexico, 1996), O Brasil de hoje no espelho do sculo XIX. Artistas europeus e brasileiros refazem a expedio Langsdorff (The Brazil of today in the mirror of the 19th century. European and Brazilian Artists remake the Langsdorff expedition) (So Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Braslia and Curitiba, 1996), Alexander von Humboldt (Bonn and Berlin, 1999) and O descobrimento da natureza, de C.D. Friedrich a Humboldt (The discovery of nature, from C.D. Friedrich to Humboldt) (Hamburg, 2002). Presently, he is professor and researcher in the Dept. of History at UFMT, Brazil. MARIA DE FTIMA COSTA is a professor and researcher in the Department of History at UFMT, professor-collaborator of the Instituto de Artes at UFRGS and CNPq grant holder. She studies themes related to travelers, naturalists and scientific expeditions. Published articles in books, among these, Histria de um pas inexistente. Pantanal entre os sculos XVI e XVIII (History of an inexistent country. Pantanal between the XVI and XVIII centuries) (1999) and Rugendas e o Brasil (Rugendas and Brazil) (2002, co-author). Organized exhibitions such as Rugendas pintor e dibujante (Rugendas, painter and draftsman) (Museo de Bellas Artes, Santiago do Chile, 1998).

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POSSIBLE ODYSSEYS Paulo Silveira TRANSLATED BY Alice Monsell ABSTRACT: The publications of Land art and contemporary ones may be considered heirs to the books produced by artist travelers, although these possibilities of linguistic autonomy would only be available to artists in the second half of the twentieth century. Time is the function that separates them, but some relative similarities draw them together. KEYS WORDS: artist book, artist-traveler, Land art, Conceptual art, contemporary art. Few artists today have had experiences similar to those of the artist travelers of the era of discovery and colonialization of the new world continents. That is to say that today, very few artists have been commissioned for professional service as illustrators of the unknown, producing works for graphic printed mediums that suit circulation. Cultural configurations have changed and with them their implications for the use of the word artist, now interwoven in a theoretical mesh. However, as an editorial procedure for these commentaries, we may elect boundary marks for the time interval of almost one hundred years ending today. In the beginning of the twentieth century, there were some cases of artist travelers of the old school who used traditional non-photographic mediums, that is, drawing, painting and gravure printing, consecrated by their circles, especially by illustrators. This is the case of Alexandre Iacovleff (or Jacovleff, born in Russia, 1887-1938), who had published works in the early 20s entitled, Dessins et peintures dextrme-orient (Drawings and paintings of the extreme orient) and Le Thtre Chinois: peintures, sanguines et croquis (The Chinese Theater: paintings, sanguine drawings and croquis sketches), elaborated during his few years of his residence in China and Japan. This accredited him as an official artist of the expedition Citron frica (Citroen Expedition), the so-called Croisire Noire(The Black Journey), headed by George-Marie Haardt and Louis Audouin-Dubreuil in 1924, and which crossed new territory where a railroad would be built by the French colonial office. His

new work was exhibited in an art gallery, and afterwards at the Louvre, and was published in 1927 as Dessins et peintures dAfrique (Drawings and paintings from Africa). Later, in 1931 and 1932 he would participate in a new expedition to sia, the Croisire Jaune (The Yellow Voyage/ Cruise), which would result in Dessins et peintures dAsie: croquis de route et notes de voyage (Drawings and paintings from Asia: croquis sketches of the route and travel notes), 1934 (Birnbaum, 1946, p. 324; Haardt de La Baume, 2000, p. 27 and 29). But the naturalist and functional style makes Iacovleff an echo of the previous century, placing his books outside the period of artistic maturity that he would approach. In Iacovleff, the experimentation of artistic language is discreet, in spite of his refined technique. Nonetheless, he should be considered an important example for this period. Leaping through time and passing onto a current portrait of our present moment, I would again indicate the presence of the book, but as something additional to the confirmation of the contemporary artists status, which is in accord with the multifaceted stock of resources that now may constitute the work of art. This happens with Pierre Huyghe (a Frenchman who divides his residence between New York and Paris). The recent exhibition spaces he has constructed or reconstructed are like rediscovered territories, country parks that are integrated into urban society, protected from bad weather just like museums and galleries and they tend to offer a package of attractions: sounds, lights, scenography, scale models, animatronics, projections and publications, not to mention the aid of promotional items that institutions where he exhibits offer to the public. They became, simultaneously, landscapes about himself and about his circumstances. Especially noteworthy is the grouping Celebration Park, made for exhibitions in the Museum of Modern Art in Paris and the Tate Modern in London. The exhibition included a video and supplementary pieces of A journey that wasnt. In February, 2005, Huyghe left Ushuaia, Argentina for the Antarctic in searching to confirm or disprove the rumor about a new animal species (possibly an albino penguin) seen on the new beaches uncovered by melting ice. Six more artists and a tenmember crew went on the rented ship. On their return, a symphonic orchestra was presented at night in Central Park , New York, followed by a musical score (composed by Joshua Cody) based on the topography of the unknown island they had found, which was accompanied by a multiple-attraction spectacle. With the publics authorization, everything was filmed in its entirety, with replays. The recording of the event was edited with the images brought from the journey, resulting in a fascinating short film. And, as almost everything is interconnected with Huyghe, some reproductions also circulated in other works, such as the edition of 500 gilt agendas put on sale (at the exhibition, represented

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by a cubic pile of false volumes, simulacra with blank pages, except the true exemplar, for public consultation.) Although the images suggest or record site and situations, time is the structural unit that is more important. The grids of fill-in spaces are not only divided into days, but there are pages with subdivisions, by the hour, the minute, or even at the same instant, impossible to put on the agenda, which concurs with the premises of the association that he created with other colleagues in a group show, the Association des Temps Librs (Association of Freed Time) (aiming to place in suspension the solving of a production process and reflect on temporal and spatial protocols that define the exhibition, displacing the definition to other formats). For Huyghe the expedition is a format for an interesting exhibition, in which one does nothing more than invent fictions and promote the means to verify their existence (Huyghe, 2006, p. 122 and 124). In other words, inverting our first example, this time it is the artist himself who is the entrepreneur and promotes the expedition, but this time it is perverted, entirely at the service of the art worlds objectives. What we find in the contemporary symbolic market seem to be projects that are much more likely to actually exist and be present rather than only be illustrational (not that there are conflicts between these notions, they go hand in hand). Huyghe appears to be fully conscious of the rich possibilities of the chameleon-like dimensions such as place, time, form, reality or fiction. When the world was flat, it was studded with obscure zones, the zones of not-knowing from where myths and monsters were born. There were no images, but narrations, narrators and narrators, someone told about having seen something no doubt big and green, the account was passed on to a third person and we end up meeting a mermaid! In summary, we participated in the production of myths. [...] The rumor is obscure, semi-fictional, and this is makes it interesting. If at one time we imagined these monsters and stories, today, they are produced by George Lucas, it is Industrial Light and Magic that makes the monsters that populate the mainstream imaginary appear. They own the copyrights and circulate in a different way. They are the protagonists of capitalist stories, but they cannot be narrated. The world went back to being flat, but the obscurity is no longer the same. (Huyghe, 2006, interview, p. 125). His interlocutor, Hans Ulrich Obrist, proceeds: It is more a capitalist story, then.... Huyghe responds: Yes, certainly, we can only produce stories that are of our time! That is why I gave this sort of society the care of producing this monster. A very particular methodology, thus, is at the root of his giving-of-himself in exhibition or in spectacle: The critical coefficient may be counterbalanced with the celebrative (a little before, p. 123). After seeing these two extreme conditions that define the posture of an academic artist, as compared to those of the contemporary one, we see that

their displacements eventually point to the interest the work had for one public or another. One must recall the dominant attitudes about art of each, in face of the spatial displacements that were possible in the period between Iacovleffs and Huyghes scenarios. Its a kind of introduction to the artistic viability of being a traveler. I think the outcome is a positive one. What epic - by definition, a great story can an artist participate in? Or, as a character, what epic narrative can he create? As creator or character, would heroic space exist for the person whose only task is visually telling the story of anothers deeds? Probably not. The greatest adventures tend to happen far from ones life. Larger descriptive or fictional discourses that draw their power from the text or the image are not common in art history. Even for telling a very small story, such as an intimate secret placed in any category of artwork, a space has only unfolded and opened up very slowly. A lot of ink was spent before the artist could play the role of protagonist of his own biography. Since the advent of the press, unless aspiring to basic forms of narration in the third person, real or imaginary, the artist was only left with the choice of illustrating. Only much later, but not too late, other spaces for communication were made available, including the supports dominated by the word. There was still time for original visual statements, this time with the imposition of the artistic identity and a good deal of independence. One time or another, there have been cases of artists with opportunities to construct written or pictorial expositions. Either they used more or less mimetic/representational means in pre-modern to modern periods, or they used the experimental power of contemporary means in art. In the first case, we point out the artist-traveler, whose work was rarely critically recognized (for their production has not often been valued as art in general), the production of these visual chroniclers found their channel in publishing travel albums (album de voyage). In a certain sense, one could say that they wrote the prologue for contemporary books in which the voyage or the recognition of territories is a generating factor of the very book, (here contemporary is understood as the time from the 60s to the present). It is in this last switch between facts and finished book that we find the lucid and intentional transference of data. In either case, someone (the artist) transfers ordered information1 to another who reads or sees or hears it. Here, I am not dealing with the work diary, which is generally private
1

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This paper was originally presented for the seminar of Professor Maria de Ftima Costa PhD, and, with adaptations, is included in the doctoral research under the orientation of Professor Helio Fervenza, PhD. The flexibility of use of the word information is explained in the introductory commentary of the thesis. Here, and in the thesis, the term is used as in Moles, 1978.

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and very personal, which really longs to be discovered (and that one day or another ends up published by some editor as a complete work). Many of these kinds of diaries were elaborated during, after or because of displacements, and some were made intentionally with this shift in mind, such as Noa Noa by Paul Gauguin, published as a facsimile in 1926. We are interested in the published book and the artist whose objective is publication, whether its someone who was hired by the East India Company or experiments with Land art. The service performed by art in the past (or more specifically, by visual representation), which aided in the comprehension and knowledge of the physiographic and natural world by making it public, is a fact frequently recalled in writings of commentators coming from diverse areas, scientific or other. But in general, their illustrational or functional character is emphasized: here, art is official and in its most pragmatic form, yet indications of its authors personal poetic may be perceived. This particularly is most explicit in the justifications made by organizers or participants in scientific expeditions of the modern age.2 In these cases, the reproductive (mimetic) dimension of art would need to curb other qualities. Science was put into practice on the expedition, so the artist-traveler had to be useful for the mission to be accomplished. However, at this moment, we are not interested in discovering the aesthetic potentialities of scientific illustration (pictorial, graphic or photographic) or its quality as a craft (its finishing touches and the objectivity of the figure), nor will we detain ourselves by discussing the albums published after the expeditions. Here, we are interested in identifying the functional displacement of the travel narrative operating in the ambit of artistic expression, especially in its artistic-plastic and affective dimensions. If, in the past, the visual arts did not go beyond translating the naturalists descriptive statements by producing illustrations to accompany their text (although irreplaceable), then, at the end of the twentieth century, we may find present publications to be their resignification, made possible through the exercises and proposals of contemporary art. Humboldt believed that the increased knowledge of unknown nature would contribute to increased artistic quality, for example, landscape painting. And nevertheless, it is inevitable to recognize that the widening of the horizon, the knowledge of greater and more noble natural forms, the feeling of voluptuous and fecund life that animates the tropical world offers this double advantage of providing landscape painting the richest materials, and arousing most actively the sensibility and imagination of
2

artists less fortunately gifted. (Humboldt, 1999, p. 419) For Humboldt, this very special artist needed to be qualified in detailed description. What he describes to us must be sedimented (or in sedimentation) through the direct experience of nature. In the country of palm trees and the tree ferns, in the place of the sad lichens or the mosses that, toward the direction of glacial regions, cover the bark of the trees, the Cymbidium and the aromatic vanilla hang from the trunk of the Anacardiaceae and the giant fig trees. The fresh greenness of the Dracontium, and the profoundly indented leaves of the Pothos contrast with the brilliant flowers of orchids. The Bauhinia climbing vines, the passifloraceae, [...] (Humboldt, 1999, p. 421) AND LATER HE CONCLUDED: The artist is permitted to divide the groups; upon his brush, the great enchantment of nature decomposes into the simplest strokes on loose pages, as the works written by mens hands. The travel albums published in Europe were the most efficient form of documenting the success of the expedition project, and simultaneously offered a varied cataloguing of flora, fauna and exotic customs (to be commercially explored) and are one more source for the study of artistic practice with an academic and classicist base. They have received renewed attention by researchers, this time with a redeeming gaze that examines from the outskirts toward the center, from the colonized to the colonizer. This gaze ends up joining that of its colonizer because their gazes intersect. From Europe, the gaze experimented in death; from the new continents, the gaze that has turned its back and is searching. The lure of the sun gold, in one form or another has never ceased to make of the European a perpetual tourist, who travels his cartographic world but goes nowhere. Trapped between the desire to forget and the compulsion to remember, he is doomed to return obsessively to his own primal scene of lost innocence. (Jean Fisher, 2003, p. 251; originally published in Review: 1492-1992, New York, 1992.) Relatively little is left unpublished about nature that needs to be narrated, described or discussed through artists tools. We already know about tomatoes, corn and chocolate. A turkey, a llama or a penguin would not surprise anyone. What recesses of this world are not close to the satellites gaze of remote sensoriament? But the inclination to tell someone else about an experience of displacement is great and seems to be one of the strongest drivers of artistic production. However, the artist will only have the autonomy to describe his journeys through truly personal works when there is no longer a primary necessity for his function as illustrator.

In reference to this, see Pablo Dieners reflection in: La esttica classissista de Humboldt aplicada al arte de viajeros, in Amerstica: la cincia del nuevo mundo, ano 2, n.3, second semester 1999, p.41-49.

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Looking back to the published albums, we may inquire if bibliomorphic production exists today that show traces, or that is similar in objective to the travel albums by artist travelers of the past. Certainly not - in terms of its functionality. After all, times have changed. But in terms of the artists present relation with prospecting the physical world and generating a publication with its bases in art, although scientifically useless, there is no doubt that these times are more generous. Artists books have rendered favorable establishing total ownership of the codex, a complete intellectual property that incorporates reading and visibility. If the purpose were only to record a voyage, production would already be numerically significant. But when it becomes a means of conceptual experimentation, a vast collection of quality works is placed before us for examination. Considering the issue of the displacement of a trajectory within a nation, perhaps the work most discussed would be the booklet Twentysix gasoline stations, by Edward Ruscha, considered one of the artworks that established the category.3 Mysterious and brilliant, the work keeps the history of its conception and elaboration half-secret, besides having come to receive the support of third-party interpretations, in general attributing narrative conclusions. The silent vision of gasoline stations in typically UnitedStatesian scenes (or constituting them) with the taste for detail without human presence collaborated to establish an aesthetic of the ordinary closely associated with the artists native country. The journey can also take the form of literary fiction. In this case, the recitation will inevitably be poor, if compared with the imaginary of mythic voyages or the voyages of discovery and prospecting. Apparently, the real (or natural) world furnishes data entangled in networks richer than the imagination. An aesthetic of the insignificant will be constructed with resignation. But the comparison is unjust. These artists were not destined to inherit the tomos or albums narrating or describing the results of expeditions, rare scenery or intercontinental voyages. What recesses of the planet are left? It is precisely from the least, from the small and the precarious that emerge special books, sustained by an art that desired autonomy to the point of frequently being self-referential. Conceptual art, in general, Minimalism and Land art, among other tendencies, offered a base unexpected till then: the optimization of putting the document and the detail to artistic use. The range of subjects multiplied into a vast repertory with the recording of actions, geographic displacements or the
3

On the instauration of the category artists book, see Phillpot (various dates, especially 1993), Moeglin-Delcroix (1985 and 1997), Drucker (1995) and Silveira (2001), pages not specified.

specification of detail of the most minimal portion of a natural or urban environment. There were still limits, but with unlimited production. Moving from one continent to another in a few hours no longer presents great difficulties. It is accessible to anyone in the world who can buy the necessary tickets. So, what is there that is unparalleled to describe? This time, the options concentrate on ones own country, city, house, backyard, garden. Excursions, however short they may be, substitute great voyages. Richard Long summarizes: A walk is just one more layer, a mark, laid upon the thousands of other layers of human and geographic history on the surface of the land (in Stiles and Selz, 1996, p. 565). Surely, Land art has been (perhaps still is) the highpoint of the artistic adventure before the natural world, a moment in which nature and landscape made a full return to the art world, as material and subject, sustained by conceptual foundations. Since many actions were ephemeral, the use of photo-cinematographic devices for recording became a constant. Besides photographs, croquis drawings, diagrams, statistical charts, descriptive memoirs and every kind of document were used. This collection of records principally ended up on the wall and in the glass windows of museums and galleries, in films and videos and in diverse publications. In the winter issue of 1976/1977, the New York magazine Art-Rite (n.14) dedicated all their pages to artists books. After presenting a collection of concepts with respect to this subject, its section catalogue opened with suggestions of works linked to British Land Art, with the title British pastoral (p. 16), that the author (not credited) classified as post-conceptual. Artists cited were Richard Long, Hamish Fulton, David Tremlett, Glen Onwin, Howard Selina, Gilbert and George and Susan Hiller. The text pointed out the last person listed as a rarity, since a woman associated with Land art was unusual at that time, even in Great Britain; but explained with reserve: We know nothing else of her work, but one doest need her career to like the book (referring to Rough sea, 1976). Other books linked to nature are cited in other sections of the magazine, demonstrating the large space occupied by this type of publication. A profusion of works with collections and artificially forged serial systems emulated an encyclopedic amount of worldly knowledge, often, perverting the intellectual functionality of their editorial models. Anne Moeglin-Delcroix classified these books as inventory books (chapter Livres-inventaires, Moeglin-Delcroix, 1985, p. 74). The books include a survey of all types, but within the natural themes there are also curious classifications of fauna or flora, especially the latter, likening to Botanical treatises. Which they certainly are not, as our attention is called:

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Are these books, therefore, books on botany? Numerous indications show that this is not the case: careful elaboration of page layout; preference for banal flora found in forgotten and restricted places (parking lots, gardens, lakes) or indeterminate limits (margins of beaches, construction sites); non-systemacity of investigation; evident taste for litanies (visual or audio) of the plant names in Latin. (Moeglin-Delcroix, 1985, p. 76) Within the criterion of proximity or similarity to the art of travelers, perhaps Land Art has actually provided more evident results, even though they sometimes may appear anecdotal, given the differences in dimensions and objectives. In order to complete the artistic action proposed, records needed to be edited at the same time as the events or right afterwards. In many cases, the resulting booklets acquire their own value, with sufficient autonomy to confirm their status as avant-garde artwork4. Here, we call attention to the books by Richard Long and Hamish Fulton, both British, with views captured from nature, description of walks, collections of images of menhirs, plants, stones, walks, etc. A walk past standing stones by Long, 1980, and Ajawaan by Fulton, 1987 both have accordion folds, like popular postcard booklets. Also having an accordion fold is Flower arrangement for Bruce Nauman, by Dennis Oppenheim, published in New York in 1970. In it, there is only one long photo in black and white, with a field of almost white flowers in front of a wooded area. However, it is not necessary that the photograph be an illustrational support of this type of production. The piece by itself, only a word, could occupy pages of the book. This gives evidence of its conceptual condition. In Ajawaan, by Fulton, columns of words cover a lacustrine landscape occupying the background: wind, dusk, tree, bear, rain, moon, echo, fish, rock etc. The work does not mystify its motif. On the first page, there is a single line, the proposition that explains the great image to follow, which was obtained in the region of Saskatchewan, Canada, on a specified date and in certain explicit conditions. But beforehand, Fulton had already published works entirely with words, without any image, like Song of the skylark, 1982. In this piece, he presents telegram-type texts on whitish-yellow pages and using letters with no typographical variation as the following: Afternoon dusk / A two mile circular run / 13 december 1981 / Frozen tracks / A night of snow and wind. The readers imagination completes the work.
4

In terms of a ritual approach to landscape, the publications that document performative actions stand out. Although there is a straightforward predominance of urban actions, nature had its quota of experiments, for example, Allan Kaprows publication of Echo-logy, 1975. Having few pages, as most of Kaprows printed works and the format of a theater program, it documents the performance he carried out in Far Hills, USA, on the 3rd and 4th of May in 1975, with black and white photos and captions recording the stages of the work. Some works done after the golden era of conceptualism appear to be taking very good advantage of the great international circuits of distribution, with an awareness of what is meant by an artistic venture. Having a large circulation and vast worldwide commercialization, Litter only, 2000, by Alexandra Martini, artist and industrial project designer who studied in Berlin. The hard cover book in full color with a pocketsize format is composed from a large sampling of photographs of garbage cans on the street (dustbins), taken in many cities around the world, such as Berlin, Tokyo, Oslo, Barcelona, Johannesburg or Rio de Janeiro. Its pages are entirely non-literary, each one covered with a photo, imposing on the construction a certain rhythm, even though this beat is repetitive and seems unending, as if it didnt matter if the book had more or less images. It ends up looking like a flipbook, in which we reconstruct Martinis vision. It does not convey the traditional, literary, mythic or dramatic narrative, but does convey a near-zero narrative, cadenced by the turning of the pages (the mechanical or kinetic principle of the book), transforming the work into a very particular kind of visual chronicle, characteristic of contemporary art and heir to the 60s and 70s experimentalism. The path is experienced as the double trajectory of the book, inside, its physical aspect (spatially horizontal), which is told by remembering (temporal). The book does not offer the reader vulgar5 narratives (literary, oral), because it matters very little if we perceive the succession of thoughts, decisions or actions which occurred prior to the printing of the work. The inspector of the artists book, on the other hand, as all inspectors of art, searches for the clairvoyance of the final work and the processes of its elaboration, which is another history, the story of the art, the work (in its making). The discussion of nature versus the city is a critique of excess rubbish and the territorial divisions it shares. The recessed nook is valued. The niche that I inhabit is the fragment established and consecrated by my occupation, despite the increasing indistinction between the
5

These reflections consider that an artists book may or may not be a work of art. Even if it isnt, it is still a work, a made thing, craft of skill, thought and human affect; at least it is a work of art. As to the so-called book work (a specificity less questionable in artists books), I consider ultra-conservative the possibility of it not being a work of art.

The adjective vulgar is used here in its everyday meaning: belonging to the vulgo, commonplace, banal, usual, of inferior quality, etc. We are not making a value judgment here, but expressing a degree of complexity.

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spaces of the countryside and the city. This is more or less the direction that Maria Helena Bernandes has taken in her proposal, Vaga em campo de rejeito (Vacancy in a field of refuse), published in 2003, as part of a series called Documentos Areal (where the artist-authors comment about or document their own projects, making the book an integral or complementary part of their artwork). The action happened in Arroio dos Ratos, a small town in southern Brazil and it basically consisted of identifying a flat empty triangular space in the city (a vacancy between two buildings, the train station and the city hall) and later, the appropriation of a portion of terrain on the outskirts of town, in an area for depositing coal-mining waste, the original vacant space would be reproduced with the help of the population. The people who lived there had no cultural attachment to anything at the site, but this did not prevent them from participating more and more, even suggesting finishing touches. The project would be completely accomplished through the publication of the book describing the process, with texts and illustrations, where the process was treated as an activity situated between exceptionality and its negation. In this way, the artist wished to construct one vacant space (void) on top of another, the inert over inert. The life and collaboration sustained the venture and made accomplishing the proposal possible. Concerning graphic presentation, the resulting book is situated on the border between a book work and only a book. For this reason, some researchers would not accept it as an artists book, which is an amusing consequence of betting on life on the border. But one could say that within this classification by Clive Phillpot (1982 and 1993), through which the category of artists book includes book-objects, book works, and just books, the latter was considered to be a third group. The work may be about art or of art, which is a discussion that we will leave till another time. Putting emphasis on the minutiae of specific areas, the detailed approximation of very little serve the expectations of the times. The energy of this concentrated focus may be explained through the potency of the fragment, as analyzed by Omar Calabrese. In conclusion: the suspension of fragmentarity blocks the path of the normal leaving the exceptional intact: the autonomy of detail makes, to the contrary, the normal turn into the hyper-exceptional. The aesthetic system derived from it is a system eternally in excitation. (Calabrese, 1988, p. 102) Calabrese, in this part of the text, criticizes the excessive publication of non-books in Italy, and compliments Barthes fragmentary writing, as well as the use of the sheet of paper by poetry of the fragment. He approximates poets and visual artists for their search through fragmentation to recover a palette of words and phrases. And, in relation to artists and fragments, we may recall the insistence of photos

of the same telephone booth taken in New York in the book by Sophie Calle and Paul Auster (he authored the texts), Gotham Handbook: New York, mode demploi, published in 1998. Auster had formerly made a character out of Calle, whereas, in this piece, she is creative partner and it is the city of New York that assumes a role offered as the ultimate personification of the New World. We have exchanged the valley and the forests for the big city, as well as tried to understand its environmental character. In spite of everything, the long walk remains. But the walking is along long avenues, walks through the geography of city blocks and their cultural groups. Entering and exiting the subway station determine territorial zones for scenarios. The experiments of many artists are also based on the urban way of walking, generally using film or video, but its the youngest who persist with the printed page, like Mary Ellen Carroll, who walks along Broadway, NYC, with her camera on her shoulders, from the Harlem River to Battery Park, photographing her walk in intervals (perhaps at the intersections), maintaining the visual accidents and the shaking, (with the focus left on infinite). The resulting book, Without intent, 1996, is as simple as a stroll that has been recorded, though efficiently, despite being inserted in a repertory already known to us. Another important procedure that approximates aspects of the voyage is the real or metaphoric use of cultural or bureaucratic products that denote them. Thus, there is a direct tendency for the cartographic, in the precise sense of the term, using maps or mappings, a tendency to collect souvenirs, such as guides, postcards, tickets, package wrappers, and so forth; a tendency that appropriates the operational symbols of transfers: transport tickets, passports, certificates, etc.; and others, that are composite or less evident. Transiting from the real to the virtual, the Internet has come to serve as a complementary and efficient space for the elaboration of textual works that participate in the intentions of visual arts. Among the many examples of these young artists, there is a project based on text with traditional narration that uses the basic physical or virtual channels at her disposal. In an exercise of communion (sharing) with other nationalities, Sonya Spry, an Australian living in Holland, developed the project World Passport (or Take One, Theyre Free), initiated in 2001. The artist prints her passports containing a short fictional text in English, a single narrated scene without images. They are available on the Internet. She offers passports (new booklets) to the collaborators that carry out translations, also available on the site, in the alternative language. This virtual space is also used to sell products that serve as a means for financial support. On site, Spry explains the reasons of her proposal, fruit of her difficulties that had accumulated in reference to immigration during her travels outside Australia (in the United States, England and Holland).

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There are many experiences that use maps or charts. But only some maps are specifically works of art. Some have very little geographical information to offer. Instead, there is a friendly willingness to rediscover what is already at our feet. This is the map (folding map) of Quartier 6: cinq parcours de choix et de curiosits, 2003, by Jean Franois Karst and Sbastien Vonier. The artists suggest five walking-tour circuits that take between twenty-five minutes to an hour to traverse. The paths go through a neighborhood in the city of Rennes, France. Colored lines on the map indicate routes to be followed. On the other side, small photos of urban details offer mnemonic recollection. As in the book by Mary Ellen Carrol discussed above, these light-hearted guiltless acts of insertion introduce works in circuits of a previously consecrated repertory. Finally, we are left with the task of recognizing that the visual solutions created by means of artificially constituted systems (with varied degrees of narration) are definitively established in artistic repertories today. The artist presents and classifies as his predecessors had done, but proposes his own reality that is cartographic, taxonomic, topographic, and so forth. Although video has absorbed a good deal of the experimentation with displacements or trajectories, graphic printed formats still retain their own irreplaceable specific possibilities, such as the cosmopolitan taste for postal art (mail art), directly associated with many manifestations of the artists book. In 2000, sponsored by the editor of Londrina Book Works and the Parisian gallery Yvon Lambert, Jonathan Monk distributed an invitation in accordion fold (with a catalogue card number ISBN, International Standard Book Number), inside an envelope with the title Meeting #13, making the appointment for a meeting with anyone of us: A la Tour Eiffel, le 13 Octobre 2008 midi (at the Eiffel Tower, on the 13th of October, 2008, at midday). Maybe well make it at the intended time or not. We wont make it if we read the required information after the appointed date. In any case, one is left with the seductive sensation of being a proprietor of a satisfactory degree of cosmopolitanism. The artist travelers of prior centuries experienced intense emotion, although it may be considered shallow when compared to the volume and disparity of information, the cacophonic invasive torrential stimuli of life today. Greatly summarizing, being overexposed may be our normality, no longer the exception. Nevertheless, wherever one goes, the contemporary artist will hardly be considered a stranger. In Paris, 1835, the German artist-traveler, Johann Moritz Rugendas, published his Voyage pittoresque au Brsil, a book of certain importance in relation to the imaginary construction of Brazils

national identity, at the same time it served its authors purposes. One hundred and fifty years later, on New Years of 1985/1986, his compatriot, Martin Kippenberger (1953-1997) visited the inside of a prison in Rio de Janeiro. Seen as an enfant terrible of the international art scene, traveler and bohemian, according to Klaus Honnef (1992, p. 128) he is an artist with the evil eye and the reality at which he directs his eye is often madder than any artists imagination might conceive. In the Carioca prison (in Rio de Janeiro), Kippenberger believed (or had imagined) that he had apprehended the code of phrases used on prisoners tee shirts. In Cologne, 1986, he would publish his folkloristic book about the tee shirts from the Brazilian prison, using the title 241 Bildtitel zum Ausleihen (or, 241 Picture Titles for Hire), subtitled fr Knstler (for Artists). The phrases on the tee shirts have been translated into Portuguese (below, sometimes with errors, and retranslated into English), with the artists proposed meaning on the following line, which was originally in German. The last tee shirt listed is from the gasoline station he had bought in Salvador, Bahia, and baptized with the name of a Nazi war criminal.6 XIV MASIOR BAHIA First the money for the drink, and then (for) the loser. IX HAWAII SURFING A rich black is white, a poor white is black. XX FIORUCCI IN BRASIL If I had 2 cars, I wouldnt have arrived too late. XXVII OCEAN PACIFICAS When hairs grow on the wrong extremity of the body. XXXVIII SORE WEAR A package for three (or A three-pack)

These examples were translated from German to Portuguese by Vera Gliese, and have been retranslated into the present version.

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LIII WIND + WAVE DESIGN Mother Teresa only does her duty. US$ 1700, for 10 days. LXXII QUESTION BRASIL The stationary stores in Rio are also good (hot). CCXLI (Gasoline Station Martin Bormann 0055-248-0913) Here, there is no more image illustrating what was seen, or the text substituting the image. There is text with the purpose of text, like a mutt that runs after its own tail, introduced into a predominately visual market. It is certainly a picturesque (and perhaps perverse) manner of presenting the country by means of an intestinal point of view. On the cover page, the artist (or another person, perhaps his traveling partner) is seen from the back putting on a tee shirt with the phrase: Martin Kippenberger - The Magical Misery Tour - Brazil - December 15, 1985 - March 22, 1986. Much has changed since the time from the Rio of Rugendas to Kippenbergers Rio, for better or for worse. The landscape has changed and the safety precautions needed for its appreciation. The styles and channels for describing it have changed. Finally, the degrees of property, rights and independence of the reported account have changed.
REFERENCES BIRNBAUM, Martin. Jacovleff and other artists. New York: Paul A. Struck, 1946. CALABRESE, Omar. A idade neobarroca. So Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1988. FISHER, Jean. Vampire in the text: narratives of contemporary art. London: Institute of International Visual Arts, 2003.

HAARD DE LA BAUME, Caroline. Alexandre Iacovleff: lartiste voyageur. Paris: Flammarion, 2000. HICKEY, Dave. Edward Ruscha: Twentysix gasoline stations, 1962. In: Artforum, Jan. 1997, p. 60-61. HONNEF, Klaus. Arte contempornea. Colnia: Taschen, 1992. HUMBOLDT, Alexandre de. Cosmos: essai dune description physique du monde. Paris: UTZ, 1999. (Tomo I) HUYGHE, Pierre. Celebration Park. Paris: Muse dArt Moderne de la Ville de Paris/ARC, 2006. MOEGLIN-DELCROIX, Anne. Esthtique du livre dartiste. Paris: Jean-Michel Place/Bibliothque Nationale de France, 1997. ___________. Livres dartistes. Paris: Centre Georges Pompidou/B.P.I.; ditions Herscher, 1985. MOLES, Abrahan. Teoria da informao e percepo esttica. Rio de Janeiro: Tempo Brasileiro; Braslia: Ed. Universidade de Braslia, 1978. PHILLPOT, Clive. Twentysix gasoline stations that shook the world: the rise and fall of cheap booklets as art. In: Art Libraries Journal, vol. 18, number 1, 1993, p. 4-13. PUBLIC ART FUND and Whitney Museum of American Art announce a collaboration for the 2006 Whitney Biennial: Pierre Huyghe, A Journey That Wasnt, A Central Park musical based on an adventure in Antarctica. Press release. New York, 2005. page 4. SILVEIRA, PAULO. A pgina violada: da ternura injria na construo do livro de artista. Porto Alegre: Editora da Universidade/UFRGS; Fumproarte/SMC, 2001.

PAULO SILVEIRA: Doctorate in Art History, Theory and Criticism from the Post Graduate Program in Visual Arts at the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, (UFRGS), Brazil; is the author of the book A Pgina Violada, Ed. UFRGS. Member of the research group: Veculos da Arte (Vehicles of Art) (CNPq).

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INTERVIEW WITH GLRIA FERREIRA Fernanda Albertoni and Mrio Azevedo TRANSLATED BY Alice Monsell To begin, tell us a little about the process of the conception and making of the book Escritos de Artistas - anos 60 e 70 (Artists' Writings - the 60s and 70s). Before anything else, remember that this is a joint work with Ceclia Cotrim, in which the paths and knowledge on differentiated subjects were added together. In my case, perceiving that the texts written by modern artists were indispensable for the comprehension of modern art itself was fundamental: the theoretical corpus developed by these artists gives us another dimension of art history and this period's history. For example, Mondrian, Klee, Delaunay, Malevich... it is impossible to restrict oneself to a formal analysis of their works and their possible ruptures of form without considering the metaphysical ideas of one, the theosophical ideas of another, nor (can we fail to consider) the permanent dialectic and theoretical thought that characterizes their poetics or even their conceptions of space. It was due to this interest for these pre-texts that the idea for elaborating the book began. Moreover, I was doing research on the 60s and 70s and had had contact with many of these contemporary texts. Basically, however, the attention given to artist texts was happening then and is largely due to Jean-Claude Lebensztejn's reflections, and also to analyses by Lawrence Alloway and Claude Gintz, among others. It is curious, because we began our research before the publication of "Theories and documents of contemporary art - a sourcebook of artist's writings" [published in 1996, also about artists texts, organized by Kristine Stiles and Peter Selz] and, I think that this consonancy wasn't random. We weren't alone in this kind of research and this just reaffirms our work. On the other hand, it indicates the fact that these texts have become indispensable for analyzing artwork of the historical period in question, resonating in all current artistic production. Practically all these artists produced a vast amount of texts. So, it was necessary to research each of them, and side with one. Daniel Buren's complete published writings, for example, are more than one-thousand

pages long... we opted for "Advertncia"("Beware!"), from 1969, in which he discusses Joseph Kosuth, going up against his ideas. Fortunately, this text was not published in the book-catalogue "Daniel Buren: textos e entrevistas escolhidos - 1967-2000" ("Daniel Buren: texts and selected interviews - 1967-2000"), published on the occasion of the exhibition at the Centro de Arte Hlio Oiticica, in Rio de Janeiro, 2001. There were attempts... In the case of Robert Morris, also having produced an enormous amount, we tried to situate the moment of his reflection on art beyond the issue of Minimalism, as in his 1978 text, "The Present Tense of Space". Robert Smithson's, "A museum of language in the vicinity of art", from 1968, would have been perfect for this book, but it wasn't possible due to the required illustrations. So, we opted for "A Sedimentation of the Mind: Earth Projects", which is, as we say, a classic. From [John] Cage, we were granted the privilege of his reflections on the relationships between the arts. Ultimately, there was a kind of negotiation with the objective of conjugating each artist's textual production with its accessibility in Brazil. These two parameters served to delimit our main concern: that a dialogue be constituted between the texts, between their inquiries and reflections. In Hlio Oiticica's case, whose textual production is recognized as exemplary, we believed that his text from 1962, "A transio da cor do quadro para o espao e o sentido de construtividade" (The transition of color from painting to space and the meaning of 'constructivity'", would establish a good conversation with Donald Judd's "Specific Objects", particularly on the matter of space. Ultimately, it was something constructed a little at a time. There wasn't a pre-established plan placing the texts into thematic issues, but an attempt to make these dialogues become evident for themselves. We chose a chronological order of presentation instead of a classificatory one.
Yes, we noted this precaution. It is not a simple collection of texts, classified like a bibliography, by subject, as in Stiles' and Selz's book. No doubt, "Theories and documents of contemporary art" is an extremely important reference today. Nevertheless, we didn't publish extracts, as they did, which is something crucial for us, in the sense that it avoided pre-editing the texts. On the other hand, (almost to the point of being comical), it's only reference to a Brazilian artist is the one about the Argentine performative artist Lydia Clark, as printed in the book's words. How long did the task of elaborating "Escritos de Artistas" ("Artists Writings") take?

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It's hard to say. It was a long, slow task. The book on Greenberg ["Clement Greenberg e o debate crtico" (Greenberg and the critical debate"), which was also organized by the two-researcher team) was published in 1997. We began in 1993/94, the focus of study being the critical debate and the inscription of artists in this debate.
Then, your problem was to construct a linking of ideas, right? You use a very good expression for this, a "continuous argument". Actually, there are two aspects: one would be the book itself, with all these artists having a conversation; the other, the argumentation that they establish with their production throughout their trajectories. Morris, Smithson, Oiticica, Buren... In the case of Hlio (Oiticica), who is closer to us (in Brazil), art and theory always maintain inseparable and continuous movement. Lygia Clark, for example, with fundamental texts, floats at certain times, without this same continuity. And she has a very different authorial quality, poetizes more, rambles more... getting a little into the matter of what the text is destined for, which is different than the continuous argument. Exactly. Like a true reflection! Do you think of these texts as testimony? Don't you feel a certain danger in the fact that an artist becomes the interpreter of his own work? What becomes clear, particularly considering the United States since the 60s, is that artistic reflection of this character is part of a dialogue including a whole practice prior to debates, public meetings, such as those in the "Subjects of the Artist" school, created by Rothko, Newman, Motherwell, among other artists; prior to editions edited by Rothko and Motherwell, like the collection, "The Documents of Modern Art", in which theoretical texts from modern European art were published, like those of the Dadaists, for example. Theoretical discussion has a fundamental role in developing these artists' production. Barnett Newman's texts, for example, are marvellous. He formulates very clearly what a certain consciousness of the death of painting meant for that generation of American artists, or for European painting, demanding painting's reinvention, a rethinking. This is something that happens based on exchanges, conversations and regular meetings that can't be separated from theoretical elaboration. Also in Europe, after the war, there is intense debate and actions done in groups, like the artists from CoBrA, Azimuth, the Zero group, the T group, etc. There are many meetings, events. There is an effervescence. And the discussions are not disengaged from questioning the end of humanity, a doubt established by the atomic bomb, nor are they distanced from (discussing) the transforming power relations and

United States' hegemony. In the art circuit, there are equally profound mutations, which begin with the displacement of its center from Paris to New York. And, particularly with respect to artistic tradition, (there is a) the repositioning of art history, with the primacy of American art, as the triumphant exhibition "The New American Painting" presented by Alfred Barr attests, which circulated through the principal European capitals between 1958 and 1959. It is also fitting to note the strength of modernist criticism, as formulated by Greenberg, and also in art history studies, indicated by Erwin Panofsky at the beginning of the 50s [in the last part of Meaning in the Visual Arts]. Ultimately, they have other parameters. The inscription of the artist in the terrain of criticism, using Barnett Newman's words, differs from interviews, from statements, from the bombastic declarations of Pop artists, like [Andy] Warhol.
So, we might call these texts performative. Exactly. There is another important issue: placing doubt on art history's great line, which supposedly had initiated with Manet, evolved with Czanne, unfolded with Cubism, etc., towards the limit of each art's area of competency. Modernist criticism informed us about this linear view without breaks that has become hegemonic. In a short but interesting text on the subject ["Conflits avec le modernisme" (Conflicts with Modernism"), 1993], Rudi Fuchs notes that, even in Europe, it is this line that orients art criticism, making productions such as those by Kurt Schwitters, for example, practically absent from this narrative. Now, there are many differentiated and successive rereadings of Marcel Duchamp - with John Cage at Black Mountain College, with the British, with Hamilton, with American Pop Art, and other posterior re-readings - minimalist, conceptual, etc. - contributing to the revision of the dominant discourse. In questioning the great repression operating in modernist criticism, the very conception of art history is questioned - and even the conception of the concept of art. In my opinion, this is the space where the great contribution of the 60s' and 70s' artist texts is revealed, for making it impossible to dissociate art production from questioning the concept of art. Of course, we need to be careful not to fall into the trap of substituting Picasso for Duchamp... Going back to the matter of testimony, which we are inevitably dealing with in the case of artist texts, how do you think we may formulate a clearer reading? Testimony is perhaps one of many aspects, (the artist text) always demands effort to reconstitute the context it happened in. For example, a text by Leonardo da Vinci, read today, no doubt retains a

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sense of testimony, however, it isn't reduced to that, in function of (it having) his thoughts on art, science and the world. At other moments in history, this writing acquires a more intimist character, such as in diaries, studio notes, letters, that, nevertheless, do not cease to reveal reflections - extremely dense ones at times, like, for example, Poussin's letters. I mean, the genres of this kind of writing vary historically. It's interesting to realize that this testimony from letters or diaries, for example, also corresponds to the moment that art criticism is being founded, as well as a public art space, with the salons. As Nathalie Heinich has noted, in the seventeenth century, there is already a process of intellectualizing the gaze that principally starts to develop with discussions at the Academy. In Painters and Public Life in Eighteenth-Century Paris, the American historian Thomas Crow emphasizes the importance of the critic's presence in the context of an expanding public art space - however, this criticism does not occur without conflicts and artistic resistance. The question of the interpreter is complex. For example, in "The Art Audience and the Critic" [published in the book The New Art, edited by Gregory Battcock], Henry Geldzahler, whose atuation in the defense of Pop (art) was extremely significant, considers the modern art critic to be, basically, an interpreter of the artwork for the audience. According to Geldzahler, this role is due to a loss of contact between artist and audience. Somehow, we might think that with Manet or even with Baudelaire's actuation (referring to his intransigent defense of Delacroix) that this was the beginning of the critic's engagement with certain kinds of production. But, Diderot also operates like this in relation to Chardin. Nevertheless, the critic's engagement with certain kinds of production did not avoid the rejection of others. The supposed independence of criticism, in the case of the salonniers, for example, essentially based on judgment, retained the power to construct reputations. In Brazil, reaching the beginning of the twentieth century, there is Monteiro Lobato's famous critique of Anita Malfatti, "Parania ou mistificao" ("Paranoia or mystification"), which is still the object of analysis today in relation to its influence on the development of the artist's work. As to modern art's resistance to tradition, we might say that a more specialized criticism emerges, in defense of the aesthetic issues at stake. Besides reservations to Clement Greenberg's conceptions, it is important to stress his intransigent way of defending abstraction and Abstract Expressionism. Referring to Geldzahler, perhaps what reveals itself inadequate in his formulation of the criticinterpreter's role in this new art, paraphrasing Battcock's book title, is that, although it's not a porcupine, it (the new art) already comes intermingled with the critical formulations, we might say, that it proposes.

