The Stuttgart Casket and the Permeability of the Byzantine Artistic Tradition Author(s): John Hanson Reviewed work

(s): Source: Gesta, Vol. 37, No. 1 (1998), pp. 13-25 Published by: International Center of Medieval Art Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/767209 . Accessed: 21/03/2012 08:13
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design. which are approximatelyfive cm tall. and never on caskets. 5). it is argued that its unusual aspects accrued fromwestern influence. an example of which is a mythological casket now in the MetropolitanMuseum of Art in New York(Fig.5 The left long side depicts five standing prophets. The vast majority of Byzantine caskets falls into one of two categories of design.8The unique appearanceof New Testamentnarratives on the Stuttgartcasket. demanded a high degree of precision in the carving of details. 7). iconography. in the case of the Stuttgartcasket. It may be that she is the figure immediately to Adam's right. This is just one of many peculiarities of the piece that make it worthy of special attention. These two designs account for forty-eight of the fifty-five caskets catalogued by Goldschmidt and Weitzmann.6 None of the Christological themes is unknown in Byzantine ivory carving. calling it to witness in the debate over the chronology of Byzantine ivories. formerlycharacterized as Italo-Byzantine. The most common arrangementfor figural reliefs on caskets is that adopted for the mythological casket in New York. 1) and the Anastasis on the right long side (Fig. but even in this case. for example. then. 3-6). 1. 3).10 The Stuttgart casket's decorative scheme is likewise idiosyncratic. including Jeremiah. The carverof the Stuttgartcasket. and could appear to be a relief icon. is one exceptional aspect which demands attention. of course.The argumentis broadened to a large group of ivories. as the figures are necessarily so tiny. The large. but only one with an Old Testament narrative. has coped with the difficulty of the unusually restricted headroom without any loss of detail. The exceptional natureof the Stuttgartcasket can be illustratedin a numberof ways. One is that it is the only extant Byzantine ivory casket decorated with New Testament narratives. This preference for Old Testament narratives on caskets is specifically Byzantine. and one that. like the famous Veroli casket in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. as compared to the figures on the Veroli casket.2 The casual readerglancing through the illustrations of the corpus would be forgiven for not noticing that this is a casket. rectangular relief field of the lid. dictated some adaptationof the usual composition. Both the figures and the inscriptions on the two short sides were razed at some point. The long.7 By contrast. just as much as the carverof the Veroli casket. 6). but the traces of inscriptions that remain make it clear that these sides once bore reliefs of the Crucifixion and the Myrophores (Figs. but they appear only on relief icons.to suggest that they form a development in Byzantine ivory carving parallel to Romanesque ivory carving in the west. sliding lid. is not to be found on any other Byzantine casket. but with a flat. flat. This is not to say that the continuous frieze was never used.9 The other is also a rectangularbox. and King David (Fig. The iconography of the Anastasis. although it is clearly based on the Byzantine formula. The format of the plaque.or from saints' lives. The design of the casket. is also unique. 4. by filling in the long flanks of the central figures with multiple dead rising from The one inexplicable aspect of the iconography sarcophagi. not so much for the proposed revision of the chronology as for other importantissues involving Byzantine ivories. not only on its sides. just over two cm tall. however. hinged lid and shallow walls is a peculiar design indeed. there are GESTAXXXVII/1 ? The InternationalCenter of Medieval Art 1998 many reliefs depicting narrativesfrom the New Testament. Very few Byzantine ivory caskets eluded publication in the first volume of Adolf Goldschmidt's and Kurt Weitzmann'scorpus of 1930.a series of small plaques separated by the familiar bands of carved rosettes (Fig.4 They include the Ascension on the lid (Fig. devised vertically after the fashion of ivory icons. frieze-like strips that make up the imagery of the sides are also unusual. as it is quite broad and flat. 7). Ezekiel. Here. Discussion of the casket so far. Among western ivory caskets. This is an exceptional format. with its broad. is slightly irregular. One is a rectangularbox with a hinged lid in the form of a truncatedpyramid.1 The few that came to light before the appearanceof the second volume were appendedat the end of that catalogue.11 is the absence of Eve. and taken up entirely by a single image. and technique. the most famous being the long friezes of the Veroli casket. there are twenty-six caskets or fragments of caskets in the Byzantine ivory corpus decorated with Old Testament narratives. most recently by Klaus Wessel. has focussed on its date. as there are examples. with the exception of one in Stuttgart. The Stuttgart casket. but also on its lid. not least the supposed autonomy of the Byzantine artistic tradition.The StuttgartCasket and the Permeability of the Byzantine Artistic Tradition* JOHN HANSON Indiana Universityof Pennsylvania Abstract The Byzantine ivorycasket in Stuttgartis an anomaly among Byzantine caskets in style.3 The pages that follow here offer observations which have implications.which was placed among the reliefs to which it bore the greatest stylistic resemblance (Figs. as alreadynoted. it would be 13 .