So, a whole set of actions and reflections already exist that become involved in the work. Everything that will reframe the act of creation, the work, the actions, the reflections, what actuates it at various levels, etc. Yes, of course. However, what bothers us more is when the artist text takes on other functions, which sometimes impoverishes it. Whenever, for example, they load the tone with excessive explanations for the audience and this happens a lot more with the modern ones than with more recent people - almost translating, with a kind of reductive simplification. In the case of modern artists, the urgency for direct contact with the audience, using their own channels, was a programmatic necessity, intrinsically linked to questioning tradition and its aesthetic and artistic parameters. The manifestos indicate this necessity to address the conception of art as destined for a large public, a non-specialized (audience). Perhaps, at times, what you refer to may be derived from there, the sensation that they are translating. And it's there that artists really want to deliver their message! Of course. But the forms of delivering this message are not separated from the relation to the language itself. In the plastic, formal construction of the central perspective system, language will be expelled from representational space - except as representation itself - of frontispieces, books, bottle labels, etc. - there was no more place for the word, as there had been in medieval painting. Simultaneously, other linguistic elements start to be presented, like the signature, for example, which remains a foreign body in that space. The signature attests to authorship, but it is not integrated into that representation. Just think of representations of the landscape, of storms, etc., for example, in Courbet. With Manet, the signature starts to be integrated into the representation, becoming a plastic element, for instance, to create depth. Another element we cannot forget is the title, nowadays, having great importance, partially explaining the work's significations. It isn't by chance that these elements will be problematized by abstraction, with the introduction of the "untitled", the signature on the back of the painting, etc., indicating the crisis of representation. If the "The Death of Marat", by [Jean Louis] David, is typical of the presence of the verbal sign as representation, collages and photomontages introduce another tessitura to writing and image. Even from the formal point of view, this new relationship with language happens in a context in which language itself is being rethought, for instance, with Saussure, using an approach different from the idea of grammar. In spite of the being applied to a variety of modalities, this relationship touches all modern art. If the foundation of Duchamp's

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work lies in the relationship between what is utterable and visible, then for Cubism, the non-predetermined relationship between the signified and signifier, as formulated by Saussure, is fundamental to the extent that a shell can represent an eye, noted Yve-Alain Bois. Ultimately, language makes itself present in the field of the plastic arts in many ways, as in surrealist or dadaist collages, or even in the inscription of proper names, as in Delaunay, for example. Similarly, we have observed the challenging of the postulate separating the arts of time and space, introduced by Lessing in the eighteenth century. Another element of complexity in these relations, also involving image and language, is the presence of the photographic image inside the field of art. Since its advent, photography has established a two-fold connection between art and the world: in exiting the studio going into the world, with reproductions of works of art; and, also, in the opposite sense, bringing the world, as an image, inside the studio, as a new type of model. In many ways, reality starts to be mediated by means of the photographic image, whose mechanism is not innocuous, but conveys values of light, cropping, depth, ultimately, a series of elements. And, as Benjamin notes, it is intimately linked to language, like captions. This connection, although very strong in modernity, is, nevertheless, repressed, left unconsidered by modernist criticism, for example.
We don't think that antagonism exists between verbal language and visual language, but there are authors who problematize this question. What do you think about this? I was thinking about this in function of a question that I was asked during an interview this week. I thought: the elephant sees, but doesn't read, there is a difference there. You don't learn to see, but you learn to read, which is in itself a radical change. If we think about an alphabet or about members of a culture with no written tradition, it doesn't mean that these people don't perceive the world, don't intellectualize or formulate (concepts). But the two systems are irreducible. I've almost answered this [laughing]. This is the difference: you learn to read; you learn a code. Of course, there is also educating the gaze, intellectualizing it, but not in codes. Putting it more succinctly, in a text published by Gvea magazine ["Eight Theses For (or Against?) a Semiology of Painting"], in a quite acute and complex analysis, Hubert Damisch shows us that, in painting, a brushstroke does not correspond to a morpheme. This does not mean to say that the relationships between image and language are dissociable, although irreducible. And, today, speaking about language is more complicated because it can also be visual. And there are also artists who make text a plastic (artistic) element.

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Yes. It seems that Lessing has disappeared from our lives, but, basically, every view that is still classicist is based on his formulations that separate the arts of time and the arts of space.
I would like you to speak more about what you call pre-texts (the texts of modernism) and how you differentiate them from texts after the 60s. In "Concerning the Spirtual in Art", for example, [Wassily] Kandinsky does not refer to possible options concerning the concept of art itself, but to Art. It's a kind of class on art, a lecture, in which theoretical instruments are presented to reflect on and make art, perhaps la Kandinsky..., but it speaks in a universal way. This is what I think we can call a pre-text, in the sense that it's a kind of indicator. I was thinking, if we take the hyphen out from between the syllables, it becomes pretext (in the sense of an excuse). Which is strange. 'Could be.... I also thought, maybe you were referring to a text that hadn't reached its final format. No, it's not that, but something that aims toward the universal and toward Art, something with ontological certainty, like the texts by Klee, Mondrian or Malevich. The artist texts' role and function also depend, no doubt, on how they are addressed to the public. Delacroix, for example, had writings on art that he published; whereas his diary, supposedly, was not to be published, although it has been. A book was recently launched with Pollock's writings and interviews, ["Jackson Pollock. Interviews, Articles and Reviews"], despite his having emphasized that any attempt to explain the unexplainable, could destroy his painting. There is also the case of Yves Klein, who affirms in a text that his works should speak for themselves, while simultaneously wishing to publish his manuscripts, the Mon livre; isn't there a kind of game going on there? I don't think so, but questionable. After all, if the image producer ceases to be craftsman and becomes the artist, supposing Art is also knowledge, cosa mentale, many centuries passed before one could say art, this is what my art is. On the other hand, to what extent can we transcribe it from one language to another? Smithson's way out, for instance, is brilliant, the way he plays with the dialectics of site/ non-site, activating other kinds of relationships between centers and peripheries, between languages, as in his pile of words ["A Heap of Language", from 1966]. Another thing is the work's mode of inscription in a field that is historically destined for the written word itself, such

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as magazines. The Dadaists or the Surrealists did this, although, perhaps, not at the same level as, for example, Dan Graham's "Homes for America" [1966], which does not establish a dialogue with poetry, but appropriates a communication medium as a space of inscription for a work of art.
How can we see the text as an artwork, when it's an artwork? To what do you attribute this new role that the text has for artists, and for art? The disqualification of form as an internal process, giving origin to the concept of the dematerialization of art, formulated by Lucy Lippard, does not mainly engender dematerialization, but a plurality of formulations. The artist may resort to any medium he wishes to work with, although this medium does not guarantee the work. And the critic's current role? This is another problem, especially when we take into account the artist's presence in this sphere. The history of criticism is obviously linked to the social conditions of its vehiculation and reception. In the 60s, or even the 70s, the space for criticism was still essentially the newspaper column, like Mrio Pedrosa's, for example. With the profound modifications in communication media, there have been more and more restrictions on such columns. Simultaneously, as a result, or at least, related to the expansion of the art circuit, there has been an equally increasing proliferation of catalogues. At another moment, beginning in the 50s, especially here in Brazil, we witnessed the displacement of criticism carried out by writers and poets (who, according to Murilo Mendes, should be more capable of doing art criticism because they dominated a greater universe of knowledge, etc.) toward a specialized criticism. Mrio Pedrosa notes the importance of the first So Paulo Art Biennials for the creation of art criticism that takes the work's plastic and formal elements into consideration. Throughout the existence of criticism, there are many transformations, not only directly linked to the changes in the languages of art, but to a series of other conjunctural factors, such as its spaces of vehiculation. The possibilities of exercising criticism are also transforming, for example, with the new agent of the art world, I mean, the curator. Fernando Cocchiarale said - and I fully agree - that the introduction of the curator transfers the presentation of the critic from the plane of discourse to that of visuality. With the expansion of exhibitions, I believe, directly related to an art that is presented and doesn't represent, we see an increasing proliferation of criticism in catalogues, as I already said, which does not stop us from putting a question mark on its status: Does it represent the necessity for the artist to invite Joe Schmoe or John Doe to present him? I ask myself if this dialogue with the critic,

at the very moment the work is being presented, is not establishing a link of a different nature between the critic and art production. What motivates it? What kind of dialogue is this? If Greenberg's great strength was his acuity in analysing each work, this (analysis) does not cease to be subordinate to the a priori parameters of his conception of the formal ruptures and historical development of art - Conceptions that determined his judgment of the work's quality, like the flatness of the picture plane, for example. Today, when artists, throughout their career, invite (contract?) dozens of different critics to write about their work, it seems to me that there is something genuine (i.e. unsophisticated), I mean, not only subordinate to the laws of the market, but intrinsic to the very presentation of the work of art.
And what can you say about the differences between the critic's text and the artist's text about artwork? Valry, Thierry de Duve and many others have already alerted us to the fact that the work of art, subject to differing interpretations, does not remain the same, to the extent that the contributions from diverse theoretical and poetic universes contextualize and augment the possible significations of the artwork. The artist text on his work or about the work of others is, in my opinion, interdependent on his production. The goatee that Duchamp put on the Monalisa, in "LHOOQ", permitted another way of perceiving this famous painting's inscription in art history - and also in cultural history. The current analyses on Duchamp cannot ignore his recontemporizations in relation to Pop, Minimalism, Conceptual art, etc., as well as through analyses done by artists. Similarly, could we evaluate Smithson's production, for example, dissociating it from his essay production? Including for his readers... Because of the n number of readings... I mean, there is no one pure Duchamp. In historiagraphic art research, it has become imperative to relate these diverse layers, in synchronic terms and in their historical dimension. Today, there is, on the part of some critics and historians, certain distrust in relation to the artist as well as toward the texts by critics in catalogues, since they consider that these approaches contribute to the voiding of value judgment. This has to do with the question of legitimation - in which space is this work legitimate? Only in the space of the market? This, in fact, is a real problem. But, previously, did criticism legitimately make anything legitimate? [laughing] Right now, we have a provocative (statement) from the preface of Stiles' e Selz' book that sometime, someone asked: "if the artist does

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not have authority to speak about his work, who does?". And they cite Edward Said who, criticizing the emergence of so many simultaneously autonomous and valid utterances, mainly in the context of contemporary art. He writes that this phenomenon may be compared to a "self-absorbed conversation of 3000 specialists, writing for themselves". Well, if we think about the problem of hermetism in contemporary art, or about a circuit that is more and more restrictive and elitist in terms of comprehension and circulation and all that, we get a certain idea. But, simultaneously, there is a more or less heavy mockery (going on) there, because when all science advances, when all knowledge is made more profound, moments like this are experienced in life. What can you say in this respect? I agree with you. I tend to think that we are living in a real moment of transition. I don't exactly know to where and I don't know under what conditions. But, today, the frontiers of art history are different. Can we still speak of Art? It's not a question of artistic issues or the symbolic expression of human beings, but of Art, what it historically connotes. History is very helpful for thought, not in the sense of giving us answers, but for relating diverse historical constructions. And Art does not cease to be a historical construction - the art that was named fine arts, plastic arts and, today, visual arts. Through the very nominations, the transformations, the mutations reveal themselves. Do you do fine art? Fine arts... [laughing] It's only recently that we talk about the visual arts... And what do you think of these texts about art / in art, that emerge from academic requirements? Although their status is complicated, in some way, they are transforming. For the better? Perhaps, at least, they are problematizing more. The interpretation of the work by the artist himself in a thesis, for example, tends to lead to justifying the work. This is different than making an effort to use theory to comprehend the issues that the work engenders. Nevertheless, it is not a theoretical construction like in philosophy, the social sciences or even art history. Still, I tend to think that, with respect to the education of artists in post-graduate programs, the purely theoretical as well as the interpretive thesis are both in error. But the artist in the university, thinking about his own work, with the possibility to comprehend and formulate (conceptualize) about what he is doing, was important at a certain moment. I mean, this was and is very good.

Sol LeWitt begins his text "Paragraphs on Conceptual Art" [also in Cotrim's & Ferreira's book "Escritos de Artistas" (Artists' Writings")] like this: 'The editor wrote me that he's in favor of avoiding the notion that the artist is a species of monkey who the civilized critic has to explain. This should be good news for the artists as well as for the monkeys.' [laughing]. This text is from 1967, which perhaps shows how important it is - this whole process of trying to understand one's own work...
Porto Alegre, November 15, 2006

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MRIO AZEVEDO is professor at EBA/UFMG and doctoral student in Visual Arts, with an emphasis in Histria Teoria e Crtica de Arte [Art History, Theory and Criticism) in the Programa de Ps-Graduao em Artes Visuais- IA/UFRGS. FERNANDA ALBERTONI is Master in Visual Arts from the Programa de Ps-Graduao em Artes Visuais-IA/UFRGS.

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DIALOGUES BETWEEN IMAGES: PHOTOGRAPHY AND PAINTING IN THE BRITISH POP ART (I)* Annateresa Fabris TRANSLATED BY Daniela Kern ABSTRACT: The artists of the Independent Group show since the beginning of the 1950s an marked interest by products and icons of mass communication. The photographic image occupies a central place in the practice of members of the group as Hamilton and Paolozzi, denoting a deep desire to review the traditional artistic repertoire and to call for the adherence to a contemporary iconography, drawn largely on the circuit of the media. While Paolozzi clearly explores the diversity of collage material, Hamilton carry out a more complex work between technical image and pictorial image. Thanks to the mediation of the painting, the ephemeral image of the mass media becomes, with him, a historical paradigm. KEYWORDS: mass media, photography, painting, paolozzi, hamilton. At the conference "The medium is the massage", issued in May 1966, Marshall McLuhan defined the pop art as "a recognition that the very same external environment can be processed as art" by establishing, starting from that, a relationship with "a electronic phenomenon, because only at an era of immediacy and electronic totality it might be thought to treat the entire human environment as a work of art". Not well received by "the elite artists", by the "staff of the blood bank", that think the new tendency as "a means of classification", "merely a means to develop statistics", the pop art is, by contrast, "a means of perception", which can help to train all human resources in a world increasingly complex. Several issues lap in the text of the Canadian thinker, starting with the idea that everything can be transformed into art, provoking reactions from supporters of the cultural elite. This refers directly to the emergence of the name of the tendency, which, it seems, was coined by the British critic Lawrence Alloway in a controversial resumption of the article "Vanguard and kitsch", published in 1939 by Clement Greenberg. In response to the critical analysis of the American critic, ruled by a dialectic

internal to the universe of cultural values, Alloway proposes to establish a line of continuity between Fine Art and Pop Art, "in which the durable and the consumable, the timeless and the temporal coexist; but without prejudice, either to the senses of the spectator, either to the standards of society". The article "The Arts and the Mass Media" (1958) wanted to establish an intrinsic relationship between the world of pop art and culture industry, far away of Greenberg's elitist theorizations, which, in 1953 ("The Plight of Our Culture: Industrialism and Class Mobility" and "The Plight of Our Culture: Work and Leisure under Industrialism"), has transformed the binary opposition of 1939 in a division of culture into three categories - "lowbrow", "middlebrow" and "highbrow" -, giving to the second term, which corresponds to a phenomenon emerged after the Second World War, a negative connotation. The position statement of Alloway should be inserted in the performance of the Independent Group, emerged as a schism within the Institute of Contemporary Arts in London, that already in 1952 showed a growing interest by urban culture and industrial production. Its members were artists (Richard Hamilton, Eduardo Paolozzi, Nigel Henderson, John McHale, Victor Pasmore, William Turnbull), architects (Alison & Peter Smithson) and critics and historians (Peter Reyner Banham, Toni del Renzio, besides Alloway himself). Assuming a critical position in relation to the legacy of modern art - still in vogue in the 1950s, mainly thanks to the activism of Herbert Read - and to the idea of civilization advocated by Kenneth Clark, the Independent Group proposes the adoption of an expanded vision of culture, based on "systematic study of the iconography of automotive design, science fiction, westerns, rock'e'roll industry, advertising", among others. In the view of the group, it had a ponderable reason to adopt a relationship without prejudice with the products and icons of mass media: thanks to them the standard of living of contemporary man was being set not only in material terms, but also in ethical and cultural ones. To the detractors of this type of production, Alison & Peter Smithson reminded that a language such as advertising required a high degree of knowledge (Literature, Cybernetics, Philosophy, Cosmetics) since it came loaded with information about the contemporary way of life. The images that arouse the interest of the Independent Group are different from the previous repertoire by means of its ephemeral quality, which enabled a rapid change in the available iconography. If repetition was one of its characteristics, another determining factor was the structure of their unconventional visual presentation - first plans, series, films, microscopic and macroscopic views, exploration of fragmentary, indistinct, unfocused aspects - in a demonstration of the presence of gesture, almost absent in the traditional arts background. Disposable icon, in the words of McHale, the image of the mass media was essentially

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anti-academic, opposing itself to a rigid, static system and aspiring to permanence. By providing a continuum between reality and fantasy, the mass arts played an important educational role, orienting "the consumer in current styles, even when they seem purely, timelessly erotic and fantastic". Since the central issue of the second post-war was the mass society, Alloway believed that the search for a new definition of culture was an urgent task. The culture could not be defined as something destinated to few and turned toward the future. It was necessary to go beyond the limits imposed by the Renaissance art theory and to say that culture covers the "whole of human activities". Within this perspective, the art was no longer the prime manifestation of culture and become one of the "possible forms of communication in an expanding framework that also includes the mass arts". This change of paradigm is taken up by Alloway in an article from 1959 - "The long front of culture" - in which he proposes that "unique oil paintings and deeply personal poems as well as mass-distributed films and magazines of directed circulation" are placed "within a continuum, rather than frozen in layers in a pyramid". The critic seek examples of non-hierarchical knowledge in literary studies focused on the phenomenon of reception and in the interest of journalism and sociology at the behavior of the crowd, with a specific goal: to enter the mass media in a new cultural context, making possible the exit of the museum and library and the move to a world populated by ordinary people. While acknowledging that the social media provide a standardized and universal knowledge, Alloway not fails to emphasize particular aspects of this "common body of information", which encourage highly personal uses of mass technology. The revision of the concept of culture within the Independent Group occurs at a time when various fields of knowledge are questioning this hierarchical and highly encrypted structure. It is the case with the historian Raymond Williams, that, in Culture and Society: 17801950 (1958), explores the vicissitudes of the concept of culture and its transformation in the nineteenth century, in a specialized field of activities, linked to the bourgeoisie and directed to the cultivation of the individual. Banham remembers that pop art was synonymous with mass culture in the U.S., which generate, according to Hal Foster, a kind of paradox in the intellectual debate of Independent Group. If the young artists and intellectuals were very close of this culture - what allowed them to know it well - they were, at the same time, far removed from it to desire it and not question it excessively. The North American author's argument deserves repairs, as the practice of British artists often have critical bias in their approach to the universe of mass media.

The fascination with U. S. mass culture is undoubtedly crucial, beside the interest in surrealism, for the production of a set of collages by Paolozzi, between 1947 and 1950, from fragments of comics stories, advertisements, popular magazines, postcards, among others. Although the artist does not consider they finished works, but rather an scrapbook, you can detect in them that particular reading of the register of mass media, to which will refer Alloway in 1959. When Paolozzi presents this work in one of the first meetings of the Independent Group (April 1952), they are not well received. Except for Banham, who participates in the meeting by chance and that realize the scope of the search of the artist, the collages are considered The term "Bunk!", which will give way to the series of collages published in 1972, is found by Paolozzi in the journal Mechanichs and Handicrafts (Dec. 1936), accompanied by an advertising of Charles Atlas's bodybuilding technique. The arrow pointing to the bottom of the swimwear worn by the athlete and the image of a penis encapsulating a female figure are very explicit depictions of a sexuality propagated to be marketed. The figure of the athlete that holds a car with one hand may refer to a meaning of "bunk" that goes beyond the onomatopoeia. Henry Ford, founder of the homonimous company, to glorify the present had declared in 1916 that the history "was more or less a silly". It is in the meaning of "bunk" as dumb thing, nonsense, typical of North American slang, which must be sought the propeller of Paolozzi's compositions, who exploit the apparent nonsense of the images created and disseminated by massa media. This type of presentation, that Hal Foster called the "aesthetics of billboard", had been used by Hamilton in 1951 in the exhibition "Growth and Form" with the projection of photographs of multiple natural structures. In 1953, Paolozzi, Alison & Peter Smithson and Henderson throw hand the principle of collage in the exhibition "Parallel of Life and Art". Anthropological, medical, scientific and journalistic photographs, children's drawings, hieroglyphics, reproductions of modern works and of tribal art are presented in large format images, arranged pell-mell, without any relationship (apparent) between them, suspended from the ceiling and walls of Institute of Contemporary Art's Gallery, so as to cause an effect of strangeness in the observer. The interest in the image as synonymous with visual material in broad sense is the basis of another exhibition in charge of Hamilton, "Man, machine & motion" (1955). The photo plays a dual role in the exhibition: can be either a documentary evidence, as an example of fantasy and imagination, gaining thus properties generally associated with the fine arts. By initiative of Theo Crosby, Architectural Digest's editor, who has published articles of Independent Group, is held in 1956 an exhibition which visually summarizes the discussions since 1952. For "This is

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tomorrow", mounted in the Whitechapel Gallery, Crosby organizes twelve working groups, integrated by artists, architects and designers. Sociological, scientific and anthropological concepts guided the formulation of each environment's theme, having as common assumption the idea of the existence of intersections between the cultural events. Alloway, del Renzio and the architect Geoffrey Hollroyd structure a billboard as demonstration of a form of nonlinear knowledge. The proposal more directly related with the mass media universe is authored by Hamilton, McHale and the architect John Voelcker, who gives a spectacular form to what was still smoldering from "Parallel of life and art" and "Man, Machine & Motion". An amusement park architecture, with false perspective, smooth surface and dark light inside, where a jukebox played the hits of the moment, that is the scenario designed by the trio to celebrate the mass culture. The most significant area was the pavilion's outside walls, with its various quotes from icons of mass culture: a robot cut of 5.18 m. high, from the science-fiction movie Forbidden Planet, which carries a girl; a giant poster with a picture of Marilyn Monroe in The Seven Year Itch; a huge beer bottle. The most important contribution by Hamilton to "This is tomorrow" is an individual work: the collage Just what is it that makes today's homes so different, so appealing? (1956) designed for the exhibition catalogue. True inventory of mass culture, the collage was carefully planned by the artist, who discriminated items that should appear in it: "Man, Woman, Humanity, History, Food, Newspapers, Cinema, TV, Telephone, Comics (picture information), Words (textual information), Tape recording (aural information), Cars, Domestic appliances, Space". In collage not lack any of the items listed by Hamilton, which were cut from magazines illustrated by his wifeTerry and by a friend, Magda Cordell, who attended the meetings of the Independent Group. The muscular man carrying a racket with the writing "Pop", the semi naked woman, the carpet pattern composed by the detail of a photograph in black and white that showed people on a beach, the oil portrait, a can ham, the cups of coffee, a basket of fruit, the newspaper backed by the red couch, the poster of The jazz singer topped the cinema hall which is visible from window, the television on, which shows the image of a girl talking on the phone, an expanded strip of a comics turned into a poster, the various textual references, the recorder on the floor, the Ford's symbol, the vacuum cleaner and the lunar roof make an environment somewhat sui generis, in which the home and the city that houses it are seen as a network of references and icons that shape the contemporary perception. The city that the artist offers to the viewer has nothing to do with the modern utopia. The "highly symbolic scene, interlocked by traces of human activity" is the result of a "subjective seizure of the city, as a known place, defined by games, crowds, fashion".

Built on the same principles that govern Paolozzi's notes - comprehensive figures, inter-relationship between image and text, calculated distribution of the elements of composition - Hamilton's collage distinguishes by an aspect, pointed out by the artist: it is both " tabular" and "pictorial". Different of Paolozzi, which explores the diversity of collage material, Hamilton organizes Just what is it that at the same time a horizontal tabulation of mass culture. If each image is itself endowed with existence, also take part in the total field, with which maintains a tense relationship for not being fully subject to it. The importance of the photographic image to the Independent Group is also evidenced by the Henderson's collage that integrates the room created by himself, Paolozzi and the Smithson couple in "This is tomorrow". Henderson, that since the beginning of the 1950s dedicated himself to photograph facades of popular stores, presents at the exhibition a photographic work of photographic derivation, Head of a man (1956). This unique self-portrait, that Julian Myers relates to Paolozzi's collage created in 1952 with fragments of Time magazine covers, is built with two types of technical image: frames of war remnants and photos of air strikes in London during the Second World War II, taken in East End. The breakdown that Paolozzi makes suffer the effigies of powerful men, with whose fragments configures the face of a hero of the 1952 Olympics, Bob Mathias, is also present in Henderson's self-portrait, though in a particular way. While Paolozzi's fragmentation makes the image paradoxical, but still recognizable, Henderson's interest in the aesthetics of brute art and in the harsh treatment that Jean Dubuffet printed into his compositions will take him to build a picture of rude appearance, in which the surface of different elements overlap almost like graffiti, corroding the photographs indicial appearance. Dubuffet and photographic derivations are also crucial for McHale's collages. The presence of the French painter can be detected in the human contour assumed by the composition, in whose interior fragmentary images from illustrated magazines of large circulation are inserted. They are representations of goods and food - that Alloway compares to Mannerist painter Giuseppe Arcimboldo's figures, with the exception that they do not refer to occupations, but to consumption habits - and also of aspects of new technologies and architectural structures. After "This is tomorrow" and Just what is it that makes today's homes so different, so appealing?, Hamilton continues to use photographic images, derived in large part from illustrated magazines and advertisements. The listing of visual sources for Hommage Chrysler Corp (1957) leaves no doubt about his interest in an iconography that had nothing to do with traditional artistic repertoire. "Compilation of themes derived from the illustrated magazines", the work is presented by the artist as a result

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of "Man, Machine & Motion" exhibition, Independent Group's discussions and research on car design. His main motive, the vehicle, is "an anthology of techniques of presentation", since he take focused and blurred photos and explore the meaning given to color by the artist and by advertising. The vehicle is built with pieces of Plymouth and Chrysler Imperial's ads and with material from General Motors and Pontiac. The female image is configured from two sources: the diagram of Exquisite Form Bra and the pout of Volupta. The scenario of the complex, "vaguely architectonic," is a kind of exhibition room along the lines of "international style" with some suggestions of Piet Mondrian and Eero Saarinen. There is still a "quote" from Marcel Duchamp as direct reference, as well as some allusions to works of the artist himself. It is not easy to distinguish under all sources listed by him. Duchamp is a conceptual presence. Hamilton was studying at that moment The Large Glass (1915-1923), from which he could be freely evoking the two areas, bachelor machine and bride. The different car models cited are torn apart and recombined in a hybrid way, in a reduction process that transforms in lines and spots of color the immediately recognizable elements, headlight and fender. The curvilinear aspect of the car echoes in the monochrome curves of the female figure, which merges with it. The woman is rather a reminder than a tangible form: she is represented, through a synecdoche, by Volupta's red lips, star of a television show broadcast at night, and the frame of the bra. The presence of Duchamp gives to the work of the British painter a critical significance. By providing the machine with sex values, the French artist transmuted inorganic into organic and attached thus an instinctive life to what should be purely mechanical and functional. Hamilton appears to have taken an interest in a particular aspect of The Large Glass - the desiring-engine of the bachelor machine, whose offer was tepidly rejected by the bride - because it allowed him to evoke the erotic appeal that underlies the advertising strategies. The manner of the presentation of the car - an approximate and sided vision - can be a reminder that the sources used by the artist are of photographic origin, which creates a certain tension in the composition, located between two visual strategies and two forms of representation, figurative and abstract. The same ambiguity exists in Hers is a lush situation (1958), whose title incorporates a Buick advertising, quoted in Banham's article "Vehicles of desire" (1955). The anthropomorphization of the car, which permeates the advertisement cited in the 1955 article, is included in so ironic a way by Hamilton, which confronts the viewer with a hybrid of car and female body, endowed with sensual attributes, such as rounded shapes and sharp curves, besides those lips that occupy the central axis of composition. It is not only the car, as a fetish and a symbol of the consumer society,

which attracts Hamilton's attention. Advertisements for household utilities are the starting point of $he (1958-1961), his work more critical of the advertising strategies. The association woman/money/ consumption, explained by the presence of the dollar in the title, could not be more direct, in opposition to the typical allusions and suggestions of the advertising language. The woman raised by the work's title can be either the female image as advertising attraction, as the housewife, recipient of the advertisement. The domestic paradise promised by selling techniques, however, is a grotesque scenario: the refrigerator drip blood, the toaster is confused with the vacuum cleaner, the woman is an amorphous fragment, topped by an plastic eye that winks. Not only is this element which poses real crisis in the homogeneity of the composition. In the work, in which the brightness of advertising images is imitated to perfection by brush, Hamilton also introduces a photographic magnification of the mechanism of refrigerator automatic defrosting, taken from an announcement of the Frigidaire, photographed in superior angle. The tension between figuration and abstraction, which also characterize Pin up (1961) - work in which the artist denaturalize the erotic photograph that is the center of composition, while he resorts to a more realistic record as the bra -, gives way to a more direct use of the image technique in a series of works made in the 1960s. In an article published in February 1969, the artist makes clear what leads him to use photography: I would like to think that what I am doing is questioning reality. Photography is just one way, the most direct we know, by which physical existence can modulate a two-dimensional surface. Painting has long been concerned with the paradox of informing about a multidimensional world on the limited dimensionality of a canvas. Assimilating photography into the domain of paradox, incorporating it into the philosophical contradictions of art is as much my concern as embracing its alluring potential as media. The reality that Hamilton wants to question remains that configured by the mass media. That's why photography is so central to his practice, what matters to him is to put under scrutiny its objectivity and present it as a tool for visual encoding, not very different, in that sense, of pictorial illusionism. In the series Towards a definitive statement on the coming trends in men's wear and accessories (1962), his attention is turning to the construction of specific concepts of masculinity promoted by the press. The persons chosen - President John Kennedy, the astronaut John Glenn, a broker on Wall Street, an American footballer, a weightlifter integrate a typology of masculine beauty, associated with fashion and

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ANNATERESA FABRIS, Dialogues between images: photography and painting in the British pop art

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with the classical ideal, according with the parameters of magazines such as Playboy and Life, among others. The gimmick inherent to visual mechanisms exploited by cinema is the axis of another series produced in 1964, Interior. The integration of painted areas with illusionistic collages creates a paradoxical space feeling. The collages often seem extraneous matter; their size and their place in the interior of composition defy the representation logic. The presence more strange is the human, sometimes for being only an object among others, sometimes for being the decisive factor in the composition, while giving the impression of being alien to it. This is the case, for example, of the silk-screened figure from a cinematographic still of the 1940s, of the actress Patricia Knight, whose size and whose position in the scene create a perceptual strangeness, because it seems to have been placed in an area to which does not belong (Interior II). The idea that the future would be based on "the development of our perceptive potential to accept and use the continuous enrichment of visual material", when expressed by Hamilton for his participation in "This is tomorrow," reaches its peak in 1965. In that moment, the artist performs some works in which photography plays a central role in fact, not only from the iconographic point of view, but also as a method of work and as a starting point for an investigation into its real possibilities of information. This is present at Still life, considered by Hamilton an assisted ready-made. The image of a toaster, derived from a catalog advertising, receives a minimum pictorial treatment, which paradoxically emphasizes its photo quality. As already done in the works of late 1950's, the painter mimics the illusionistic effects of advertising - in this case, at service of the total readability of the picture. Far more complex is the structure of My Marilyn configured from a few photographs taken for Vogue (Bert Stern) and Cosmopolitan (George Barris). Published in Town with the actress's personal notes, which marked with the word "good" the images that she liked and drawn nervous crosses on that she did not want to see released, they attract Hamilton's attention for bringing, even in so brief a way, the same tension between photography and manual interventions that characterized his works. After pasting some of these images directly on canvas, the painter override his mark on the photographer's and the actress's: change the contact sheets discarded, imitates the refusal gesture, redo another pictorially, giving a sample of the different levels of intervention on that a photograph can be placed. It is a dialectical game between painting and photography. Far from creating the reality, the painting obliterate it. The manual interventions of the painter show that the degree of perfection sought by Marilyn Monroe depends not of a supposed naturalness, but of different manipulations to reconcile the subject with the image itself. When the

actress is transformed into an undifferentiated and faceless contour, what is left of the photograph and its indicial logic? One answer can be searched in the repetition, at two different times, from an image considered good by the model: it persists between brands and changes, proving their ability to configure a visuality that is not pictorial. Also in 1965, from the expansion of a postcard, a trial on the informative and representative possibilities of photography is opened. The first result of this research is Whitley Bay: The final image, obtained from the extension of an area of the card, configures itself as an unspecified area because the sharpness of the original record has been replaced by a patchwork of points. The next work is much more radical. People (19651966) makes use of the same image, zoomed further to become almost unreadable. In it, these are issues that Hamilton was discussing since the previous decade, particularly the possibility of coexistence between figuration and abstraction, but the ambiguity that always perpassed his poetics is brought to an extreme limit. In the table - says Brigitte Aubry - it is at stake not the photo as record. When the artist apropriates a ready-made picture, he is investigating a specific representation mode and, further, testing the own ability to continue to be painter, even being very close to photography. The process of transforming the initial image is quite long. The postcard of a city by the sea is first cut in a fashion that the picture scene could have the beach as central axis. The beach, in turn, is subject to a second cut, isolating the stretch that the painter will explore. Transformed into a 35 mm negative, the image is the source of a monochromatic copy in standard size, which is rephotographed. The enlargement process is repeated several times until obliterate the first meaning of the card: what you see at the end of the proceeding are indistinct shadows, close to abstraction. To the indicial elements that have changed into dark masses are added touches of white and black ink, playing with the qualities of the bright and opaque. The image, which could evoke a negative when animated by chromatic notes, ultimately reveal the power of painting, that proves to be capable of performing a complete path around the evidence, masked at first and, finally, transfigured. The same analytical principle is applied to Trafalgar Square (1965-1967), but the indistinction is not so pronounced. In I'm dreaming of a white Christmas (1967-1968), Hamilton takes on another kind of experience: he paints by hand a cinematographic still of the performer of the song that gives title to the work, Bing Crosby, giving the impression that this is the enlargement of an color negative. The construction of reality by mass media and the use of photography as evidence are the basis of Swingeing London 1967 (1968), composed of a off-set lithograph and six variations (silk and oil, airbrush, stress or reduction of bright contrasts) from a single image. The lithography has

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its point of departure in the noisy prison of two members of the Rolling Stones and of Robert Fraser, Hamilton's galerist, for illegal transportion of drugs. The title of the whole work is the result of a homophone game between two adjectives: "swingeing", in allusion to the harsh judge's ruling, and "swinging", retaking the definition that Time magazine (April, 1966) gave to the atmosphere of permissiveness that characterized London at that time. Composed with newspaper clippings, press photos and images related to the process - the header of the letterhead of Fraser's gallery, the packaging of a incense package, for example - the poster, originated from lithography, is a huge discontinuous collage, in which the overlapping stories proposed by the artist work as a critical panel of the information circuit. Some headlines and texts are framed or highlighted by thin layers of color; as they relate to descriptions of clothing made by the press, their presence can be seen - according to William Kaizen - as a critical view of Hamilton about the episode. The arbitrary and imperfect description of the colors, which scores the various clippings, would be the element adopted by the painter to put emphasis on the false representations of reality governing the construction of news by the mass media. The photographs, which interplay with the printed columns, do not suffer any kind of intervention, unless the application of light side touches of paint in the case of two portraits - one of Mick Jagger, another of Brian Jones. The different public images of the Rolling Stones, of Marianne Faithful (Jagger's girlfriend), of Fraser, plus a flagrant of two indicted in the police car, critically interact with the text, strengthening the building of the character rather than of the individual, that is, the presence of a distinguishing mark in the context of the entertainment industry. It is significant, in that sense, that Hamilton choice some frontal pictures of the indicted - Jagger, Fraser and Keith Richards - because it allows him to report them to the typology of judicial photographs, showing how the press is able to make a surreptitious trial. The overlap of the centralized face of Richards and the image of the entire body, in which the musician was photographed in a lateral position, is a clear index of how the evidences are manipulated by the media to take a particular direction in the news. The first collage's photograph - Fraser and Jagger handcuffed, protecting themselves from the flashes of photographers on the way to the court is taken up and reworked as a single image. The photograph, published in the Daily Mail, is enlarged and retouched in order to exclude the outside of police car and to broad its internal part. Next to the photojournalism by the granulation, the first image of the whole (19681969) took, at the same time, a tone unrealistic, because of the distance that the artist print to it when chose dimmed colors and create an atmosphere of suspension, which cut across all temporal dimension of the scene.

A note from Jean Baudrillard about the pop art as manipulation of different levels of mental perception seems to respond closely to the various operations undertaken with the photographic image by the Independent Group members, particularly by Hamilton. The "mental cubism," which the author describes in pop operations - focused on a diffraction of the object, "according to the terms of perception developed over the centuries by a whole culture, from its intellectual and technical equipment: objective reality, Image/reflection, designed figuration, technical figuration (the photo), abstract layout, discursive statement, and so on" -, can be considered one of the key elements of Hamilton's poetics. Does Hamilton another thing besides question and confront only two languages in order to configure deeply ambiguous images that explore and mix different optical systems? The acceptance of photography advertising tout court (Just what is it that makes today's homes so different, so appealing?), the interaction of heterogeneous practices, halfway between figuration and abstraction, in which the brightness of photographic sources is recreated in a illusionistic way by painting (Hommage Chrysler Corp., Hers is a lush situation, $he, Pin-up), the most direct use of the technical image in the 1960s, with varying degrees of problematization, shows that the British artist conceives the work itself within the mass iconography as an ambiguous and complex mediation between actuality and art history. Not by coincidence, March Livingstone evokes the idea of cubist collage about the structure of $he: each fragment of technical image works as a quote from a specific agreement rather than a measure of belief or of the artist's views. In the 1960s, the analysis of perception modes becomes more systematic, leading Hamilton to explore the visual contradiction, to make use of the pictorial logic of photography to confuse the space, questioning the image operation within the communication system. On that path, is not his goal to clarify the nature of photography. When the artist appropriate it, he performs an operation far more complex. The fortuity of taking, its anecdotal or documentary aspect are turned into historic paradigms, thanks to interventions and pictorial integrations that allow shed an analytical look on an icon designed to be ephemeral.

ANNATERESA FABRIS is a professor of the Programa de Ps-Graduao em Artes (Post-Graduate Program in Arts) of the Escola de Comunicaes e Artes (School of Communications and Arts) in the Universidade de So Paulo, and CNPq researcher. She is the author of several books devoted to modern and contemporary art and organized several collections, the latest of which are Imagem e Conhecimento (in collaboration with Maria Lucia Bastos Kern) and Crtica e Modernidade.