'2 . as seen.. and seen from a variety of angles..13The style was readily associated by Goldschmidt and Weitzmann and others with such classicizing works as the Romanos and Eudokia plaque and the Veroli casket.. I? I INS 1P gm. Kunsthistorisches Museum.. Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum.. The apostle second from the left in the bottom row of the Ascension exemplifies this ease of movement to such an extent that Weitzmanncomparedhim to an ancient depiction of a dancing maenad.. but because they saw the depiction of the ground as an undulatingline as a device drawnfrom painted ratherthan plastic models.7 RM r. lid. Goldschmidt and Weitzmannplaced the casket among the second group. *X .. not with Adam..Although the degree of classicism fit as well with the Romanos group. but with the unidentified figure to her right. log Own ag N?i All .modelled in three dimensions. The drapery. not because of a general similarity in style. . Ascension (photo: Kunsthistorisches Museum). and may be explained to some extent by the problems posed by the unaccustomed oblong format. The one irregularityof the casket which has drawn the most attentionfrom scholars is its unusual style..7 : Nk 100 'NK. Stuttgart. FIGURE 2. .... for example. ... such as the Brescia casket. . . and dated accordingly to the so-called renaissanceof the mid-tenthcentury... 4. ....... detail of Ascension (photo: WiirttembergischesLandesmuseum)..... . which are depicted with an interesting diversity of gestures... works not only to define the solid forms of the body beneath.. or the folds falling from the outstretchedarms of the rising dead....12 The prophets on the left long side also illustrate this classical approach to motion. very irregularfor her to be coupled. Goldschmidt and Weitzmann focussed on the classicizing aspects of the style.. ivory plaque. . . especially in the cases of the friezes on the sides.. This conspicuous sort of classicism. ... each one being posed in a slightly different way... as with the Pictorial group.. ..... These irregularities are not enough to remove the image from the Byzantine tradition.. but all carefully balanced.. a description easily justified with reference to the human figures. :j:jxx?: . Old .. ..... gsx RF? fa wrx .. turningfreely in space.... Vienna. ---------FIGURE 1....ivory casket. "Alf. .... but also to 14 enhance the impression of movement. The only other reservations expressed by Goldschmidt and Weitzmann and their followers concerning the style is that ... . in the flutteringmantles of the angels in the Ascension... .. according to the taxonomy of the corpus.. mo.. and because of the extensive undercutting... makes the reliefs resemble certain early Christianivories.

2).14 Such.15 originnow in the Vienna Kunsthistorisches The same composition was used by the eleventh-centuryartist of a plaque in Cologne. is the list of peculiarities that make the Stuttgartcasket an anomaly in the corpus of Byzantine ivory carvings. There are even close similarities in such fine details as draperies. One of the first steps toward solving the puzzle of the casket'sart historical position must be to pick up a piece that was first noticed by Goldschmidt. the formidable degree of similarity in these two compositions clearly argues against the supposition that they are completely independentdesigns. especially those on the lid. There is no similarity here to the StuttgartAscension. but which was as quickly discarded. second from left in both cases) turnsaway from the viewer in the same movement. five prophets. enclosed in a mandorlabeing raised by two angels. second from left. long side. Stuttgart casket. Stuttgart casket. as angels speak to the gathered disciples. In both cases. and third from right) point at the miracle.19The near 15 . The same apostle in both cases (top row. The apostle at the far right in the bottom row of the Stuttgart relief looks up toward heaven. which follows the Byzantine traditionof depicting Christ enthronedon the arc of heaven.namely the extremely close similarity of the composition of the Ascension to a tenth-centuryivory of western Museum (Fig. Crucifixion (erased) (photos: WiirttembergischesLandesmuseum).though. Such divergences led Goldschmidtand Weitzmannand othersto dismiss the possibility of directcopying. the elongation of the figures.17 The upper half of both the Vienna and the Cologne plaques follows the usual western tradition of showing Christ being pulled up to heaven by the hand of God. short side. bear an almost one-to-one correspondence with those on the Vienna plaque. Mary faces right with outstretched hands. a view to which Weitzmann was eventually attracted. long side. second from right) looks up and raises his right hand as if shielding his eyes from the light. David TalbotRice and John Beckwith both preferreddates in the eleventh century. 4. PAA FIGURES5. 6. The twisting apostle (bottom row. while the correspondingfigure on the Vienna relief buries his face in his right hand. short side. for example on the two apostles. then. covering his head while looking up at the miracle. Anastasis. the turning of the Virgin to one side.16 The characteristic components of the composition-the arrangementof the apostles in two rows.Q- KOK 441 FIGURES 3. For this reason. There are also some divergences. holding his hand to his chin. The one immediately to the right of this figure turns to him and holds up his right hand in a gesture of speech. and many of the specific gestures of the apostles-are also found on a large numberof western plaques in the Goldschmidt corpus.18Be that as it may. and theirexaggeratedgestures indicate a sort of mannerismwhich would be inconsistent with the traditional understandingof the tenth-centuryrenaissance. at the extreme left. the same two apostles (top row. In both cases. top and bottom row. The gestures of the spectators. Myrophores (erased) (photos: WiirttembergischesLandesmuseum).