DANIELA KERN, Mestiagens na arte contempornea Icleia Borsa Cattani

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MESTIAGENS NA ARTE CONTEMPORNEA ICLEIA BORSA CATTANI Daniela Kern The book Mestiagens na arte contempornea is the result of a long and pioneering research on crossbreedings in visual arts developed by the group of researchers led by Icleia Borsa Cattani. Another result of this research was the Colquio Internacional Mestiagens na Arte Contempornea, which occurred between 5 and 7 November 2007 in Porto Alegre, in parallel with an exhibition at MARGS (Art Museum of Rio Grande do Sul). Already in the introductory text of the book, Poiticas e poticas da mestiagem, Icleia Cattani begins the demarcation of the concept of crossbreeding, pointing to its origin in areas such as ethnology, anthropology and history, and announces its essential difference when applied specifically to the field of arts. Mestiagens na arte contempornea divides his texts in four parts. The first, Questes tericas e conceituais, introduces the mapping of the possibilities of the concept of crossbreeding in the visual arts through Icleia Cattani's Mestiagens na arte contempornea: conceito e desdobramentos, and Marc Jimenez's A esttica como resistncia, originally published in Dominique Berthet's Vers une esthtique du mtissage (2002). Icleia, advancing the definition of crossbreeding, first contrasts this concept with those of syncretism and hybridism and then brings it closer to Deleuze and Guattari's rhizome, unpacking it on several issues (displacement of meaning, appropriations and juxtapositions, shortcomings and ambiguities, proliferations and cross-cutting migration, poitic/poetic, u-topos). Marc Jimenez, in turn, to situate the crossbreeding will appeal to another range of concepts, such as post-modernism, multiculturalism and globalization, advocating a genuine and interactive mestizo aesthetic that respects the private cultural identities. In Ressignificaes da Modernidade, the second part of the work, the concept of crossbreeding will permeate the analysis of modernist works and events. Thus, Eliane Chiron, in Fonte testando Khra: o tornar-se-lugar do objeto duchampiano, extends crossbreeding to both the observer and the object and place of the artist Duchamp; Dominique Berthet, in O imprevisvel resultado do reencontro, beginning with the discussion about definitions of crossbreeding made by Roger Toumson and by douard Glissant in the nineties, thinks about the nature of the sixth Aztec sun and the impact of the presence of Andr Breton in Haiti, Mario Azevedo unveils the "places of crossbreeding" in Os carnets de Torres Garcia, and Camila Schenkel's Fotomontagem:

desdobramentos de um processo centenrio de mestiagem addresses the photomontage as a "crossbred technique". Proposies Poticas, the third part of the book, is intended to research focused on the poetics of finished works read from the viewpoint of crossbreeding. That is how Ana Carvalho, when analyzing works of Vera Chaves Barcellos, proposes the installation as a crossbred way of spatialization. Nara Cristina Santos pursues the concept of crossbreeding in Luciano Santos's work, while Nadja de Carvalho Lamas identifies the crossbreeding in Schwank's appropriations. If Viviane Rocha notes crossbreedings in the performances by the bias of difference, Juliana Angeli resumes the crossbred procedures in the survey of the contemporary employment of photographic portrait. Viviane Gil, in turn, looks for possible crossbred procedures related to the use of clothes in the works of Karin Lambrecht, while Michael Kirschbaum analyzes the crossbreeding present in the adoption, by contemporary artists, of theoretical models of spatial representation. The fourth and last part of the book, Reflexes Poiticas, devotes itself to research on crossbreeding related to contemporary poietic, namely the philosophy of artistic behavior and creation. Bernard Paquet reported, in this segment, its interactive (and thus potentially crossbred) experience with the Poietic Generator; Alfredo Nicolaiewsky presents the research Da ordem do enigma, which resulted in a series of works that enters the territory of formal crossbreeding; Maristela Salvatori notes the "crossbreeding" of ancient technology, like the old metal engraving, with a brand new technology, such as the creation of digital images; Maria Lucia Cattani make a countdown of the crossbred preparation (since mix engraving and pictorial issues) of the work exhibited at the 5th. Bienal do Mercosul in 1997; Paulo Gomes reveal the preparation of his artist's book Simenon/Maigret (2002/2003); Marcelo Gobatto identifies in his installation Palavra proibida [Forbidden word] the crossbreeding with tension between libertarian and authoritarian speeches triggered by the work; Lenir de Miranda, finally, puts the very naked crossbred poetic/poietic of his works. Well structured by the organizer, Icleia Cattani, and beautifully edited by Editora da UFRGS, Mestiagens na arte contempornea certainly will help, in a important way, to increase the production of theoretical and original visual art research in the country.
BIBLIOGRAPHY CATTANI, Icleia Borsa (Org). Mestiagens na arte contempornea. Porto Alegre: Editora da UFRGS, 2007.

DANIELA KERN is Dr. (PUCRS), Researcher PRODOC CAPES and Professor Collaborator at the PPGAV (Post-Graduate Program in Visual Arts) at the Instituto de Artes of UFRGS. She has transleted Pierre Bourdieu's A distino and Raymonde Moulin's O mercado da arte into Portuguese.

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SUSANNE B. KELLER, ber das Verstndnis der Geographie unter den reisenden Knstlern im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert

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BER DAS VERSTNDNIS DER GEOGRAPHIE UNTER DEN REISENDEN KNSTLERN IM 18. UND 19. JAHRHUNDERT Susanne B. Keller DIE DARSTELLUNG DER NATUR IN KUNST UND WISSENSCHAFT UM 1800 Es verdient die so schne Erfindung des Panorama ... allen Beyfall. Der Kunst fehlte noch diese neue Art eine allgemeine Ansicht zu mahlen, welche zu den Fortschritten unserer Kenntnisse viel beytragen kann. Eine Reihe solcher Gemhlde wrde sehr sehenswrdig seyn, und tausend Personen in den Stand setzen, ohne zu reisen, die ... interessantesten Lnder, nicht nur in Europa, sondern auch in den brigen Theilen der Welt, kennen zu lernen.1 So beschreibt der franzsische Landschaftsmaler und Kunsttheoretiker Pierre-Henri de Valenciennes (17501819) um 1800 in seinen Betrachtungen ber das Studium der Mahlerey berhaupt, und der Landschaftsmahlerey insbesondere am Beispiel des Panoramas eine der Aufgaben guter Landschaftskunst. Das 1789 erstmals in London
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VALENCIENNES, Pierre-Henri de. Elments de perspective pratique lusage des artistes, suivis de Rflexions et Conseils un Elve sur la Peinture et particulirement sur le Genre du Paysage. (Paris: Desenne & Duprat; An VIII [1800]) Reprint Genf: Minkoff Reprint; 1973, S. 342 f.; hier nach VALENCIENNES, Pierre-Henri de. Praktische Anleitung zur Linear- und Luftperspectiv fr Zeichner und Mahler. Nebst Betrachtungen ber das Studium der Mahlerey berhaupt, und der Landschaftsmahlerey insbesondere. bers. v. Johann Heinrich Meynier, 2 Bde., Hof: Gottfried Adolph Grau; 1803, Bd. 1, S. 344.
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prsentierte Panorama, das als riesiges Rundgemlde Landschaftsmotive in illusionistischer Raumwirkung berhhte, und seine anschlieende jahrzehntelange Beliebtheit zeugen von einem verbreiteten Interesse an detaillierter, topographisch exakter Darstellung von exotischen Ansichten aus aller Welt (fig. 1.).2 Noch fast fnfzig Jahre spter, als diese Erfindung schon lange nicht mehr die Brisanz der ersten Jahre hatte, unterstrich Alexander von Humboldt (17691859) in seinem Hauptwerk Kosmos die Bedeutung des Panoramas als Reiseersatz in hnlich begeisterter Weise: Die Vervollkommnung der Landschaftsmalerei in groen Dimensionen ... hat in neueren Zeiten zugleich die Allgemeinheit und die Strke des Eindrucks vermehrt. Was ... in der Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts durch Serlios Kulisseneinrichtungen die Sinnestuschung vermehrte, kann jetzt ... in Parkerschen Rundgemlden die Wanderung durch verschiedenartige Klimate fast ersetzen.3 Erst seit der zweiten Hlfte des 18. Jahrhunderts hatte die Landschaftsmalerei begonnen, sich langsam als eigenstndiges Genre innerhalb der traditionellen Gattungsordnung der bildenden Knste zu emanzipieren. In jener Hierarchie hatte die Historienmalerei, welche normative Aussagen in idealen Kompositionen narrativ in Szene setzte, immer die hchste Stellung innegehabt. Von den Landschaftsmalern wurde erwartet, durch Darstellung idealischer Naturscenen eine sthetische Stimmung zu bewirken...4 Hchste Kriterien waren Erfindungsgeist und Genie: Das edelste idealische Wahre ist blos dichterisch. Es whlet und verknpfet ... Vollkommenheiten, die ... in der gemeinen Natur, nicht beysammen anzutreffen sind. 5 Die dokumentarische, topographische Naturdarstellung hingegen galt lange Zeit als untergeordnete Gattung. Auch Valenciennes war der Meinung: Im Grunde erfordert die portrtierte Landschaft nicht viel Genie, denn es arbeiten hier nur die Augen und die Hnde.6 Eine treue Abbildung der Natur diente
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HUMBOLDT, Alexander von: Kosmos. Entwurf einer physischen Weltbeschreibung. Stuttgart: Cotta; 18451862, hier nach: Alexander von Humboldt. Studienausgabe. 7 Bde., eingeleitet und kommentiert von Hanno Beck, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft; 1987 ff., Bd. 7.2 (1993) S. 79.
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Vgl. OETTERMANN, Stephan: Das Panorama. Geschichte eines Massenmediums. Frankfurt a. M.: Syndikat; 1980; AUSST.-KAT. LONDON 1988: Panoramania! The Art and Entertainment of the All-Embracing View. Hg.: Ralph Hyde. London: Barbican Art Gallery; 1988; AUSST.-KAT. BONN 1993: Sehsucht. Das Panorama als Massenunterhaltung des 19. Jahrhunderts. Bonn: Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Katalog: Frankfurt a. M.: Stroemfeld/Roter Stern; 1993.

FERNOW, Carl Ludwig. ber die Landschaftsmalerei. In ders.: Rmische Studien. 3 Bde., Zrich: Gessner; 18061808, Bd. 2, S. 11130, S. 29.
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HAGEDORN, Christian Ludwig von. Betrachtungen ber die Mahlerey, 2 Bde., Leipzig: Johann Wendlern; 1762, Bd. 1, S. 89.

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allenfalls als Studie, die es spter bei der Schaffung eines vollendeten Gemldes als Vorlage fr die Details zu nutzen galt. Doch gingen bereits im spteren 18. Jahrhundert zahlreiche Knstler selbstbewusst eigene Wege, die auerhalb der akademischen, sthetischen Debatten verliefen, und die zu einer zunehmenden Wertschtzung der unmittelbaren Naturbeobachtung fhrten. Entscheidenden Anteil an der Aufwertung topographischer Landschaftsmalerei hatte die Entwicklung der Naturforschung, die sich im 18. Jahrhundert zunehmend einem empirischen Ideal verschrieb und deduktive, spekulative Theoriebildung immer mehr ablehnte.7 Stattdessen wurde gefordert, dass die Phnomene der Natur mit eigenen Augen, vor Ort, studiert, beschrieben und dokumentiert wrden. Whrend sich die Forscher bemhten, fremde Landschaften und Naturerscheinungen einem greren Publikum zu vermitteln, empfanden sie jedoch hufig die ihnen zur Verfgung stehenden Ausdrucksmittel als unzureichend. Immer wieder wurde betont, dass ein Phnomen unbeschreiblich oder nicht darstellbar sei. Das Defizit der rein verbalen Beschreibung wurde allenthalben so deutlich, dass zahlreiche Forscher selbst zu zeichnen begannen oder ausgebildete Zeichner auf ihre Exkursionen mitnahmen.
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VALENCIENNES 1803, Bd. 2, S. 103. Hagedorn spricht abfllig von dem sogenannten einfltigen Wahren, das seine ohne besondere Sorgfalt gewhlte Vorwrfe treulich ... nachahmet. HAGEDORN 1762, Bd. 1, S. 89.
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Der Begriff empirisch hat ein breites und hufig auch widersprchliches Bedeutungsfeld. Ich verwende ihn im Sinne Kemps ... in its more elastic sense of a form of knowledge ostensibly based upon observation without necessarily stipulating the precise roles of a priori and a posteriori procedures. KEMP, Martin. The Science oft Art. Optical themes in western art from Brunelleschi to Seurat. New Haven & London: Yale Univ. Press; 1990, Introduction, S. 1. Vgl. auch WILLIAMS, Raymond. Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society. Fontana: Williams; 1976, s. v. empirical. Zur Entwicklung der Nturwissenschaften vgl. PORTER, Roy (Hg.). Eighteenth-Century Science. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press; 2003.
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Die empirische Naturforschung wurde entscheidend durch die Beschreibungen und Publikationen reisender Forscher und der Entdeckungsreisenden befrdert.8 Es entstanden aufwendig illustrierte Reiseberichte, an deren Publikation hufig bekannte Knstler und Stecher beteiligt waren. Die Entdeckungsreisen frderten eine enge Zusammenarbeit zwischen dem Naturforscher und dem Zeichner, der hufig nicht nur als ausfhrender Handlanger fungierte, sondern eigenstndig Motive auswhlte, gestaltete und bisweilen spter auch in Gemlde umsetzte. In der Folge wurden die unterschiedlichen Erscheinungsformen von Natur und Landschaft zunehmend von Landschaftsmalern auf ihre Darstellbarkeit und Darstellungswrdigkeit hin betrachtet und diskutiert. So rckten Motive in den Blickpunkt, die vorher in der Kunst, wenn berhaupt, nur ein Randdasein gefhrt hatten, wie etwa meteorologische Erscheinungen, Gebirge oder Vulkanausbrche. Landschaftszeichner und Forscher trafen sich in dieser Zeit hufig direkt vor Ort, vor dem Objekt, bzw. vor dem Motiv. Zahlreiche Gemlde, Graphiken und Zeichnungen spiegelten nun ein deutlich naturwissenschaftliches Interesse der Knstler.9 Auch Valenciennes hatte auf zahlreichen Reisen eine Flle von Naturstudien angefertigt, in denen er sich mit den Details unterschiedlicher Topographie, Vegetation, Architektur und meteorologischer Bedingungen auseinandersetzte. Diese Zeichnungen und lskizzen machen ihn innerhalb der Kunstgeschichte bedeutsam; er gilt als Erfinder der PleinAir Malerei und Vorlufer von Camille Corot.10 In Valenciennes Person und Werk zeigt sich jedoch ein Dualismus, der fr die Landschaftsmaler um 1800 charakteristisch ist. Einerseits strebte er Zeit seines Lebens nach dem vollendeten Gemlde in Form der Historischen Landschaft. Andererseits stehen seine Studien wie auch seine kunsttheoretischen uerungen fr eine voraus weisende Aufwertung der Naturbeobachtung an sich. Im Sinne dieses Ideals hob Valenciennes auch besonders die Bedeutung des Reisens fr die Bildung der jungen Landschaftsmaler hervor. Er beschrieb zahlreiche europische Reiselnder, welche er grtenteils selbst kennen gelernt hatte,
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Vgl. hierzu KANZ, Kai Torsten. Naturgeschichte und wissenschaftliche Kommunikation. Aspekte der Italienreisen deutscher Naturforscher im spten 18. Jahrhundert. In: AGAZZI, Elena (Hg.). Viaggiare per sapere. Percorsi scientifici tra Italia e Germania nel XVIII e XIX secolo. Fasano: Schena; 1997, S. 2341. Zur zunehmend wissenschaftlichen Ausrichtung der (Pazifik-) Entdeckungsreisen seit den 1760er Jahren vgl. MILLER, David Philip & REILL, Peter Hanns (Hg.). Visions of Empire. Voyages, Botany and Representations of Nature. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press; 1996, Introduction, S. 118, S. 4. In der ersten Reisephase, im 16. und zu Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts, scientific aims were entirely marginal (ebd.).

Vgl. POINTON, Marcia. Geology and Landscape Painting in Nineteenth-Century England. In: JORDANOVA, Ludmilla J. & Porter, Roy S. (Hg.). Images of the Earth. Essays in the History of the Environmental Sciences. Chalfont St. Giles: BSHS; 1979, S. 84108; KLONK, Charlotte. Science and the Perception of Nature: British Landscape Art in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries. New Haven & London: Yale Univ. Press; 1996.
10

Fr einen berblick ber seine Detailstudien und vor der Natur ausgefhrten lskizzen siehe AUSST.-KAT. TOULOUSE 2003: La nature lavait cre peintre. Pierre-Henri de Valenciennes 17501819. Toulouse: Muse Paul-Dupuy; 19.3. 30.6.2003, Katalog: Paris: Somogy; 2003.

SUSANNE B. KELLER, ber das Verstndnis der Geographie unter den reisenden Knstlern im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert

247

und bewertete die Entdeckung neuer Ansichten als hchst bereichernd fr die Kunst. In diesem Sinne rief er die Maler zu eigenstndigen Erkundungen auf und zur Nachahmung der reisenden Forscher.11 Im spten 18. Jahrhundert bewegten sich fast alle reisenden Landschaftsmaler in diesem Spannungsfeld zwischen empirischer Naturbeobachtung und sthetischer Tradition. Jedoch reagierten sie in unterschiedlicher Weise. Was sie vereinte, war die Auseinandersetzung mit fremdartiger Geographie, fr deren knstlerische Wiedergabe es oft keine Bildtradition gab. Dabei ging es immer in erster Linie auch um die kreative Aneignung eines geographischen Raumes. Der Begriff des Raumes definiert grundlegend die Geographie als Disziplin und menschliche Erfahrung.12 Darber hinaus spielte jedoch der Raum als sthetische Kategorie in der Entwicklung der visuellen Medien um 1800 eine zentrale Rolle, wie ich im Folgenden zeigen mchte. I. JEAN HOEL: VISUELLES EINKREISEN EINES GEOGRAPHISCHEN RAUMS Der franzsische Maler und Architekt Jean-Pierre-Louis-Laurent Hoel (1735 1813) fuhr 1769 mit Hilfe eines kniglichen Stipendiums nach Rom, von wo aus er ausgedehnte Exkursionen nach Neapel und Sizilien unternahm.13 Erst 1772 kehrte er nach Paris zurck und stellte seit 1775 im Salon Sizilienansichten aus. Im Mrz 1776 brach er ein zweites Mal zu einer groen Italienreise auf, bei der es sein erklrtes Ziel war, nur Sizilien und seine Inseln zu bereisen, um dort Material fr die Publikation einer Voyage pittoresque zu sammeln (fig. 2). ber drei Jahre bereiste Hoel die Insel und schuf whrenddessen fast 1000 Skizzen, Zeichnungen und Gouachen, von denen ein groer Teil erhalten ist und sich heute in der Eremitage in St. Petersburg und im Pariser Louvre befindet. Nach seiner Rckkehr im November 1779 arbeitete der Knstler mehrere Jahre an der Herausgabe seiner Voyage pittoresque des Isles de Sicile, de Malte et de Lipari. Fr die vierbndige, groformatige Sizilienbeschreibung
11

setzte er 264 seiner Gouachen eigenhndig in sepiafarbene AquatintaRadierungen um.14 Im Vorwort zu seiner Voyage formulierte Hoel, welche Kriterien er fr eine adquate Beschreibung eines Landes fr unabdingbar hielt und bte dabei Kritik an anderen Reiseberichten: Ein Reisender msse ein bestimmtes Gebiet vollstndig kennen lernen, mglichst mehrere Jahre dort verbringen und auch lnger an einzelnen Orten verweilen, anstatt nur en passant einen Eindruck zu bekommen. Selbstbewusst fhrte er an, warum gerade er die idealen Voraussetzungen mitbrachte: Ich fhlte mich dazu geboren, eine erfolgreiche und etwas neuartige Reise zu machen. Meine gute Gesundheit erlaubte mir lange Anstrengungen, mein groer Aktivittsdrang, der keine Hindernisse zulie; & meine Entdeckungsfreude sollten mit die Arbeiten, die ich mir auferlegt hatte, leichter und angenehmer machen. Ich sprach auch die Landessprache; im brigen war ich Maler und Architekt; & ich konnte mich mit den Kenntnissen dieser Knste nicht nur mehr als ein anderer fr die Gegenstnde, die ich besuchen wollte, interessieren, sondern diese auch wiedergeben. Meine Reise konnte gleichzeitig ein Bericht und eine Beschreibung sein.15 Die Voyage geht im Gegensatz zu den meisten Reiseberichten der Zeit nicht strikt chronologisch vor, sondern wurde von Hoel sorgsam komponiert und nach Themen gegliedert.16 Die beigefgten Tafeln begleiten die geographischen Themenkomplexe als parallele knstlerische Visualisierung
14

VALENCIENNES 1803, Bd. 2, S. 226, zu Sardinien: ...Haben doch schon Naturforscher diese instructive Reise unternommen, warum sollten sich denn Mahler davon abschrecken lassen?
12

HOEL, Jean Pierre Louis Laurent. Voyage pittoresque des Isles de Sicile, de Malte et de Lipari. O lon traite des Antiquits qui sy trouvent encore; des principaux Phnomnes que la Nature y offre; du Costume des Habitants; & de quelques Usages. 4 Bde., Paris: Imprimerie de Monsieur; 17821787, 264 Tafeln. Die Aquatinten sind ca. 23 x 36 cm gro und bez.: Dessin et grav par J. Hoel. Vgl. PINAULT SRENSEN, Madeleine. Le voyage de Hoel en Sicile. In: LEGRAND, Cathrine (Hg.). Le Paysage en Europe du XVIe au XVIIIe sicle. Paris 1994, S. 119135; ferner AUSST.-KAT. PALERMO 1988: La Sicilia di Jean Houel allEremitage. Palermo: Civica Galleria dArte Moderna Empedocle Restivo; 1988; AUSST.-KAT. PARIS 1990: Hoel, Voyage en Sicile 17761779. Paris: Muse du Louvre, Cabinet des Dessins; 1990. Siehe auch AUSST.-KAT. HAMBURG 2002: Expedition Kunst. Die Entdeckung der Natur von C. D. Friedrich bis Humboldt. Hamburg: Hamburger Kunsthalle; 2002, Kat. Nr. 112132.
15

BRUNOTTE, Ernst u. a. (Hg.). Lexikon der Geographie. 4 Bde., Darmstadt: Wissenschaftl. Buchgesellschaft; 2001-2002, s. v. Geographie.
13

HOEL, Voyage, Bd. 1, S. V f. Hoel war fnfzehn Jahre lter als Valenciennes und verkehrte in hnlichen Kreisen in Paris. Vgl. zu Hoels Biographie VLOBERG, Maurice. Jean Houl. Peintre et Graveur 17351813. Paris: Naert; 1930.
16

Vgl. zur Rekonstruktion von Hoels Route aus den Angaben seines unpublizierten Tagebuch-Manuskripts PINAULT 1994.

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des Beschriebenen. Der Text ist in zahlreiche Kapitel gegliedert, von denen der Groteil jeweils direkt einer Bildtafel zugeordnet ist. Aus dem vollstndigen Titel der Voyage ist bereits abzulesen, welche Interessen den Architekten, Maler und Stecher hauptschlich leiteten und welche Prioritten er dabei setzte: Sein Hauptaugenmerk galt den in Sizilien zahlreichen berresten der griechischen und rmischen Antike, von denen er sowohl die damals bekannten Ruinen aufsuchte, als auch sich neue, noch nicht oder gerade erst ausgegrabene Sttten von den Einheimischen zeigen lie. Daneben galt ein wesentliches Engagement Hoels jedoch dem Studium der Natur, genauer der auergewhnlichen geologischen Naturphnomene Siziliens. Seine Ausfhrungen und Illustrationen zu den Liparischen Inseln, zum tna mit seinen Nebenkratern und zu den Basaltfelsen an der Kste bei Catania nehmen in der Voyage einen breiten Raum ein.17 Hoel untersuchte Gesteinsformationen, stellte selbst eine These zur vulkanischen Morphogenese des tna auf und diskutierte ausfhrlich seinen Standpunkt zur Formation des Basalts.18 Der Knstler erwhnt dabei in keiner Weise seine ohne Zweifel vorhandene Vorbildung auf dem Gebiet der Mineralogie, er prsentiert sich nicht explizit als Naturforscher. Es wird vielmehr sein Anspruch deutlich, dass er gerade als Maler und Architekt auch fr die Naturforscher und Gelehrten etwas zu bieten habe. Sein Selbstverstndnis ist ein knstlerisches und stolz nennt er sich auf der Titelseite Peintre du Roi.

DEUTSCH

VUES DES VOLCANS LANDSCHAFTSANSICHTEN UND NATURANEIGNUNG


Eine der ersten Reise-Etappen fhrte den Knstler zu den olischen Inseln, wo er sich auf die Auseinandersetzung mit dem dortigen Vulkanismus konzentrierte.19 Ganz im Sinne der neueren Tendenzen innerhalb der Naturforschung lste er sich weitgehend von der bis dahin geltenden Autoritt der Schilderungen antiker Autoren. Hoel kritisiert sogar vehement deren offenkundigen Mangel an empirischer Anschauung und betont, dass ihre Erkenntnisse oft nicht mehr aktuell seien. Er selbst wolle daher jede einzelne der Inseln selbst und insbesondere hinsichtlich ihrer naturgeschichtlichen Sehenswrdigkeiten in Augenschein nehmen.20 Mit Tafel Nr. 62 der Voyage beginnt Hoel seine visuelle Thematisierung der Liparischen Inseln. Sie zeigt eine erste Gesamtansicht der rauchenden Insel Vulcano von der Nachbarinsel Lipari aus und lsst den mineralogischen Blick des Knstlers schon erkennen (fig. 3 ). Der Vordergrund wird zwar malerisch von einer landwirtschaftlichen Szene mit Ochsengespann akzentuiert, zu der Hoel nachdrcklich betont, dass sie keineswegs eine rein dekorative Staffagefunktion besitze, sondern vielmehr die authentische ethnographische Dokumentation der lokalen Pflgetechnik sei. Das beherrschende Bildthema ist jedoch die aktive Vulkaninsel im Mittelgrund. Unbewachsene, steile Flanken fhren zu einem Plateau, auf dem helle Fumarolen vor der Folie einer mchtigen dunklen Rauchwolke auszumachen sind. Einzelne ins Bild gesetzte Verweisbuchstaben deuten auf eine enge Verbindung zum Text hin, wo Hoel eine przise Beschreibung des geologischen Aufbaus dieser damals unbewohnten Insel liefert.21 Tafel Nr. 64 zeigt eine weitere malerische Ansicht derselben Insel aus hnlicher Entfernung, diesmal jedoch von einem etwas anderen Standort aus aufgenommen (fig. 4).22 Das Bild soll offensichtlich dem
19

17

In den zeitgenssischen Sizilien-Reiseberichten taucht ein genuin wissenschaftliches Naturinteresse kaum auf. Ausnahmen sind die Publikation Brydones, der Mitglied der Londoner Royal Society war und sich u. a. mit Elektrizittsforschungen beschftigte: BRYDONE, Patrick. A Tour Through Sicily and Malta. In a Series of Letters to William Beckford. London: Strahan and Cadell; 1773 sowie BORCH, Michal Jan. Lettres sur la Sicile et sur lIle de Malthe crites en 1777, pour servir de supplement au Voyage en Sicile et Malthe de Mr. Brydone. 2 Bde., Turin: Reycend; 1782.
18

Hoel hielt sich dort ungefhr vier Wochen auf. Vgl. HOEL, Voyage, Bd. 1, Kap. 1012, S. 111138, Tafeln Nr. 6072. Vgl. die italienische bersetzung von diesem Teil der Voyage: JEAN HOUEL: Viaggio Pittoresco alle Isole Eolie. Einleitung von Leonardo Sciascia, bers. und Nachwort von Roberto Cincotta. Marina di Patti: Pungitopo; 1987.
20

Vgl. zu Hoels Observations sur la formation du Basalte KELLER, S. B. Der mineralogische Blick des Knstlers Jean Hoel: Perzeption und Prsentation von Basaltformationen in der Voyage pittoresque des Isles de Sicile (1782 1787). In: DRBECK, G., GOCKEL, B., KELLER, S. B. u. a. (Hg.). Wahrnehmung der Natur Natur der Wahrnehmung. Studien zur Geschichte visueller Kultur um 1800. Dresden: Verlag der Kunst; 2001, S. 117133. Zum tna siehe KELLER, S. B. Naturgewalt im Bild. Strategien visueller Naturaneignung in Kunst und Wissenschaft, 17501830. Weimar: VDG; im Druck.

HOEL, Voyage, Bd. 1, S. 111.


21

Ebd. S. 115 f.
22

Ebd. S. 117.

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Lesepublikum die Halbinsel Vulcanello vor Augen fhren, die links vor dem Hauptvulkan zu sehen ist, und die auch den Gegenstand der folgenden Tafel Nr. 65 darstellt (fig. 5): Hier sind die beiden Krater des Vulcanello zu sehen, den Hoel gleich nach seiner Ankunft bestiegen hatte.23 Der Zeichner versetzte sich eigens auf einen erhhten Standort, um eine sowohl anschauliche als auch authentische Gesamtschau der Gipfelsituation wiedergeben zu knnen. Auf diese Weise kann er die Betrachter einerseits in die Tiefe des nchstgelegenen Kraters hinein sphen lassen, andererseits aber auch den zweiten Schlund im Mittelgrund mit ins Bild bringen sowie den Blick ber das Meer auf die einige Kilometer entfernten Nachbarinseln Lipari und Salina prsentieren. Trotz des arrangiert wirkenden Bildaufbaus ist das Streben nach berzeugender Wiedergabe der konkreten vorgefundenen Situation im Bild nirgends vernachlssigt. Der Knstler fgt abgesehen vom traditionell eher freien Einsatz von Staffagefiguren kein Detail ein, das er nicht selbst so gesehen hat. So ist in diesem Bild etwa die Nachbarinsel Lipari nur verschwommen zu sehen, denn, wie Hoel im Text erklrt: Der Dunst, die Entfernung & der Schatten erlaubten nicht, sie genauer zu erkennen.24 Mit der folgenden Tafel Nr. 66 entwarf Hoel wiederum eine ausgeklgelte Komposition, die zwar die Ungewhnlichkeit und Gefhrlichkeit der dargestellten Lokalitt vermittelt, gleichzeitig aber auch eine rationale Beherrschbarkeit der vom Knstler-Geologen erlebten Naturkraft suggeriert (fig. 6).25 Man erblickt zunchst eine eindrucksvolle, ja Furcht erregende Kraterlandschaft, bei nherer Betrachtung wird jedoch deutlich, dass der Knstler die Naturgewalt durch Einsatz kompositorischer Mittel vollkommen unter Kontrolle hat. Wieder ist der Augenpunkt erhht gewhlt, der Blick des Betrachters beherrscht die Szene, er schweift ber eine nach links leicht abfallende Flanke hinab zum dampfenden Krater, ber diesen hinweg in die Ferne, wo abermals die Nachbarinseln zu sehen sind, die dem Auge im Hintergrund einen Halt bieten. Vor die helle Kulisse der weien Dmpfe
23

des Vulkans setzt Hoel mehrere menschliche Figuren als Schattenrisse, um mittels des dadurch erzeugten Grenmastabes die Ungeheuerlichkeit des Ortes sprbar zu machen.26 Im aus dem Krater hervorquellenden undurchsichtigen Qualm lassen sich kleine Steinchen ausmachen, die tatschlich in dieser Zeit immer wieder durch die Aktivitt des Vulkans empor geschleudert wurden.27 Sie gemahnen an die stndige Gefhrdung durch einen groen gewaltsamen Ausbruch und heben den Wagemut der Forscher am Kraterrand hervor. Ein Groteil der im Text hergestellten Impression potentieller Gefhrlichkeit und damit Erhabenheit der abgebildeten Szene wird jedoch durch die kompositorische Gestaltung der prominenten Vordergrundszenerie reduziert: Hoel hat sich selbst in Rckenansicht vor der Naturerscheinung sitzend dargestellt, sein Zeichenbrett auf den Knien haltend, den Stift in der Hand, rechts neben ihm steht in Reichweite sein geffneter Farbkoffer. Der Zeichner scheint ganz in seine Arbeit vertieft, sein Kopf ist gesenkt, ihm ist keine Regung anzumerken. Fast statisch thront er ber der Naturerscheinung, er ist genau in die Mittelachse des Bildes platziert. Rechts neben dem Zeichner lagern zwei seiner Begleiter in sizilianischer Tracht, ortskundige Einheimische, wie sie Hoel auf seinen Exkursionen stets bei sich hatte. Beider Krperhaltung strahlt Gleichgltigkeit gegenber dem Naturgeschehen aus. Whrend der eine in die Landschaft starrt oder bestenfalls nebenbei gelassen verfolgt, was der franzsische Knstler mit seinem Zeichenstift festhlt, hat sich der andere ganz von der Aussicht abgewandt und scheint zu ruhen. BILDFOLGE ALS NARRATION Wie kalkuliert Hoels visuelle Darstellungen der Naturphnomene Vulcanos sind, zeigt sich jedoch nicht nur in den ausgefeilten Kompositionen der jeweiligen Einzelbilder. Eine Zusammenschau der Tafeln fhrt vor Augen, dass der Maler hier eine didaktisch gemeinte, rumliche Hinfhrung prsentiert, die allein ber das visuelle Medium funktioniert: Die Bildfolge spiegelt die zeitliche Sequenz von Hoels Reiseverlauf und die Abfolge seiner eigenen Perzeptionen wider. Anhand dieses visuellen Angebots werden die Betrachter dazu angehalten, sich dem ungewohnten Gegenstand sukzessive zu nhern. Tafel Nr. 62 (fig. 3) kann als Ouvertre gelten, sie zeigt noch einen Landschaftsausschnitt der Insel Lipari im Vordergrund, von dem aus Hoel die Zeichnung anfertigte. Auf Tafel Nr. 64 (fig. 4) ist diese Orientierungsbasis schon auf ein Minimum reduziert und nur ein winziges Stckchen Strand am
27

Ebd. S. 118 f.
24

Ebd.
25

Vgl. ebd. S. 120124.


26

...jai plac des personnages D, E, pour faire sentir limmensit de ce lieu. Ebd. S. 120.

PICHLER, Hans. Italienische Vulkangebiete III. Berlin & Stuttgart: Borntrger; 1981, S. 140.

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unteren Bildrand bezeugt, dass diese Ansicht nicht vom Boot aus aufgenommen ist. Letzteres ist jedoch bereits in das Bild integriert, es stand, wie im Text auch bemerkt wird, schon bereit, damit Hoel nach Beendigung seiner Zeichnung sogleich nach Vulcano bersetzen konnte. Whrend diese beiden Tafeln als Fernsichten einen ersten berblick ber die Insel und ihre rumliche und physische Beschaffenheit geben und damit eine geographische Orientierung der Betrachter ermglichen, fhren die Detailansichten der folgenden Tafeln (fig. 5 und fig. 6) wie mittels des etappenweisen Einsatzes eines Zoom-Objektivs erst wirklich nahe an die eigentlichen vulkanischen Phnomene heran. Dabei war Hoel auch hier darauf bedacht, dass sich die Betrachter stets rumlich zurechtfinden knnen. Der Zeichner whlte in beiden Tafeln seinen Standort jeweils so, dass im Bild die Aussicht vom Gipfel herab und der Blick in den Krater hinein vereint sind; die Nachbarinseln bleiben immer im Blickfeld, sodass auch die Nahaufnahmen in ihren geographischen Kontext eingebettet bleiben. Doch Hoels einkreisende Aneignung des geographischen Raums geht noch weiter: Mit Tafel Nr. 63 ergnzte er die gezeigten Ansichten um eine zustzliche Perspektive (fig. 7):28 Die Aquatinta zeigt eine Vogelschau bzw. ein Luftbild, aus dem die geographischen Proportionen des Eilandes von oben zu ersehen sind. Der Knstler hat diese Ansicht als Plan bezeichnet und benutzte damit einen Terminus aus der zeitgenssischen Kartographie, den er jedoch an anderer Stelle auch fr Grundrisse von antiken Bauwerken oder Stdten verwendete. 29 Anders als bei den bereits gezeigten Vulkanansichten thematisierte Hoel im Text zu dieser Tafel nicht weiter seine Vorgehensweise. Er weist nicht darauf hin, von wo aus oder mit welchen Hilfsmitteln er diese Ansicht aufgenommen hat. Der Knstler benutzte das Luftbild zu dem spezifischen Zweck, die von ihm angenommene historische Abfolge geologischer Vernderungen der Insel Vulcano anschaulich zu machen. Nach Hoels von der heutigen
28

Forschung besttigter Meinung besteht die ganze Insel aus einem einzigen Krater eines alten groen Vulkans, dessen Rnder teilweise eingefallen sind, und in dessen Zentrum sich dann in spteren Epochen ein neuer Krater gebildet habe.30 Darber hinaus htten sich in noch jngerer Zeit die beiden ffnungen des Vulcanello im Norden der Insel (im Bild unten) gebildet, und in der jngsten Vergangenheit sei dann noch durch die Asche-Auswrfe beider Vulkane die Landbrcke zwischen Vulcano und Vulcanello entstanden. Es handelt sich bei diesem Luftbild um eine abstrahierende bersetzung authentischer visueller Wahrnehmungen in eine andere, nicht unmittelbar nachprfbare Perspektive. Hoel gab hier jedenfalls nicht eine Ansicht wieder, die er selbst so gesehen hatte. Seine Erkenntnisse zur historischen Abfolge der Kraterbildung und zu den geomorphologischen Zusammenhngen entstanden nicht bei einer Betrachtung aus der Luft wie dies in der heutigen geographischen und geologischen Forschung durchaus der Fall ist, in der die Auswertung von Flugzeug- und Satellitenaufnahmen eine wichtige Rolle spielt.31 Die Mglichkeit, eine annherungsweise empirische Erfahrung eines Luftbildes zu machen, beschrnkte sich zu Hoels Zeit darauf, von hohen Bergen aus auf die Landschaft der Umgebung zu blicken. Auf dem Gipfel des ber 3000 Meter hohen tna begeisterten sich deshalb fast alle Reisenden dafr, dass Sizilien wie eine Landkarte vor ihnen ausgebreitet lag.32 Im Umfeld der Insel Vulcano gibt es jedoch weit und breit keinen hohen Berg, von dem Hoel htte herabschauen knnen. Seine Karte ist daher das Ergebnis einer sukzessiven Wahrnehmung vom Boden aus; sie entstand aus einer Folge von Detailansichten, die der Knstler zuerst vor seinem inneren Auge zusammensetzte, um sie dann in eine topographische Karte zu projizieren und zu abstrahieren. Hoels Vulcano -Karte zeichnet sich im Vergleich zu den zeitgenssischen topographischen Karten durch eine ausgesprochen anschauliche, plastische Darstellung der physischen Topographie aus.
31

DEUTSCH

Vgl. HOEL, Voyage, Bd. 1, S. 116 f.


29

Der frz. Begriff Plan wurde zur Bezeichnung der kartographischen Darstellung eines eher kleinen Gebiets im Sinne von Grundriss benutzt. Ein Plan unterscheidet sich von der greren Carte im Wesentlichen durch den Mastab und eine genauere Wiedergabe der Details, vgl. DAINVILLE, Franois de. Le langage des gographes. Termes, signes, couleurs des cartes anciennes, 1500 1800. Paris: Picard; 1964, S. 47 f.
30

HOEL, Voyage, Bd. 1, S. 116. Vgl. PICHLER 1981, S. 130188.

Luftansichten wurden erst durch die Entwicklung der Luftschifffahrt mglich, in der Folge des ersten bemannten Ballonfluges, der 1783 in Frankreich stattfand. Vgl. AUSST.-KAT. MNSTER 1978: Leichter als Luft. Zur Geschichte der Ballonfahrt. Westflisches Landesmuseum fr Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, Mnster: Landschaftsverband Westfalen-Lippe; 1978, S. 1728. Hoel interessierte sich spter sehr fr die Ballonfahrt, vgl. PINAULT, Madeleine. Un artiste partisan des Lumires: Jean Hoel. In: DIDIER, Batrice & NEEFS, Jacques (Hg.). Chantiers rvolutionnaires. Science, Musique, Architecture. Saint-Denis: Presses Univ. de Vincennes; 1992, S. 185197, S. 193. Zur Bedeutung von photographischen Luftbildern fr die moderne Geomorphologie siehe VERSTAPPEN, H. Th. Remote Sensing in Geomorphology. Amsterdam: Elsevier; 1977, S. 110.