One of the effects of this assumptionhas been to inflate the date of the Vienna plaque. the preferred procedure for western ivory carvers. Nevertheless.jr i? 4t? Goldschmidt and Weitzmannobserved the same composition for the Expulsion of Adam and Eve on a fragment of a Byzantine casket in Pesaro and on the bronze doors of the cathedral of Monrealecast by Bonnanusof Pisa ca. One aspect already mentioned is the use of New Testament themes.Metropolitan Museum of Art.22 That no justification was offered for construingthe relationshipin this direction shows how ingrained has been the idea of a one-way influence in medieval art. as David and the prophetsdo on the Stuttgart casket. 8). Thus. This motif is part of the casket's style. The explanation favored so far has been that the Vienna ivory must have been copied from the casket. Groundlinesdefined by these sorts of motifs are the exIn ception in Byzantine art. when 16 Another consideration is that the reliefs of the Stuttgart casket use an undulating groundline throughout. with its proposed tenth-centurydate. another aspect which distinguishes it from traditionalByzantine approaches to ivory carving. the relationship also renders it impossible to date the Stuttgartcasket later than the tenth century. as attributes of Golgotha or Mount Tabor. they saw the Italian work as providing the terminusante quem for the Byzantine plaque. but it is decorated beneath this level with an undulatingline. the groundline on which the front row of apostles stands is a more or less straight line running at a slight angle to the line of the frame. A similar kind of analysis could be applied to the three extant Byzantine caskets decorated with Christ and the saints. a characteristic example of which is the relief of the Ascension in the The carvings of Kunstgewerbemuseumin Weimar (Fig. as the terminuspost quem for the Vienna plaque.Is it necessary to accept it as a given that the Vienna composition is derived from the Byzantine casket? Is it not a far more natural option to propose that the Ascension derives from a western source. serving iconographicratherthan stylistic ends.Any suggestion of western influence upon a Byzantine object runs abruptlyagainst this preconception. the theme of Christ and the saints is unusual among Byzantine caskets. the groundline takes a naturalistic.20Conceived in this way. On the lid. as the prevailing understandingof the relationship between the Byzantine and western artistic traditionsis that of teacher to student. and the specific device of the undulating groundline was frequently used. The same style appears in a group of Carolingian ivories labeled by Goldschmidt as the Liuthardgroup. against the neutral backdropof the relief field. which it takes the form of a conventionalized rocky hill.holy figures representedoutside any narrativecontext always stand on the lower frame. The setting of figures in a landscape was. This alone suggests the incursion of western conventions. but more common among western caskets and portatili from the mid-eleventh to the mid-thirteenth centuries. identityof the compositions suggests thatthe best understanding of the Stuttgartcasket is to be gained by trying to understandits relatednessto the western composition. the figures stand directly on the lower frame. imitating the edge of a cliff. such as the Utrecht Psalter. or at least. The cases in which the earth is depicted in any form are mostly Cruciin fixions and Transfigurations. organic shape. Along with animated gestures. that the Byzantine ivory introduced the composition to the west. and never on any sort of representation of earth.21 Close resemblances between Byzantine and western objects are nearly always explained by suggesting that the western object depends on a Byzantine model. swelling slightly beneath each figure. and the casket. 1186. by contrast. The Virgin stands on a separate rocky pedestal which elevates her to a level between the two rows of apostles.23Like the New Testament cycle of the Stuttgart casket.24 FIGURE 7.27 . the Vienna plaque has been seen as a terminus ante quem for the Stuttgart casket. aspects of the Stuttgartcasket bring to bear sufficient pressure on this doctrine to suggest that it may not apply in this case.ratherthan by constructing a frameworkto accommodate the possibility of its unrelatedness. the Vienna Stuttgart plaque or anotherAscension image using the same composition? This option has not been explored in the literature.In the case of the Anastasis and prophets friezes.26 Certainly. ivory casket (photo: Metropolitan Museum of Art). Thus. New York.25 almost all figuredivory reliefs. it is characteristic of manuscriptsof the Reims school.

There is a series of flat. NEW 9 Ogg" A kv .also bear a resemblance to the tall. Considering that the elements discussed above are all common to a broad range of western objects. it is unsound to maintain that the western ivory was modelled on the Byzantine one. an unusual motif among Byzantine examples. curling patterns. in particularthose depicting the Ascension. fe i I 7 a. Ale IPW p An 1 FIGURE 8. 10). As discussed above. is the construction. One in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London is especially similar in dimensions and design. ivory plaque. as the elegant elongated figures in animatedgestures.T. Weimar. Three of the apostles in the front row of the StuttgartAscension have their legs crossed in one way or another. A salient instance of this expressive use of gesture is the conveying of excitement by the crossing of the apostles' legs. especially consular diptychs. and the other for the lid.dating from the 960s. The association does not end there.32 An additional point of comparison with the SpanishArab series. 9.31 Like the A. it is not going too far to say that the style of the Stuttgartcasket has more in common with examples from the Liuthardgroup than it does with either the Pictorial or the Romanos groups of Byzantine ivories. The nature of the evidence indicates the orientation of the relationship. the importance of which cannot be overemphasized. one for the bottom and sides. contained in a frame. in some examples representednaturalistically. in that they always bear a raised inscription. The suggestion of the mediation of western sources need not rely solely on style. executed with minute attention to details of drapery and placed on undulating groundlines. As Goldschmidtdemonstrated. The most plausible explanation is that the Byzantine artist acquiredboth stylistic and compositional elements from a western model or models. It will be at least as informative to consider the unusual format of the box. down to the narrow. hinged caskets from Madinat al-ZahrFD. as decorative. Both the Stuttgartand the London caskets are made of two solid pieces of ivory. among the ivory caskets made in Arab Spain in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Sw YAW: A 4.36? MW ON ?xm so' S. When these stylistic affinities with western works are considered together with the compositional affinity of the to Stuttgart the Vienna Ascensions. em AS. however.29 The derivation of the archaizing aspect of the style of the Stuttgartcasket from western medieval sources could explain its concurrentsimilarity to early Christianexamples such as the Brescia casket.simple frames around the four decorated sides of the box and around the four sections of the inscription (compare Figs. This kind of 17 . the feature which Goldschmidtand Weitzmannand Talbot-Ricedescribed as mannerist. Kunstgewerbemuseum). the relatednessof the casket to a western tradition becomes undeniable. . They show anotherremarkableresemblance to the Stuttgartcasket. lot 4 J"l 'j. .in others. and another series from C6rdoba from the late tenth and eleventh centuries. and they have two hinges on one long side and a lock on the other. these boxes are shallow with relatively broad lids. but more common among Carolingianand Ottonian ivories.the impulse for ivory carving in the Carolingian west was directly related to the presence of ivories from late antiquity. aroundthe edges of the lid.this group share with the illuminations the lively and often elongated figures. Ascension (photo: Kunstgewerbemuseum. such as the WeimarAscension plaque.. the wide lid and low sides decorated with continuous friezes make the Stuttgart casket an anomaly among Byzantine caskets in ivory.30 It is a design found. The casket's stylistic affinity with early Christianworks also becomes clearer by positing a dependence on western carving. Stuttgartcasket.Their presence on ivories has been seen as an adaptationof the motif from painted sources.rot lot u nip o?'w- IF Six An % *01- 1. while their occurrence is very rare or unique among Byzantine objects. In fact. gesticulating figures seen on Liuthardivories. including the Weimarrelief.28 The undulatinggroundlineis sharedby the Stuttgartivory with the ivories of the Liuthard group.