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Die dreidimensionale Vorstellung erfllt in bemerkenswerter Weise ihre Aufgabe, Hoels sprachliche Ausfhrungen zur erdgeschichtlichvulkanologischen Entstehung der Insel zu visualisieren. Die Verwendung der neuen, fr Karten und brigens auch fr illustrierte Reiseberichte sonst kaum gebruchlichen Technik der Sepia-Aquatinta verleiht dem Plan berdies uerst malerische Qualitten, und reiht das Luftbild in die Folge pittoresker Landschaftsund Architekturdarstellungen der Voyage ein.33 Der Knstler mag zur Erstellung seines Plans von Vulcano seine Wahrnehmungen der Geographie der Insel auch durch eigene geographische Vermessungen ergnzt haben. Er hatte auf seiner Reise verschiedene Messinstrumente dabei, mit denen er etwa auch die Hhe des tna bestimmen wollte. 34 Der gelernte Architekt beherrschte die Vermessungstechniken zur Erstellung von Gebuderissen und schnitten perfekt, wie aus seinen Darstellungen antiker Monumente zu ersehen ist, und er bertrug seine ausgeprgte Sensibilitt fr rumliche Darstellung auf die Geographie. Die gerundete, fast kreisfrmige Darstellung der Insel suggeriert eine prinzipielle berschaubarkeit der geographischen Organisation der ungeheuren geschichtlichen Vorgnge dieses aktiven Vulkans. Das plastische Luftbild des gefhrlichen Naturphnomens wirkt wie ein handliches Gipsmodell das von aufgeklrten Naturforschern einem greren Publikum erlutert werden knnte. Die ausgesprochen didaktische Vorgehensweise seiner Schritt fr Schritt fortschreitenden sprachlichen und visuellen Erluterungen kennzeichnet Hoel als Adepten der zeitgenssischen enzyklopdistischen Tendenzen Frankreichs, die gerade in den Naturwissenschaften nachhaltigen Niederschlag fanden. Hoels chronologische Darstellung der eigenen Wahrnehmung spiegelt darber hinaus ein grundstzlich historisches Verstndnis der
32

wahrgenommenen Natur wider: Seine in die geographischen Beschreibungen eingefgten mineralogischen Exkurse kreisen immer wieder um die Erklrung, wie beobachtete Phnomene entstanden, und welche vergangenen Ablufe und Entwicklungen zu einem heutigen Zustand gefhrt haben. Eine Natursicht, welche die Natur als historischen Prozess verstand und diesen durch die Untersuchung der Relikte der Vergangenheit fr rekonstruierbar hielt, verbreitete sich gegen Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts, um Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts in den Naturwissenschaften allgemein Fu zu fassen.35 Hoels Anliegen war es, mit seinen Bildern die geologischen Entwicklungen der Vulkaninsel Vulcano anhand des von ihm beobachteten topographischen Befunds zu verdeutlichen. Seine einkreisende Erfassung der Insel bezog sich nicht nur auf ihre konkrete rumlichgeographische Ausdehnung, sondern implizierte immer auch die Dimension eines erdgeschichtlichen Zeitraumes. II. WILLIAM HODGES: EXOTISCHE NATUR ZWISCHEN DOKUMENTATION UND RUMLICHER INSZENIERUNG In ganz anderer Weise spielte sich die knstlerische Erfassung eines fremdartigen geographischen Raumes bei William Hodges (1744 1797) ab, der die zweite von James Cook geleitete Entdeckungsreise in die Sdsee (17721775) begleitete. Am Beispiel eines Bildmotivs kann deutlich gemacht werden, wie sich interessante, neuartige Bilder unbekannter Geographie, durch reisende Knstler vermittelt, in Europa verbreiteten. Es zeigt sich, dass auch in der Rezeption der Landschaftsmalerei um 1800 die Kategorie des Raumes eine zentrale Rolle spielte: Die europischen Betrachter exotischer Landschaftsdarstellungen wollten zunehmend die Reise selbst, das authentische Erlebnis des geographischen Raumes, nachvollziehen knnen. Hierzu waren neue knstlerische, illusionistische Prsentationsverfahren erforderlich. Auf der zweiten Weltumsegelung des Entdeckers James Cook erlebte die Besatzung vor der Kste Neuseelands mehrere Wasserhosen, die sowohl Interesse als auch Furcht hervorriefen. Im nach der Reise publizierten Bericht des mitreisenden Naturforschers Georg Forster spiegelt sich die typische Naturwahrnehmung der Entdeckungsreisenden, die vom Bestreben geprgt war, detaillierte,
35

Z. B. HAMILTON, William. An Account of a Journey to Mount Etna. In: Philosophical Transactions 60 (1770) S. 119, S. 12; BARTELS Johann Heinrich. Briefe ber Kalabrien und Sizilien. 3 Bde., Gttingen: Dieterich; 17871792, Bd. 2, S. 356. Vgl. KELLER, S. B. Gipfelstrmer. Knstler und Wissenschaftler auf der Suche nach dem berblick. In: AUSST.-KAT. HAMBURG 2002, S. 2744.
33

Das Korntzverfahren der Aquatinta wurde erst um 17651768 in Frankreich entwickelt. Vgl. GRIFFITH, Antony. Notes on early aquatint in England and France. In: Print Quarterly 4 (1987) S. 255270.
34

HOEL, Voyage, Bd. 2, S. 6062.

Vgl. ENGELHARDT, Dietrich von. Historisches Bewutsein in der Naturwissenschaft. Von der Aufklrung bis zum Positivismus. Freiburg u. a.: Alber; 1979, bes. S. 8193; OLDROYD, David R. Historicism and the rise of historical geology. In: History of Science 17 (1979) S. 191213 und S. 227257.

DEUTSCH

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empirisch genaue Beschreibungen zu liefern. Forster unterstreicht, bevor er ausfhrlich auf die Erscheinung der Wasserhose eingeht: The nature of water-spouts and their causes being hitherto very little known, we were extremely attentive to mark every little circumstance attendant on this appearance.36 Zu Cooks Besatzung gehrten auch die Astronomen William Wales und William Bayly, die im Anschluss an die Reise mit ihren Astronomical Observations eine gesonderte Publikation herausgaben.37 Das Buch besteht berwiegend aus einer akkuraten tabellarischen Datensammlung, in der chronologisch die vielfltigen meteorologischen und astronomischen Beobachtungen der Reise erfasst sind. Wales und Bayly richteten sich mit ihrem Werk offensichtlich gezielt an ein Fachlesepublikum, das diese Aufstellung von Zahlen und Messergebnissen in Tabellenform zu deuten und auszuwerten vermochte. Der Text beschrnkt sich auf wenige einfhrende Passagen, und bildliche Darstellungen spielen kaum eine Rolle. Doch war das Erlebnis der Wasserhosen offenbar auch fr die erfahrenen Meteorologen so sensationell, dass diesem Phnomen ausnahmsweise sowohl eine verbale Beschreibung als auch die neben einer Karte und zwei Illustrationen astronomischer Apparate einzige bildliche Darstellung gewidmet wurde (fig. 8). Wie die Wissenschaftler zur Erscheinung der Wasserhose versichern, habe der Reisezeichner, William Hodges, in der angefgten Tafel exhibited the appearance of one of them in three several [sic] states, and also the appearance of that which approached so near to the ship.38 Der Kupferstich zeigt im Mittelgrund eine sich eben bildende Trombe, die sich als diffuse spritzende Masse markant vor der schwarzen Himmelsfolie und von der ebenfalls dunklen Wasserflche absetzt. Im linken Hintergrund ist vage ein wie durch Wetterleuchten
36

unwirklich beleuchteter Uferstreifen zu erkennen. ber diesem ist eine weitere aus den Wolken herabhngende Trombe angedeutet, zwei komplette Wassersulen steigen vor der felsigen Kste zu den Wolken auf. Hodges hat in diesem Stich versucht, die ephemere Erscheinung sowohl mit wissenschaftlicher Przision zu dokumentieren, als auch die von ihm erlebte bedrohliche atmosphrische Naturstimmung zu vermitteln. Als ausgebildeter Landschaftsmaler war Hodges geprgt von den zeitgenssischen sthetischen Konventionen. Er hatte nach mehrjhriger Studienzeit im Atelier des bekannten englischen Landschaftsmalers Richard Wilson schon mehrfach in der Londoner Society of Artists topographische Landschaftsansichten ausgestellt.39 Seine Aufgabe auf der Weltumsegelung war es, fr Cook ethnologische und topographische Studien anzufertigen, von denen spter 69 fr dessen Voyage towards the South Pole and Round the World gestochen wurden.40 Seine Anstellung erfolgte explizit zu dem Zweck, den Reisebericht mit visuellen Darstellungen auszustatten, da verbale Beschreibungen allein nicht zureichend erschienen: ... we have engaged Mr. William Hodges, a Landskip Painter ... in order to make Drawings and Paintings of such places ... as may be proper to give a more perfect idea thereof than can be formed from written descriptions only.41 Die Bilder des offiziellen Reisezeichners mussten einerseits in hohem Mae den wissenschaftlichen Anforderungen an empirische Genauigkeit gengen. Andererseits hatte der Knstler jedoch auch den Auftrag, im Anschluss an die Reise in mehreren lgemlden seine eigene knstlerische Interpretation der von ihm erlebten exotischen Naturszenerien abzuliefern. Unter diesen befindet sich das groe Bild A View of Cape Stephens in
39

DEUTSCH

FORSTER, Georg. A Voyage round the World, in His Britannic Majestys Sloop Resolution, commanded by Capt. James Cook... 2 Bde., London: B. White, J. Robson, P. Elmsly & G. Robinson; 1777, Bd. 1, S. 190194 und S. 201, Zitat S. 190. Vgl. JOPPIEN, Rdiger. Georg Forster und William Hodges Zeugnisse einer gemeinsamen Reise um die Welt. In: KLENKE, Claus-Volker (Hg.). Georg Forster in interdisziplinrere Perspektive. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag; 1994, S. 77102.
37

Zu Hodges Biographie vgl. STUEBE, Isabel C. The Life and Works of William Hodges. New York: Garland Publishing Inc.; 1979; AUSST.-KAT. LONDON 2004. William Hodges, 17441797. The Art of Exploration. Hg.: Geoff Quilley & John Bonehill, London, National Maritime Museum, Katalog: New Haven & London: Yale Univ. Press; 2004.
40

WALES, William & BAYLY, William. The Original Astronomical Observations, made in the course of A Voyage towards the South Pole and Round the World. London: W. and A. Strahan; 1777.
38

COOK, James. A Voyage towards the South Pole, and Round the World Illustrated with Maps and Charts, and a Variety of Portraits of Persons and Views of Places, drawn during the Voyage by Mr. Hodges. 2 Bde., London: Strahan and Cadell; 1777. Vgl. JOPPIEN, Rdiger & SMITH, Bernard. The Art of Captain Cooks Voyages. 3 Bde., New Haven & London: Yale Univ. Press; 1985 1988, Bd. 2 (1985): The Voyage of the Resolution and Adventure 17721775.
41

WALES & BAYLY 1777, S. 346.

Zitiert nach JOPPIEN & SMITH 19851988, Bd. 2, S. 3.

SUSANNE B. KELLER, ber das Verstndnis der Geographie unter den reisenden Knstlern im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert

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Cooks Strait (New Zealand) with Waterspout von 1776 (fig. 9).42 Im Gemlde befreit sich Hodges nun fast vollstndig vom Diktum der wissenschaftlichen Dokumentation, zugunsten einer freien Entfaltung malerischer Kompositionselemente im Bild. Auf der groen Leinwand fhrt der Blick an einer zerklfteten Felsenkste entlang. ber eine schmale Vordergrundzone am unteren Bildrand hinweg sieht man links in Ufernhe eine eben entstehende Wasserhose, hinter der sich ein finsterer, von Blitzen durchzuckter Sturmhimmel wlbt. Im dunklen Mittelgrund werden zum Horizont hin drei weitere Tromben als Wassersulen sichtbar, die in kurzen Abstnden ber das Wasser zu wandern scheinen. Die Darstellung der Wasserhosen selbst lehnt sich eng an die vorher entstandene und bei Wales und Bayly als Stich publizierte Zeichnung und damit an Hodges eigene Naturbeobachtung an. Der Knstler nutzte jedoch die Mittel der lmalerei zur differenzierteren Gestaltung der atmosphrischen Effekte: In duftiger Malweise umreit er die pyramidische Form des Wasserwirbels im Vordergrund, der sich dynamisch in feine Wasserschwaden auflst. Farben runden nun die beibehaltene Dominanz von Stimmungstragenden Hell-Dunkel-Kontrasten ab. Doch die Vernderungen vom Stich zum Gemlde erschpfen sich nicht in der technisch virtuosen Ausnutzung der malerischen Mittel der lmalerei: Weder die vorgefhrte Vegetation und Tierwelt noch die exotisch gemeinte Vordergrundstaffage der angeblichen Maori-Familie reichen aus, um berzeugend Neuseeland zu suggerieren, das ohne den Hinweis im Titel nicht erkennbar wre. Das fremdartige Sujet der Wasserhosen bildete hier blo den Aufhnger zur Schaffung einer idyllischen Arkadienlandschaft. Diese steht ganz in der Tradition von Hodges Lehrer Richard Wilson und der Zeitgenossen Claude Joseph Vernet oder Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg und definiert das Gemlde als eine klassizistische Landschaftskomposition. Hodges gestaltete den Bildraum als einen Projektionsraum fr europische Phantasien von exotischer Natur in der sdlichen Hemisphre, ohne den Anspruch an Authentizitt ganz aufzugeben.
42

Diese Form der Aneignung exotischer Geographie stie Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts auf groe Resonanz, auch ber die Grenzen der Malerei hinaus. Humboldt, der mit Georg Forster in enger Verbindung stand, war von Hodges Bildern begeistert.43 Fr die Kunst boten Hodges Visualisierungen ebenfalls Anknpfungspunkte: Der Theaterknstler und Landschaftsmaler Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg (17401812) hatte 1781 in London eine vllig neuartige Unterhaltungsinstitution, das so genannte Eidophysikon, ins Leben gerufen. Als eine Art Miniaturtheater ohne Akteure ist es als frher Vorlufer des Kinos zu betrachten. Loutherbourg setzte mithilfe bemalter Leinwnde, die hinter plastischen Kulissenfragmenten bewegt werden konnten, und unter Einsatz von eindrucksvollen Beleuchtungs- und Geruscheffekten bekannte und exotische topographische Ansichten, literarische Szenen und Bilder bemerkenswerter Naturphnomene wirkungsvoll in Szene.44 Ziel der erfolgreichen Bilderschau war es, mit aus dem Theater entlehnten Mitteln die Illusion eines Naturerlebnisses zu erzeugen. In der zweiten Saison, 1782, fhrte Loutherbourg eine neue Szene ein: The Rising of the Moon, with a Water-Spout, exhibiting the effects of three different lights, with a View of a Rocky shore on the Coast of Japan.45 In Rezensionen wurde die Darbietung eingehend geschildert: ... the contrasted lights of the fire and moon rival each other in the pleasing effects. A third light is introduced; a water spout rises from the sea, pierces in the air, and joins the clouds, casting its bright blue reflection, whilst the continual suction and accent of the waters, is seen within this translucent phenomenon.46 Whrend in der zeitgenssischen Landschaftsmalerei die Frage nach der bildlichen Darstellbarkeit von transitorischen, ephemeren Phnomenen diskutiert wurde, lieferte das Eidophysikon zu diesen sthetischen Debatten einen eigenen Beitrag. Das neue Medium
45

AUSST.-KAT. LONDON 2004, Nr. 27.


43

Vgl. JOPPIEN & SMITH 19851988, Bd. 2, S. 36 f.


46

HUMBOLDT 1987 ff., Bd. 7.2 (1993) S. 4, S. 74.44 Vgl. zu Loutherbourg AUSST.KAT. LONDON 1973. Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg, R.A. 17401812. London, Kenwood House, Katalog: London: Greater London Council; 1973; Zum Eidophysikon siehe JOPPIEN, Rdiger. Die Szenenbilder Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourgs. Eine Untersuchung zu ihrer Stellung zwischen Malerei und Theater. Kln: Univ. Diss.; 1972; JOPPIEN, Rdiger. Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourgs Eidophusikon. Ein darstellerloses Miniaturtheater. In: AUSST.KAT. HAMBURG 2004. Wolkenbilder. Die Entdeckung des Himmels. Hamburg, Bucerius Kunst Forum und Jenisch Haus, Katalog: Mnchen: Hirmer; 2004, S. 134136. Fr diese Ausstellung wurde das Eidophysikon eigens rekonstruiert.

THE EUROPEAN MAGAZINE, Mrz 1782, S. 180 f., zitiert nach JOPPIEN & SMITH 19851988, Bd. 2, S. 37.
47

Vgl. JOPPIEN 1972, S. 342346. Zu den sthetischen Debatten vgl. die Salonkritiken Diderots, welcher ein Bewunderer der Landschaftsgemlde Loutherbourgs und dessen Lehrers Vernet war. Vgl. SEZNEC, Jean & ADHMAR, Jean (Hg.). Denis Diderot: Salons. 4 Bde., Oxford: Clarendon Press; 1963 1967.

DEUTSCH

DIE ILLUSION DES NATURERLEBNISSES

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ermglichte erstmals die visuelle Darstellung von bewegter Natur in einem Raum, der sich mit illusionistischen Mitteln als authentisch ausgab.47 Vermutlich hat Loutherbourg nie selbst eine Wasserhose erlebt. Jedoch kannte er den Knstlerkollegen William Hodges. Beide stellten um 1776 in der Londoner Royal Academy aus. Es ist anzunehmen, dass Loutherbourg durch seine eigene knstlerische Auseinandersetzung mit Marinebildern und Schlachtenszenen auch in Kontakt mit der britischen Admiralitt stand. So kannte Loutherbourg wahrscheinlich Hodges Wasserhosen-Gemlde sowie die auf die Reise Cooks folgenden Publikationen von Cook, Forster und Wales & Bayly, und damit auch Hodges als Stich publizierte wissenschaftliche Wasserhosendarstellung.48 Loutherbourgs Interesse an den zeitgenssischen Entdeckungsreisen ist auerdem durch seine Theateraktivitten der folgenden Jahren belegt: Er schuf 1785 fr die in London aufgefhrte Pantomime Omai, or a Trip round the World die aufwndige Kulissengestaltung. Dieses Schauspiel stellte einige der Hauptetappen von James Cooks dritter und letzter Reise (17761780) dar. Loutherbourg benutzte fr die knstlerische Ausfhrung der Kulissen zum einen die noch unpublizierten Skizzen des jene Reise begleitenden Zeichners John Webber, zum anderen griff er aber auch auf Studien zurck, die William Hodges auf der vorangegangenen, zweiten Expedition angefertigt hatte.49 III. DER LANDSCHAFTSRAUM IN DER KUNST DES 19. JAHRHUNDERTS Wie die Kulissenmaler griffen auch die Panorama-Knstler hufig auf Reiseberichte und unpublizierte Skizzen von Reisezeichnern zurck, um einen spezifischen geographischen Raum zu authentisch wie mglich nachzugestalten. Die eigens gebauten und immer weiter verbesserten Gebude der Panoramen schufen einen Illusionsraum, der die Erfahrung eines eigenen Reiseerlebnisses nachahmte (fig. 1). Eine weitere Stufe in
48

dieser Entwicklung stellten die moving panoramas dar, welche die sukzessive rumliche Seh-Erfahrung einer echten Reise ermglichten, indem sie die Landschaft an den Betrachtern vorberziehen lieen. Mithilfe von vertikal bewegten Leinwandrollen konnte sogar die Besteigung des Schweizer Mont-Blanc visuell erlebt werden, oder gar eine Ballonreise von London nach Paris.50 Auch fr konkreter der Wissenschaft gewidmete Rume wurde die Darstellungsform des Panoramas bernommen. Der franzsische Reiseknstler Franois-Auguste Biard (17891882), der sich u. a. auch intensiv mit Brasilien auseinandergesetzt hatte,51 schuf zwischen 1851 und 1864 fr die mineralogische Galerie des Pariser Museum dHistoire Naturelle das Panorama der Magdalena Bay. Er verarbeitete in dieser panoramatischen Raumausmalung eigene Skizzen, welche er auf einer Reise in den Arktischen Ozean 1839 angefertigt hatte.52 Aber auch die Landschaftsmalerei insbesondere in den USA suchte sich immer mehr der sthetischen Prsentationsform der Panoramen anzunhern: Frederic Edwin Church (1826-1900), der auf den Spuren Humboldts Sdamerika bereiste, war ausgesprochen erfolgreich mit seinen groformatigen Gemlden, die er einzeln in vorbereiteten Rumen unter Einsatz ausgefeilter Beleuchtungstechnik und gegen Eintritt zur Schau stellte.53 Albert Bierstadt (1830-1902) widmete sich als einer der ersten Maler dem Amerikanischen Westen und fhrte seine panoramatischen Landschaftsgemlde, in denen er eine betrchtliche Tiefenraumwirkung erzielte, ebenfalls ffentlich vor.54 Wie Hoel und Hodges fast ein Jahrhundert frher, verbanden diese Knstler ein groes Interesse am Reisen mit einer quasiwissenschaftlichen Herangehensweise an die knstlerische
51

DEUTSCH

Vgl. BIARD, Franois-Auguste. Deux annes au Brsil. Paris: Hachette; 1862 (Dois anos no Brasil. Trad. Mrio Sette, So Paulo u. a.: Co. ED. Nacional; 1945).
52

Vgl. JOPPIEN & SMITH 19851988, Bd. 2, S. 36 f.


49

JOPPIEN, Rdiger. Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourgs Pantomime Omai, or a Trip round the World and the Artists of Captain Cooks Voyages. In: The British Museum Yearbook 3 (1979) S. 81136, zur Verwendung von Bildern Hodges S. 89.
50

Biard begleitete 1839 die von Paul Gaimard geleitete Commission scientifique du Nord auf einer Expedition nach Spitzbergen und Lappland. Vgl. MATILSKY, Barbara C. Franois-Auguste Biard: ArtistNaturalistExplorer. In: Gazette des Beaux-Arts 105 (1985), S. 7588, Abb. S. 8386.
53

HOWAT, John K. Frederic Church. New York & London: Yale Univ. Press; 2005.
54

Vgl. AUSST.KAT. LONDON 1988, S. 146 f.; BLACKWOODS EDINBURGH MAGAZINE 15 (1824) S. 197.

ANDERSON, Nancy K. & FERBER, Linda S. Albert Bierstadt: Art and Enterprise. New York: Hudson Hills Press; 1990.

SUSANNE B. KELLER, ber das Verstndnis der Geographie unter den reisenden Knstlern im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert

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Wiedergabe fremder Landschaften. Dieser Anspruch schlug sich insbesondere in der akkuraten Darstellung der geologischen, botanischen und meteorologischen Details nieder. Indem sie jedoch die technisch-sthetischen Errungenschaften der neuen Medien kreativ in ihr knstlerisches Schaffen integrierten, inszenierten sie die Landschaft als visuellen Erlebnisraum. Sie stellten sich auch noch der Auseinandersetzung mit den zeitgenssischen Errungenschaften der Photographie, welche sich in der wissenschaftlichen Landschaftsaufnahme und geographischen Dokumentation ab 1850 zunehmend durchsetzte. Doch in der zweiten Hlfte des 19. Jahrhunderts ging das Zeitalter der artist-explorers unweigerlich seinem Ende entgegen, und Malerei und Wissenschaft orientierten sich zunehmend an unterschiedlichen Zielsetzungen.

SUSANNE B. KELLER: Doktor der Kunstgeschichte, mit Postdoctoral Research Fellow am Max-Planck-Institut, Berlin. Im Zentrum ihrer Forschung stehen Fragen zur Kunst und Wissenschaft im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert, worber sie mehrere Studien und das Buch Naturgewalt im Bild: Strategien visueller Naturaneignung. Destruktive Naturgewalten in Kunst und Wissenschaft 17501830 (2006) publiziert hat. War Mitarbeiterin an der Ausstellung Expedition Kunst. Die Entdeckung der Natur von C. D. Friedrich bis Humboldt (Hamburgo 2002) und z.Z. ist sie als wissenschaftliche Assistentin am Altonaer Museum ttig.

DEUTSCH

PABLO DIENER , El viaje pintoresco como categora esttica y la prctica de viajeros

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EL VIAJE PINTORESCO COMO CATEGORA ESTTICA Y LA PRCTICA DE VIAJEROS Pablo Diener Resumen: La categora esttica de lo pintoresco fue incorporada en el repertorio conceptual de artistas y tericos del arte hacia las ltimas dcadas del siglo XVIII. Su contenido ha tenido siempre un carcter inestable. De un significado inicial, que aluda a una forma de ver y aprehender la naturaleza siguiendo los cnones de composicin de artistas clsicos, pas a ser utilizado con un sentido considerablemente ms amplio, como una forma de percepcin y registro de la realidad en todos los mbitos. - En este artculo se analiza cul fue la comprensin de lo pintoresco que utilizaron los artistas viajeros que visitaron el continente americano en el siglo XIX y que les permiti vincular el quehacer artstico a los proyectos de reconocimiento cientfico del continente americano. Palabras clave: viajes pintorescos, arte y ciencia, artistas viajeros. El viaje pintoresco constituye una frmula de uso frecuente en los ttulos dados a los lbumes de ilustraciones de periplos realizados a lo largo y ancho del continente americano en el siglo XIX. Pero lo pintoresco no es slo el denominador comn de un determinado tipo de publicaciones; se trata de una categora esttica, a la que podemos dar el valor de un instrumento que sirve especficamente al propsito de aprehender las experiencias vividas en un escenario diferente al del mundo cotidiano del viajero. As pues, una indagacin acerca de su sentido preciso, sus acepciones y su aplicacin a las descripciones de viaje parece relevante a la hora de evaluar estos registros. Tanto ms, cuando la produccin de conocimiento histrico utiliza de forma creciente este tipo de material como fuente para la investigacin. El presente ensayo no pretende llevar a cabo un anlisis terico sobre el pensamiento esttico de finales del siglo XVIII e inicios del XIX. De hecho existe una serie de estupendos estudios sobre esta materia1. Se trata aqu, ms bien, de traer a la memoria los trazos esenciales de esta categora, su significado inicial y las connotaciones que fue incorporando a travs de su uso en el curso de los aos, con el fin de observar cul es su contenido para los registros y publicaciones de los

artistas viajeros que visitaron Amrica en el siglo XIX. El espectro que abarcan estas obras es muy amplio. Podemos considerar que el corpus bsico est compuesto por aquellas publicaciones de series de ilustraciones, por lo general a travs de litografas acompaadas de algn texto de comentarios, cuyo ttulo ya anuncia que se trata de una obra de carcter pintoresco. Un ejemplo clsico es el Voyage Pittoresque dans le Brsil, de Johann Moritz Rugendas, publicado en Paris entre 1827 y 1835; o tambin libros como el Voyage pittoresque et historique au Brsil, de Jean Baptiste Debret (Paris 1834-1839), el Voyage pittoresque et archologique dans la partie la plus intressante du Mexique, publicado por Carl Nebel en Paris en 1836, y el Voyage pittoresque et archologique dans la province de Yucatan, publicado tambin en Pars, en 1838, por Jean Frdrick Waldeck. Con slo enunciar algunos ttulo vemos, sin embargo, que la categora de lo pintoresco se abre, en una especie de hibridismo, a la historia o a la arqueologa. Y al revisar otros ejemplos aparentemente distantes de nuestro asunto, sea el Atlas editado con la narrativa de viaje Reise in Brasilien, de J.B. von Spix y C.F.Ph. von Martius (1823-1831), o las Vues des Cordillres et monumens des peuples indigenes de lAmrique, de Alexander von Humboldt y Aim Bonpland (18101813), vale decir, publicaciones con connotaciones ms o menos evidentes de carcter cientfico, verificamos que existe una inequvoca proximidad con la categora de los viajes pintorescos. Ante esta diversidad, lo que pretendemos es precisamente dilucidar cul es el contenido del concepto de lo pintoresco que permite una aplicacin tan amplia. En el caso del bello libro dedicado a Brasil, de Rugendas, una obra de formato in folio con cien litografas basadas en dibujos del artista alemn, el sentido en que deba entenderse el viaje pintoresco como gnero editorial se trasluce en las palabras con las que el editor francs, Godefroy Engelmann, describe la obra en el panfleto de propaganda que puso en circulacin en 1826, con el fin de atraer suscriptores para esa costosa empresa. Evocando la esperanza de nuevos vnculos que deberan surgir entre Europa y los jvenes estados americanos, Engelmann afirma que todo individuo culto debe sentir de forma creciente la necesidad, diramos incluso, la obligacin de conocer con mayor precisin el mundo en el que diariamente se asocian nuevos intereses, tanto de los estados como de particulares. Un mundo al cual da a da se dirigen nuevas esperanzas, que ocupa un espacio cada vez mayor en nuestras ideas, en nuestros sentimientos, en nuestra existencia toda; un mundo que da a da se hace ms importante para el hombre de estado, para el estudioso, para el comerciante, en fin, para el hombre en general, en todas las circunstancias (Engelmann apud Diener y Costa, 2002: 93).

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Con estas palabras, el editor pareca aludir tcitamente al proyecto napolenico de la elaboracin de las llamadas Statistiques Dpartamentales, con vistas a componer una Dscription gnrale de la France. Al evocar una analoga con esas empresas desarrolladas en territorio francs hacia 1800, sugera que tambin el libro sobre Brasil que se propona publicar, tendra un carcter til en la medida en que proporcionara informacin sobre un espacio promisorio. Y el tenor del ttulo de la obra a ser publicada dejaba claro que se tratara de un libro de inters para el gran pblico: los viajes pintorescos eran miscelneas amenas, repletas de asociaciones cultas, que facilitaban al lector enlazar lo desconocido con lo familiar. De forma explcita, otro viajero alemn, Carl Nebel, que visit Mxico a inicios de la dcada de 1830, pone de manifiesto el sentido de este tipo de libros al anunciar en la introduccin de su Voyage pittoresque et archologique: El Nuevo Mundo, tan rico en objetos curiosos e interesantes para Europa, ha sido visitado reiteradamente por viajeros ilustres, que nos han dejado nociones preciosas sobre estadstica, historia natural, etctera, pero, sea por desdn o por otras razones, estos seores han tratado con negligencia el aspecto pintoresco de este pas, que me parece no es menos interesante que la parte cientfica. No todo el mundo es gegrafo, botnico, mineralogista, etctera, pero todo el mundo es curioso (Nebel, 1836: Prefacio). Lo pintoresco es utilizado por Nebel para designar un tipo de objetos, de motivos, diferentes de aquellos que pertenecen al mbito de lo cientfico. Encontramos una distincin de carcter similar, pero que seala ms bien un modo de observacin, en un artculo periodstico escrito por Alexander von Humboldt para promover esa obra de Nebel; ah el naturalista prusiano augura que ese libro satisfar todas las expectativas, tanto en lo arqueolgico como en lo pintoresco (Humboldt, 1835: 322) De hecho, el Voyage pittoresque et archologique de Nebel abarca un espectro temtico amplio, dedicado a Mxico, incluyendo lminas que ilustran la naturaleza y los tipos de la poblacin, vistas de ciudades y de motivos arqueolgicos. Con base en los diversos comentarios que caracterizan este tipo de obras, percibimos que el trmino pintoresco es utilizado en parte para referirse a un rea temtica, en parte tambin para aludir a una forma de aprehender la realidad. Y cuando se refiere a un procedimiento, resulta claro que ste no presenta el rigor sistemtico de la ciencia, pero que s proporciona informacin de fcil comprensin, presentada de forma amena y amable. Cabe preguntarnos, entonces, en qu consiste esa frmula de lo pintoresco? LO PINTORESCO: UNA CATEGORA ESTTICA La palabra, en s misma, alude a aquello que concierne a la pintura. Con ese sentido fue utilizada frecuentemente en el curso del siglo

XVIII y era aplicada particularmente al anlisis de jardines y parques; la idea que sugiere es que existe una analoga entre la pintura de paisajes y el diseo de jardines, y que parques o jardines deben ser concebidos como una suma de imgenes. A partir de este mbito temtico, hacia mediados de siglo lo pintoresco se consolida como un concepto de teora del arte. Su punto de arranque fueron los escritos de William Gilpin (1792), y hacia las ltimas dcadas del siglo pas a ser identificada como una categora esttica situada entre lo bello y lo sublime. Estas categoras referenciales haban sido discutidas en profundidad por Edmund Burke, en su A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757); este autor las analiza desde la perspectiva del sujeto, observando la impresin causada por las propiedades del objeto, y describe cules son las cualidades que hacen que un objeto sea bello o sublime. As, caracteriza la belleza como aquella cualidad o aquellas cualidades de los cuerpos, por las que stos causan amor o alguna pasin parecida a l. Y enseguida enumera estas cualidades en orden de importancia: ser comparativamente pequeo y de textura lisa, presentar variacin gradual, tener un perfil delicado y poseer colores claros y brillantes, pero no fuertes ni resplandecientes (Burke, 1997: 67 y 83-88). Lo sublime, en cambio, es lo que resulta adecuado para excitar las ideas de dolor y peligro, es decir, todo lo que es de algn modo terrible, o se relaciona con objetos terribles, o acta de manera anloga al terror []; y para caracterizar las cualidades que provocan esta sensacin menciona la oscuridad, la grandeza, la magnificencia y la grandiosidad (id.: 29 y 42-66). En un dilogo atento con estas categoras, William Gilpin un sacerdote anglicano preocupado con el nivel cultural de sus feligreses, aficionado y diletante en materias de arte y viajero impenitente describe el paisaje ingls, empendose por articular la naturaleza, aproximndola a los principios de composicin de la pintura. Segn escribe en sus Observations on the River Wye (1782), la naturaleza es un colorista admirable, y puede armonizar sus tonalidades con infinita variedad e inimitable belleza; pero pocas veces es tan correcta en la composicin, al punto de que difcilmente llega a producir un conjunto armonioso. De acuerdo con su anlisis, siempre existe desproporcin de los planos, o algn trazo desafortunado cruza el conjunto o, incluso, algn rbol est mal situado; en fin, siempre hay algo que no es como deba ser (Gilpin apud Andrews 1995: 4). De este modo, lo pintoresco adquiri un valor normativo. En sus Three Essays: On Picturesque Beauty; On Picturesque Travel; and on Sketching Landscape - publicados en 1792, pero que circularon ya antes en copias manuscritas , Gilpin afirma que buscamos lo pintoresco en el conjunto de los ingredientes del paisaje: en rboles, rocas, terrenos escarpados,

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bosques, ros, lagos, planicies, valles, montaas, y tambin en la distancia. Estos objetos en si mismos producen infinita variedad. No hay dos rocas o rboles idnticos. En segundo lugar, tambin varan en funcin de la combinacin, y casi en igual medida, en tercer lugar, bajo diferentes condiciones de luz y sombra y de otros efectos ambientales. A veces encontramos en ellos mismos la coherencia del conjunto como un todo; pero con mayor frecuencia encontramos slo belleza de las partes (Gilpin, 2001 (1792): 42). Es precisamente en la construccin de una armona del conjunto que interviene la mano del artista, ya se trate de un parque, de un jardn o de un cuadro. Y los cnones que definen cules son los modelos de perfeccin pintoresca por excelencia, difieren de un autor a otro. A la elegancia de espritu clasicista impulsada por Gilpin se opone, por ejemplo la pasin por las ruinas gticas, por cabaas rurales aisladas de preferencia azotadas por temporales o por grupos de individuos rsticos, que manifiesta Uvedale Price (2001; 1810). Esta oposicin pone en evidencia precisamente el movimiento pendular de lo pintoresco, entre las nociones de lo bello y lo sublime. A travs de guas tursticas, dedicadas en particular a Inglaterra, el viajero culto, concretamente los artistas, eran conducidos no slo a los lugares de inters, sino que estos manuales de viaje sealaban tambin los puntos de observacin desde los que la vista responda en mayor medida a la autoridad esttica de pintores reconocidos. El ms famoso ejemplo de este tipo de manuales es la Guide to the Lakes, de Tomas West, que alcanz nada menos que siete ediciones entre 1778 y 1799. Ah el autor lleva a sus lectores desde los delicados toques de Claude, observados en Coniston Lake, a las nobles escenas de Poussin, existentes en WindermareWater, y de ah a las ideas de un romanticismo estupendo de Salvador Rosa en el Lake of Derwent (West apud Hussey, 1927: 126). Surge as lo que Malcolm Andrews llam turismo pintoresco como una experiencia esttica controlada (Andrews, 1995: 7), en la que el viajero se lanza a nuevos entornos lejos de casa, exponindose a paisajes extraos, a veces intimidantes. Y lo pintoresco se constituye en un camino para asimilar esta experiencia, vale decir, para domesticar lo desconocido y reorganizar lo desestructurado. El lenguaje artstico proporciona un instrumento mediador, que permite reacomodar la realidad de acuerdo con cnones predeterminados. Entre los elementos que atraen la mirada en el curso de un viaje pintoresco, Gilpin menciona que tambin las figuras vivas suelen ser objeto de gran atencin, pero esclarece que las tomamos como meros ornamentos de las escenas [], slo las consideramos en sus rasgos generales, en sus ropajes, en grupos y en sus ocupaciones. En el mismo sentido alude al inters que ofrece la presencia de animales. Y destaca con especial nfasis el atractivo de las elegantes reliquias de la arquitectura antigua. stas son consagradas

por el tiempo; y casi merecen tanta veneracin como la que dedicamos a las obras de la naturaleza (Gilpin, 2001 (1792): 45-46). En el espacio ingls, y ms aun fuera de l, este lenguaje del registro visual permiti que fuesen incorporados al quehacer artstico los ms diversos motivos, ya se trate de monumentos, en ruinas o no, o de escenas de costumbres y tipos populares. As pues, si por vuelta de 1700 Lus XIV haba execrado un cuadro con escenas de la vida cotidiana popular, de David Teniers, que haba sido colgado en uno de sus aposentos, ordenando que alejasen de su vista esos monigotes segn cuenta Voltaire en su anecdotario del rey-sol -, un siglo ms tarde este tipo de asuntos haba descubierto la forma para ser aceptado en los ms ilustres salones. Motivos costumbristas como los de lavanderas de la Italia meridional o labradores andaluces, ruinas de monasterios medievales o modestas viviendas rurales ya no eran vistos como meras curiosidades de valor etnogrfico o pertenecientes a un pasado lejano. Gracias al concepto esttico de lo pintoresco haban encontrado la llave para ascender a la categora artstica. Difcilmente podra citarse una definicin universalmente vlida para lo pintoresco. De su sentido original que haca referencia a la similitud con la pintura, fue transformndose, para evocar aquello que entretiene la vista, que estimula los sentidos del espectador. Por pintoresco se pas generalmente a entender aquello que presenta variedad, diversidad e irregularidad; si inicialmente Gilpin atribuy a esta categora una acepcin clasicista, hacia 1800 ya era ms frecuente que con ella se aludiese a motivos toscos, rudos, rsticos, sin sofisticacin. Haciendo uso de esta categora, la percepcin de lo diferente en un lenguaje artstico no slo fue aplicado en el interior de las fronteras europeas; tambin se abri camino a la observacin de motivos del mundo islmico, del oriente prximo, dando pie a lo que hoy identificamos como la corriente artstica del Orientalismo. De la misma manera, la aprehensin del paisaje y, en general, del mundo americano por parte de los artistas viajeros europeos se fue modelando poco a poco, teniendo como un importante punto de referencia y apoyo el concepto de lo pintoresco. Y fue la propia difusin y aceptacin generalizada de este principio esttico lo que permiti que su obra fuese reconocida tambin en ambientes sofisticados. Por ejemplo, la exquisita coleccin de arte de los Prncipes de Thurn & Taxis, en Ratisbona, adquiri nada menos que cinco leos de tema americano de Rugendas: dos paisajes brasileos, una escena callejera de Ciudad de Mxico y dos composiciones dedicadas a los Mapuche, de Chile. Es este papel mediador del arte pintoresco el que implcitamente
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Adhmar, 1997; Dobai, 1974-1977; Hussey, 1927.

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invoca Engelmann para seducir a posibles suscriptores del libro sobre Brasil que producir a partir de los dibujos de Rugendas. Los artistas viajeros asuman la tarea de domesticar lo diferente. Y para esto, sus aventuras artsticas les imponan dos tareas fundamentales: por una parte, descubrir un arquetipo para la representacin del paisaje americano, por otra, construir un hilo conductor, vale decir, una ruta en territorios que slo de forma incipiente haban sido aprehendidos y explorados con el instrumental cientfico y artstico europeo. Nos interesa analizar de qu manera incidi la propuesta de lo pintoresco en la ejecucin de una y otra tarea. LA CONSTRUCCIN DEL PAISAJE PINTORESCO Los escritos de Alexander von Humboldt deben ser considerados como el impulso fundacional para pensar el registro visual de la naturaleza americana. Desde el Essai sur la gographie des plantes (1805-1807) hasta el Kosmos (1845-1862), el cientfico viajero alemn llam la atencin sobre la utilidad y relevancia de que se desarrollase una corriente de pintura paisajista dedicada a los trpicos. La expectativa de que en ese espacio geogrfico el artista encontrara la ms rica concentracin de motivos para su trabajo, se explica a partir del estudio de la distribucin de la vegetacin en las diversas zonas climticas. Desde la perspectiva esttica, particular relevancia tienen las dos grandes clases de plantas que diferencia en funcin del modo en que aparecen distribuidas en el espacio, vale decir, acaso su presencia en una superficie dada es masiva o individual. En este sentido observa aquellas plantas que se desarrollan de forma social, en grupos extensos de una misma especie, por otra, las que crecen aisladas y esparcidas, vale decir, que no aparecen conviviendo con otros individuos de su misma especie. El hecho de que en las latitudes tropicales predominen las plantas cuyo desarrollo se da de forma aislada, torna esos paisajes infinitamente ms atractivos, con ms diversidad; las zonas templadas, en cambio, donde son predominantes las plantas sociales, ofrecen una vista ms homognea de la vegetacin, y por lo mismo, menos pintoresca (Humboldt, 1989 (1807): 48-49). Al impulsar la idea de desarrollar una tradicin de pintura de paisaje en los trpicos, el naturalista, asumiendo el papel de terico en materia de esttica, la situ en el contexto de la historia del arte occidental, le dio puntos de referencia y, sobre todo, formul propuestas concretas sobre el procedimiento a seguir. Sin perder de vista que un factor esencial para su comprensin del paisaje es el conocimiento cientfico, observamos que tambin atribuye un importante papel a la intuicin artstica en el proceso de una aprehensin integral de la naturaleza y con el fin de promover su estudio. A este asunto dedica un minucioso anlisis en la segunda parte de Kosmos,

donde hace un recuento crtico de descripciones literarias y representaciones en el campo de las artes visuales que, a lo largo del tiempo, han contribuido a conducir la mirada del hombre hacia el mundo natural. En este sentido comprendemos su prosa potica de Ansichten der Natur (1808; en el mismo ao publicado tambin en francs: Tableaux de la Nature) y en parte tambin el Essai sur la gographie des plantes (1807), por ejemplo, cuando invoca a los artistas a registrar la infinita multiplicidad de la flora en el continente americano: Altas palmeras meciendo sus penachos de hojas ensortijadas sobre matas de heliconias y bananos, troncos espinosos de cactceas erigindose como serpientes en medio de liliceas en flor, un helecho arborescente rodeado de robles de Mxico: qu motivos ms pintorescos para el pincel de un artista sensible! (Humboldt, 1989 (1807): 64) Lo pintoresco est en la propia naturaleza, en su riqueza, en sus contrastes y ah est el nfasis en su coherencia. Humboldt sugiere una idea de lo pintoresco concebida desde los elementos naturales. Es precisamente en este aspecto que se expresa la innovacin en relacin con las formulaciones de Gilpin, en cuanto a qu confiere carcter pintoresco a un motivo. En un trecho de sus descripciones de viajes, el pastor ingls se detiene en la localidad de Tintern y describe cmo la vegetacin se ha ido adueando de unas ruinas, dndoles lo que l llama de el ornamento del tiempo. El lenguaje que usa es muy prximo al de Humboldt, y la sola mencin de los eufnicos nombres de las plantas parece querer seducir: Hiedra en grandes cantidades ha tomado posesin de buena parte del muro, creando un alegre contraste con la piedra griscea utilizada para la construccin del edificio []. Y esto no carece de decoracin. Musgo de diversas tonalidades, con lquenes, culantrillo, dalbergia sissoo2 y otras plantas comunes repartidas por la superficie [] que en su conjunto crean aquellas tonalidades floridas que otorgan el ms rico aspecto a la ruina. (Gilpin apud Hussey, 1927: 117) Pero aqu, el contraste, lo propiamente pintoresco, surge de la oposicin entre las ruinas y la vegetacin. En Gilpin, esta categora esttica suele plasmarse precisamente cuando descubre el encuentro de elementos pertenecientes a dos o ms mbitos de la realidad, o cuando la concepcin pictrica evoca ideas que van ms all de la mera experiencia visual. La oposicin con el punto de vista de Humboldt no se funda, pues, en que ste postule un naturalismo al pi de la letra. Lejos de eso, el mundo esttico del autor del Kosmos se define a partir de una identificacin con la tradicin clasicista3; el naturalista siempre pens
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una pintura de la naturaleza con connotaciones ideales. De este modo, al hacer un recuento histrico de la representacin del paisaje, declara su admiracin por Ticiano, por ser el primero que super lo que califica de una imitacin minuciosa, pero generalmente demasiado tmida de la naturaleza (Humboldt, 1993 (1845-62): II/69-70). Para enseguida afirmar: El gran estilo de la pintura de paisajes es el fruto de una contemplacin profunda de la Naturaleza y de la transformacin que se opera en el interior del pensamiento (id.: II/ 76). La transformacin, o elaboracin intelectual, a la que se refiere, es la que nos proporciona la llave de su comprensin de este gnero artstico. Si consideramos el aspecto de las zonas vegetales, aun prescindiendo de las riquezas propias de tal o cual regin, cada una de ellas presenta distinto carcter y da origen a impresiones diferentes []. A la manera que cada familia de seres organizados ofrece caracteres especiales que sirven de fundamento a las diversas divisiones de la Botnica y de la Zoologa, as hay tambin una fisonoma de la Naturaleza diversificada bajo todos los diferentes grados de latitud []. Abarcar este aspecto y reproducirle de una manera expresiva, tal es el objeto de la pintura de paisajes (id.: II/78-79). La composicin de una pintura de paisaje debe tener como propsito central la coherencia en la representacin fisonmica de la naturaleza, un principio derivado de la Geografa Fsica. Esta disciplina marca un hito en el pensamiento cientfico de Humboldt; fue concebida ya antes del viaje americano y en la Introduccin a Voyage aux rgions equinoxiales du Nouveau Continent (1814-1825) es mencionada como la ciencia que lo gui en su observacin del continente americano. En virtud de esa propuesta terica y metodolgica, los fenmenos geogrficos, en particular la vida de las plantas, pasarn a ser pensados y aprehendidos como resultado de la interaccin de todos los elementos de la naturaleza. La interaccin de las diversas variables de la geografa determinan la configuracin del paisaje. El artista debe tomar consciencia de este descubrimiento del saber, y en esa medida, el conocimiento cientfico se torna necesario, ya que, con base en l podr construir paisajes verosmiles, plausibles. Su intencin nunca fue la de que los artistas viajeros ejecutasen vistas estrictamente naturalistas, sino que sugera que los pintores construyesen composiciones en las cuales se incluyese todo aquello que podra aparecer en un determinado ambiente. Se trataba, pues, de representar un espacio de acuerdo con las condiciones que los diferentes factores geogrficos le imponan y con todo lo que podra
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Sobre esta cuestin, consultar el artculo A arte de viajantes: de documentadotes a artistas-viajantes de Diener y Costa, en esta misma revista.

contener en sus condiciones ptimas. De este modo, el pintor no se comportara como un esclavo de lo que existe, sino como un creador de lo que podra ser. A partir de un conocimiento cientfico, el artista puede y debe completar su obra con todo aquello que podra incluir un paisaje, siguiendo las premisas de la Geografa Fsica. La contemplacin profunda y la elaboracin intelectual realizada con base en los conocimientos de la ciencia conducirn al artista - de acuerdo con esta propuesta por un camino de creacin seguro, en la medida que identifique los arquetipos fisonmicos de la naturaleza. En esta formulacin, el concepto de modelo gana connotaciones diferentes a las que, en rigor, encontramos en el mbito de lo pintoresco. No es imitando las composiciones de otros pintores que el artista viajero podr aprehender adecuadamente sus experiencias. El auxilio para la comprensin y organizacin de realidades diferentes le es proporcionado por las ciencias. La forma en que los logros del conocimiento se manifiestan en lenguaje visual, generando nuevas modalidades de percepcin y registro artsticos, ha sido analizada para diversos momentos de la historia del arte. Erwin Panofsky puso en evidencia, por ejemplo, la estrecha relacin que existi en el Renacimiento entre la racionalizacin matemtica del espacio y su representacin unitaria, coherente y de extensin infinita, conseguida mediante los recursos de la perspectiva central. Este instrumento tradujo al lenguaje de las artes plsticas un nuevo concepto de infinitud, que ya no es resultado de la prefiguracin divina, sino de la realidad emprica (Panofsky, 2003). Y Charlotte Klonk investig un fenmeno bastante ms prximo a nuestro asunto, en su trabajo sobre las representaciones de la configuracin geolgica de la isla de Staffa, un pen sustentado por rocas baslticas en la costa occidental de Escocia. Staffa fue objeto de numerosos estudios y, segn observa Klonk, las representaciones del lugar mudaron sustancialmente entre 1790 y 1830, como consecuencia del trabajo de campo de la geologa. Inicialmente predominaron descripciones e imgenes que denotan admiracin por una maravilla de la creacin y que destacan el carcter bizarro de las columnas baslticas de la isla. Hacia el final del perodo, en cambio, el foco de atencin se diluye para mostrar las rocas en su entorno, de modo que los trazos de historia natural se manifiestan a travs de las particularidades contextuales. En otras palabras, el conocimiento de la geologa fue un importante factor para que surgiese una nueva forma de ver y de dibujar o pintar el pen, a lo que Klonk califica de un modo fenomenolgico de percepcin (Klonk, 1997: 205). Al observar la apropiacin de la categora de lo pintoresco que llevaron a cabo los artistas europeos en Amrica, verificamos que la Geografa Fsica de Humboldt fue la disciplina que proporcion una nueva forma de concebir el modelo. Los arquetipos son concebidos como una tipologa del paisaje. A partir de una

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contemplacin atenta, por va inductiva, el viajero debe llegar a comprender el tipo de paisaje con el que se ve confrontado, segn las instrucciones del autor del Essai sur la gographie des plantes. Una vez que lo identifica y se compenetra con su sistema, podr reelaborarlo y componerlo libremente, deduciendo de la coherencia ya interiorizada de ese ambiente, todo aquello que le es propio. Entonces s, al idear una composicin, con frecuencia el artista volver a utilizar los recursos ms tradicionales de lo pintoresco, evocando una vez las formas de composicin de Claude Lorraine, otras, la de Jacob Ruysdael, otras, en fin, la de Nicolas Poussin. En este empeo por definir modelos para el paisaje americano, la primera obra que adquiri un valor paradigmtico fue el dibujo acuarelado Selva virgen del Brasil (1819), del Conde de Clarac, basado en observaciones hechas del natural durante un viaje a Ro de Janeiro en 1816. La hoja fue expuesta en el Salon de Paris de 1819 y grabada en una plancha de cobre en 1822; se trata, pues, de una imagen ampliamente difundida que, por lo dems, fue elogiada por Humboldt como la ms bella composicin de la naturaleza de los trpicos, creada con apego a lo que califica de un sentimiento de verdad (Mello Jnior, 1973: 131). Como indica el ttulo, el lugar es indeterminado, pero su identificacin de carcter genrico, tipolgico, correspondiente a la flora atlntica, resulta inequvoca a travs de la vegetacin que el autor incorpora en la representacin. La diversidad florstica es extraordinaria; y, en su conjunto, la imagen est construida con fuertes contrastes de clarooscuro, que resultan de dos elementos esenciales: el tronco de un rbol gigantesco, cuya sombra crea un rea de oscuridad en el primer plano, y un arroyo, cuyas aguas reflejan los rayos del sol que penetran en la densa floresta a travs de un claro, un foco de luz que el enorme tronco oculta a la vista del observador. La combinacin de la inmensidad, la oscuridad y la grandiosidad tanto ms imponente ante la presencia de diminutas figuritas de indios atravesando el arroyo son inequvocas referencias a la idea de lo sublime, vale decir, de una naturaleza que se impone implacablemente ante la insignificancia del hombre. As, a la exactitud de la descripcin naturalista, Clarac acrecienta el elemento emocional, llevando a la prctica las categoras estticas formuladas desde mediados del siglo XVIII. El impacto de esta acuarela, particularmente a travs de su versin dada a conocer a travs del grabado, puede ser constatada en numerosas obras de viajeros que recorrieron las regiones tropicales de Amrica, sea en las vistas de la selva atlntica brasilea de Rugendas, las de Ferdinand Bellermann en Venezuela, las de Albert Berg en Colombia o tambin en los registros que Carl Nebel hizo de la regin prxima de Veracruz, en Mxico.

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EL ARTISTA VIAJERO Y LA RUTA PINTORESCA Si para la construccin del paisaje pintoresco americano todos los indicios conducen ineludiblemente a las propuestas de Alexander von Humboldt, para la concepcin de la ruta pintoresca en este espacio observamos, en cambio, que las fuentes se diversifican. El hilo que conduce la mirada del artista viajero y en un segundo momento, tambin los criterios editoriales aplicados para el montaje de las costosas publicaciones es heredero del espritu enciclopdico. Existe una aspiracin de abrazar todos los aspectos de la realidad. No slo se pretende aprehender la naturaleza en su identidad regional; tambin en los hombres, en sus formas de vida, sus tradiciones y su historia, deba descubrirse aquello que le daba coherencia, lo que confera unidad a su existencia. En un libro ya clsico, Christopher Hussey llama la atencin sobre una contradiccin esencial que mueve al viajero pintoresco. Refirindose a la concepcin de la naturaleza de estos artistas, afirma Hussey que sta tiene un carcter ideal; el propsito del artista en su bsqueda itinerante es el de descubrir la existencia de escenas ideales, lo que da a su empeo escassimas posibilidades de xito. Pero esta bsqueda le atrae; es la expectativa de que quiz la escena ideal alguna vez llegue a manifestarse ante sus ojos lo que lo impulsa y lo mantiene en movimiento (Hussey, 1927:83). Lo que el artista viajero procura en Amrica tambin tiene connotaciones ideales o, al menos, intenta encontrar imgenes con un valor generalizador: un paisaje que resuma las singularidades de la fisonoma regional, individuos representativos de una determinada sociedad, manifestaciones emblemticas de su historia y de su cultura material, en fin, todo lo que permita construir una identificacin tpica de un pas o de una regin. As, por ejemplo, la bsqueda de paisajes con valor paradigmtico, en los que se encontrasen caracterizados de forma explcita todos los elementos que confluyen para crear el hbitat natural de la vegetacin, tena un modelo en el cuadro sinptico que Humboldt anex a su Essai sur la gographie des plantes, al que dio el ttulo de Cuadro fsico de las regiones equinocciales. En un corte transversal del continente sudamericano, que representa de forma esquemtica las ms altas cumbres andinas, son sealados los grupos de plantas, segn las condiciones ambientales y de altura en las que aparecen. La tarea de los artistas consistira en encontrar lugares en que, de alguna manera, los factores resumidos en esa sinopsis apareciesen de forma real. El caso ms extremo de una tentativa en este sentido fue el que concibi el pintor norteamericano F.E. Church, que lleg a inventar un paisaje, el famoso Corazn de los Andes, compuesto con retazos de vistas tomadas del natural.

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Para la bsqueda y registro de individuos representativos de un pas o de una regin, el propio Gilpin dio un primer impulso, tal como se vio antes. Pero al mismo tiempo se desarroll un tipo de representacin en que la figura humana ganaba un protagonismo que rebasaba ampliamente el mero carcter de decorado anexo que el terico ingls haba atribuido a este tipo de motivos. Este es el caso, por ejemplo, de los primeros cartones de Goya, ejecutados para la fbrica de tapices destinados a los palacios reales de Espaa. Es cierto que los motivos populares son interpretados de forma idlica y, sobre todo, el mundo rural aparece como un espacio en el que se juega, se conversa, se respira aire saludable y se disfruta de la naturaleza, y a veces tambin se trabaja un poco. Sin embargo, a partir de las perspectivas que abri la obra de Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744-1803) y de la influencia de su pensamiento sobre la tradicin romntica, particularmente al establecer nuevos parmetros para el estudio del hombre y para valorar sus ms diversas manifestaciones de vida, se sentaron las bases de un modo de observacin ms realista, con la intencin de construir un registro vlido de las ms diversas formas de existencia humana. La aproximacin a la realidad humana que observamos en los viajeros se mueve entre estos puntos de referencia, unas veces ms bien prxima de Gilpin, incluyendo la figura apenas como un decorado, otras siguiendo el espritu clasicista, de idealizacin, y otras, por fin, empendose por aprehender este mbito de la realidad con ojos escudriadores y crticos. Y la definicin de los motivos ser siempre una cuestin de sensibilidad y de compenetracin con el mundo que el viajero visita, pero tambin se requera de familiaridad con los mecanismos propios de la construccin de una ruta pintoresca. Percibimos, en este sentido, que los periplos por Amrica, que dieron pie a lo que genricamente llamamos de viaje pintoresco, tienen un antecedente en la tradicin del grand tour, que se vena practicando en el mbito europeo desde el siglo XVIII. Se pretenda que ese tipo de viajes formase parte del proceso de aprendizaje de un individuo culto. En el curso de un grand tour se deban visitar lugares a los que se atribua el valor de fuentes de la cultura, vale decir, lugares bien definidos sobre todo en Grecia e Italia; pero tambin ofrecan una oportunidad de ver otras formas de vida de hombres y mujeres en otras latitudes. Con esa expectativa se establecieron itinerarios que fueron modelando la visin ms o menos estereotipada que el norte y el centro de Europa se hicieron de las regiones mediterrneas. Esa idea del viaje como un proceso de conocimiento, de educacin de la sensibilidad, estar presente en la formatacin de las aventuras americanas emprendidas durante el siglo XIX por esos personajes que llamamos de artistas viajeros. Ellos contribuyeron a construir la Amrica pintoresca evocando, de forma ms o menos consciente, los

procedimientos que haban llevado a crear los estereotipos del grand tour. Sus recorridos por tierras muy diferentes y el contacto con otros pueblos les impusieron constantes tomas de decisin acerca de qu deba ser incorporado en sus registros, qu deba ser interpretado como efectivamente sintomtico y representativo de la identidad de estos pases y sus habitantes. En este proceso incidi una multiplicidad de criterios, entre los que sin duda sobresale particularmente el afn por mantener vivo un vnculo con el desarrollo de las ciencias de su tiempo. El registro del paisaje es la expresin ms evidente de este empeo. Pero percibimos tambin el efecto que las incipientes ciencias del hombre tuvieron en el modelado de las propuestas artsticas. La etnografa cultural en la tradicin de Johann Gottfried von Herder, los estudios de arqueologa de tradicin clsica, en fin, el conocimiento de la historia de los pueblos - con el espritu de Le Peuple que, de forma ya madura, expuso Jules Michelet en 1846 constituyen elementos esenciales para la forma de mirar de estos viajeros en tierras americanas. Los intereses que se fueron despertando durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX se reflejan en innumerables evocaciones, no de manera sistemtica, sino ofreciendo un cuadro ameno, variado, es decir, pintoresco. Porque, como intua Nebel en su publicacin, no todo el mundo es erudito, pero todo el mundo s es curioso; y para satisfacer esa curiosidad, los viajeros de lo pintoresco pretendan servir de intrpretes, calibrando las expectativas de sus contemporneos.
BIBLIOGRAFA CITADA ADHMAR, Jean. 1997 (1937). La France Romantique. Les Lithographies de Paysage au XIXme sicle. Pars: Somogy ditions dArt. ANDREWS, Malcolm, 1995. A Picturesque Template: The Tourists and their Guidebooks. In: ARNOLD, Dana (ed.). The Picturesque in late Georgian England. Papers given at The Georgian Group Symposium. Londres: The Georgian Group, 3-9. BURKE, Edmund 1997 (1757). Indagacin filosfica sobre el origen de nuestras ideas acerca de los sublime. Traduccin. Madrid: Editorial Tecnos. DIENER, Pablo, y COSTA, Maria de Ftima. 2002. Rugendas e o Brasil. So Paulo: Editora Capivara. DOBAI, Johannes. 1974-1977. Die Kunstliteratur des Klassizismus und der Romantik in England. Berna: Benteli Verlag; 3 vols. GILPIN, William. 2001. (1792). Three Essays: On Picturesque Beauty; On Picturesque Travel; and on Sketching Landscape.. In: Aesthetics and the Picturesque, 1795-1840. Bristol, Thoemmes Press; vol. 1. HUMBOLDT, Alexander von. 1993 (1845-1862). Kosmos. Entwurf einer physischen Weltbeschreibung. Edicin y comentarios de Hanno Beck. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft; 2 vols.

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_____. 1989 (1807). Schriften zur Geographie der Pflanzen. Edicin y comentarios de la versin alemana de Ideen zu einer Geographie der Pflanzen, de 1807, por Hanno Beck. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. _____. 1835. Mexicanische Alterthmer. In: Annales der Erd-, Lnderund Vlkerkunde. Berlin, vol. XI, nm. 4 (31/1/1835), 321-325. HUSSEY, Christopher. 1927. The Picturesque. Studies in a point of view. Londres & Nueva York: G.P. Putnams Sons. KLONK, Charlotte. 1997. From Picturesque Travel to Scientific Observation: Artists and Geologists Voyages to Staffa. In: ROSENTHAL, Michael; PAYNE, Christiana, y WILCOX, Scott (eds.). Prospects for the Nation: Recent Essays in British Landscape, 1750-1880. Studies in British Arts 4. New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 205-229. MELLO JNIOR, Donato. 1973. Alexandre von Humboldt e o Conde de Clarac. Uma interpretao artstica francesa da nossa floresta tropical pelo sbio naturalista alemo. In: Revista Brasileira de Cultura, 16 (1973), 121-136. NEBEL, Carl. 1836. Voyage pittoresque et archologique dans la partie la plus intressante du Mexique. Paris: M. Moench / M. Gau. PANOFSKY, Erwin. 2003 (1927) La perspectiva como forma simblica. Traduccin. Barcelona: Tusquets Editores. PRICE, Uvedale. 2001 (1810). Essays on the Picturesque, as compared with the sublime and the beautiful; and on the use of studying pictures, for the period

of improving real landscape. In: Aesthetics and the Picturesque, 1795-1840. Bristol: Thoemmes Press; vol. 3.

PABLO DIENER esPablo Diener es doctor en Historia del Arte por la Universidad de Zrich. Ha publicado estudios sobre los viajes cientficos y artsticos al continente americano en los siglos XVIII y XIX y es autor del catlogo de obra de Johann Moritz Rugendas. Organiz las exposiciones Los artistas europeos del siglo XIX en Mxico (Mxico DF, 1996), O Brasil de hoje no espelho do sculo XIX. Artistas europeus e brasileiros refazem a expedio Langsdorff (en colaboracin con Maria de Ftima Costa; So Paulo, Ro de Janeiro, Brasilia y Curitiba, 1996), Alexander von Humboldt. La interaccin del conocimiento (en colaboracin con la Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland; Bonn y Berln, 1999) Y El descubrimiento de la naturaleza, desde C.D. Friedrich a Humboldt (en colaboracin con la Kunsthalle Hamburg, Hamburgo 2002). Actualmente es profesor del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad Federal de Mato Grosso.

SARA BADA, La obra de Rafael Castro y Ordez, fotgrafo de la Comisin Cientfica del Pacfico (1863-1865)

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LA OBRA DE RAFAEL CASTRO Y ORDEZ, FOTGRAFO DE LA COMISIN CIENTFICA DEL PACFICO (1863-1865) Sara Bada Resumen: El artculo analiza la obra de Rafael Castro y Ordez (Madrid, 1834-1865), fotgrafo de la Comisin Cientfica del Pacfico, una expedicin, organizada por el gobierno espaol, que recorri el continente americano entre 1863 y 1865. Objeto central de este estudio es la coleccin de fotografas realizada en Brasil y la personalidad de su autor; se trata de una obra poco conocida por la comunidad cientfica, particularmente fuera de Espaa. El cuerpo de obras es observado tanto en sus aspectos tcnicos y formales, como tambin desde la perspectiva de la visin de carcter documental que ofrece. Este legado iconogrfico contribuy de forma sustancial a definir Brasil para la sociedad hispanohablante de la poca y en la actualidad constituye un excepcional asiento de la memoria. Palabras clave: fotografa, expedicin cientfica, Rafael Castro y Ordez. Pocos recuerdan al joven Rafael Castro y Ordez que un da de verano de 1862 se embarc como artista cientfico y fotgrafo de una expedicin a tierras americanas. Sin embargo, esta empresa cientfica realizada por orden del gobierno espaol, la Comisin Cientfica del Pacfico, constituye una aventura fotogrfica, en la medida que es una de las primeras en su gnero que incluy la fotografa como forma de registro visual. Tan amplio era el objetivo de esta campaa, que sus imgenes ofrecen un reflejo de todas las facetas de la vida americana, con sus paisajes naturales, urbanos y humanos. La fotografa, a diferencia del dibujo, su antecedente, mostraba una nueva mirada, que pretenda ser ms veraz. En este mbito, Rafael Castro sobresale como uno de los pioneros de la fotografa documental y como un creador de la identidad y de la memoria de los pases americanos que recorri en calidad de comisionado de la expedicin cientfica al Pacfico, una empresa en la que Brasil ocupa un importante lugar. La personalidad de este fotgrafo responde a la categora de artistas-viajeros, tanto por su formacin como por la manera en que llev a cabo el trabajo. Nacido en Madrid en 1834, realiz estudios en la prestigiosa Real Academia de Bellas Artes

de San Fernando, cuyos archivos indican que curs asignaturas troncales de Bellas Artes y de la especialidad de pintura durante los aos 1848-49 y 1850; historia y teora artsticas, mitologa y costumbres; pintura; perspectiva; anatoma, y dibujo del antiguo y ropajes. Ms tarde complet su formacin en Pars bajo la tutela del pintor Lon Coignet (Pars, 1794-1880)1. El viaje de estudios que realizara Rafael Castro a la ciudad francesa, que entonces comparta con Roma la capitalidad del mundo del arte, le relaciona con un amplio grupo de artistas que, en las dcadas centrales del siglo XIX, se interesaron por renovar la pintura espaola a travs de modelos extranjeros. El artista madrileo posea una distinguida formacin acadmica; particip en las exposiciones de Bellas Artes en la dcada de 1850 y tambin en las ms importantes tertulias de la ciudad, que menciona en sus crnicas. Todo esto apunta a un origen burgus y una cierta proximidad a los crculos de poder de la capital. En cuanto a su personalidad artstica, la actividad con la que Rafael Castro ms parece haberse identificado fue la de dibujante. A este respecto cabe tener presente, tambin, las connotaciones de carcter social de los diversos quehaceres y, concretamente, el hecho de que los fotgrafos no gozaban del mismo prestigio que otros artistas o artesanos. Como dibujante, Rafael Castro realiz diversas imgenes de carcter cientfico, as como un paisaje de sabor rural que ms tarde sera publicado en forma de grabado por la revista El museo universal2. Aunque existen referencias a los dibujos que realizara para los comisionados en el curso
1

Para la biografa de Rafael castro v. las siguientes fuentes documentales: ANNIMO. Matrcula correspondiente al curso de 1848 1849. idem; Lista individual de los discpulos de las clases de pintura; idem. Matrcula de los discpulos de la clase del `antiguo y ropajes en el ao 1848 y 1849; S. N. PIQUER. Matrcula para el curso de 1848 a 1849; Antonio Mara ESQUIVEL. Lista de los discpulos de la clase de anatoma que han concluido el curso con asistencia y aplicacin y han sido examinados de anatoma pictrica en el curso de 1849 a 1850"; idem. Lista de los discpulos de la clase de anatoma; Francisco Jos FABRE. Estado de la ctedra de historia y teora artsticas, mithologa, costumbres &c. de la Real Academia de N.[obles] A.[rtes] de S.[an] Fernando, del presente ao de 1849-Lista de los discpulos matriculados en el curso de 1848 49 en la ctedra de historia y teora de las artes, mithologa, usos, costumbres y trages establecida en la Academia de las Nobles Artes de San Fernando cargo de su profesor D. Francisco Jos Fabre; Patricio RODRGUEZ. Perspectiva: matrcula de los discpulos que se han presentado los das 19, 20, y 21 de octubre para el curso acadmico de 1848 y 49. In: Archivo de la Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando - RABBAASF, carpeta 55-1/5; v. tambin: Manuel OSSORIO Y BERNARD. Galera biogrfica de artistas espaoles del siglo XIX, Madrid: Giner, 1975, s. v.Castro.
2

Rafael CASTRO Y ORDEZ. Expedicin cientfica del Pacfico: camino de la Palma, Quillota, dibujo remitido por el Seor Castro. En: El museo universal, 8, S. I., (1864): 268.

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de la expedicin, muchos de estos dibujos se hallan actualmente en paradero desconocido o han sucumbido al paso del tiempo. Entre los dibujos que han llegado hasta nosotros, cabe mencionar la reproduccin de piezas arqueolgicas procedentes del Museo de Historia Natural de Santiago de Chile y de la coleccin de Jos Ferreiros, de Lima. Las obras de las que se tiene referencia, permiten reconocer en l a un dibujante correcto y, en su obra personal, sensible al gusto de la poca. Durante el viaje, Rafael Castro asumi tambin la labor extraoficial de cronista de la expedicin. En sus crnicas destaca la subjetividad y el excepcional inters del comisionado por las inquietudes de la opinin pblica americana3; su trabajo periodstico, en el que se acopla el ensayo escrito a las imgenes fotogrficas y a los dibujos, resulta de sumo inters y merece estudio detallado. Poco ms puede conjeturarse sobre este personaje de oscura biografa. A manera de carte de visite mencionamos un retrato, procedente de la Coleccin Castellano de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid (BN), que muestra al joven Rafael mirando a la cmara, ataviado con un vestido de mujer (ver fig. 1). Su aficin a la caricatura y sus crnicas ilustran, al igual que esta imagen, su peculiar sentido del humor que, con mayor o menor acierto, siempre hace gala de un agudo espritu crtico. Afirma en una de sus crnicas: [...] no s escribir con galanura [...] pero s tengo la conciencia de decir la verdad, porque no me propongo lisonjear a nadie [...]4. Su naturaleza indmita y su trgico final hicieron de Rafael Castro un personaje maldito. Pocos meses despus de su regreso a Espaa, y tras reiteradas amenazas, Rafael Castro y Ordez se quit la vida de un tiro en el corazn das antes de la Navidad de 18655, cuando tena 31 aos. Su muerte quiz est relacionada con la desanimadora situacin laboral por la que pas en Madrid, a la espera de que el gobierno espaol resolviese la liberacin de los dineros necesarios para los trabajos de pasar al papel los negativos de sus fotografas tomadas durante el viaje. El corpus de imgenes que es analizado en este texto, se encuentra en varias instituciones espaolas y extranjeras. Entre estas ltimas, la Biblioteca Nacional de Ro de Janeiro posee un lbum original con 51 fotografas, que la comisin ofreci como obsequio a Dom Pedro II6.
3

En lo que se refiere a las instituciones espaolas, se debe mencionar principalmente tres instituciones madrileas: la Biblioteca General de Humanidades (BGH) y el Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales (MNCN), ambos pertenecientes a la red de instituciones del Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas, CSIC, y el Museo Nacional de Antropologa (MNA), dependiente del Ministerio de Educacin, Cultura y Deporte. La que se podra denominar Coleccin CSIC consta de 530 ejemplares, de los que se debe destacar un grupo de 332 imgenes o iconos (las dems son, por tanto, duplicados vintage)7. La coleccin del MNA, que en su totalidad fue donada por uno de los expedicionarios, alcanza la cifra de 60 ejemplares, e incluye algunas imgenes nicas; existen, adems, fotografas de carcter comercial que probablemente fueron incorporadas por va de adquisicin y que pasaron finalmente a formar parte del mismo fondo. Por tanto, la coleccin espaola consta de 590 ejemplares. El Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales guarda, asimismo, la coleccin de negativos originales que han llegado hasta nuestros das, as como algunas de las cajas en las que se conservaron y transportaron estos negativos sobre vidrio. Madrid alberga tambin una rica coleccin documental relativa a esta expedicin y al trabajo de su fotgrafo; los fondos ms importantes, y los mejor conocidos, pertenecen a la red del CSIC. La complejidad del proceso tcnico de la fotografa merece atencin, en la medida que permite comprender la naturaleza de las imgenes y el mrito de su autor. La preparacin de la emulsin y su aplicacin a la placa de vidrio que le serva de soporte, deba realizarse momentos antes de la exposicin. Dado que la emulsin era sensible a la luz, esta preparacin y la posterior labor de revelado tenan que ser ejecutadas en total oscuridad, por lo que era necesario desplazarse con un laboratorio fotogrfico porttil. Algunos de los compuestos qumicos necesarios para la elaboracin de la emulsin de colodin eran sumamente peligrosos, en su mayora txicos y combustibles. El positivado, por el contrario, poda hacerse posteriormente y en condiciones
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Jos Antonio GONZLEZ PIZARRO. Artculos de CASTRO Y ORDEZ, Rafael en El museo universal. En: Quipu 6, 1 (1989): 112-113.
4

Airton SELIGMAN, Epopeia tropical: A saga dos espanhis que cruzaram o Brasil h 140 anos e as fotos, agora descobertas. En: Veja 25, 32 (1999): 62-63.
7

Rafael CASTRO Y ORDEZ, Comisin Cientfica del Pacfico: Valparaso, 1 de junio de 1863. En: El museo universal, 7, 7 (1863): 237; idem. Comisin Cientfica del Pacfico: Valparaso, 30 de junio de 1863. En: ibidem: 300.
5

Manuel OSSORIO Y BERNARD, op. cit., s. v. Castro.

Agnes PONSETI, Carmela PREZ-MONTES y Juana MOLINA, Una experiencia de comunicacin cientfica en el CSIC a travs de internet. En: Araceli SNCHEZ GARRIDO y Ana VERDE CASANOVA (eds.). Historia de un olvido: La expedicin cientfica del Pacfico (1862-1865). Madrid: Ministerio de Educacin, Cultura y Deporte, 2003: 73, y Sara BADA, Carmela PREZ-MONTES y Leoncio LPEZOCN, Una galera iconogrfica. En: Leoncio LPEZ-OCN y Carmela PREZMONTES (eds.). Marcos Jimnez de la Espada (1831-1898): Tras la senda de un explorador. Madrid: CSIC; 2000: 123.

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ms favorables. En este caso, por ejemplo, se puede afirmar que las imgenes que se conservan en Madrid fueron positivadas en el Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales meses despus del regreso de los expedicionarios a la capital espaola. Rafael Castro es autor slo de algunos de estos ejemplares en positivo, pues la labor recay fundamentalmente sobre los hermanos Sebastin y Jos Mara Mudarra. Sea cual fuere la autora del positivado, esta tarea no es significativa en el proceso en su conjunto. Se requera de papel de gran pureza y calidad, que se emulsionaba con la albmina extrada de claras de huevo, y que sola comercializarse. Al tratarse de impresiones por contacto, los negativos eran colocados en prensas sobre papeles previamente sensibilizados, resultando excepcionales las tcnicas de intervencin sobre el negativo o la copia, de ah la escasa importancia de esta fase del proceso desde un punto de vista creativo. Expuestos al aire libre, la accin de los rayos del sol impresionaba los papeles fotosensibles. Estos papeles, denominados de ennegrecimiento directo, permitan el control de la exposicin a simple vista, pues no necesitaban revelado qumico. Las copias eran posteriormente fijadas y casi siempre sometidas a un bao de oro. Este virado no slo aumentaba la estabilidad de las sales de plata, prolongando as la vida de la fotografa, sino que dotaba a la imagen de un agradable tono clido, similar al de las sanguinas. Las albminas eran muy apreciadas en su poca y, an hoy, su definicin y amplitud tonal no han sido superadas. Todo ello nos define, por tanto, una tcnica tan compleja como arriesgada, ms an en este trabajo expedicionario, que exiga traslados casi imposibles, lo que limitara enormemente la accin del fotgrafo. Las imgenes reflejan el inters de Rafael Castro e, indirectamente, del presidente de la comisin, Patricio Mara Paz y Membiela, por el paisaje humano, urbano y natural de los pases visitados. En efecto, la labor del artista cientfico era, de acuerdo con el artculo 15 del Reglamento para el rgimen de la comisin de profesores de ciencias naturales agregada a la expedicin martima del Pacfico, la de [...] plasmar todo aquello que designara el presidente de la Comisin, dando preferencia a los objetos a conservar que fueran susceptibles de perder su colorido o deformarse, as como vistas de montaas, cortes de terreno y aspecto de la vegetacin, entre otros8. Sin embargo, las instrucciones originales que fueron facilitadas por el Ministerio de Marina al jefe de la Escuadra del Pacfico, Luis Hernndez Pinzn, parecen ms en la lnea de la obra de Rafael Castro, puesto que, adems de la verificacin de datos hidrogrficos y meteorolgicos, se le encargan descripciones de usos y costumbres de los pases que se visiten, con noticias histricas y estadsticas [...]. As, en este fondo existen retratos de burgueses, pero tambin tipos de indgenas o personas de origen
8

africano. Se puede reconocer a personalidades, y tambin observar el rostro de personajes annimos. Algunos de estos individuos aparecen ataviados en sus mejores galas, bajo la frmula del retrato burgus de la poca y para la divulgacin de la persona pblica; otras veces se trata de desnudos de un tipo humano, en vista frontal y de perfil, para uso cientfico. Las ciudades se muestran a travs de sus grandes edificios emblemticos, pero tambin de sus barrios marginales. Las redes ferroviarias de la modernidad se alternan con el pasado colonial de los grandes palacios. Las imgenes de los jardines pblicos se conservan junto a las de magnficos especimenes botnicos, o incluso de pequeas rosaledas domsticas. El amplio horizonte temtico contribuye a hacer de este conjunto de fotografas un importante asiento de la memoria. Traducidas a grabados o expuestas en su forma original, permitieron, y permiten, conocer cmo eran los lugares y las gentes de Amrica en el siglo XIX. En Espaa, y bajo el aura de la veracidad fotogrfica, fueron consideradas autnticos documentos de la realidad americana, y contribuyeron a formar una imagen colectiva de los pases visitados, ms aun teniendo en cuenta la escasa circulacin de registros iconogrficos en la poca. An hoy, este gran corpus es realmente nico en su gnero, dada su amplitud temtica y geogrfica, y permite forjar una idea visual de los jvenes estados americanos. Adems, las obras de Rafael Castro se cuentan, en algunas ocasiones, entre los ms antiguos testimonios que se han conservado; tal es el caso de las secuoyas de Calaveras County, en California, anteriormente visitadas por daguerrotipistas, pero cuyas registros fotogrficos ms antiguos son, precisamente, los tomados por el comisionado9. As pues, estas imgenes no slo tuvieron un enorme valor en su poca, sino que lo conservan en la actualidad. Existen 98 imgenes tomadas en Brasil, lo que convierte este pas en uno de los mejor representados dentro de la coleccin de la Comisin Cientfica del Pacfico, junto con Chile, que cuenta con 73. El grupo ms numeroso es el de los paisajes urbanos, fundamentalmente de las dos ciudades visitadas por Rafael Castro, a saber, Salvador de Baha y, sobretodo, Ro de Janeiro; pero hay tambin algunos paisajes de otras poblaciones, como Olinda. Es posible que algunas de estas fotografas se hayan perdido con el paso del tiempo. En este sentido cabe mencionar el comentario de Rafael Castro en sus crnicas, donde hace referencia a que slo en Baha tom 60 fotografas10. Entre las que se han conservado, sin embargo, el nmero de las que pueden ser identificadas con esta poblacin es inferior. Los paisajes urbanos engloban el registro de edificios emblemticos o
9

Peter E. PALMQUIST. Don Rafaels Tree. En: History of Photography 6, 1 (1982): 15-19.
10

El reglamento se encuentra publicado en Miguel ngel PUIG-SAMPER. Crnica de una expedicin romntica al Nuevo Mundo. Madrid: CSIC, 1988: 439-443.

Rafael CASTRO Y ORDEZ. II. Ro Grande-Amrica del Sur. En: El museo universal 7, 7 (1863): 52.