Ims M . construction was preferredby the Spanish-Arab carvers. . The Stuttgartcasket is the only one carved out of two solid pieces of ivory. With this technical evidence added to the previously mentioned aspects of design and decoration... ....4 ?X YA VIN K. . FIGURE9.. . It could have taken place in the tenth century. This period has been much visited by scholars interested in Byzantine influence in the west. ...were it not for the Greekinscriptions.... . .ivory casket (photo: WiirttembergischesLandesmuseum). then. a possibility corroboratedby the dates of the C6rdoban series of the Spanish-Arab comparanda. Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum. One possible vehicle is the diplomatic missions reciprocated between Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos and CAbdalRahmin III of C6rdoba(ruled 912-961) in the mid-tenthcenGifts exchanged during these missions could account tury. the style of the Liuthard ivories and the western iconographic traditionconstitutea substantialand surprisingblend of western sources. .. .... into the east..... . ... . ... R. Stuttgart. A . These western elements are so many that it 18 ...33 for the introductionof the Moorish elements of the design... .. .. . the relatedness of the Stuttgartcasket to the Moorish series is quite persuasive. ....... No .. The crusadingmovement brought large numbers of Latin knights and sovereigns through the .. the construction and design of the Spanish-Arab caskets of the tenth and eleventh centuries.. ..... ... .. . would be tempting to redefine the Stuttgartcasket as a western product........ While Byzantine pyxides were also carved from solid sections of tusks....... .. Taken all together.. as almost all of their surviving ivory caskets and pyxides are made in this way. ..K S- x::: . that the Byzantine artist used western Europeansources.. ..N. the presence of so many conventional Spanish features on an exceptional Byzantine product must lead to the same conclusion..... WUM k .. How...? ..... ... ... . though not the Latin elements.... . As with the stylistic and compositional elements sharedwith western ivories.... .. IBM.. Byzantine caskets are almost always made of wood covered with thin ivory plaques. Another possibility is that the transmissiontook place during the period of the Crusades in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries... Am 5 .... o.... should we make sense of this example of the transmission of artistic ideas from west to east? The chronological parameters of such communication are impossible to define precisely......

.. on which the Crucifixion invariably occupies a frieze panel of its own on one of the short sides.. London. and commercially. While the Crusaders must have travelled with a minimum of paraphernalia... . on the front of the casket. one class of western object that may be put forward as a hypothetical link..the resurrection is representedby the Myrophores.. Hessisches Landesmuseum... including whatever apparatus was necessary for religious observance: sacred books....... and wide tops. and so on.. which tended to isolate images as discrete conceptions... One such necessity peculiar to the west was the portable altar. This choice allowed an adherence to the most traditional image of the resurrectionin Byzantine art. pyxides... The particularsources are impossible to identify. too. The choice and arrangementof subject matter are also similar... it is again possible to imagine that a western model.35Others. .It may have been in this sort of climate that the western sources for the Stuttgart casket came to the attention of Byzantine patronsand artists.both in icon painting and in monumental decoration. necessary to accommodatetheir liturgicalfunction. . .. Moreover.... while remainingconsistent thematically with the programsof the western series. passion. in particularthe low. by Christ's appearance to the disciples at Emmaus..36 The themes of the reliefs of the early Lower Rhenish group are homogeneous. as expressed in the tradingprivileges grantedto Italian maritimerepublics. ... .. Cain and Abel.For example. ivory casket (photo: Victoria and Albert Museum).. Victoria and Albert Museum.. not surprisingly. bears the strongest affinity with the western examples.... the manner of their depiction is somewhat different. Although all of the other themes of the Stuttgart casket are common to the portable altars as well. with its conjunction of the western composition for the apostles and the more characteristic Byzantine iconography for Christ and the angels.. 16!i!•ii !~i~l~i iiiii kAM ... The Stuttgart casket did... include the Myrophores.. FIGURE 11.. with the more 19 . Resurrection.. such as Melchizedek. . M NO. and resurrectionof Christ on the sides..... dating from the second half of the eleventh century. Empire.. Their forms are similar to the Stuttgart casket. and the decoration of the sides with long. w 5fx.. Darmstadt. Adolf Goldschmidt catalogued five portable altars with ivory reliefs.. 9 and 11).. both politically. as well as many fragments of others. This. ... narrow friezes (compare Figs. .and Ascension of Christ. FIGURE 10. in precious metals. . and. normally the front. and Old Testamentprecursors. probably made in the lower Rhine region.. wide format...As for the Ascension.The placement and composition of the Crucifixion. if images occur on the top.. having low sides decoratedwith continuousfriezes. chalices.. or by some combination of these. The narrative friezes begin on the right long side and proceed clockwise..... rather than to run them together as continuous narratives. unlike the series of episodes which are strungtogether in the long friezes of the portatili. the Anastasis.but its main image of the resurrectionis. There is.by the doubting Thomas. and all are appropriateto the eucharistic function of the altar...34 These relationships were uncomfortable and prone to reversals. is consistent with Byzantine tradition. ..certain things would have been absolute necessities on campaign. have survived from the eleventh and twelfth centuries. being mostly scenes from the youth. as both objects bear scenes of the Crucifixion. ... and six more from the twelfth (Fig. . Allowances were made already in the early church for such portatili. but they were nevertheless vehicles for contact which must have issued in culturalinterchange. . 11). as expressed in the strategic alliances between Byzantine and German courts.. although the oldest surviving examples date from the eleventh century.... apparently. and the success of the movement led to a degree of rapprochementbetween Byzantines and Latins. on the portablealtars. ivory portable altar (photo: Hessisches Landesmuseum). the Anastasis is spread out to occupy the entire right side. 00 . Old Testament precursorsof Christ's sacrifice. There are similarities in the design of these portatili to the Stuttgartcasket. however.