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institucionales y de monumentos. De stos, merece especial atencin un grupo de cuatro bellas imgenes dedicadas a la estatua ecuestre de Dom Pedro I declarando la independencia (Praa Tiradentes; ver fig. 2), as como tambin las vistas del Museo de Ciencias Naturales y de la Biblioteca en Ro de Janeiro y las del Teatro de Salvador de Baha. La importancia de los emblemas de las ciudades es enorme para la mentalidad del siglo XIX, pues en ellos se refleja la historia de los pueblos y su carcter. La serie de imgenes de la estatua de D. Pedro I (1822-1831) parte de un punto de vista alejado y se va aproximando con la intencin de plasmarla desde distintos ngulos, aplicando una de las tcnicas que se observan en el trabajo de Rafael Castro y que ser evidente, posteriormente, en el conjunto de fotografas de la ciudad chilena de Valparaso. Desarrolla un procedimiento de trabajo analtico, que slo podr llevar a cabo en algunos lugares, debido a la escasez del tiempo con que contaron los expedicionarios para ejecutar su labor. A travs de las fotografas se muestra la imagen de un pueblo libre, avanzado, demcrata e instruido11. Las representaciones de la Biblioteca Nacional de Ro de Janeiro, prxima a un solar en el que se distinguen, en primer plano, algunos elementos constructivos - posiblemente caeras -, sugiere una idea de progreso, pues no slo nos encontramos frente a un monumento a la ciencia, sino de crecimiento de una ciudad moderna. La inclusin de estos elementos ilustra adems la diferencia entre la gramtica de la visin artstica y la nueva mirada de la fotografa. Esto es aun ms destacable en el caso de Castro, pintor de formacin y miembro de una generacin romntica, como ponen en evidencia sus cuadros. En efecto, las referencias a su obra pictrica, sus apasionadas crnicas periodsticas y su mas bien templada y analtica mirada fotogrfica ilustran la dualidad que viva este personaje, miembro de una generacin bisagra, pintor al tiempo que artista-cientfico. De este modo, el paisaje de la ciudad pone en evidencia los elementos emblemticos de la sociedad, que hoy nos permiten comprender la visin que se pretenda dar del pas, entre el respeto y la admiracin. Las obras pblicas juegan tambin un importante papel en la mentalidad del siglo XIX, y sirven como indicadores del nivel de progreso y civilizacin de los pueblos. Ello explica por qu en Espaa - como otros pases - el Estado orden la realizacin de fotografas de puentes, ferrocarriles y presas, una tarea que, en el caso espaol,
11

realizaron de manera magistral Charles Clifford - instructor de Rafael Castro - y el empresario francs Jean Laurent. En el contexto de Brasil se enfatizan la estructura defensiva de los puertos, el trazado del ferrocarril y, muy especialmente, los Arcos da Lapa. En particular, la completa serie dedicada a las instalaciones portuarias, con sus caones y puestos de vigilancia, parece responder a preocupaciones de carcter estratgico, posiblemente relacionadas con una intencin de observacin de esta y otras plazas, en previsin de eventuales enfrentamientos blicos. En efecto, la cmara fotogrfica se convirti rpidamente en un instrumento de gran valor militar12. Tambin el acueducto de Ro de Janeiro est descrito con enorme precisin, desde sus fuentes, en plena naturaleza, hasta su cuerpo central, en medio de la ciudad. Una vez ms, la mirada de Rafael Castro es analtica. En el mismo sentido son interesantes las imgenes del ferrocarril, puesto que parecen expresar, ms que ningn otro motivo, el progreso del pas. Y, lo que es ms notable aun, destacan el enorme mrito de esta empresa del gobierno brasileo en su lucha contra la exuberante naturaleza. Del mismo modo, la imagen del trazado y obras de la va frrea a Olinda (ver fig. 3) es elocuente, colocando en un lugar central el corte sobre terreno selvtico realizado para abrir paso al camino de hierro. Tambin este conjunto de imgenes apoya, por tanto, una visin muy positiva del Imperio Brasileo, en el que son visibles los signos de lucha contra la naturaleza exuberante, la explotacin de los medios naturales y el progreso tecnolgico. El paisaje urbano, sin embargo, no se limita a estos elementos emblemticos y a las obras pblicas de la ciudad. Incluye hermossimas imgenes a vista de pjaro de los centros urbanos y perspectivas a pie de calle. El fotgrafo suele contemplar la ciudad desde el mar (as como mira el mar desde la tierra) u observa cmo se extiende, unas veces serpenteante a lo largo de calles annimas, otras por elegantes avenidas y calles comerciales. Es la mirada del flaneur, que se distrae mirando aqu y all, y el aspecto de algunas vistas, en las que no se percibe fcilmente ningn objetivo, refleja experiencias personales, el placer por el descubrimiento a travs de un paseo sin rumbo. Ocasionalmente, para nuestros ojos modernos, las tomas parecen ganar un sabor esttico singular. En este sentido, resulta bastante evidente que Rafael Castro estaba familiarizado con las tendencias artsticas de la poca, por ejemplo, con el Realismo, que debi de conocer durante su estancia como pensionado de su majestad en Pars. En las vistas del paisaje rural registra subidas empinadas que conducen
12

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Del emperador D. Pedro II dir en sus crnicas, a colacin de su entrevista el 20 de noviembre de 1863: quedamos nosotros encantados de su exquisita amabilidad, y apreciando su mucha instruccin y vastos conocimientos en todos los ramos que se tocaron [...].

James R. RYAN. Picturing Empire: Photography and the Visualization of the British Empire. Londres: Reaktion Books Ltd., 1997: 78.

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a grandes mansiones de aspecto pintoresco y magnfico, siempre llamando la atencin sobre la armona existente entre estos caserones y el medio natural, tan magnfico a ojos de los espaoles. El fotgrafo de la comisin calific la ciudad brasilea como bellsima y describi Salvador de Baha, con encantadora ingenuidad, como un anfiteatro de verdor, salpicado de blancas casitas, asentadas en los cerritos como otros tantos espectadores que esperan el principio de una fiesta, mirando con los ojos de sus innumerables ventanas. Pero quiz lo ms notable en este conjunto iconogrfico sea la admiracin tan humana, pero tambin tan romntica, de una naturaleza lujuriante, que sorprende al viajero por ser tan ajena al paisaje espaol. En efecto, la naturaleza est presente en casi todas las imgenes tomadas por Rafael Castro durante su estancia en Brasil, apareciendo como protagonista absoluta en muchas de ellas. En una de sus cartas a El museo universal comenta que all haba plantas y flores riqusimas, mariposas tan abundantes y bellas como no las viera nunca tanto poeta que abus de sus bellos colores en sus poesas; bosque virgen con rboles inmensos llenos de parsitas, y tanta infinita yerba y musgos que no se puede enumerar; reptiles infinitos [...] colepteros abundantsimos y hasta moluscos[...]13. El mismo regocijo ponen en evidencia las impresiones de Fernando Amor, compaero de expedicin de Rafael Castro; as, por ejemplo, su ascensin al Corcovado es toda una experiencia romntica que resume el sentimiento de los espaoles hacia la naturaleza del Brasil: [...] empezaba a apuntar la aurora [...] y los insectos luminosos [...] empezaron a ocultarse [...] no pude vencer en algn tiempo el profundo xtasis de admiracin y dulce melancola [...] an se ven [...] rboles seculares cuyas gigantescas copas se pierden en las nubes; troncos carcomidos y cubiertos de lozanas y caprichosas plantas parsitas [...] bromeliceas magnficas [...] orqudeas [...] all est todo mezclado, todo confundido [...]. Slo puedo decir que no he visto ni creo poder ver [otro espectculo de la naturaleza] que se le parezca14. Se podra dividir este abundante grupo de fotografas de la naturaleza en dos tipos: uno que la observa en su forma salvaje y otro, domesticada. Entre estos dos tipos habr que distinguir, a su vez, las vistas generales de la vegetacin o del paisaje y el registro de
13

especmenes en grupo o aislados, aprehendidos en muchas ocasiones con la presencia de figuras humanas como un indicativo de escala. La naturaleza domesticada se presenta a travs de tomas de jardines y paseos, entre los que llaman la atencin, por su abundancia las del bellsimo Jardn Botnico de Ro de Janeiro, as como las de un paseo pblico de Salvador. De soslayo, se retratan as escenarios de la vida de las sociedades civiles americanas, lo que constituye, de hecho, un tipo de imgenes que ir apareciendo en todos los pases del recorrido. El viajero observa tambin una serie de zonas en proceso de plantacin, que sugieren el crecimiento sostenido de los jardines y la consolidacin de paseos pblicos, mas, sobre todo, es constante la presencia de magnficos rboles. Destaca, sin embargo, el inters por algunos elementos comunes con los jardines europeos: balaustres, pirmides, kioscos y estatuas de lenguaje clsico, elementos que nos recuerdan en todo momento la presencia del hombre occidental. El Jardn Botnico de Ro de Janeiro es comprendido, ante todo, como expresin del triunfo del hombre sobre la naturaleza. Cabe en este sentido recordar aqu que esta obra de Dom Joo fue concebida a principios del siglo XIX como un jardn de aclimatacin de especies forneas. Este empeo representa un importante objetivo cientfico de la poca; la tentativa de aclimatar especies vegetales y animales de uno y otro lado del Atlntico constitua una de las razones de ser de las expediciones. Era con esa intencin que la Comisin espaola tambin enviaba especmenes a Madrid: para que pasasen a formar parte del jardn botnico y del zoolgico. De hecho, uno de los principales artfices del proyecto, Mariano de la Paz Graells que, por lo dems, haba participado en la realizacin del primer daguerrotipo tomado en Madrid 15 -, se encontraba estrechamente vinculado a un importante proyecto de este tipo, posiblemente inspirado en el de la Socit Impriale Zoologique d Acclimatation16. A los ojos de los comisionados espaoles, Brasil se presenta tambin como un gigantesco laboratorio de aclimatacin para casi todas las razas humanas. En efecto, otro de los intereses fundamentales del fotgrafo parece haber sido la observacin de los distintos tipos humanos, que describir generalmente a travs del ya clsico lenguaje
15

Rafael CASTRO Y ORDEZ.. II. Ro Grande-Amrica del Sur. En: El museo universal, 7, 7 (1863): 52-54.
14

Marie-Loup SOUGEZ. Historia de la fotografa. Madrid: Editorial Ctedra, S. A.., 1994: 221-224.
16

Fernando AMOR Y MAYOR. Carta a un amigo. En: Rafael CASTRO Y ORDEZ. El museo universal, 7, 7 (1863): 70.

Leoncio LPEZ-OCN y Sara BADA, Overcoming Obstacles: The Triple Mobilization of the Comisin Cientfica del Pacfico. En: Science in Context 16, 4 (2003): 505-534.

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de los tipos populares, aunque existe tambin un notable retrato cientfico, de frente y perfil, de la nia indgena Dionisia Patajos (ver fig. 4). La nia, nica superviviente de una guerra tribal, fue reconocida por el antroplogo de la expedicin y retratada, segn los cnones cientficos, siguiendo el mismo procedimiento aplicado a un crneo, que tambin forma parte del corpus iconogrfico. Idntico inters se advierte en algunos ingeniosos retratos colectivos de tipos de la poblacin negra en la ciudad de Salvador. Pero, en general, todos estos registros responden a una iconografa clsica, en muy variadas actitudes, aislados y junto a los instrumentos propios de sus oficios. En general, son retratos de estudio - lo que viene a ser lo ms comn en esta poca -, una frmula que permite sintetizar al mximo las caractersticas del tipo humano en cuestin; mas, por otra parte, se conserva tambin la imagen de un carretero al aire libre. No falta tampoco el retrato de estudio de un nutrido grupo de mujeres burguesas con sus hijitos - personas cuya identidad ha cado en el olvido -, que dan testimonio de que la clase burguesa tambin fue incorporada en este corpus fotogrfico, aunque en principio su registro no fuera concebido como un tipo. Particular inters ofrece un grupo de imgenes de indios, que nos han llegado en muy malas condiciones de conservacin o, quiz, defectuosas. Tambin stos impactaron al fotgrafo que, con escasa suerte, los fotografi, semidesnudos y en las proximidades de sus viviendas, posiblemente con el cuerpo pintado, pero que describi con acierto en sus crnicas, apoyndose en la bibliografa existente en la poca. La industria de estos indios aparece, asimismo, en los dibujos que ejecut para sus crnicas, mencionando tambin de manera accidental que l mismo haba adquirido algunos objetos realizados por los indgenas como recuerdo de su viaje. En sus escritos coment: Ningn pas del mundo rene como el Brasil ms numerosas mezclas de hombres y de razas17. Estos paisajes urbanos, naturales y humanos del Brasil se vieron resumidos para la sociedad espaola en la exposicin que tuvo lugar en 1866 en el Jardn Botnico de Madrid pero, lo que es ms importante, circularon ampliamente a travs de las pginas de la revista El museo universal. Crnicas aparte, algunas de las fotografas y algunos de los dibujos realizados por Rafael Castro fueron traducidos a grabados y dados a conocer por esta publicacin peridica, leda a ambos lados del ocano. Por supuesto, el grabado era el principal procedimientos disponible en
17

la poca para una amplia difusin de imgenes, sean fotografas o dibujos. La reproduccin de los dibujos es escasa; en ellos aparecen representados los magnficos tocados de plumas y los crneos reducidos, tan conocidos en todo el mundo. Un tocado quiz podra identificarse con el que an hoy se conserva en el Museo de Amrica, de Madrid, que se ha atribuido a la Cultura Munduruk, del estado de Par. Asimismo, aparecen reproducidas dos piezas en madera de muy delicada factura, identificadas errneamente por la revista como artesana indgena, y que se conservan actualmente en el mismo museo madrileo bajo la etiqueta de miscelnea afro-americana18. Los grabados realizados a partir de fotografas suman un total de diez imgenes. Entre stos se cuenta una representacin de las sillas [cadeiras] en las que los expedicionarios fueron transportados, en Salvador, desde el puerto a la ciudad alta; la fotografa correspondiente no se ha conservado. En esta imagen aparecen esbozados los porteadores, pero con ms atencin son representados los tipos humanos y la poblacin negra en un grabado en el que aparece una mujer con un nio a la espalda y un muchacho que, a juzgar por sus enseres, parece un aguador. Tambin fueron grabadas las fotografas de una coqueta vendedora de puntillas, junto a su caja de artculos de Pars, y de un aguador negro con su recipiente de agua sobre el hombro. Existe una fotografa llevada al grabado, que ilustra la entrada a la avenida de las palmeras reales, en el Jardn Botnico, por la que pasea una pareja de burgueses que sirven tanto para amenizar la imagen, segn el gusto de la poca, como para proporcionar una idea de escala de estos asombrosos gigantes vegetales. Similares parejas de paseantes aparecen como figuritas de decorado en una vista del paseo pblico de Salvador. La naturaleza est representada tambin en una vista del camino al Corcovado, que tanto impresion a los expedicionarios espaoles. Cierra este pequeo grupo de reproducciones con un primer plano de la estatua ecuestre de Dom Pedro. As, la imagen del Brasil que la expedicin quiso fomentar parece haber sido la de un imperio cuya exuberante naturaleza haba sido domesticada, perfectamente adaptada a la vida pblica de las poblaciones de origen europeo; una tierra, en fin, en la que vivan diversos pueblos, blancos, negros e indios, vale decir, un magnfico laboratorio de aclimatacin. La comparacin con otros acervos coetneos provoca una reflexin inmediata: las imgenes de Rafael Castro son inusitadamente modernas y profundamente fotogrficas, carecen de todo lo que no resulte esencial, son fundamentalmente documentales. A diferencia de otros fotgrafos de la poca, prescinde de muchas de las frmulas del Romanticismo, lo
18

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Rafael CASTRO Y ORDEZ. La espedicin (sic) cientfica del Pacfico: Islas Malvinas o Falkland, 7 de abril de 1863. En: El museo universal, 7, 7 (1863): 214.

Araceli SNCHEZ GARRIDO y Ana VERDE CASANOVA., op. cit.: 214 y 192.

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que se ha denominado esttica de lo sublime. Una comparacin con John Thomson, nacido en Edimburgo tres aos despus que el comisionado, y activo en Asia entre 1866 y 1874, permite hablar de un estilo muy distinto. A pesar de la honda impresin que estos paisajes brasileos causaron en los expedicionarios espaoles, Rafael Castro elude frmulas romnticas, como la del hombre en forma de figura annima diminuta frente a la magnificencia de la naturaleza, un lenguaje que, por el contrario, aparece ampliamente utilizado por Thomson en China, un pas que se propone desvelar, desmitificar. Aunque Rafael Castro fue instruido por el fotgrafo britnico afincado en Espaa Charles Clifford19, sobretodo en lo relativo a los ltimos avances tecnolgicos de los instrumentos trados desde Londres y en el registro de vistas, sus imgenes tampoco muestran similitud con las del ingls, que es ms potico en su estilo; en este contexto debe recordarse que - segn indican algunas cartas20 - Rafael Castro ya haba demostrado poseer slidos conocimientos de fotografa antes de su encuentro con ese experimentado profesional. La asombrosa capacidad de adaptacin de este pintor romntico al mundo de la fotografa y de las expediciones cientficas y su extraordinaria habilidad para la creacin de documentos no pueden ser explicadas satisfactoriamente en funcin de su conocimiento del Realismo. La comparacin con el trabajo con el de otros fotgrafos documentales, como por ejemplo William Henry Fox Talbot y de los que posteriormente integraron la Commission des Monuments Historiques, sugiere una relacin de la obra de Rafael Castro con la ms pura tradicin de la fotografa como documento. En el contexto de las tierras americanas quiz se pueda encontrar cierta similitud entre su trabajo y el de Dsir Charnay, realizado en Mxico. En cualquier caso, nos encontramos ante un ejemplo de la fotografa documental, que en ese momento pareca la ms apta para una circulacin en el mbito de la iconografa cientfica. A pesar de la idea generalizada de que la fotografa es un espejo de la realidad, que tan arraigada estuvo durante la poca que nos ocupa, no debe olvidarse que detrs de la mquina fotogrfica se encuentra

un individuo, el fotgrafo, que elige su objetivo y apunta su mquina. En el caso de la Comisin Cientfica del Pacfico esto es an ms cierto y relevante, pues detrs de la mquina fotogrfica no slo se encontraba Rafael Castro, sino un gobierno con un propsito bien definido. En pleno auge del Panhispanismo, la Comisin deba servir como testimonio de que en Espaa se cultivan las ciencias y las artes con consideracin suma, lo que permita presentar ante los jvenes estados americanos una imagen positiva del pas como nacin grande, rica y civilizada21. La presencia de la Escuadra del Pacfico, compuesta por dos fragatas y una goleta, aportaba por su parte una imagen de poder. Esta doble misin cientfico-militar constituye la expresin de una poltica de prestigio que pretenda el acercamiento a las jvenes repblicas americanas. Espaa persegua formar una confederacin a travs de la cual poder contrarrestar el creciente protagonismo de otras naciones, particularmente de los Estados Unidos de Amrica. Las imgenes fotogrficas de Rafael Castro son, por tanto, documentos en los que es posible contemplar un sistema de valores, no slo del fotgrafo, sino de la sociedad a la que pertenece.

SARA BADA (Madrid, 1968) curs estudios de fotografa e Historia del Arte en la Universidad Autnoma de Madrid. Se interesa por el arte chino, estudiando dos aos en la Universidad del Pueblo de Pekn. A su regreso, colabor en la catalogacin de la coleccin fotogrfica de Rafael Castro, a la que dedica actualmente su tesis. Recibi una beca Fulbright, lo que le permiti especializarse en Historia de la Fotografa en la Universidad de Arizona. Ha trabajado en instituciones como el Center for Creative Photography o el Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas y publica sobre temas relacionados con la fotografa y el arte chino. En la actualidad, completa sus estudios, que compagina con su actividad laboral.

19

Carta de Charles CLIFFORD a personaje sin identificar, 28 de julio de 1862, Archivo General de la Administracin Pblica (AGA), legajo 6515; Patricio Mara PAZ Y MEMBIELA. Carta a personaje sin identificar, 10 de agosto de 1862, AGA, legajo 6515.
20 21

Carta de Rafael FERNNDEZ DE MORATN a Pedro Sabau, 15 de junio de 1862, AGA, legajo 6515.

ANNIMO, La Expedicin Cientfica del Pacfico, I. En: El museo universal, 7, 7 (1863): 5.1.

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ICONOGRAFA EUROPEO-AMERICANA DE BOLVAR Roldn Esteva-Grillet Resumen: El artculo ofrece un estudio crtico de los retratos dedicados a Simn Bolivar, observando diversos momentos en la gestacin de su iconografa. Si bien se trata de una produccin realizada esencialmente por artistas americanos, el autor observa tambin la participacin que tuvo en este mbito la obra de artistas-viajeros. Atendiendo a las circunstancias en que surgieron las diversas representaciones de esta importante figura de la independencia americana, se discuten las connotaciones biogrficas y polticas de estos registros, hasta llegar al presente, en que el creciente bolivarianismo ha llegado a interferir en el comercio artstico de este tipo de obras. Palabras clave: Bolvar, Retratos, Poltica, Bolivarianismo, Falsificacin. A principios del ao de 1799 zarpaba del puerto venezolano de la Guaira el barco San Ildefonso. Iba hacia el puerto espaol de La Corua, pero antes hara escala en dos importantes puertos del Caribe: Veracruz y La Habana. Se haba embarcado un adolescente que no cumpla sus diecisis aos, ya subteniente de milicias de blancos y poseedor de una importante fortuna, por lo menos en el papel. Slo entrara en posesin de ella, casndose. Su nombre, Simn Antonio de la Santsima Trinidad Bolvar y Palacios, mejor conocido hoy como Simn Bolvar. Era hurfano ya de padre y de madre, y su educacin, sumamente informal, haba quedado en manos de tutores privados entre los que se contaron el padre Andujar, Andrs Bello y el sin par, amn de tocayo, Simn Rodrguez. Los tutores legales y administradores de su fortuna, tos maternos, deciden pues enviarlo a Espaa a refinar sus maneras y modelar su pensamiento1. Fue entonces que se inici una itinerancia que ser constante en la vida de este personaje. Y al estudiar su iconografa, constatamos que este ir y venir nos coloca frente a una situacin singular: Bolvar pas a ser un motivo artstico viajero, retratado ya desde su tierna adolescencia, en Madrid, hasta
1

en los das de despedida del poder, en tierras sudamericanas. Con bastantes sobresaltos se fue creando una tradicin de registro de esta figura; se trata de un rico conjunto de imgenes que por primera vez fue reunido, hace ahora exactamente 50 aos, en un monumental trabajo del Alfredo Boulton, y publicado bajo el ttulo de Los retratos de Bolvar. Gracias a Boulton los venezolanos hemos conocido los mejores y ms autnticos retratos de Bolvar, sin embargo es bueno ya adelantar que, gracias a la difusin de tales imgenes, es cada vez ms difcil determinar cules, entre las muchas que empezaron a aparecer, pueden ser consideradas verdaderas, es decir, correspondientes a la poca o realizadas en presencia del personaje. El mtodo seguido por Boulton era aparentemente sencillo: slo le interesaban aquellas imgenes ejecutadas estando Bolvar en vida y, si era posible, habiendo posado l para el pintor o dibujante. Su obsesin personal era revelar el rostro de Bolvar, tal como haba quedado documentado en numerosos testimonios de poca, fundamentalmente cartas o memorias de quienes le conocieron de cerca. Adems, contaba mucho para Boulton el momento de la descripcin, por cuanto el rostro fue cambiando por los avatares de la guerra, el temprano envejecimiento y los estragos de la enfermedad - romntica como el siglo -, de la que sera vctima mortal: la tuberculosis. De tantas descripciones, una es considerada la ms fidedigna en cuanto a su fsico, y corresponde a uno de sus ms fieles edecanes y bigrafos, el britnico Florence OLeary:

El GB tena una frente muy alta pero no muy ancha. Tena muchas arrugas. Las cejas eran gruesas pero bien formadas; los ojos oscuros y penetrantes, la nariz ms bien larga y correcta. Hacia la mitad de ella tuvo una pequea verruga que no fue visible hasta [18]20, lo que le ocasionaba alguna molestia, la cual olvid al no crecerle ms. Pmulos salientes y mejillas hundidas desde que le conoc [mayo 1818]. La boca era fea porque los labios eran gruesos y el superior alargado. Sus dientes eran parejos, blancos y bonitos. Los cuidaba con esmero. Mandbula y mentn prominentes. Orejas grandes. El cabello, en los aos de [18-19-20-21] cuando lo llevaba largo [hasta que comenz a encanecer en 1822] era extremadamente negro y rizado. Las patillas y bigote [tenan] un color ms claro. Se afeit el bigote en Potos en 1825; era de mi misma estatura, no s que representara hoy, algo 56 y 57 [1,667 m 1,702 m], era angosto de pecho y toda su figura era delgada, en particular las piernas. La piel oscura y spera y sus pies y manos notablemente pequeos y bonitos.2
2

ARCINIEGAS, Germn, Bolvar, de San Jacinto a Santa Marta. Juventud y muerte del Libertador. Bogot: Planeta;1988, p. 157

Detached Recollections of general Florence OLeary (col. Francis A. OLeary), reproducido por R.A. Humphred en publicacin de la Universidad de Londres, 1969; segn BOULTON, Alfredo. El rostro de Bolvar. Caracas: Edics. Macanao; 1982, p.13

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Como buen practicante del mtodo del atribucionismo en el campo artstico, particularmente en el arte colonial venezolano, Boulton comparaba retratos y buscaba rasgos de estilo, pero tambin elementos identificadores de los tipos de representacin: sea en las poses, sea en las vestimentas, sea en la fisonoma. Y as, de un cmulo enorme de retratos examinados in situ o por fotografas, pudo establecer diversos grupos. Bsicamente seis: Bate; Gil; Annimo peruano de 1825; Roulin; Espinosa; Meucci, con sus respectivas filiaciones o derivados (copias o imitaciones); ms otro grupo con retratos sin vinculacin entre s. Pero de esos doscientos cuarenta y seis retratos, apenas una veintena podan haber correspondido a retratos tomados del natural o por lo menos copiados de otros que s fueron originales. Por otra parte, como fotgrafo, Boulton documentaba sus hallazgos para poder estudiarlos luego con detenimiento en su casa. Contaba con una holgada posicin econmica, por pertenecer a una familia de empresarios de larga data en el pas, emparentado con coleccionistas notables. De manera que si haba que desplazarse a cualquier lugar, poda hacerlo por sus propios recursos. Aadamos que entre los datos ms importantes de cada retrato anotaba su origen, cmo haba llegado a manos del actual coleccionista o poseedor, sea por herencia, donacin o compra. Por ltimo, el anlisis artstico en s mismo, como crtico de arte que era. Muchas referencias aporta nuestro experto bolivariano sobre el tema de los encargos de retratos o el envo de los mismos a regiones lejanas, cuando no el mismo obsequio de ellos por parte de Bolvar. Pero no hay testimonio - ms all de unos cuantos recibos municipales, de pagos a determinados pintores en Bogot (Pedro Jos Figueroa) y Lima (Pablo Rojas, Jos Pozo) - de que Bolvar haya entrado en trato personal con alguno de los retratistas, a pesar de que varios estuvieron a su servicio en el ejrcito (los venezolanos Jos de la Cruz Limardo, Juan Bautista Ugalde, Jos Peregrino Malcampo y Carmelo Fernndez; los colombianos Jos Mara Espinosa y Po Domingo del Castillo, el peruano Jos Gil de Castro). En cambio, slo gracias a uno de ellos, Jos Mara Espinosa, conocemos el comportamiento de Bolvar en el caso de verse necesitado de posar para un retrato. El pintor ha sido llamado al Palacio San Carlos, en Bogot, a travs de un to, a principios de agosto del ao 1828, justo a un mes y medio antes del clebre atentado contra Bolvar, del que lo salva su amante Manuelita Senz. Refiere en sus memorias que de ocho sesiones slo pudo aprovechar cuatro horas. Recuerda el afamado miniaturista colombiano: Despus de presentado a Bolvar, que me hizo un carioso recibimiento, se coloc al frente de m con los brazos cruzados: apenas empezaba yo el diseo, cuando me dijo: Ya est?; le contest que faltaba mucho: entonces estir los brazos, dicindome: Puede usted venir cuantas veces quiera, a las once, antes que se rena el Consejo!3 En otra sesin, en que el Libertador no permaneca quieto, sugiri el pintor que lo estuviese, y la respuesta dice bien de la dificultad que

se le presentara a cualquier otro artista: Pretende Ud. acaso que yo permanezca inmvil como una estatua?4 A pesar de que en varias ocasiones los retratos particularmente las litografas - fueron sometidos al juicio y parecer del propio Bolvar, a fin de que no tergiversaran su rostro, slo en una ocasin pondera favorablemente su imagen, y es la lograda por el pintor mulato en Lima, Jos Gil de Castro, en 1825. Enva una rplica del cuadro de cuerpo entero a Sir Robert Wilson, en Londres, y ste le encarga sacar una litografa al dibujante y grabador Charles Turner, quien lo hace introduciendo alguna variacin en el escenario. El 29 de octubre de 1825, desde Potos le escribe a Wilson, padre de su edecn Belford H. Wilson: Me tomo la libertad de dirigir a Ud. un retrato mo hecho en Lima con la ms grande exactitud y semejanza.5 A partir de ese retrato, Bolvar aparecer siempre sin bigotes. Todos sus retratos, por lo menos desde el ms antiguo ya como militar, de los aos 1812 o 1813, realizado posiblemente en Cartagena - antes de iniciar su Campaa Admirable de reconquista del pas, dominado por su Decreto de Guerra a Muerte -, luce sus buenos mostachos y gruesas patillas. La pesquisa y recopilacin de testimonios grficos y pictricos iniciada por Boulton en 1946, hace sesenta aos, cuyo primer producto - el de 1956 hoy conmemoramos, fue enriquecindose con los aos; al nombre de nuestro autor se aadieron los de otros estudiosos americanos, que en sus respectivos pases haban emprendido similar tarea, ayudando en no poco a las propias bsquedas del investigador venezolano6. La diferencia con sus colegas ser de diversos niveles: fue un empresario, coleccionista de arte,
3

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ESPINOSA Jos Mara. Memorias de un abanderado. Recuerdos de la Patria Boba..1810-1819. Bogot: Imprenta El Tradicionalista; 1876. La redaccin de sus memorias la encarg al escritor Jos Caicedo Rojas.
4

Cf. segunda edicin, Bogot: 1969, p.80 (con prlogo de Germn Arciniegas)
5

Reportada por BOULTON, quien sostiene que ese cuadro sera rplica del original, enviado luego a su hermana Mara Antonia en Caracas. El grabado se tir, finalmente en 1827, y el cuadro londinense regres, a travs de Belford Wilson, en 1843 a Sucre, Bolivia.
6

En Colombia, URDANETA, Alberto (1883), CUERVO, Luis Augusto (1919, 1951)) y SANTOS, Eduardo; en Ecuador AROCHA, Manuel (1943); en Per MOSTAJO, Francisco (1939) y UGALDE Y UGALDE, Joaqun (1949, 1952,1953). Hasta la aparicin de BOULTON, en Venezuela slo se haban ocupado del tema GUZMN, Leocadio Antonio (1863), LANDAETA ROSALES, Manuel (1905, 1917), SNCHEZ, Manuel Segundo (1916) y LECUNA, Vicente (1950). Varios de estos estudiosos posean retratos originales de Bolvar.

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tambin fotgrafo notable, pero sobre todo historiador y crtico del arte, aunque su nica formacin acadmica la obtuvo en el campo del comercio. El hecho de pertenecer a una alta clase social y vivir esos aos de formacin en la Europa de entreguerras le permiti posesionarse de una cultura moderna y crtica. Su rigurosidad en la revisin de fuentes primarias y sus dotes de escritor lo hicieron alcanzar la condicin de acadmico de nmero de nuestra Academia Nacional de la Historia. De manera que, sobre este asunto, vivimos a expensas de la informacin de Boulton y slo nos toca confrontarla con las propias investigaciones y anlisis. Concluyamos este aparte recordando que tambin en ese ao de 1799, cuando el adolescente Bolvar inicia su primer periplo caribeoeuropeo y el sabio Humboldt arriba a costas cumanesas, expira en Caracas el ltimo maestro de pintura colonial, Antonio Jos Landaeta. PINTARON A BOLVAR NUESTROS PINTORES? La respuesta de Boulton es tajante. No. Y as la razona: Retratos venezolanos de Bolvar, estando Bolvar vivo, no hay ninguno. En primer lugar, l no tenia ningn tiempo para eso, y, en segundo lugar, en los momentos de la gran revolucin de la Independencia, los pintores estaban con un fusil matando espaoles. No estaban pintando.7 Quizs valdra matizar algo, pues los fusiles no fueron determinantes, incluso hubo batallas como la de Junn, donde no se dispar una sola bala y todo se resolvi a punta de sables y lanzas. Eventualmente, refulgan los machetes y cuchillos, ms raramente los primitivos arcos y flechas. Sin duda los tiempos fueron calamitosos para todos los oficios, y sin embargo no todos fueron los artfices enrolados. En nuestra propia revisin hemos contabilizado siete retratistas venezolanos, contemporneos a Bolvar. Sabemos con exactitud que slo dos de ellos se incorporaron al ejrcito, segn testimonio de sus propias memorias. Cronolgicamente el primero es Jos de la Cruz Limardo, nacido en Caracas en 1787 y fallecido en El Tocuyo en 1851; fue discpulo del pintor romano Onofre Padroni (activo tambin en Mxico) y se dedic a la miniatura adems del ejercicio de la medicina que haba estudiado en la Universidad de Caracas. La guerra lo oblig a incorporarse como edecn en las tropas de Jos Flix Ribas, to poltico de Bolvar, a fines de 1812; luego en Caracas fue secretario de Toms Lander, futuro fundador del Partido Liberal junto a Antonio Leocadio Guzmn. La emigracin forzada de los caraqueos en 1814, ante la
7

arremetida del feroz asturiano Jos Toms Boves, lo llev a ejercer la medicina y la pintura de miniatura en varias islas del Caribe, para estar nuevamente de retorno al pas en 1822. En 1843 escribi sus memorias8. Lamentablemente su obra no ha sido estudiada o identificada; aunque s tuvo cercana con el Dr. Jos Maria Vargas9, gran bolivariano, de haber retratado a Bolvar, lo habra revelado. El otro artista, tanto ilustrador como pintor, sobre todo acuarelista, fue Carmelo Fernndez, nacido en Guama en 1809 y fallecido en Caracas en 1887. Es el segundo pintor en dejar sus memorias, si bien por propia disposicin slo se publicaron pasados cincuenta aos de su muerte10. Fue sobrino de Pez, quien lo mand a estudiar en los Estados Unidos, donde recibi clases de un maestro italiano, Pinistre; a su regreso al pas en 1827 sigui los estudios militares en la Comandancia de Ingenieros, lo que le permiti incorporarse al ejrcito. Para enamorar a una joven, le obsequi una miniatura de Bolvar, de las de Meucci en 1830. Su propia actividad de miniaturista queda registrada a partir del ao 1833. Sirvi como ilustrador del primer libro de Atlas fsico y poltico de la Repblica de Venezuela, escrito por el italiano Agustn Codazzi, cientfico con el que vuelve a trabajar en la Comisin Corogrfica de 1855 y para quien realiza las mejores acuarelas de la poca, segn las prescripciones de Humboldt para la ilustracin cientfica del mundo natural11. Su imagen de Bolvar, escapa pues de la estricta contemporaneidad, pues corresponde a una dcada posterior. A pesar de haberlo conocido (en tres ocasiones le estuvo cerca), puesto a la tarea de representarlo para el Resumen de Historia
8

LIMARDO, Jos de la Cruz. Memorias del Dr I, en Boletn de la Academia Nacional de la Historia, No. 128, Caracas: octubre-diciembre 1949; y II en el No. 131, Caracas, julio-septiembre 1950.
9

Cfr. SALAS, Alejandro. LIMARDO, Jos de la Cruz. Diccionario biogrfico de las Artes Visuales en Venezuela. Tomo 2. Caracas: Fundacin Galera de Arte Nacional (patrocinio de las Funds. Cisneros y Cultura Urbana); 2005.
10

Cfr. FERNNDEZ, Carmelo. Memorias. Caracas: Cooperativa de Artes Grficas;1940 y GONZLEZ ARNAL, Mara Antonia. FERNNDEZ, Carmelo, en Diccionario biogrfico (ob.cit.), 1 tomo.
11

WISOTZKY, Ruben. A sus 86 aos Alfredo Boulton contina descubriendo a Venezuela: Nadie conoce la cara del Gran Mariscal de Ayacucho, en Diario de Caracas:28 de septiembre de 1994.

ESTEVA-GRILLET, Roldn. La influencia de Alejandro de Humboldt en dos pintores venezolanos: Carmelo Fernndez y Ramn Bolet, en El asombro: Viaje de Humboldt y Bonpland por Venezuela. Caracas: Galera de Arte Nacional (catlogo); 1999.

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de Venezuela de Ramn Daz y Rafael Mara Baralt (1841), acude al ya famoso perfil del francs Roulin (1828). Otro pintor, condiscpulo de Jos de la Cruz Limardo - aunque no lo menciona - y que tuvo el mismo maestro italiano, es Pedro Castillo, nacido en Villa de Cura en 1790 y fallecido en Valencia en 1858. El s ha sido ms estudiado. Su vinculacin ms estrecha fue con Pez. La razn es simple: es en Valencia, donde radica y desde donde gobierna Pez como Jefe Poltico y Militar durante la Gran Colombia. All Castillo se ha encargado de decorarle su casa con murales alusivos a sus ms clebres batallas, motivos mitolgicos y paisajes; tambin retrat a su amigo y mecenas, y a toda su familia. Y aunque, por cuestiones polticas, de esos retratos no haya sobrevivido ni uno, otros s lo revelan como un destacado fisonomista, a la altura de un Gil de Castro. Las circunstancias de guerra lo comprometieron en una ocasin a pintarle los tambores a un lugarteniente del terrible Boves, asentado en Valencia: Mompox. Ya prximo a su muerte, Castillo alcanzar a realizar un retrato de cuerpo entero de Bolvar para el Congreso (1856), pero se sirvi para ello del confeccionado por el francs Paulin Guerin (1842), versin a su vez del de Gil de Castro (1825)12. Dos eximios miniaturistas, de obra casi desconocida, fueron Juan Bautista Ugalde y Jos Peregrino Malcampo. Del primero, nacido en 1808, sabemos que era hijo de un realista; estuvo en Madrid estudiando en la Academia de San Fernando, con Jos Madrazo. Reapareci en Bolivia, formando parte de la comitiva que acompaa al Libertador en 1825, de quien dej un retrato (hoy en coleccin privada), cuya filiacin lo relaciona con el Annimo peruano de ese ao. En Venezuela, un seor Mauri, de La Guaira, le comision una miniatura, hoy conservada en el Museo Bolivariano de Caracas, inspirada en Gil de Castro. Falleci en Madrid, en 1860. Se cuenta que la herencia paterna la dilapid en el juego13. Del segundo, nacido en 1808 y fallecido en 1870 en Caracas, se sabe que, durante la ltima visita del Libertador, en 1827 - con la intencin de aplacar los nimos levantiscos de Pez y evitar la guerra fratricida -, fue incorporado como oficial por Bolvar, pero al parecer no lleg a salir del pas. Un retrato suyo de Bolvar junto a otras muchas miniaturas y cuadros diversos (religiosos y flores) - fue donado por un hijo del pintor al comerciante y naturalista ingls
12

James Mudie Spence, para la Primera Exhibicin de Bellas Artes ocurrida en el Caf del vila, en la Caracas de 1872. La miniatura de Bolvar era una imagen del natural y la firmaba P. Malcampo, uno de sus oficiales14. Lamentablemente, cuando Spence publica el libro de sus andanzas por el pas, Peace and war in the land of Bolivar (1878), la imagen que incluye en el frontispicio corresponde al retrato de Espinosa realizado el 1 de agosto de 1828 en Bogot. Duele ms saber que toda su coleccin de medio millar de acuarelas, leos, dibujos y fotografas venezolanas debi desaparecer durante la segunda guerra mundial. Mencionamos otros dos pintores ms, ambos discpulos de Antonio Jos Landaeta, uno de regular formacin y otro muy reconocido como retratista en su tiempo. Nos referimos, en primer lugar a Jos Hilarin Ibarra, quien deja en manos de Mara Antonia Bolvar de Clemente, una imagen ecuestre del Libertador, quiz la primera en Amrica, salvando la escultura de madera conservada por Boulton y de posible origen ecuatoriano, circa 1823, tambin en miniatura. Se ignora la fecha de ejecucin de este Bolvar ecuestre venezolano, en formato muy pequeo, casi una figura de juguete y realizada con un estilo algo ingenuo, pero que sin duda es producto del impacto de la ltima visita de Bolvar a Caracas, en 1827. No se descarta que se haya inspirado en la litografa del ingls de S.W. Reynold (1826), que parte a su vez del cuadro de David sobre Napolen cruzando los Alpes.15. El segundo pintor, Juan Lovera, nacido en Caracas en 1776 y fallecido en la misma ciudad en 1841, fue el ms celebrado retratista de nuestra primera mitad de siglo XIX. Le toc emigrar hacia oriente, en 1814, junto a Bolvar y el resto de la poblacin caraquea, y se radic en el Caribe hasta 1820. A l se deben los primeros cuadros histricos de nuestras efemrides fundacionales: El tumulto del 19 de abril de 1810 (1835) y La firma del Acta de la Independencia el 5 de julio de 1811 (1838), ambas fechas decretadas entonces como das de fiestas patrias por el gobierno de Pez. Es muy posible que, en 1821, con motivo de los festejos por el triunfo de Carabobo, coincidentes con el onomstico del Libertador el 28 de octubre, haya sido el autor de un transparente ubicado en la entrada de la capilla de la Universidad, en el cual se figuraba
14

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Cfr. ESTEVA-GRILLET, Roldn Vida y obra de Pedro Castillo (1790-1858), el pintor de la casa del general Jos Antonio Pez en Valencia. Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historia; 2004.
13

Cfr. Inventario de obras exhibidas en la exposicin del Caf del vila, 1872, en ESTEVA-GRILLET, Roldn. Fuentes documentales y crticas de las artes plsticas venezolanas: siglos XIX y XX. Caracas: Consejo de Desarrollo Cientfico y Humanstico, Universidad Central de Venezuela; 2001, Vol. 1, pp. 254-279.
15

Cfr. Enciclopedia del Arte en Amrica. Tomo 5, Argentina: Bibliogrfica Omeba;1969 y Diccionario Biogrfico (ob.cit), tomo 2

Cfr. GONZLEZ ARNAL, Mara Antonia. IBARRA, Jos Hilarin, en Diccionario biogrfico (ob.cit.) Tomo 1

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[] un robusto y musculoso Hrcules, y a Minerva adornada de todas las gracias en la actitud ms propia colocando sobre la columna de la inmortalidad el busto del gran Bolvar, a cuyo acto concurra el genio simblico de Colombia en ademn de jbilo y satisfaccin, que ocupaba la parte superior del cuadro teniendo en sus manos las cadenas rotas, y en la otra el pabelln de la independencia pendiente del asta que sostena el gorro de la libertad, significndose as que la sabidura y valor del Hroe se debe a la elevacin de Colombia al alto rango que goza, inmortalizarn su nombre y la memoria de sus eminentes cualidades. En la parte inferior se lea el siguiente epgrafe: Honor y Gloria al Libertador de la Patria.16 Segn Carlos F. Duarte, el mejor estudioso de Lovera, la municipalidad le pag al pintor 30 pesos por la pintura y dems costos del transparente que sirvi en la selebridad (sic) de la Victoria de Carabobo, en la Sala Municipal17. Sin embargo le da crdito a una informacin aportada por Manuel Landaeta Rosales en 1906, segn la cual Lovera haba hecho un retrato de Bolvar el ao de 1827 y que conservara por muchos aos el Sr. Juan Flix Gonzlez18. No quedara descartado que ese retrato pueda haber sido similar al que obsequiara Lovera en 1835 al artista estadounidense John Neagle, hoy propiedad de la Sociedad Histrica de Pensilvania, pues en l Duarte descubre una filiacin con el de Gil de Castro, en Caracas desde 1826. No habra sido el nico pintor de poca que se inspirara en ese famoso retrato. Viva en Caracas Sir Robert Ker Porter (Durham, 1777- Rusia, 1842), diplomtico britnico y pintor formado en la Real Academia de Londres; fue muy amigo de Pez, y de su prolongada permanencia en el pas dej el famoso Caracass Diary19. En este Diario revela que
16

Mara Antonia Bolvar, la hermana mayor del Libertador, le haba permitido sacar un dibujo del retrato que ella acababa de recibir desde Per en 1826. Lo copi para su propio conocimiento y para envirselo a dos hermanas en Inglaterra, una de ellas novelista y muy interesada en Bolvar. Tales dibujos no se han localizado, segn Boulton. Lo nico que se conserva es la acuarela que hizo del general Pez en uniforme de general en jefe y con bicornio emplumado. Quedara por dilucidar de quin fue el dibujo que facilitara el ingls William Walton al artista M.N. Bate, en Londres, para tirar la primera lmina de Bolvar. Nos inclinamos a pensar que pudo haber sido hecho por un oficial britnico en Angostura, de los que Walton serva como fiador del viaje, y a cuyo retorno le habra entregado el dibujo. Para mayo de 1819, Bolvar reciba las primeras pruebas de la imagen, y en septiembre ya estaba la litografa en Trinidad, segn Zea. En resumen, s tiene razn Boulton: ninguno de nuestros pintores, ni siquiera el nico extranjero con formacin acadmica, tuvo la oportunidad de pintar a Bolvar en las contadas ocasiones en que pas por Caracas, a pesar de haber nacido y vivido en ella su infancia y primera juventud. La guerra lo llev por el Caribe, por la actual Colombia, el Ecuador hasta el Per, y fue en esos pases donde la produccin de retratos se dio con mayor profusin y donde algunos pintores tuvieron la fortuna de captar su efigie personalmente. LA FBRICA POLTICA DE IMGENES Haciendo abstraccin de los grabados o litografas que constituyeron la principal va de difusin en Europa de la imagen de Bolvar desde 1819, y las obras escultricas o relieves que se originaron con posterioridad a su muerte en 1830, en la Amrica Hispana la efigie de Bolvar circul a travs de la pintura, bsicamente en dos formatos: la miniatura sobre marfil de carcter privado y el retrato sobre lienzo de carcter pblico. No negamos que llegaran las estampas europeas, en slo dos casos inspiradas en obras americanas (Bate, 1819; Ch. Turner, 1827), pues resulta evidente que, para la poca, la reproduccin litogrfica no se haba desarrollado todava en Amrica y dependamos de las ediciones extranjeras. Baste sealar que en Mxico en 1826 no se conoca el rostro de Bolvar y una dama noble aficionada a la pintura logr, luego de mucho rogar, que un europeo recin llegado le prestase por pocos das un grabado (el de Bate de 1819) para satisfacer el ntimo deseo de
20

Celebracin del triunfo de Carabobo y del Onomstico del Libertador, en Gaceta de Caracas, 8 de noviembre de 1821; ahora en ESTEVA-GRILLET, Roldn. Fuentes documentales y crticas (ob.cit.) Vol. I, p. 89.
17

Actas, Consejo Municipal, Archivos Capitulares, tomo II, folio 41; en DUARTE, Carlos F.. Juan Lovera, el pintor de los prceres. Caracas: Edit. Arte; 1985, p. 116.
18

Ibidem, p. 134.
19

Sir KER PORTER, Robert. Diario de un diplomtico britnico en Venezuela. 1825-1842 (traduccin de Teodosio Leal y prlogo de Malcolm Deas) Caracas: Fundacin Polar; 1997, p. 150

La dama en cuestin era la Condesa de Regla, quien se sirve de Miguel de Santa Mara para el envo del retrato a Bolvar. En BOULTON, Alfredo. Los retratos de Bolvar. Caracas: Edit. Arte; 1964, p. 162.