gr.Although it is incomplete. .The inhabitantsof your monastery clothe this reliquary in gold and silver for their salvation. the process is precisely the reverse of thatwhich createdthe twelfth-centurymosaics of NormanSicily. and by which you enjoined us to bear our own sufferings.. Christ clothed mortals. The surviving portions read. the relative proportions of the two erased short sides to the two long sides make it clear that the text was an epigram written in three dodecasyllables."40? This form of poetry was quite common.42 Here the witty allusions to exposing and clothing are extended to four levels in a highly elaborate application of the metaphor:Christ was disrobed. among other instances. and you clothe mortals besides with incorruption. with some supplication for the owner's well-being and eventual salvation. notably among the epigrams in the Bible of Leo (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. is likewise understandable a deliberatemodificationof the western scheme.37 Again.41 Another verse from the twelfth century. The most common type of dedicatory sentiment in earlier inscriptions is an ex-voto. and it is impossible to make sense of the mention of the owner in any other context. on the reliquary casket of Trebizond also in the Treasury of San Marco. the history of salvation. with a caesura following the fifth syllable.. bearing the mark of the Spanish-Arab tradition.usual western iconography of Christ being pulled to heaven by the hand of God. there is a small ivory casket in San Isidoro in Le6n which was carved in imitation of the tenth. conveyed them to the east. They demonstrate the possibility that western Christians. The poet legitimates the prayer for the salvation of the owner by appealing to Christ'sown triumph over mortal flesh when He was rejoined with the Father.43 the late eleventh or twelfth century. even to the present day. While all of the scenes are consistent in their stylistic reliance on western models. on which you completed the suf- ferings to which you were condemned. but also by more prominent poets. traversed the heavens . "Oh You were not separated from (the habitation of) the Father when You. such as its ability to fit comfortably into the narrow space of the casket's lid. Reg.39 The inscription around the edge of the lid fits into a well-attested medieval Byzantine literary tradition. but expressed in terms of the Crucifixion by describing the cross as: . . The placement of the Old Testament precursorson the side.and eleventhBoth objects are the kinds of century series from C6rdoba. The Stuttgartcasket would appearto be a surprisingexception.This same device was used time and again for inscriptions on sacred objects. an offering in fulfillment of a vow. as there are countless such inscriptions on votive offerings from the early. and the monks clothed the reliquary. Son of God. What about the content of the inscription? Weitzmann's suggestion of "(. the programof the imagery has been adapted to suit the requirementsof an eastern Christian or group of Christians. 1081-1118) in San Marco in Venice contains the same sentiment. is the clever way in which the supplication is related metaphorically to the depicted event of Christ's ascension. (preserve) the owner. An eleventhcentury portable altar in the Museo Arqueologico in Madrid. omnipotent Word of God. Supplications do exist in dedicatory inscriptions. Such a modification would have suited Byzantine sensibilities. There are Mozarabic objects which lend credence to the hypothesis of a dependence on western portatili. Returning to the question of date.preserved at Bag'ain Catalonia. however. being practiced by amateurs and students. where Byzantine style and even certain Byzantine forms were modified to suit the theme of churchdecorationfavored in the west. . on which. the majority of the motifs ultimately of Islamic origin was adopted from Byzantium'simmediate neighbors to the east at a very early stage. in gratitude for a favor already received from God. preserve) the owner" is conjectural. In the Byzantine tradition. in their combination of Islamic and Christianelements. was perhaps adopted for its strictly aesthetic advantages. we can find further support for the hypothesis of the casket's creation in the ambience of the twelfth century from the Byzantine side in an analysis of the inscriptions. and the Ascension on the as top.Many more such metaphorical constructions have survived among These examples are all drawn from Byzantine inscriptions. and late periods. Vat. for example. but it is inevitable that the poem should have ended this way. as it would surely have seemed inappropriateto place David and the other prophets in the most prominent position. you laid sin bare. What distinguishes this epigram and gives it a panache which matches its sophisticated setting. was available. as translatedthrough western Christian arts. middle. I am giving this last offering to You on the point of dying and being delivered myself from my own sufferings. above the Christological scenes. a form of quantitative meter which was widely used in occasional verse by Byzantine poets in the middle period. The inscription on the Cross of Irene Doukas (empress.38 artifacts that might have traveled eastward during portable the Crusades. as attested. . The disposition of the witnesses. meanwhile. that is. the wood of life. such as John Mauropos and Nikolas Kallikles.44 The device is not found. as the Firstfruits of mortal flesh. eternal Savior..but the device continued to be used into the late period.. in inscriptions of earlier periods. but rejected in favor of a more familiar formula. sin was exposed.who readily accepted Islamic motifs in sacredcontexts. uses the same device in a supplication for corporate salvation: Cross of Jesus Christ. In short. is decorated with reused Islamic ivory reliefs. stripped of your clothes. 1) but they do not use the rather recherch6 ploy of appealing to Christ's or the Virgin's own experience as a rationale for the sup- 20 .