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representar a Bolvar y enviarle el retrato como signo de admiracin.20 La costumbre en la poca, en caso de distanciarse, era obsequiar a las amistades o a los familiares, o a los amantes, el propio retrato en miniatura, cuando no un mechn de los propios cabellos. Bolvar lo hizo en sus dos primeras estadas europeas: hacia 1800 obsequi a su futura esposa, la madrilea Mara Teresa de Rodrguez del Toro, con una miniatura (fig.1), y ya viudo, obsequi otra a su amiga y amante Fanny du Villars, antes de su segundo regreso a Venezuela en 1805 (fig.2). Ya prensado en las lides blicas, extendi el gesto hacia personas que le fueran afectas o que le hubiesen ayudado en algo. Por ejemplo en 1816 le obsequia una miniatura al general Ignacio Marin, en agradecimiento a su hospedaje en el puerto de Los Cayos, Hait, y por haberlo introducido ante el presidente Alejandro Petion, con quien se entrevistar en Puerto Prncipe en procura de auxilio financiero; o al general San Martn, en 1822, al despedirse en Guayaquil, despus de acordar que sera el ejrcito Libertador el que asumira la ltima campaa contra los realistas en el Per. Ya en tiempos de guerra, la miniatura para Bolvar serva, pues, ms que como tarjeta de presentacin, como tarjeta de despedida, dejada con quienes contraa alguna deuda afectiva. Andaba siempre provisto de miniaturas y quien la reciba la conservaba como un don especial, debido a la fama alcanzada por el hroe. Pero todo cambi con la batalla de Boyac, con la que puso en fuga al virrey Smano del Nuevo Reino de Granada, en 1819. A Bogot, Bolvar quiso llegar apresuradamente, sin escolta, y estuvo a punto de ser atacado por un soldado que, tomndolo por uno de esos godos derrotados, con la lanza en ristre le diera la voz de Alto, quin vive!, a lo que Bolvar respondi siguiendo su camino con un no sea Ud. pendejo!. No slo era la facha que portaba - el uniforme grana roto y lleno de manchas por todas partes, y la casaca pegada a las carnes pues no traa camisa -, sino que su imagen no se corresponda con la idea simple de un General en Jefe, y sus propios rasgos fsicos eran prcticamente desconocidos.21 Dice Espinosa que la noticia de su repentina presencia llen de extraordinario jbilo a toda la poblacin. As, se ordenaron los festejos, homenajes y reconocimientos que Bolvar recibir por primera vez y de los que aprender, entre otras cosas, que la tradicin romana de las entradas triunfales segua ms vigente que nunca y ya no era privilegio de los virreyes; la otra leccin era que el pueblo deba venerar a su Libertador, aun no estando presente, a travs de su efigie multiplicada. Se inauguraba el culto a la personalidad como smbolo de la patria.
21

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El 9 de septiembre de 1819 se decreta que

Baxo del dosel del Cabildo de la Ciudad ser colocado un quadro emblemtico en que se reconocer la libertad sostenida por el brazo del General Bolvar, y a sus lados estarn representados los tres seores generales de divisin (Anzotegui, Santander y Soublette).22
El desfile y los homenajes se realizan el 18 del mismo mes, es decir, apenas con diez das contar el pintor escogido para ejecutar el encargo. Ser Pedro Jos Figueroa, quien ya antes ha debido borrar una imagen del rey Fernando VII, encargada por un oidor, con la excusa de la anarqua que reinaba y por temor a alguna desgracia. Para el cuadro de Bolvar usa otra tela con un retrato ya iniciado, representando nada menos que a Pablo Morillo, Comandante del Ejrcito Expedicionario de Costa Firme y Capitn General de las Provincias de Venezuela desde 1815. En este retrato de Bolivar, Boulton ha querido ver una filiacin con el grabado de Bate, slo porque el giro de la cabeza es hacia la derecha y porque se incluye la alegora de Amrica. Sin embargo, el giro a la derecha obedece a que Bolvar abraza a la alegora de Amrica (y no de la Libertad como lo prescriba el decreto) que est a su derecha. Pero la propia alegora de Bate es muy distinta: una indgena semidesnuda, que porta una lanza con el gorro frigio. La alegora de Amrica no la inventa Bate, ya es conocida para la poca: se representa al continente con un caimn, una indgena ataviada con arco, carcaj de flechas, falda y tocado de plumas, en un paisaje tropical. Y la Amrica que dise Figueroa - con un rbol de pltano a su espalda, un caimn y una cornucopia - cambia en cuanto al atuendo y los atributos: siendo todava l un pintor de iglesia, apela a la iconografa que le resultaba ms familiar. Por eso su Amrica aparece vestida a la romana, como una Magdalena antes del arrepentimiento, enjoyada, si bien tocada de plumas, pero nada de gorro frigio. No nos ocupamos del parecido, atenindonos a lo observado por Alberto Urdaneta, para quien Figueroa no copiaba del natural, trabajaba mucho de memoria.23
22

Gaceta extraordinaria de Bogot,, 17 de octubre de 1819, reproducida en El Correo del Orinoco, No 49, tomo III; en BOULTON, Alfredo. Los retratos (ob.cit), p. 56.
23

URDANETA, Alberto. Papel Peridico Ilustrado, Nos. 46 a 48, ao II, p. 422; en ibidem, p. 57
24

La ancdota la cuenta el pintor Jos Mara Espinosa, que acompaaba al soldado. Cfr. Memorias de un abanderado (1876), ob.cit., pp.28-30

Ibidem, p.56.

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Tal como concluye Boulton: Igual que los monarcas espaoles, fue entronizado Bolvar24. Y a semejanza de los tiempos coloniales con la efigie del rey, ahora el hroe patritico debe multiplicarse para tenerlo presente en las salas del poder y, eventualmente, sacarlo a desfilar. Tambin se corre el riesgo de que, como ocurra con los retratos de los reyes, se les destruya por razones de animadversin poltica. Lo cierto es que antes de regresar Bolvar a Angostura, al borde del Orinoco, donde dej instalado un nuevo Congreso y pronunci un trascendente discurso, le pide a Santander, desde Pamplona, el 8 de noviembre de 1819, que envie un retrato suyo a Guayana25. En Angostura se tomaron la cuestin muy en serio y se aplicaron a seguir el ejemplo de Bogot, de entronizar tambin a Bolvar. As, El Soberano Congreso deseando dar al Gefe y al Exrcito Libertador de Cundinamarca un testimonio del reconocimiento Nacional; ha venido en decretar, y decreta lo siguiente: [] 2 Su retrato ser colocado baxo el Solio del Congreso, con esta inscripcin en letras de oro: Bolvar, Libertador de Colombia, Padre de la Patria, terror del despotismo. Y mas abaxo en pequeos caracteres: Decreto del Congreso en Angostura a 6 de enero de 1820. []26 En la misma Caracas, ya con el triunfo de Carabobo, tambin se pudo lucir con un retrato del ilustre Libertador [que] estaba colocado a la testera de la primera sala con la misma inscripcin que el soberano Congreso decret para el que debe formarse para las galeras del Senado.27 La leccin la asimila rpidamente el futuro Mariscal de Ayacucho, Antonio Jos de Sucre, al escribirle a Santander desde Cascajal (cerca de Guayaquil), el 2 de abril de 1821, lo siguiente: Querra que Ud. me mande dos retratos grandes del Presidente para Guayaquil y Quito porque Ud. sabe cunto influye en los pueblos tener una idea del jefe que los manda y ms cuando goza de una celebridad como Bolvar28. De ah en adelante ser comn, en todo territorio liberado, encargar un retrato de Bolvar por parte de las autoridades, y haba que apelar
25

LECUNA, Vicente. Cartas del Libertador, II, p. 15, en, ibidem, p. 156
26

a las imgenes de origen europeo que circulaban. En nuestro pas no nos consta que los pintores se hayan beneficiado mayormente de este comercio, que debi esperar hasta el triunfo de Carabobo y, sobre todo, hasta la ltima visita de Bolvar a Caracas. Pero siendo Pez el jefe mximo, no debe extraar que fuesen ms bien sus propios retratos los que abundaran, mas aun cuando ste se hizo portavoz, desde 1825, de los resentimientos caraqueos y valencianos por no ser capital de la nueva republica. De Bogot s sabemos, por cierto, que el no muy talentoso pintor Figueroa sac mucho provecho realizando retratos, ya sin el carcter alegrico del primero y quiz ms apegado a los rasgos fisonmicos de la persona, al entender de su propio juicio. En efecto, para el ao de 1821, el 19 de febrero se le pagan 112 pesos por varias pinturas ordenadas por el Libertador, y el 5 de mayo otros 200 pesos por varios retratos ms; el 22 agosto se le pagan 40 pesos y luego, en 2 de septiembre otros 50, por dos retratos que se colocarn, segn decreto del 20 de julio del Congreso General de la Repblica de Colombia, en un lugar distinguido de los salones del Senado y Cmara de representaciones.29 En 1829 algunos de estos retratos colombianos sufrirn la furia de una turba antibolivariana, que entrar en la Corte Suprema de Justicia y los har trizas a punta de sablazos y bayonetazos, vociferando Viva la libertad, muera el tirano! En tanto que en 1830, al renunciar Bolvar definitivamente al mando, otro retrato de Bolvar deba ser conducido, por orden del Intendente, alrededor de la plaza en una de las tardes de toros por unos militares y algunos miembros de la municipalidad.30 Estas manifestaciones de iconoclastia o iconodulia tambin las conoci Venezuela. De la segunda es buen ejemplo lo ocurrido el 15 de julio de 1828, particularmente en Caracas, al conocerse la disolucin de la Convencin de Ocaa, que dar origen a la ltima dictadura de Bolvar. No poda ser otro que el retrato ms prestigiado, el conservado por su hermana Mara Antonia y exhibido, a ventanas abiertas, permanentemente en su sala principal. As le cuenta Mara Antonia Bolvar en carta a su clebre hermano Simn: [] Anoche hubo una gran funcin en la plaza con tu retrato y fue numeroso el concurso. El retrato fue y vino en procesin con
29

Correo del Orinoco, No. 49, tomo III; en ibidem, p. 156.


27

Idem.
28

Libramientos del ao de 1821, Archivo anexo a la Biblioteca Nacional, fondo incorporado al Archivo Nacional, folios 81, 167, 245, 494; en, ibidem, pp.156-157.
30

Archivo de Santander, Bogot, Academia de la Historia, Bogot, 1945; en ibidem, p. 157.

SOTO, Francisco. Memorias; en ibidem, p. 164.

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msica y todo el pueblo y militares, que repetan continuos vivas y aclamaciones y por la maana Tedeum con salva de Artillera, en fin, el da estuvo muy divertido, pues hasta aquellos antiguos gigantes [usados en las fiestas del Corpus] salieron por las calles.[]
Y el to Esteban Palacios no se queda corto en su versin, dada en carta del 21 de julio: [] sigui a todo esto los festejos pblicos de costumbre, como Iglesia, Tropa y Pueblo, que han estado buenos atendida la premura con que se ha hecho todo. [] y volviendo a los festejos pblicos, no debo omitir decirte que anoche se trajo de Mara Antonia tu retrato en triunfo, acompaado de tropa, muchos oficiales con hachas encendidas y entre ellos el cnsul de Inglaterra, y el pueblo que lo aclamaba, fue recibido con salva de artillera y colocado en un templete destinado al efecto, en seguida canciones y msica, por manera que estuvo todo bueno e imponente, de suerte que los militares se han salido de sus casillas [].31 Como teln de fondo para las iconoclastias cabe recordar que la nueva Repblica de Venezuela - al separarse de Colombia en 1830 exiga, entre otras condiciones, para retomar las relaciones entre los dos pases, que primero fuese expulsado el Libertador de ese territorio. Bien podemos imaginar cuntos esconderan sus retratos de Bolvar o francamente colaboraron con su destruccin, ahora por razones adversas a la admiracin que antes prodigaban. En Ecuador fue un pintor indgena cuencano, Gaspar Zangurina, llamado el Llukui (zurdo), quien mejor aprovech la presencia de Bolvar para el ejercicio de su profesin; ejecut ese retrato al vuelo, segn la expresin de fray Jos Mara Vargas. Se gan con esto, en buena ley, una pensin vitalicia de treinta pesos mensuales y la condicin de director de una escuela de Artes y Oficios a partir de octubre del mismo ao. Muchos retratos pintados sobre latn, con un
31

Ambas cartas, ya conocidas, reportadas por BOULTON. Ibidem, pp. 75 y 174.


32

Bolvar de aspecto tosco y rudo, se atribuyen a su iniciativa; incluso el modelo, fusionado con el de Figueroa de las tres medallas, lleg a influir en los primeros retratos del peruano Gil de Castro en 1823, antes de tener al frente al personaje en 1825. De quin habr sido la miniatura regalada por Bolvar como una memoria de lo sincero de su amistad al general Jos de San Martn, el 28 de julio de 1822, al embarcarse ste en Guayaquil?32 Lo ignoramos; tampoco Boulton se lo plante. Quiz sea de Zangurina, a menos que Bolivar ya la trajera desde Colombia, aunque se sabe que Figueroa no era miniaturista y Espinosa todava no se haba dado a conocer. En Per la entronizacin se inicia con la batalla de Junn, en 1824. En la ciudad de Trujillo se festeja con un banquete republicano, con baile incluido en casa del presidente de la Corte Superior de Justicia. La presencia de Bolvar se haca viva con su retrato bajo dosel33. Pero ser ms con el triunfo de Ayacucho, estando al mando del ejrcito patriota el venezolano Antonio Jos de Sucre. En Lima se festej en los salones de la Universidad, con el acostumbrado Bolvar bajo dosel, y tambin en Buenos Aires, donde sacaron en procesin el retrato de Bolvar por las calles con luces encendidas en noche de pampero34. Como ocurrira en Venezuela, Colombia y Ecuador, tambin en Per y luego en la nueva repblica de Bolivia, se emitirn decretos ordenando la colocacin de retratos de Bolvar en las salas de reuniones de los poderes del Estado. Varios homenajes se tributaron al Libertador por el triunfo de Ayacucho: emisin de medallas conmemorativas, premio en metlico (un milln de pesos para el ejrcito y otro milln para l mismo, que por supuesto no cobr, pero lo har luego Antonio Leocadio Guzmn a nombre de la familia), una espada engalanada con materiales y piedras preciosas, la condecoracin del Sol del Per e incluso el estandarte de Pizarro, una reliquia de tiempos de conquista. Interesa slo retener lo siguiente y con esto concluimos este aparte: la Municipalidad manda a disear con el artista, cosmgrafo e ingeniero militar, el mulato Jos de Gil de Castro, un uniforme de gala, similar para Bolvar y Sucre, y de paso el mismo artista se encarga de sendos retratos. Del de Bolvar ya hemos dicho lo fundamental, pero al salir del pas las dos versiones, la de Wilson y la de Mara Antonia, la municipalidad de Lima se vio precisada de encomendar un nuevo retrato a Pablo Rojas, en quien se descubre la influencia tanto de Gil como del Annimo peruano de 1825 (actualmente en la asamblea
34

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General San Martn en carta del 19 de abril de 1827 al general Millar; en ibidem, p. 158.
33

Gabriel Ren Moreno; en Encina, Francisco A. Bolvar. Emancipacin de Quito y alto y Bajo Per Santiago, Chile: Nascimiento,;1954; en ibidem, p. 159.
35

Relacin de las fiestas con que se celebr en la ciudad de Trujillo la victoria de Junn, en Gaceta del Gobierno, No. 36, tomo 6, del sbado 21 de agosto de 1824; en ibidem, p. 159.

Ibidem, p. 78.

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Nacional venezolana). Gil volver a pintar a Bolvar, despus de la muerte del prcer, y tambin apelar al modelo establecido por el Annimo del 25, que se difunde a su vez por Ecuador con Rafael Salas y el austriaco Francis Martn Drexel. El retrato hecho por ese autor annimo es, segn Boulton, de gran conocimiento plstico y de primersima calidad.35 DE LA GLORIA AL DESPRECIO Del ao 1828, ao crucial en el prestigio del Libertador, se conserva esa imagen de Bolvar, de uniforme militar, ladeado el cuerpo hacia su izquierda, con los brazos cruzados y la mirada oblicua realizada por Jos Mara Espinosa en el palacio de San Carlos en Bogot. Es la imagen que Bolvar quiere proyectar para una poca en que odia gobernar, pues eso significa estar lejos del campo de batalla y tener que ganarse a pulso diplomtico el apoyo de sus contrarios. Bolvar debe atender urgencias militares, rebeliones en Ecuador, y estando en campaa nuevamente un ingeniero militar, Po Domingo del Castillo, aprovecha para hacerle una miniatura, donde el personaje luce rejuvenecido. La decadencia fsica, los estragos de la enfermedad, el cansancio anmico, la flacidez de las carnes, la expresin huda y desencajada, su cabello ya escaso y canoso, su ausencia total de ilusiones, salvo la de irse lejos, su tremendo fastidio por gobernar (dice Bolvar que el mecanismo del gobierno me fastidia extraordinariamente): todo eso slo lo captan los dibujos que entre el ao 1828 y 1830 le hace Espinosa para s, incluso en posturas tan naturales, como desprevenidas, de perfil con sombrero jipijapa ecuatoriano, de civil con la mirada perdida, y la ms pattica de todas, aquel rostro con pocos rasgos que sintetizan el fin de una carrera, el desengao absoluto. Si por un lado el mismo Espinosa reconoca que del primer retrato, para el que pos expresamente el Libertador en San Carlos, haba sacado un gran provecho pues lo copi y vendi muchas veces36, por otro lado se reserv esas imgenes ntimas, que slo nos han llegado con posteridad gracias al afn de Boulton por descubrir al hombre tras la mscara ulica de los retratos oficiales. Estas son sus palabras:

vivsimo realismo el fatigado semblante. En esta demacrada fisonoma se acumulan con nfasis las ms pequeas y las ms grandes experiencias de la sensibilidad de un hombre que haba alcanzado excelsa exaltacin, y que palade y goz como sibarita de la deleitable euforia del genio y de la gloria [] estas obras avalan al artista colombiano como un excelente dibujante de retratos, puesto que con segura economa de trazos logr trasmitir lo que en sus pinturas y miniaturas mas elaboradas no alcanz a captar. [] En ellos se presenta un Bolvar de 46 aos que no estbamos acostumbrados a ver. Demacrado, envejecido y en plena decadencia fsica.37
Dos artistas ms aparecen en estos aos finales, dos europeos que a su manera engendraron modelos que han influido en versiones posteriores. El primero fue el mdico y profesor de fisiologa Francois Desire Roulin, con muy buena preparacin en el dibujo y la miniatura, tanto que vivi unos cuatro aos de este oficio, entre 1824 y 1828. Realizar un Bolvar de perfil, sumamente idealizado pero obediente a los caracteres fsicos ms permanentes de su fisonoma, como podra ser su mentn prominente, su nariz recta, sus ojos hundidos, su frente amplia, sus cabellos peinados au coup du vent (fig.4). Para Boulton el magnfico perfil de Roulin se caracteriza por esa misma impresin de aislamiento, de nostalgia y de retraimiento que nos trasmiten los finos rasgos de este buril y que envuelven a Bolvar en un reposado gesto de paz.38 Respecto al pintor dice: Fue de todos los retratistas del Libertador, el de mayor cultura y formacin artstica; tena madera de buen pintor.39 A su regreso al pas natal, en 1829 manda a sacar una miniatura a partir de su perfil, pero con uniforme militar. El perfil neoclsico de Roulin ha tenido igualmente una gran influencia en el arquetipo del Libertador, vale decir, sobre su imagen pstuma llevada al campo de la escultura por el italiano Pietro Tenerani (1831, 1836, 1846, 1852), en los relieves y medallas por el francs David dAngers (1832), en la litografa de Fernndez-Tavernier (1841), en la estatuaria del italiano Adamo Tadolini (1859), en la moneda nacional por el grabador francs Albert Dessir Barre (1881).40
38

Es acaso el ms dramtico retrato jams hecho de Bolvar [] Los escasos rasgos, trazados con vigor y rapidez magistrales, reflejan con
36

Ibidem, p. 44. El dibujo original no existe, slo el buril sacado por Alberto Urdaneta en 1881.
39

En sus Memorias revela Espinosa: Por la copia de Bolvar, que conservo en mi poder, hice despus muchas otras para extranjeros y paisanos; el ltimo fue al leo, de cuerpo entero y tamao natural. Este ltimo leo se encuentra hoy en el Palacio de Miraflores.
37

BOULTON, Alfredo. Los retratos de Bolvar, (ob.cit.), p. 89.


40

BOULTON, Alfredo. El rostro de Bolvar. Caracas: Edics. Macanao; 1982, p. 64.

BOULTON, Alfredo. El arquetipo iconogrfico de Bolvar. Caracas: Edics. Macanao; 1984.

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El otro artista ser el romano Antonio Meucci, casado con una pintora espaola con quien trabaj en los Estados Unidos, incluso como decorador de teatro, y que lleg a Colombia en 1830, desde Kingston, Jamaica. Meucci, contrario a lo realizado por Espinosa, pero compitiendo claramente con l, logra que Bolvar pose para varias miniaturas, bsicamente cuatro, que regalar a diversas amistades. Una de ellas de honda repercusin en sus afectos y recuerdos de su poca brillante y desinhibida de Pars, estando ya viudo. Haca varios aos, encontrndose en la cima de su gloria, en 1826, haba recibido una carta de su antigua amiga y amante francesa, Fanny du Villars: Dedico esta esquela para nosotros dos. Hace hoy 21 aos [] que Ud. dej Pars y que me dio U[d]. una sortija que lleva esa misma fecha, 6 de abril, pero en vez de 1826 en 1805 cuando el hecho ocurri. Este anillo siempre me ha acompaado trayndome a la memoria el recuerdo gratsimo de una amistad que U[d]. me asegur slo se extinguira con sus postrer suspiro, entonces ese sentimiento me pareci dbil. Recuerda U[d]. mis lgrimas vertidas, mis splicas para impedirle marcharse?[...] He tenido y tengo aun la confianza de creer que U[d]. me am sinceramente y que en sus triunfos como en los momentos en que corra U[d]. algn peligro pens en que Fanny le diriga sus pensamientos [] Conserve U[d]. mi retrato, l ser ms feliz que yo, porque al enviarle mi imagen, no tengo la facultad de prestar mi alma a mi fisonoma: si la tuviera, tal vez, olvidara mis aos41. La carta era, en el fondo, una peticin de auxilio econmico e iba acompaada con dos miniaturas, la de ella y la de su hijo Gustave. Bolvar tardar cuatro aos en responderle y lo har con esta miniatura sobre marfil que, a pesar de revelar su edad, no lo hace igual con su estado anmico y deterioro fsico.
41

Supo el artista Meucci, dentro de sus limitaciones, interpretar el gesto galante de Bolvar y lo present en mejores trminos para su vanidad de hombre enamoradizo (fig.5). Dice Boulton: esta imagen simboliza el ltimo gesto sentimental y romntico del gran hombre42 De Meucci poco se sabe, ms all de su itinerancia americana. De Colombia viaj en 1833 al Per; all le encontrar Belford Wilson, el antiguo edecn, quien le adquiere una miniatura de Bolvar, que haba sido de OLeary y que haba quedado inconclusa. No permiti que la concluyera y as la leg a los propios hijos con una carta explicativa. Belford regres en 1843 a Bolivia a donar el famoso cuadro de Gil de Castro que Bolvar le haba obsequiado a su padre en 1825. Hasta 1847 se tiene conocimiento de la permanencia de Meucci en Lima. Y con este pintor, desconocido para Italia, concluye la serie de retratistas europeos y americanos que dejaron para la posteridad una imagen del Libertador43. LA TRAMPA BOLIVARIANA El bolivarianismo no fue un fenmeno del pasado venezolano o americano, conectado con exclusividad a las luchas independentistas. A lo largo del siglo los diversos pases afectados por su genio militar y poltico, tuvieron necesidad de sacudirse de su influencia modlica, en parte por no comprenderse su visin integradora, tan en deuda con la misma de Miranda. El culto a Bolvar se ir reconstituyendo en nuestro pas, una vez restaadas las heridas, a partir de la expatriacin de los restos del hroe, sepultados en Santa Marta. La iniciativa surgida originalmente del sector opositor al gobierno de Pez, liderado por Toms Lander y Antonio Leocadio Guzmn (el mismo que haba viajado hasta el Per a reclamar en nombre de la familia el milln de pesos que Bolvar no quiso para s), es rpidamente asimilada como poltica de estado por el mismo Pez. As, se decretan en 1842 las Exequias de Bolvar y se nombran comisiones que se encargarn de dirigirlas de manera que la reparacin de la falta constituya una causa de reconciliacin nacional. El general Rafael Urdaneta se encargar en Paris de adquirir todo lo necesario para el ornato de la ciudad, el coche fnebre y el catafalco. El tribuno Fermn Toro ser el cronista literario y Carmelo Fernndez, el dibujante oficial. Sin embargo el retrato oficial para la ocasin ser encomendado a un artista francs, el ya mencionado Paulin Guerin. En tanto que el monumento estuatuario, a Tenerani, segn modelo realizado para la Plaza de Bolvar de Bogot. Todo se regir por la ceremonia que el rey Luis Felipe de Francia dispuso para el regreso de los restos mortales de Napolen Bonaparte. Podra pensarse que desde esa fecha el prestigio de Bolvar qued restablecido en la conciencia nacional. Sin embargo, popularmente,

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En USLAR PIETRI, Arturo. Bolvar y las mujeres, en Bolvar hoy. Caracas, Monte vila Editores, p. 123. Otra mujer con la que Bolvar tuvo una aventura amorosa, a sus 19 aos, antes de casarse pero estando ya comprometido, sera Teresa Laisnay, casada con un coronel peruano, Mariano Tristn. Como novelista que era, A Uslar Pietri le ha gustado pensar en la posibilidad de que la nia que tuvo luego Teresa, la famosa Flora Tristn, fuese producto de eso amores juveniles, lo que hara de Bolvar el abuelo de Paul Gauguin
42

BOULTON, Alfredo. Los retratos (ob.cit.), p. 104.


43

En nuestra relacin, se habr notado que no nos ocupamos con detalle de los grabados y litografas europeas, tambin estudiadas y coleccionadas por Boulton. De la estatuaria pstuma se ocup extensamente PINEDA, Rafael. Las Estatuas de Simn Bolvar en el mundo. (Prlogo del presidente Rafael Caldera) Caracas: Centro Simn Bolvar C.A.; 1998 (2da. ed.).

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la admiracin por el gran hombre no haba amainado, tanto es as que con facilidad, una vez muerto, se le podan pedir favores como un santo cualquiera. En efecto, est registrado que ya en 1832, en San Fernando de Apure, una procesin de rogativa para que las aguas del ro volvieran a su cauce, lleva un dibujo de la junta del 19 de abril, otro de Miranda y finalmente un letrero con las palabras de Bolvar ante el terremoto de 1812: Si la naturaleza se opone. Y en 1836, en Guanare, se deciden unas honras fnebres a Bolvar en las que el retrato es llevado en andas y a sus pies se colocan frutos e instrumentos de labranza, para propiciar con el acto la bondad de la naturaleza. Y hasta mujeres lloraron durante la ceremonia44. Durante la hegemona del general Antonio Guzmn Blanco, quien gobern directa o indirectamente el pas entre 1870 y 1888, fueron frecuentes las ocasiones para el estmulo de ese culto oficial, que ya tena su raigambre popular en las creencias mgico-religiosas. El arte se prest maravillosamente para patentar ese nuevo sentimiento nacionalista que esconda otro culto a la personalidad, la del propio Presidente. La conmemoracin del primer centenario del nacimiento de Bolvar fue la gran excusa para un derroche de iniciativas; la ms importante de todas fue la Exposicin Nacional, donde se dieron cita todos los artistas que haban sido prohijados por el rgimen, a travs del sistema de becas en Europa. Las principales obras de arte referidas a los hechos de la independencia vienen de entonces. Martn Tovar y Tovar, Antonio Herrera Toro, Arturo Michelena, Cristbal Rojas, Manuel Cruz, Juan Antonio Michelena entre
44

Cfr. PINO ITURRIETA Elas. El divino Bolvar. Ensayo sobre una religin republicana. Madrid: Los libros de Catarata; 2003 (2da. ed.), pp.28-33. Cfr. tambin SALAS DE LECUNA, Yolanda. Bolvar y la historia en la conciencia popular. Caracas: Instituto de Altos Estudios de Amrica Latina, Universidad Simn Bolvar; 1987.

45

Cfr. ESTEVA-GRILLET, Roldn. Guzmn blanco y el arte venezolano. Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historia; 1986.
46

Verbi gratia: ARRIZ, Antonio. Culto bolivariano (1940); KEY AYALA, Santiago Vida ejemplar de Simn Bolvar (1942); TEJERA, Humberto. Bolvar, gua democrtico de Amrica (Mxico, 1944); SALCEDO BASTARDO, Jos Luis. Visin y revisin de Bolvar (1957); MIJARES, Augusto El Libertador (1964); CARRERA DAMAS, Germn. El culto a Bolvar (1969); ACOSTA SAIGNES, Miguel. Accin y utopa del hombre de las dificultades (1977); USLAR PIETRI, Arturo. Bolvar hoy (1983); PINO ITURRIETA, Elas. El divino Bolvar (2003); CABALLERO, Manuel. Por qu no soy bolivariano (2006)

los pintores; Rafael de la Cova como nico escultor; todos abordaron temas sacados de la historia patria, especialmente afectados por la reciente publicacin de la primera novela pica, Venezuela Heroica, de Eduardo Blanco. Otra serie de hitos son la elevacin de la cancin patritica Gloria al bravo pueblo! a la condicin de Himno Nacional; la creacin de la unidad monetaria, el Bolvar; la publicacin de las Memorias de OLeary; la ereccin de la estatua ecuestre del Libertador en la Plaza de su nombre o el traslado de los restos de Bolvar al Panten Nacional; la donacin del famoso retrato de Gil de Castro, por parte de los herederos de Mara Antonia Bolvar de Clemente, para ornar el Palacio Federal45. En la primera mitad del siglo XX, se adquiri por suscripcin popular la casa natal de Bolvar, que haba entrado entre las mltiples propiedades de Guzmn Blanco. El gobierno del general Juan Vicente Gmez encarg al pintor Tito Salas la decoracin con escenas de la vida del hroe, tanto de su casa natal como del Panten. An, a la muerte de Gmez, se acudir al mismo pintor para un Bolvar ecuestre que sustituyera el retrato entronizado del dictador en el Palacio de Miraflores. A partir de los aos cuarenta puede decirse que se inicia un rescate de la figura de Bolvar46, que haba sido transformada por los sucesivos caudillos en una especie de totem autoritario, providencial, sobrehumano, una anticipacin de lo que el filsofo del rgimen gomecista, Laureano Vallenilla Lanz, denominara el gendarme necesario, en su obra Cesarismo Democrtico (1919). La misma bandera que resucit un hijo suyo con la ltima dictadura militar (1948-1958), personalizada en Marcos Prez Jimnez, con El Ideal Nacional y sus Semanas de la Patria y que pareciera reciclarse en la nueva onda de bolivarianismo nacionalista y militarista que sufre nuestro pas en la ltima dcada. Nos abstendremos de cualquier comentario, pero habr que tenerlo presente para entender algunas jugadas del comercio del arte. Dentro de esta renovacin de estudios bolivarianos es que entrara el gran aporte de Alfredo Boulton, desde la historia del arte, con su libro Los retratos de Bolvar, que hoy conmemoramos en su cincuentenario. Sin duda que la aparicin de tantas revelaciones juntas estimul la revaloracin de un patrimonio histrico artstico heredado y conservado por inercia, sin que nadie, hasta el momento, le hubiese dedicado una atencin preferencial como va para conocer mejor al hombre que fue Bolvar. Solo que como lo ha asentado uno de sus continuadores, el historiador y restaurador venezolano, Carlos F. Duarte: Las obras all reproducidas cobraron un valor inestimable, no slo desde el punto de vista histrico o documental, sino econmico tambin. Desgraciadamente, lo que por un lado viene a ser positivo para valorizar, apreciar y conservar estos testimonios, tambin fomenta la codicia, el engao y la falsificacin.

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De esta manera, a partir de 1956, cuando apareci el libro Los retratos de Bolvar, comenzaron a surgir cuadros y miniaturas desconocidas, algunas indudablemente autnticas, pero otras [fueron] producto de la falsificacin, estimulada por anticuarios deseosos de lucrarse rpidamente, usando la buena fe de los coleccionistas e historiadores. De esta forma se aprovech el inters que suscitaron los descubrimientos expuestos por Boulton pero el caso es que tristemente el mismo Boulton fue vctima de sus propias revelaciones.47 Sucedi que Boulton entr en relaciones con un cubano radicado en Nueva York, especializado en el comercio artstico particularmente de piezas histricas como documentos, medallas, miniaturas y en general retratos u objetos que hubiesen pertenecido a alguno de nuestros prohombres americanos del siglo XIX. Duarte da cuenta pormenorizada de esas relaciones a travs de la correspondencia consultada en la Fundacin John Boulton. El sistema utilizado por el personaje de marras, Manuel Bustillo, era sencillo: junto a piezas autnticas ofreca alguna de dudosa procedencia, a propsito de la cual en caso de una solicitud de mayores precisiones acerca de su origen - se escudaba en dificultades de comunicacin con el propietario original. En el ao de 1958, sabiendo que Boulton lamentaba no haber conseguido imgenes de Bolvar entre el 1812 y 1819, justamente de su poca ms tortuosa, cuando procura auxilios econmicos para reemprender la guerra y sufre la reticencia de sus compaeros a aceptar nuevamente su jefatura dados sus sucesivos fracasos, Bustillo revela un descubrimiento asombroso: un retrato de Bolvar de cuando haba estado en Hait, en ocasin de su primera entrevista con el presidente Alejandro Petion. El retrato, al pastel, de buena factura, sobre un papel sin duda antiguo, traa una fecha equivocada (1815), y el lugar de su realizacin, Port au Prince, y la identificacin del personaje en francs. La pieza era de autor annimo. Boulton mordi el anzuelo sin chistar y pag sus dos mil dlares. Habiendo asomado Boulton la posibilidad de conseguir algn retrato del revolucionario Francisco de Miranda, el hbil Bustillo, al cabo de dos meses, le revel otro descubrimiento, otro pastel pero ahora con la efigie de Miranda, de perfil. Y otros dos mil dlares desembolsados. Ambos retratos eran acompaados en sus ofertas de venta con historias de su origen, ms o menos crebles pero
47

DUARTE, Carlos F. La falsa iconografa de Bolvar y Miranda. Historia de un fraude, en Boletn de la Academia Nacional de la Historia, No. 334. Caracas: abril-mayo-junio de 2001, p. 263. Boulton haba fallecido en 1995.
48

no comprobables. Y cuando Boulton, como buen historiador, quiere acceder a la fuente directa o comprobar por otras vas, se encuentra con evasivas o declaraciones de esfuerzos agotados en procura de nuevos datos.48 Ante tales xitos de venta, a fines del ao 1959, Bustillo hace publicar un aviso, en una revista de subastas, en solicitud de documentos, medallas y miniaturas de inters histrico. Se le presenta una joven italiana que, suponemos, habr ledo mal el aviso pues no se buscaban miniaturistas. Lo cierto es que la joven, con muy buena preparacin artstica, con experiencia en museos de Florencia, entr a trabajar para Bustillo en la copia de miniaturas. Su nombre: Marissa Viassone. Ese mismo ao Maury Bronsen adquiere una miniatura en la casa de subastas Parke Bernett Galleries Inc. En 1965 es el turno de Ivi de Surez, que adquiere otras tres para donar al Museo Nacional de Colombia, en Bogot; del mismo lote en oferta, Maury Bronsen adquiere una ms. Con el tiempo el Museo Nacional de Colombia publica un catlogo de sus miniaturas, y Marissa Viassone que entonces radicada en Alemania identifica sus miniaturas y reclama su autora. Para mayor evidencia enva al Museo sus dibujos preparatorios con la cuadrcula, y les regala una miniatura. En 1993, el nuevo catlogo del Museo Nacional reconoce la autora de Viassone y resea su trayectoria de notable miniaturista. Ese mismo ao ingresa a la Galera de Arte Nacional de Venezuela una miniatura, inspirada por Espinosa y adquirida el ao anterior por Axel Stein en Nueva York. Haba sido certificada por Alfredo Boulton como autntica. En 1999 Maury Bronsen decide donar su coleccin de antigedades americanas (treinta y cuatro piezas) a la Universidad de Brown, Providence. La institucin solicita a Sothebys el avalo correspondiente. Como hay seis miniaturas con personajes sudamericanos, se contacta con su representante en Caracas, Axel Stein, quien consulta con Carlos F. Duarte. El parecer de ambos es negativo a partir de simples fotografas. Exigen ver los originales para pronunciarse. Acuden a la cita en los Estados Unidos, para la cual tambin est invitada la directora del Museo Nacional de Colombia, la artista e investigadora de arte Beatriz Gonzlez. Sale a relucir la historia de Bustillo y Viassone, y se contacta e invita a Viassone. La miniaturista reconoce como suyas las seis miniaturas, cuatro de Bolvar y dos de Santander, y declara haber realizado unas ciento veinte en total, incluso de personalidades norteamericanas. De paso expresa su desagrado por el uso que se le dio a su obra. De regreso a Venezuela, Duarte revisa la correspondencia de Boulton y somete a estudio minucioso los dos pasteles adquiridos en 1958 a Bustillo.
49

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Es tal la emocin de Boulton por el hallazgo de esos nuevos retratos, que al ao siguiente publica un libro dando cuenta de la novedad: Miranda, Bolvar y Sucre. Tres estudios iconogrficos. Caracas: Italgrfica; Caracas, 1959.