the graphic. and indeed many of the series of rosette caskets with figuresdrawnfrom ancientmythology. More remarkable is the presence of the resurrection of the dead at all. namely the midtenth-centuryrevival of classical artistic values. I will briefly demonstrate this possibility. for example. Would it help our understandingof these ivories to ask whether they might not be Byzantine works influenced by western models? In the case of the Hermitage Crucifixion. but primarily because the effect of the piece as a mock ancient sculpture in miniature is enhanced by the stylistic and iconographicquotations. especially those of the Romanos Group. This uncertainty has forestalled further study of the group. though.dated tentatively by Goldschmidt and Weitzmannto the eleventh century (Fig.As a Byzantine object derived in part from western sources. and. As such. while it is a common feature of western medieval ones. than the imagery of other groups.49 The common characteristics of this group are the flat frames decorated with simplified vegetal motifs. and contrasted them with the Latin inscriptions found on many Byzantinizing works in Venice. In closing. the Stuttgartexample calls into question whether the style of their carving is necessarily to be understoodas an expression of a contemporarymainstreamof style. The less classicizing style was interpretedby Ettore Modigliani in 1899 and by Andrew Keck in 1930 as a sign of provincial production. it cannot be used to anchor a larger number of works.46 A more sophisticated approach may be to consider that the circumstances of their production and use dictated the caskets' style in a more meaningful way than generalized period habits. especially narrativescenes. Crucifix- ion icons were the single most common type of Byzantine ivory product. including the tearing of the veil in the temple. It is importantto consider the other possibilities toward which the foregoing analysis points. markedby a tendency toward horror vacui.plication. As we have already seen. Regardingcaskets. 12). This is because the piece is. no alternativeexplanation for the absence of classical stylistic values has been put forward. ratherthan plastic approach to the drapery. Venice was submitted as a likely center of production. One is the undulating groundline which divides the Crucifixion proper from the scene of the resurrection of the dead below.notably under the eminent patronageof the Komnenoi. Again. of the Veroli casket and the so-called Great Triptychsas expressions of one and the same artistic impulse. To think. may have been intended as a reliquary in the fashion of western reliquaries and portatili. recalling the Roman past that the Byzantines claimed as their own. and remained afterwards in the repertoire of Byzantine epigrammists. In spite of this repatriation of the works to Byzantium. for example. but it was criticized by Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. are clearly meant as period pieces. The Stuttgartcasket. the example I have chosen is quite closely related to a numberof other ivories by its style. unlike the Stuttgartcasket. It belongs among the twenty-five reliefs and four caskets grouped together by Goldschmidt and Weitzmann in the Frame group. The Veroli casket. such as the division of an icon into compartmentsby the use of ridges. and more recently by Anthony Cutler on the grounds of lack of evidence.45The surviving examples indicate that this kind of metaphorwas perfected in the twelfth century. among others. Granting this possibility raises two important questions.47 The implications of the Stuttgartcasket for other forms of Byzantine ivory carving are no less important. and the other to Byzantine ivory carving in general. The prevalence of these affectations should warn against interpretingthe style of a given casket as an expression of the prevailing contemporary current. may not be sufficiently subtle. which already suffers from the disadvantage of a dearth of inscriptions which would help specifically to date it.48 The one to be considered here is a plaque depicting the Crucifixion now in the Hermitage Museum in St. We ought to bear in mind. Crucifixion icons. occurrences of this motif are extremely rare among Byzantine ivories. Goldschmidt and Weitzmann observed that the imagery in the Frame group tends to be drawn from a wider font of possibilities. and the demonstrationthat many of the peculiar aspects of the Frame group representa developmentthat can be seen to begin in the tenthcentury groups.50 The argumentwas based on observations of certain western formal aspects. Petersburg.and led to the idea of an Italo-Byzantinegroup of ivories. or whether it might be better understoodin some cases as a self-conscious recreation of the style of another time or place. Its use in the epigram of the Stuttgart casket supports a twelfthcentury date. or in the twelfth century (based on Byzantine verse comparandaand culturalcontacts during the Crusades).51Goldschmidt and Weitzmann also pointed to the Greek inscriptions on certain ivories of the group. an anomaly. it suggests that there is some merit in re-evaluating the supposed impermeability of the Byzantine artistic traditionwith reference to other categories. an earthquake. So it is that cases can be made to date the Stuttgartcasket either in the tenth century (on the basis of the western comparanda and diplomatic missions between Constantinople and Spain). after all. The Venetian theory was taken up by John Beckwith. and less harmonious compositions. for example. there are two aspects in particularwhich indicate just such sources. that the date is arguably not the point of greatest consequence. The artist of the Veroli casket must have chosen a classicizing style. one relevant specifically to Byzantine caskets. and 21 . These stylistic elements distance the ivories of this group from the more classicizing style of so many Byzantine ivories. in which the moment of Christ's death is attended by a variety of miracles. The theme is drawn from the narrative of the Crucifixion in Matthew's Gospel. not because it was the fashion of the day. It seems to me that the most important is the possibility of a Byzantine artistic tradition which was permeable to western artistic ideas and forms.

Byzantine icons of the Crucifixion keep such narrativeembellishments to a minimum. often expressed in extended narrative cycles. In general. .. . Munich. . the division of Christ's robe by the guards... the case for western influence is supported by the introductionof western formal devices in order to cope with the unaccustomed narratives. The west. A MAI MAM WAL 1'. 14). . In the case of the two lower registers.Othericons of the Frame group are divided into registersby more conventionalstraightlines. The resurrection of the dead. . Crucifixion (photo: Staatsbibliothek). the last two. maintained a taste for narrativeflow. one rising from a tower-shapedtomb. St. . Could the expansion of the narrativerepertoireof the ivories of the Frame group have been related to the western tradition. . . ? i P! 21 ?? i? ? i i OWN I . both of which are included in the Hermitage Crucifixion. 7 w Oft % . the episodes are united by a continuous landscape. SH m .. Their important observation can be taken a step further by noting that narrative embellishments of this kind were frequent in the west. Staatsbibliothek. N . . in conjunction with the device of the undulatinggroundline. on the other hand. . WW" e" 0 . ivory book cover. The resurrectionof the dead in particular was a virtually indispensable element of Crucifixion ivories. WN- 01? fx: of -. Another common formatwas the pairingof figuresin sarcophagi.53 The inclusion of this episode. One in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London has two episodes in each register. where it came to be depicted conventionally by two figures. the Myrophoresand . .. FIGURE 12.7 . ivory plaque. the opening of tombs and resurrectionof the dead (Matthew 27:45-53).. very occasionally. without any vertical dividers between them (Fig.&T 1 . is an extreme rarity. State Hermitage Museum.. X lei ." Pe AMY RIX m!"i T": sN its: Al. however. . and. 1: 41 2 in 1. .While the first four episodes were taken from the canonical twelve feasts. Petersburg. The preference for repeated representations of the events of the Dodekaorton was an entrenchedByzantine tradition that is well attested in the ivory icons of their first four groups. pi?! i I Nil 1?5 1 ?0'.37 . . 22 This realization makes Goldschmidt's and Weitzmann's analysis of the selection of narratives in this group even more pertinent. . One such device already considered is the division of the HermitageCrucifixion into two registers by a groundline. Tf NO. . . The only such incidental features which appearwith any regularityare the cruelties of Longinus and Stephaton. .1 1 Est! VMS 1. :. -"M MI.as on an eleventh-centuryivory book cover in Munich (Fig.. A 5K. FIGURE 13. . anotherwesternizing feature. the other from a rectangularone. . FtNe".52 That it should have been included on the Hermitage Crucifixion is a case in point of the expansion of the narrativerepertoire which Goldschmidt and Weitzmann observed as a general characteristic of the Frame group. R O o?.M Ira. . 1 1? NS Vil ! Al W 1?! "Num?':o l.just as the thematic content of the Stuttgartreliefs seems to be a variation of a western program? In both instances. . 13). .makes the case for a Byzantine assimilation of a western motif the more emphatic. . Crucifixion (photo: Hermitage). zol 1. ..