Los anlisis y razonamientos de Duarte no vienen al caso resumirlos, slo aadiremos que el citado artculo, en su contundencia, remata con extractos de la correspondencia entre Bustillo y Boulton, donde queda evidenciado el manejo truculento de parte del comerciante gracias a la confianza ganada por parte del coleccionista.

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Le haba llamado la atencin, precisamente, que una de las miniaturas de Viassone se corresponda con el pastel de Bolvar pero con la imagen invertida. Apoyndose en su pericia como restaurador y en sus estudios sobre la historia del traje, dictamina la falsificacin de ambos pasteles, posiblemente atribuibles a un mismo autor. Descarta Viassone, que slo hace miniaturas al gouache. Y examina la miniatura de la Galera de Arte Nacional, que tambin considera falsa, en el sentido de obra actual49. Este caso, reconstruido tan impecablemente por Duarte, experto restaurador, coleccionista e historiador de arte, nos ha hecho pensar en otros casos menos investigados. Presentaremos slo uno, con alguna ramificacin: el de un retrato de Bolvar atribuido a Goya. Consultado Duarte sobre el asunto, nos revela que el cuadro fue adquirido en Gnova, por un norteamericano a un pintor en un puesto callejero; presentado a Duarte para su anlisis, el experto venezolano desestim la antigedad del cuadro, pintado en estilo acadmico sobre una tela vieja. Recomend deshacerse del mismo pues no tena mayor valor. El dueo lo vendi a un anticuario caraqueo que, a su vez lo ofreci en su tienda como un annimo italiano. As lo adquiri un coleccionista venezolano, Diego Bosque Garca, que lo mand a enmarcar; es el mismo coleccionista que en 1968 adquirir el retrato de Bolvar de cuerpo entero pintado por Espinosa en 1863. Posteriormente, ambos retratos fueron vendidos al coleccionista Arnold Zingg Aranguren, un reconocido empresario interesado en arte colonial y decimonnico hispanoamericano50. Entra entonces a actuar un supuesto experto en arte europeo, de origen hngaro, de nombre Ralph Zoltan Medgessy, establecido en Toronto desde mediados de los aos sesenta; maneja una tesis bizarra con respecto a cuadros de Goya: las microfirmas que el pintor habra colocado para contrarrestar las falsificaciones que ya ocurran en su poca. Estas microfirmas no tendran una ubicacin especfica y podran variar en cantidad. El fundamento para sus afirmaciones lo obtiene Medgessy de un laboratorio personal que se reduce a una simple lupa y a una gran imaginacin para ver microfirmas en muchas pequeas marquitas dejadas por el pincel o por la misma craqueladura de la capa pictrica.
50

Pues bien, el susodicho experto en arte europeo fue contratado por Arnold Zingg y como producto de su atrabiliario mtodo, pretende descubrir diecinueve obras atribuidas a Goya, entre ellas el mentado Bolvar adquirido en Gnova y ya en la coleccin Zingg. Con motivo de la edicin de un libro a todo color, se exhiben ocho de esas obras supuestamente de Goya en el Ateneo de Caracas, slo por el da de la presentacin, en 199451. La imagen de Bolvar es la nica que exhibira una sola y modestsima microfirma, en la punta de la nariz. Resulta fcil vincular este rostro con el ltimo Espinosa, quien nos ha dejado sus impresiones desde el ao 1828 al 1830. Y resulta que Goya muere en 1928. No vale la pena discutir ante semejante patraa. Ya de la coleccin Zingg han salido varios retratos de Bolvar: el de Espinosa de cuerpo entero fue adquirido para el Palacio de Miraflores, certificado por Boulton. Tambin una copia del Annimo peruano de 1825, comprado en los Estados Unidos, pas a la Fundacin Polar, previa certificacin de Boulton en 1977. El original est en la Asamblea Nacional. Y ahora este Bolvar, atribuido a Goya de manera tan truculenta, est siendo ofertado para su adquisicin al gobierno nacional, declaradamente bolivariano.52 Si no fuera porque en 1998, ao de elecciones presidenciales, apareci un remitido firmado por un tal Miguel Mosqueda Surez, escritor e historiador venezolano, donde se afirma desde el ttulo: Cinco rostros de Bolvar pintados por Francisco Jos Goya, toda esta operacin no tendra la mayor trascendencia. Los rostros en cuestin son: la miniatura regalada a su esposa en Madrid, 1800 circa; la miniatura regalada en Pars a Fanny du Villars en 1805; el pastel de Hait, de 1816 (hoy reconocidamente falso); la miniatura sacada del perfil de Roulin, en Pars, 1829 circa. Casualmente estas cuatro obras pertenecen a la Fundacin John Boulton y, segn el autor, siguen siendo atribuidas a autor annimo porque para entonces no se haban descubierto las firmas secretas de Goya. Y concluye con el gran retrato de Bolvar, adquirido por Zingg en 1969 y la referencia al libro Goya in Venezuela. Esperemos que falle esta vez la trampa, para no excusarnos luego de buena fe. EL LTIMO BOLVAR No quisiramos cerrar este artculo sin mencionar el ltimo hallazgo de Boulton, una miniatura ente los papeles y condecoraciones de Guzmn Blanco, conservada en una caja fuerte alemana en Pars y que pas casi un siglo sin recibir la curiosidad de los herederos. La proximidad del quinto centenario del descubrimiento de Amrica, en 1992, anim a Boulton a preparar un libro de lujo donde intent demostrar que la imagen habra sido hecha con motivo de la entrevista de Pablo Morillo y Simn Bolvar en Santa Ana de Trujillo, la misma aldea donde siete aos antes el venezolano

Cfr. CALZADILLA, Juan. Una coleccin de pintura en Venezuela. Obras de arte en la coleccin Arnold Zingg. Bilbao: Edit. La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca; 1982.
51

Un libro registra el hallazgo: Obras desconocidas de Goya en Venezuela, en El Universal, Caracas,:10 de marzo de 1994.
52

El caso est, en los das que corren, en manos del Instituto de Patrimonio Cultural.

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haba dictado el Decreto de Guerra a Muerte. En noviembre de 1820, ambos jefes militares acuerdan un armisticio y un tratado de regulacin de la guerra. Hubo banquete y ambos jefes militares compartieron el mismo cuarto de dormir como signo de respeto y confianza. La miniatura aparece firmada y fechada, y tambin trae en abreviatura el lugar donde se habra realizado (fig.3). Como se sabe que Morillo aport dos dibujantes que tomaran apuntes de la entrevista y el banquete, para la realizacin de un monumento y su divulgacin en lminas en Europa, nuestro experto bolivariano se dej llevar por la emocin de las mismas cartas amistosas cruzadas luego por los dos jefes militares. Y as sostuvo la condicin espaola del pintor, un tal J. Yez, en 1821, en Gyt. Esta parte no logra descifrarla, a pesar de que Duarte, en consulta personal, le indicara que bien podra ser la abreviatura de Guayaquil. El nombre en Espaa correspondera a un Jos Yez quien present cuadros leos en la Exposicin de Galicia del ao 1858, y alcanz en la misma una mencin honorfica53 Si fuera americano, correspondera a Jos Anselmo Yez, nacido en Quito con actividad en Lima hacia 1830, donde deja un boceto para La tragedia de San Pedro Alejandrino o La muerte del Libertador y donde fallece en 186054. Ambas opciones son rechazadas por Boulton, pero al publicar su libro con el ttulo Bolvar de Carabobo55 hay quien le replica, precisamente, por esa abreviatura que slo podra significar Guayaquil.56

Como toda investigacin que se estime vlida, nunca hay un final y ms cuando resulta muy comn que al mejor cazador se le escape la liebre. Vaya para Boulton nuestro ms sincero agradecimiento por todo lo aprendido sobre Bolvar y lo que nos deja por aprender.

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ROLDN ESTEVA-GRILLET es docente asociado de Historia del Arte Latinoamericano en la Escuela de Artes de la Universidad Central de Venezuela. Se licenci en Letras Hispanoamericanas en la Universidad de los Andes (Mrida, VZLA), ha realizado estudios de postgrado en la Universidad de los Estudios de Bolonia (Italia) y en la Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico. Fue investigador y curador de la Galera de Arte Nacional y ha curado varias exposiciones sobre arte venezolano en otros museos de la capital y la provincia. Ha publicado varios libros sobre su especialidad, aparte de los citados en el artculo, como Para una crtica del gusto en Venezuela, El dibujo en Venezuela (estudio y antologa), Julin Oate y Jurez, un pintor de ultramar en el arte latinoamericano del siglo XIX.

53

OSORIO BERNAL, Manuel. Galera biogrfica de artistas espaoles del siglo XIX.(Reedicin facsimilar 1868-1869). Madrid: Librera Gaud Argensola; 1975, p. 705

54

Enciclopedia del Arte en Amrica (ob.cit.), tomo 5, s.p.


55

Caracas: Ediciones Macanao; 1991. Cfr. PALENZUELA, Juan Carlos. Bolvar en 1821, en El Nacional. Caracas: 28 de enero1992 y BURELLI RIVAS, Miguel. Bolvar en Carabobo, en El Universal. Caracas: 6 de enero de 1992.
56

BARROSO, Manuel. Una polmica a la luz de la historia: De Guayaquil y no de Carabobo debera llamarse libro de Boulton, en El Nacional. Caracas: 24 de febrero de 1992.

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en Mxico. Este estudio nos llevar a acompaar los ajetreos de algunos de los ms notables artistas-viajeros que recorrieron el territorio nacional. Y, sobre todo, al seguir la huella dejada por esta tcnica de grabado, vislumbraremos una de las ms importantes vas para la creacin de un cuerpo iconogrfico, que permiti un conocimiento amplio de lo que se suele calificar de lo mexicano.1 LA LITOGRAFA COMO VEHCULO DIFUSOR DE LA OBRA DE LOS ARTISTAS VIAJEROS: IMGENES DE MXICO ENTRE 1828 Y 1847 Arturo Aguilar Ochoa Resumen: Este artculo estudia la introduccin y difusin de la litografa en Mxico a partir finales de la dcada de 1820 y constata que su desarrollo estuvo asociado principalmente a dos fenmenos. Por una parte, fue dada a conocer a travs de las diversas publicaciones peridicas emprendidas en ese pas por el italiano Claudio Linati. Por otra, las ediciones europeas de libros de viajeros, que solan incluir ilustraciones litografiadas dando a conocer imgenes de Mxico, su paisaje y su poblacin, gozaron de gran prestigio en el propio pas; estas publicaciones constituyeron un importante impulso para la difusin de esta tcnica de reproduccin de registros visuales y contribuyeron al inters por el establecimiento de talleres de litografa, sobre todo en la capital de la repblica. Palabras clave: litografa, artistas viajeros en Mxico, Claudio Linati. En las primeras dcadas del siglo XIX, la difusin de la imagen de Mxico gan nuevos impulsos en el mbito europeo. Un efecto detonante en este proceso tuvo el paso de Alejandro de Humboldt por el pas, en 1803, despertando curiosidades y alentando la realizacin de viajes de exploracin. Y en el curso de las dcadas que siguieron, dos hechos fundamentales vinieron a sumarse. El primero fue la consumacin de la independencia nacional, en 1821, que abri las puertas de la joven Repblica a extranjeros de las ms diversas nacionalidades, ya fuesen comerciantes o empresarios interesados en la explotacin minera, miembros de legaciones diplomticas, cientficos naturalistas o artistas, o simplemente viajeros curiosos y aventureros. El otro factor decisivo que particip en la creacin de una situacin ms favorable para que se conociesen ampliamente las singularidades del pas fue la utilizacin ms generalizada de un nuevo sistema de reproduccin de los registros visuales; nos referimos obviamente a la tcnica del grabado litogrfico, inventada en 1798 por el alemn Alois Senefelder y patentada en 1801 en Inglaterra. Nos proponemos indagar aqu cules fueron los caminos por los que fue introducido y cmo se difundi este procedimiento de estampacin UN VISTAZO AL PROCEDIMIENTO LITOGRFICO Tal como indica su nombre, la litografa palabra de origen griego es una tcnica en que la matriz para la impresin se hace sobre una piedra. Concretamente, el dibujo se ejecuta teniendo como soporte una piedra, que debe ser porosa y lisa, y utilizando una tinta o un lpiz graso. Para iniciar el proceso de impresin, se humedece o lava la piedra con una solucin de cido ntrico diluido y goma arbiga, que sirve de fijador para el dibujo grasoso, y con aguas antes de aplicar la tinta de imprenta. Dado que la superficie aceitosa repele el agua, la tinta se adhiere solamente a la imagen y no a la piedra lavada. As, al colocar una hoja de papel sobre la cara trabajada de la piedra y pasarla despus por una prensa, la imagen se transfiere al papel. El procedimiento litogrfico permite un dibujo muy suave, sin la rigidez del grabado en madera o metal; era frecuente, por lo dems, que se empleasen dos piedras, siendo que una de ellas tena un tono ms claro para detallar, por ejemplo, las nubes y resaltar los blancos. Las litografas a color inicialmente eran acuareladas, es decir, pintadas a mano. Con el correr del tiempo, para el coloreado se desarroll el sistema de la cromolitografa, que utiliza una piedra litogrfica para cada color de la estampa; este sistema fue inventado por Godefroy Engelmann en 1837, en Francia. Fue as como esta tcnica se torn cada vez ms seductora, tambin para los consumidores. Y no es, pues, extrao que los artistas viajeros que pretendan difundir en gran escala su trabajo, frecuentemente se sirvieran, tambin en Mxico, de este procedimiento de multiplicacin de imgenes2.
1

V. al respecto: ANDERSON, Patricia. The Printed Image and the Transformation of Populare Culture 1790-1860. Oxford: Claredon Press, 1991.
2

MATHES, Miguel. La litografa y los litgrafos en Mxico, 1826-1900: un resumen histrico. In: Nacin de imgenes. Catlogo de la exposicin. Mxico: Patronato del Museo Nacional de Arte/ Grupo ICA/ Elik Moreno Valle/ Banamex Accival, 1994; p. 4344. GRISO, Carles. Alois Senefelder, El arte de la Litografa La planografa o memoria ejemplar de Alois Senefelder inventor de la impresin qumica. Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 1993. El ao de invencin de la litografa no es siempre es el mismo para distintos autores, Miguel Mathes, por ejemplo da como fecha 1796. Nosotros hemos tomado el ao de 1798, considerando el ao de publicacin del texto de Senefelder en que se dan a conocer los pormenores de la tcnica.

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LOS INICIOS DE LA LITOGRAFA EN MXICO En Mxico, la produccin de litografas se difundir slo bien entrado el siglo XIX. Sorprende, de hecho, esta tardanza, si consideramos que dicha tcnica floreca con rapidez y empuje en Europa, e incluso en Amrica. As, por ejemplo, en Espaa se estableci un taller litogrfico en 1819 y, antes que en Mxico, ya se haban creado talleres de litografa en Cuba (1822), Colombia (1823), Venezuela (1823)3 y tambin en los Estados Unidos, en 1819, si bien los resultados efectivos en ese pas norteamericano slo se dieron hacia 18254. Como bien ha sealado Manuel Toussaint, la litografa surgi como una expresin de la civilizacin europea - con connotaciones comparables a las que desde haca ms de un siglo tena el invento y desarrollo de la mquina de vapor -, y alcanz auge con el movimiento literario y artstico del romanticismo, del cual la litografa fue un eficaz vehculo de propaganda5. Segn afirma Toussaint, el romanticismo tuvo en la litografa su expresin grfica ms cabal y su portavoz ms elocuente. Aunque desde las ms diversas instituciones en el propio Mxico hubo intentos por introducir la tcnica litogrfica, como podemos observar, por ejemplo, en los empeos del empresario, poltico e historiador mexicano Lucas Alamn, que llev la primera imprenta litogrfica al pas, quienes de hecho la difundieron fueron extranjeros. En este sentido, cupo un papel protagnico a los italianos Claudio Linati de Prevost (1790-1832) y Gaspar Franchini, que desde Bruselas iniciaron gestiones en abril de 1825, para establecer un taller y una escuela de litografa en Mxico6. En su propuesta, Linati y Franchini pedan como contrapartida para su empresa por parte del gobierno mexicano -, que se les franquease el transporte para sus obreros, que se les proporcionase un edificio para el establecimiento y, lo que es ms importante, que se les concediese el privilegio de introductores de este
3

nuevo ramo de la industria, en el supuesto que no fuese disputado por otros7. Y una motivacin importante de su impulso por venir a Mxico era de orden poltico. De hecho, los dos personajes formaban parte de una organizacin revolucionaria, conocida como Los Carbonarios, que los haba llevado a participar en movimientos liberales en Italia y Espaa, entre los aos de 1821 a 1823; y como consecuencia de sus actividades polticas, haban sido proscritos de su pas8. As, Linati y Franchini llegaron a Mxico procedentes de Londres, junto con otros dos acompaantes, desembarcando en Veracruz el 22 de septiembre de 1825. De este puerto se dirigieron inmediatamente a la capital, no sin antes tener que enfrentar obstculos, pues los agentes aduanales retuvieron sus materiales9. Finalmente arribaron en octubre de ese mismo ao a la Ciudad de Mxico y, ya instalados y despus de otra serie de calamidades - entre ellas la muerte del propio Franchini -, Linati recibi sus prensas y pudo instalar su taller de litografa en enero de 1826. Paralelo a sus trabajos de enseanza, el artista italiano, con ayuda de Lorenzo Galli y del poeta cubano Jos Mara Heredia, fund el peridico El Iris, donde, en febrero de 1826, aparecieron las que se consideran las primeras litografas hechas en Mxico. En su presentacin, El Iris confes tener por objeto ofrecer distraccin a sus lectores y, sobre todo, al bello sexo, con sus secciones de literatura, msica, teatro, artculos de divulgacin cultural y modas. Desafortunadamente El Iris fue calificado muy pronto, por amplios grupos sociales, no como un inofensivo peridico literario, sino como una encendida publicacin subversiva, crtica y radical, estigma que por cierto sus autores
6

V. para el caso de Espaa: CARRETO PORRONDO, Juan, VEGA GONZLEZ, Jesusa, y BOZAL, Valeriano. El grabado y litografa en Espaa (siglos XIX y XX). In: Suma Artis. Historia General del Arte. Vol. XXXII. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1987 p. 50; y para los pases latinoamericanos, vase: BERMDEZ, Jorge R. Grfica e identidad naciona. Mxico: Universidad Autnoma Metropolitana, 1994; p. 153.
4

V. OGORMAN, Edmundo, y FERNNDEZ, Justino. Documentos para la historia de la litografa en Mxico. Mxico: Instituto de Investigaciones Estticas de la UNAM, 1955; p. 15-17, y CERVANTES SNCHEZ, Enrique. Crisis y resurgimiento de la Academia de San Carlos 1822-1846. Catlogo documental e interpretacin histrica. Mxico, tesis para obtener el grado de licenciado en Historia por la Facultad de Filosofa y Letras de la UNAM, 1997; p. 325-327.
7

CERVANTES SNCHEZ, op.cit.; p. 325.


8

Citado por GARCA RUBIO, Fabiola. La entrada de las tropas del general Winfield Scott a la ciudad de Mxico: interpretacin de la litografa de Carl Nebel. Mxico: Instituto de Investigaciones Dr. Jos Mara Luis Mora, 2002; p. 52.
5

Para los datos de las actividades revolucionaria de Linati y Galli en Mxico, vase: SOL, Angel. Escoceses, yorkinos y carbonarios, la obra de O. de Atellis, marqus de Santangelo, Claudio Linati y Florencio Galli en Mxico en 1826". In: Historias, nm. 13, Mxico, Revista de la Direccin de Estudios Histricos del INAH, abril-junio de 1986; p. 69-93.
9

TOUSSAINT, Manuel, La litografa en Mxico en el siglo XIX. Mxico: UNAM/ Instituto de Investigaciones Estticas, 1934.

OGORMAN, op. cit.; p. 22.

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no desmintieron. Es bien conocido el apoyo que esa publicacin recibi del grupo poltico de Los Yorkinos, una asociacin masnica apoyada por extranjeros. A estas dificultades se sumaron las discordias de Linati con el principal colaborador de la revista, el escritor cubano Jos Mara Heredia, basadas principalmente en el disgusto de ste por la stira poltica. En julio de 1826 Heredia dej de participar en El Iris10. No obstante, el peridico continu su publicacin hasta septiembre de 1826, y en l aparecieron varias imgenes litogrficas a cargo de Claudio Linati, que ya para entonces haba formado un pequeo grupo de discpulos mexicanos, a quienes instrua en la nueva tcnica. Pero, unida a esta actividad artstica, sus libelos encendidos levantaron enorme desconfianza entre las autoridades mexicanas, lo que a la postre acabara llevndolo a la ruina. Efectivamente, fueron los escritos polticos que atacaban al propio gobierno mexicano, lo que finalmente condujo a la suspensin de El Iris, y Claudio Linati fue forzado a salir del pas. Al terminar el ao de 1826 se embarc rumbo a Nueva York11 y, desde esa ciudad, el 15 de enero de 1827 prosigui viaje a Amberes. De regreso a Bruselas, se estableci como autor y litgrafo y, entre 1828 y 1829, public artculos sobre Mxico para la revista francesa LIndustrie, mientras preparaba la impresin de un conjunto de litografas basadas en sus acuarelas de las costumbres y los tipos mexicanos, acompaado de un resumen sobre la sociedad y la historia del pas12. El famoso libro se public en 1828 en la capital belga con el ttulo de Costumes Civils, Militaires et Religieux du Mexique, con 48 litografas coloreadas; el editor fue Charles Sattino y para el trabajo de impresin figura como responsable la Litographie Royale de Gobard. El lbum incluye representaciones de los principales tipos populares de la poca, entre stos, la Tehuana (mujer del Istmo de Tehuantepec), el aguador (vendedor de agua), las tortilleras (mujeres que preparan tortillas), los frailes de diferentes rdenes religiosas y los lperos (vagabundos), junto con personajes histricos como el cura Miguel Hidalgo o el emperador Moctezuma. Al observar los tipos populares de Linati, verificamos que se trata de figuras de un dibujo duro, rgido, y que, por lo general, carecen de un fondo de ambientacin o, cuando existen, son muy esquemticos; aun
10

as, estas imgenes son una fuente inapreciable para conocer la gran variedad de los tipos humanos en los primeros aos del Mxico independiente, tanto en la capital del pas como en las provincias. Despus del lanzamiento editorial, y quiz por el vivo inters que senta por Mxico, Linati regres a estas tierras a inicios de diciembre de 1832, desembarcando en el puerto de Tampico. Pero poco despus de llegar fue atacado por una fiebre maligna que lo llev a la muerte, y no tuvo la oportunidad de difundir su obra en Mxico, de modo que durante largo tiempo su trabajo se conocer en Europa ms que en el pas que lo inspir. Y en cuanto al desarrollo de la litografa, el proyecto iniciado por Linati fue continuado por otros impresores, sobre todo franceses, que llevaron esta tcnica a una amplia difusin en este pas hacia finales de la dcada de 1830. LA LITOGRAFA COMO INSTRUMENTO PARA DIFUSIN DE LO MEXICANO Despus de la consumacin de la independencia nacional encontramos a otros viajeros que, por las ms diversas motivaciones, se dieron a la tarea de registrar y difundir imgenes dedicadas al que fuera el rico virreinato de Nueva Espaa. Un personaje que emprendi proyectos audaces en este pas, y cuya obra tuvo un carcter inaugural, fue el ingls William Bullock (18131867). Inmediatamente despus de su estada en Mxico, en 1823, Bullock organiz en Londres la primera exposicin con objetos prehispnicos, en la que mostr, entre varias piezas originales, una rplica de la diosa azteca Coatlicue. En esa ocasin edit A Descriptive Catalogue of the Exhibition (Londres, 1824), y al mismo tiempo apareci su Six Months Residence and Travels in Mexico (Londres 1824). En una y otra de estas publicaciones incluy ilustraciones, que se cuentan entre las primeras imgenes de Mxico dadas a conocer utilizando la tcnica de la litografa. Bullock ofreci a Europa primicias de Mxico y sus realizaciones tuvieron una resonancia bastante espectacular. Uno de los momentos ms exitosos de la breve etapa de su vida dedicada a explotar su experiencia americana, fue la creacin de un bellsimo Panorama de la Ciudad de Mxico, montado en Londres en 1826; y para facilitar al pblico una explicacin de esa vista de 360 grados tomada desde una torre de la catedral, edit un folleto explicativo con una representacin de la silueta de la capital, grabada tambin a la piedra. Este viajero y empresario fue un individuo gil e inventivo, y para la difusin de sus proyectos, la litografa fue un instrumento extraordinariamente til. Un espritu casi contrapuesto, y una utilizacin bien diferente de la nueva tcnica de estampacin, encontramos en la personalidad de Jean-Frdric Waldeck (1766-1875).

RUIZ CASTAEDA, Mara del Carmen. Introduccin a El Iris, peridico crtico y literario por Linati, Galli y Heredia. Edicin facsimilar. Mxico: Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico/ Instituto de Investigaciones Bibliogrficas, 1988; p. XVII. Vase tambin el artculo de SOL, op. cit.
11

MATHES, op..cit.; p. 46.


12

Ibidem y OGORMAN, op. cit.; p. 13.

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De este artista polifactico, aventurero y viajero empedernido, se sabe que naci en Praga, aunque l aseguraba que haba nacido en Pars, donde efectivamente muri en 1875, con ms de cien aos de edad. En su larga vida llena de avatares viaj por el sur y el oriente de frica en su juventud y, a finales del siglo, se alist como voluntario en la campaa de Italia con Napolen. Y segn relata en un escrito publicado en 1874, un ao antes de morir, hacia 1820 habra viajado incluso a Amrica, pasando por Chile, Per y de ah, siguiendo el ro Maran, que corre hacia el este recibiendo las aguas de una infinidad de ros, entre ellos el Copn, llegu a las ruinas del mismo nombre13. La ruta que menciona hace pensar ms bien en una construccin de la fantasa e induce a dudar de la autenticidad del relato. Sabemos s fehacientemente que en 1821 estaba trabajando en Londres, encargado de ejecutar una serie de litografas sobre las ruinas mayas de Palenque, en Chiapas, para la publicacin de una obra de Antonio del Ro, un capitn de artillera que haba explorado la regin a finales del siglo XVIII por orden de la corona de Espaa. La inexactitud de los dibujos en los que Waldeck debi basarse para elaborar las planchas de grabado, despertaron su curiosidad y le permitieron intuir la necesidad y el atractivo de realizar estudios de primera mano; con esa intencin resolvi partir a Amrica. Con los aos, el mundo maya lleg a transformarse en su verdadera pasin y fue motivo de innumerables viajes y peripecias. Concretamente, en 1825 se embarc para Mxico contratado para desempear las funciones de asesor en la explotacin de la minera de la plata. Pero ya al ao siguiente renunci a ese empleo, para establecerse en la Ciudad de Mxico, sobreviviendo como pintor de retratos, promotor de diversos espectculos y profesor de pintura y dibujo. Consigui que el gobierno mexicano le encargase la ejecucin de algunos trabajos litogrficos con la prensa que haba dejado Claudio Linati; y en 1827 el Museo Nacional le pidi su colaboracin en la tarea de reproducir y litografiar objetos prehispnicos que se encontraban en los fondos de ese museo, para la obra Coleccin de las antigedades mexicanas que existen en el Museo Nacional y dan a luz Isidro Icaza e Isidro Gondra (1827). Esa obra fue impresa en talleres de Mxico a cargo de grabadores franceses, entre ellos, de Pedro Robert. Finalmente, en 1832 emprendi el difcil viaje desde la capital en direccin a Yucatn; su anhelado destino era Palenque. Pero para entonces Waldeck ya haba adquirido fama de saqueador de piezas arqueolgicas. Una denuncia pblica apareci en el peridico El Fnix de la Libertad el
13

14 de octubre de 1833, aludiendo a un artculo sobre las antigedades mexicanas publicado en Francia; en el texto se afirmaba lo siguiente: Hace das lemos en El Nacional de Pars, una carta escrita de Palenque por el francs Waldeck, en la que dice a sus amigos que estaba asombrado con la magnificencia de aquel Herculano Mexicano y que pronto volver a Pars, llevando consigo curiosidades muy hermosas. Es decir que los bellos restos de nuestras antigedades, con el tiempo sern trasladadas a la Europa como lo han sido las de Egipto y de la Nubia. El Supremo Gobierno no tolerar sin duda semejante exportacin que hara muy poco honor al pas. [] Esperamos que el supremo gobierno libre sus rdenes para suspender el saqueo silencioso que el inconsecuente y desagradecido Mr. Waldeck esta verificando14. Efectivamente, cuando el explorador y artista sali del pas, en 1836, una buena parte de sus haberes haba sido confiscada. No obstante, ya en Pars, reuni suficiente material para poder publicar su famoso Voyage pittoresque et archologique dans la province de Yucatn pendant les annes entre 1834 - 1836 (Pars, 1838). La obra incluye 22 planchas litografiadas, que representan motivos costumbristas y una decena de ilustraciones de motivos arqueolgicos. Las lminas de tema arqueolgico han sido criticadas, con razn, por su desbordada fantasa, pero en Mxico fueron sobre todo las imgenes de los tipos populares de Yucatn que hirieron susceptibilidades y provocaron un rotundo rechazo de la publicacin en su conjunto. No obstante, la novedad de los asuntos registrados y la belleza de las planchas litografas coloreadas a mano - atrajeron en su momento a un buen nmero de lectores eruditos, entre ellos el explorador estadounidense John L. Stephens (1805-1852) y el dibujante ingls Frederick Catherwood (1799-1854), que ya al ao siguiente tambin emprendieron una expedicin arqueolgica a la regin maya. En el propio Mxico, el libro tuvo una circulacin muy restringida, pero algunas de sus imgenes, particularmente las que ilustraban tipos humanos, fueron reproducidas en la prensa, siempre con nimo crtico, por difundir una versin calificada de denigrante de la poblacin. An dos dcadas ms tarde, Waldeck vuelve a retomar sus trabajos mexicanos, sometiendo sus ilustraciones y escritos a un examen del gobierno francs. Los registros hechos en Palenque fueron lo que ms interes a la comisin que analiz su trabajo. Y en 1866, cuando el artista viajero cumpla cien aos, apareci en Pars, con apoyo gubernamental, una seleccin de cincuenta y seis litografas, esta vez sin los motivos costumbristas, bajo el ttulo de Monuments anciens du Mexique,
14

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Waldeck apud BAUDEZ, Claude-Franois. Jean-Frdric Waldeck, peintre. Le premier explorateur des ruines mayas. Vanves: Editions Hazan, 1993; p. 174.

El Fnix de la Libertad, Mxico, imprenta de Ignacio Cumplido, 14 de octubre de 1833; p. 3.

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Palenque et autres ruines de lancienne civilisation du Mexique. Como sola ocurrir con la transposicin de los originales a la plancha de impresin, particularmente cuando era ejecutado por grabadores que slo conocan los motivos a travs de los dibujos que les deban servir de modelo, la deformacin era considerable. En este caso, las planchas fueron realizadas en una pequea parte por el centenario Waldeck, y para el resto se identifica una decena de otros nombres que firmaron como grabadores. En general, el resultado fue mediocre y las lminas publicadas no consiguieron dar vida ni respetar los trazos de autenticidad que s posean los registros ejecutados in situ ms de treinta aos antes. La proliferacin de los proyectos editoriales sobre Mxico en Europa Junto con el creciente nmero de artistas viajeros que recorrieron el pas, a partir de las dcadas de 1830 y 1840 se vio tambin un considerable aumento de publicaciones emprendidas por pintores e ilustradores. Realizadas en talleres europeos, particularmente en Pars y Londres, estas costosas publicaciones tenan clientela de los dos lados del Atlntico. Sin embargo, el espacio mexicano constitua el mbito natural en que este tipo de obras poda conseguir su mximo nivel de difusin y ventas. Una de las personalidades ms brillantes y gran creador de la iconografa mexicana fue el arquitecto alemn Carlos Nebel (1805-1855), natural de Altona, que public su Voyage pittoresque et archologique dans la partie la plus intressante du Mexique en Pars en 1836, despus de una estada de poco ms de un lustro en Mxico15. El viaje a tierras americanas, a finales de 1828, fue impulsado y facilitado por los contactos comerciales que tena su padre con las compaas alemanas establecidas en Mxico. Ya en este pas, Nebel procura desarrollar trabajos de arquitectura16, y al mismo tiempo empez a formar su propia coleccin de objetos prehispnicos, que inclua instrumentos musicales mexicas como las flautas y teponaxtles (instrumento de percusin hecho en madera) y figurillas de origen teotihuacano, y reuni tambin una serie de las bellas figuras de cera de los tipos populares, hechas por artesanos del pas. En la capital conoce a Waldeck, con quien realiza excursiones, visita zonas arqueolgicas, como Teotihuacan y las ruinas de Xochicalco, en la cercana ciudad de Cuernavaca. Todo induce a pensar que, con el
15

correr del tiempo, si bien Nebel estuvo siempre atento a las posibilidades de asumir trabajos en el campo de su profesin, parece haber desarrollado paralelamente, ya en Mxico, el proyecto de la publicacin que saldr a la luz en Francia 1836. De hecho, Nebel retorna a Europa en 1834 y suponemos que se movi con agilidad para llevar a cabo su proyecto, puesto que ya en 1835 aparecen en la prensa alemana varios comentarios de Alexander von Humboldt anunciando la futura edicin de un Viaje pintoresco y arqueolgico de su coterrneo. En el lbum litogrfico incluy tanto el paisaje y los tipos populares como, con especial nfasis, los motivos arqueolgicos que prometa en el ttulo, un libro con 50 lminas y un texto explicativo, de propio autor de las ilustraciones. La obra tuvo resonancia tambin en Mxico en un plazo corto. Apenas haban transcurrido tres aos, en 1839, cuando El Diario de los Nios public varias litografas copiadas de la obra de Nebel. Sabemos que al ao siguiente el artista retorn a Mxico, donde interpuso una denuncia por plagio contra Vicente Garca Torres, editor responsable de esa publicacin. La noticia caus cierto revuelo y conocemos los detalles por la nota que apareci el 10 de julio de 1840 en el Diario del Gobierno de la Repblica Mexicana: el Sr. Nebel y que acaba de llegar a la capital, se ha presentado criminalmente ante el Sr. Juez Flores Alatorre contra el Sr. Torres, que est publicando dicha obra [Viaje pintoresco y arqueolgico] hace algn tiempo en Mxico con algunas mejoras17. Es probable que cuando Nebel viaj a Amrica por segunda vez, ya traa preparada la versin en espaol de su lbum, que sera impresa en Mxico. De hecho, a finales de 1840 empieza a anunciar la venta de su Viaje pintoresco en algunos peridicos18. La recepcin de su obra en este pas fue buena y, a diferencia de lo que haba ocurrido con la de Waldeck, en ningn momento se consider que su visin fuese ofensiva para el pas. Se destacaba que la obra interesaba al mexicano ms que a ninguno otro y se sealaba que el autor haba tomado los puntos capitales a fin de dar a conocer [] la grandiosidad que despliega la creacin de este suelo privilegiado, y la hermosura de los edificios y sitios pblicos19. En los aos que siguieron,
17

Para una serie de estudios recientes sobre Carl Nebel v. Carl Nebel. Pintor Viajero del siglo XIX. Artes de Mxico (Mxico DF), nm. 80, ao 2006.
16

Diario del Gobierno de la Repblica Mejicana, t. XVII, nm. 1894, p. 210.


18

Observaciones de los individuos que fueron de la Comisin nombrada por el Escmo. Sr. Gobernador de Mxico para el reconocimiento del Teatro de SantaAnna, sobre la contestacin a su dictamen. Mxico, imprenta de Ignacio Cumplido, 1844.

Por ejemplo en La Hesperia, 7 de noviembre de 1840, num. 65, p. 4; Diario del Gobierno, 6 de noviembre de 1840, nm. 2000, p. 244.
19

Idem.

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las imgenes de Nebel fueron copiadas una y otra vez en las ms diversas publicaciones mexicanas, dando prueba de que este autor interpret con intuicin y delicadeza algunos rasgos del ser del pas y sus hombres, sin herir la delicada susceptibilidad que Waldeck no supo o no quiso respetar. Un caso dramtico es el del pintor ingls Daniel Thomas Egerton (17971842), que lleg a Mxico en 1831. Eximio paisajista con formacin acadmica, Egerton quiz sea uno de los mejores pintores de paisaje que visit Mxico en la primera mitad del siglo XIX. Siguiendo la corriente de sus contemporneos, al retornar a Inglaterra tambin public en Londres, en 1840, su Views in Mxico, un libro con doce litografas, acompaado por interesantes descripciones literarias de ciudades como Veracruz, Puebla, la Ciudad de Mxico, Zacatecas, Real del Monte, San Agustn de las Cuevas (hoy Tlalpan), entre otros lugares. A fines de 1841 Egerton regres a Mxico, esta vez en compaa de la joven inglesa Agnes Edwards, con quien vivi primero en un mesn de la calle de Vergara, hoy Bolvar, y despus en una casa en los suburbios de la capital, cerca de la cual fueron asesinados en la tarde del 28 de abril de 184220. Tal suceso conmocion a la sociedad mexicana; un funcionario de la embajada de los Estados Unidos escribi en una de sus cartas lo siguiente: Imposible es describir el horror que esta espantosa historia produjo en Mxico entre todas las clases sociales. El ministro y el cnsul britnicos y el hermano de Mr. Egerton iniciaron al punto las investigaciones ms diligentes; ms, aunque fueron aprehendidos muchos hombres, hasta hoy no se ha descubierto a los monstruos. - Una pequea cruz de palo cerca de un matorral enmaraado, que est junto a una iglesia en ruinas seala el sitio fatal, y lleva una inscripcin en que se piden oraciones por la pareja asesinada21. Quiz por esta fatal circunstancia, el lbum litogrfico de Egerton no se conoci en Mxico en su momento. Al igual que Linati, el artista ingls no tuvo tiempo de promoverlo en el pas, pero sabemos que tanto en Inglaterra como en otras partes de Europa corri con mayor suerte, especialmente en Pars, a donde se vendi a partir de 1844.
20

*** En la creacin de una iconografa de lo mexicano, la contribucin de italianos, alemanes, franceses e ingleses fue sobresaliente. Linati es sin lugar a dudas un autor imprescindible al estudiar los tipos populares del Mxico de la dcada de 1820; Waldeck y Nebel ms all de las fantasas e imprecisiones que se puedan achacar a sus obras, contribuyeron a la difusin del conocimiento del mundo prehispnico; Egerton difundi la seduccin que l mismo haba sentido por el paisaje de esas tierras. Y podemos sumar muchos otros a la lista. Los ingleses John Phillips y Alfred Rider, as como, en un lenguaje ms minucioso, el italiano Pedro Gualdi registraron las ciudades en vistas panormicas y de detalles; A su vez, los exploradores J.L. Stephens y F. Catherwood, mencionados antes, dieron continuidad a las expediciones literarias y artsticas al mundo maya; su viaje fue dado a conocer en Views of Ancient Monuments in Central Amrica, Chiapas y Yucatn, publicado en 1844, en Londres. Y para todos ellos el instrumento esencial para dar a conocer su trabajo fue la litografa. Pero desde la dcada de 1860, el gusto por estos lbumes litogrficos encontrar una competencia creciente en las obras compuestas con la tcnica de la fotografa, perfeccionada con la albmina; las impresiones en papel y en apariencia ms fidedigna, gana terreno en relacin con los dibujos litogrficos que parecern ms y ms obsoletos, sobre todo en lbumes con imgenes de pases lejanos y exticos. Las litografas s continuarn presentes en pleno vigor en publicaciones de carcter cientfico hasta finales del siglo XIX, nuevamente en funcin de sus ventajas con relacin a las tcnicas de publicacin.

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PALENCIA, Mario Moya. El Mxico de Egerton (1831-1842). In: DIENER, Pablo, e.a. Viajeros europeos del siglo XIX en Mxico. Catlogo de exposicin. Mxico DF: Fomento Cultural Banamex, 1996. pg. 88-91.
21

ARTURO AGUILAR OCHOA es doctor en Historia del Arte por la Universidad Autnoma de Mxico. Ha publicado numerosos trabajos sobre fotografa y sobre artistas viajeros en Mxico, entre los que se destacan La fotografia durante el Imprio de Maximilliano (1996), el catlogo de la exposicin El escenario urbano de Pedro Gualdi (1997), el estudio sobre La influencia de los artistas viajeros en la litografa mexicana 1837-1849 (2000) y coordin una colectnea sobre Carl Nebel (2006). Actualmente es profesor en el Departamento de Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad de las Amricas, Puebla, Mxico.

MAYER, Brantz. Mxico lo que fue y lo que es. Prlogo y notas de Juan Ortega y Medina y traduccin de Francisco A. Delpiane. Mxico: Fondo de Cultura Econmica, 1953 [1844 en ingls].