though common among western Resurrectioncycles... 10 R V Sk h MR WE.as there is In nothing inconsistent in a model of mutualinterpenetration.. testified by only a few examples in the ninth century.. FIGURE 14.-XIII. IM A Xx! El . and the more gradual adoption of the craft in Byzantium. .Robin Cormack. N RA % NO.. This extension of the argument from the demonstration of the western sources of the Stuttgartcasket to the suggestion of a more general influence on the members of the Frame group follows Otto Demus's analysis of the reverse proposition. scenes from the Life of Christ (photo: Victoria and Albert Museum). In Byzantine Art and the West.. There is no reason that his principle should not apply in reverse.... Jahrhunderts. Spain. W N: . fact. This suggestion does not pose a contradiction. he advocated the postulation of a very general and pervasive kind of influence as superiorto. ... I am suggesting that the identification of specific cases of intrusions from western art opens the door for a broaderinterpretationof the Byzantine tradition in its role as both master and student of the western tradition. and Sicily.representa degree of serialization of the event of the resurrectionsurprisingin Byzantine art.. as an interactive partner. !a Mr-WA Ri 0 OR.. or a general decadence of the craft. indicative of provincial production.and horror vacui of the compositions 1.. and tenth centuries. . Weitzmann.1w a as signs of poor quality. 4 Ax 10 :. I IN ER I . .. the number of interrelationshipsobserved might have been much higher... Goldschmidt and K. popular consumption. completed at the CourtauldInstitute of Art with the assistance of an Overseas Research Student Award from the Committee of Vice Chancellors and Principals. OWN i/If am?i mim/ - plow IN gxg A? 7m ig ?wl T A? . London. g. and ultimately more meaningful than demonstrations of specific borrowings. . This broad picture allows for a re-evaluation of the concept of a one-way influence as it touches ivories. Rather than seeing the graphic modelling. unnaturalisticproportions.. it may not be going too far to suggest a review of the history of medieval ivory carving from a pan-Europeanperspective.I. OR ?of- g...Vp . .D. and to BarbaraZeitler and the anonymous reviewer of this paper for reading it and making constructive suggestions.to HeribertMeurerof the Wfirttembergisches Landesmuseumin Stuttgartfor assisting me in examining the Stuttgartcasket. ?0 '0.54Had circumstances led to the compilation of one pan-European corpus of ivories. and a great efflorescence in the tenth. "I .. Kdisten(Berlin. * NOTES This paper derives from my Ph. but one means of recuperatingthe possibilities of such a work may be to review the idea that the Byzantine artistic traditionwas always and in all respects the master of the west. Die byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturendes IX..... The framework of communication with the west also provides a helpful alternative for interpreting the style of these pieces.1 . The picture that emerges from reading through the various corporaof medieval ivories at one sitting is one of the meteoric establishment of a highly refined school of ivory carving by the Franksin northernEuropein the eighth. A. ivory plaque. it is more plausible to suppose that these differences from normative Byzantine style reflect a change in taste which paralleled the development of Romanesque style.. An analogous revision has already been carried out by David Buckton with regard to cloisonn6 enamel technique. ninth. Victoria and Albert Museum. .. *k 2. the Chairete. 4V?V?Alo. 23 .for invaluableadvice at all stages of the project. x sm . kl? ALM ig R CA OWWW" XQ... of course. thesis research. 1930).. even better. As it is.. I am grateful to my supervisor. no such corpus exists.1 OF . RY AW M..

Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. 161). IV (Berlin. 49-50. 52-53. Beckwith. On the New York casket. the other two major prophets. pp. as Wessel suggests ("Das byzantinische Elfenbeink~istchen. see Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. 1100. 87. 100).C. Pls. 1914). 305-325.-XIII. 1905]. XXI-XXXV. No. and J. A good example of a Crucifixion appearson the triptychin the Cabinet des M6dailles in Paris (Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. 14." 16). Nos. 49. 80. III. and No. pp." in Kolloquium fiber splitantike und friihmittelalterliche Skulptur. p. XXXVII. I. K. D. 1863).I. Caillet. No. Only three other examples use really comparable undulating groundlines (Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. 201. XLIV-LI. 22. 135. Pls. P1.. and related it to a doctrinal traditionwhich relates the Anastasis to the raising of the dead at the Last Judgement (Anastasis. No. 20. 228. and No. I. 120-131. LIII. for the results of the borrowing by the east from the west-in the arts certainly-have ever been disastrous"(Ivories [London. No. idem. "Karolingische oder Ottonisch? Zur Datierung und Lokalisierung der Elfenbeine Goldschmidt I. No. P1.I (Berlin. XXIV. No. pp. pp. the contraryinfluence was happily rare. but in narrative contexts: Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. 73-77. 20-21. XVI. Die byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen. 12. 131. p. in this issue of Gesta). LII. LXIX. Cf. and idem. and in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York.XI (1974). 1965]. No. It is a Judgementof Solomon paired ratherincongruously with the Entry into Jerusalemon a Romanesquecasket from Spain:A. 116. See note 4. 3. Cutler. Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. Wessel ("Das byzantinische Elfenbeinkistchen. Washington. 1926). No. see note 4) and the other in Troyes (Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. XV.. 9. W. 17. 6164. 318. Die byzantini- 24 . 31. and eventually endorsed by Weitzmann ("Ivories" in ByzantineArt: an EuropeanArt [Athens. P1. 16. but it remains controversial(see A. and 86. I. 63. This argument preceded a study of the Romanos and Eudokia plaque in the Cabinet des M6dailles (Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. 99. 56-57." given that the erosion of these tiny 16). 3031. 8. JahrhunDie Elfenbeinskulpturen dert. Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early Medieval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection. p. and No. Pls. second from the left. Pls. 8) but those in which the apostle in the front row. 1994]. This is not to say that it is the only one with New Testament figures. LVII. P1. 23.As is often the case with anomalies of this kind. LXII-LXXV. Jahrhunderts. 45..XIV) by Ioli Kalavrezou-Maxeiner. III. LVI. a secure date has been elusive. and Nos. 90. Pls.and the eleventh-century dates lack authority. XXXVII. ibid. 24. Ars Sacra [Harmondsworth.II. Anna Kartsonis took note of this multiplication of the anonymous dead.. A remarkableexception who might be said to prove the rule is Alfred Maskell. 49. 53. 57. XXIX. The figure of David does appear on at least two other caskets. Weitzmann. 75. 13. 5. 1990). and Fig. 1963]. The latter will be discussed below. LXX). 80-84. 15.I. P1. 120-126. VII. No. K. 24-25. The inscriptions identifying the other two prophets have been lost. 4. No. 2). "Metz et le travail de l'ivoire vers l'an mil. 74. pp. 543. 1961). No. The Art of Constantinople (London.. Comparethe Florence casket (as in note 4) with the portable altar of B6gon III. Wessel. C. There are only two other Byzantine examples of this design. Pls. In some cases. Die Elfenbeinskulpturenaus der Zeit der karolingischen und sdichsischenKaiser VIII. 306). Weitzmann. A. but not in any narrativecontext: in DumbartonOaks. Die byzantinischenElfenbeinskulpturen. 42. The later date was proposed by D. 100. Pls. LXXI. P1."DOP. however. Lotz. 25. Kunst aus Byzanz (Munich. Wessel went to some length to demonstrate that the various peculiar features of the StuttgartAscension need not be directly related to the western plaque. The latter has a hinged. It may have been this salient resemblance that led early commentators on the Stuttgartcasket to date it to the early Christianperiod.-XIII. Fig.. flat lid. 18. 31.Ivory. 9th-11th Centuries [Princeton.Die byzantinischenElfenbeinskulpturen. 35. p.II. XXXVIII). P1. XXX. Idem." in Religion et culture autour de lan Mil-Royaume capetien et Lotharingie (Paris. 138. LX. pp. 1979]. See J. pp. aus der romanischen Zeit XI. 1934). II. VIII. figures makes it impossible to say for certain whether or not the pair in the sarcophagus immediately to the left of Christ are David and Solomon. II (Cassel. pp. 65-66. 53. 1959). p."The Survival of Mythological Representationsin Early Christian and Byzantine Art and their Impact on Christian Iconography. The Hand of the Master: Craftsmanship. 49-50.II. one in New York (interesting also because it is one of the three mentioned above which have reliefs of Christ and the saints. Die byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen. 504.C. including a relief in Weimar(see below.Die byzantinischenElfenbeinskulpturen. P1.. P1. For the identifications of these scenes.Die byzantinischenElfenbeinskulpturen. ed. See Goldschmidt. p. Nos. Jahrhundert. as what appears to be hair may in fact representprependoulia. 1972). III. Talbot-Rice. p. Die byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen.Die bvzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen. 1972). and J. 21. 86. LXVI). No.Die byzantinischen II. p. I. pp. 34. II. 41. There are three caskets besides the one in Stuttgart with images of Christ and saints. 122. P1. No. 1986]. p.-P. . but is of very different dimensions. Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. 160. No. On the Florence casket." Jahrbuch der Staatlichen Kunstsammlungenin Baden-Wiirttemberg. Pls. and Society in Byzantium. 1918).Die byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen des IX.He suggested a date around 1300. 26.Die byzantinischenElfenbeinskulpturen.1972]. and No. Elfenbeinskulpturenaus der Zeit der karolingischen und stichsischen Kaiser. 197-219. Pls. 23 and 25. Milojcic (Mainz am Rhein. 7. 124. XXII. in the treasury of the abbey at Conques (P Lasko. Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. Pls. 23-29. 24. D. 67-73. ca. pp. Elfenbeinskulpturen. Elfenbeinskulpturen der Zeit der karolingischen aus und sdichsischen Kaiser. P1. II.2. P1. who wrote that ". VII. Taralonet al. during the revival of the arts under the Palaiologan emperors. Goldschmidt. the formal similarities between Byzantine and western examples are very close indeed. but it is likely that they were Isaiah and Daniel. as they appear in early Byzantine examples as well ("Das byzantinische Elfenbeinkistchen.Die byzantinischenElfenbeinskulpturen. 64-65. 19. in the Museo Nazionale in Florence. 152-159). 31. 6. and longer and narrowerin its lid. pp. 63-64. 11. 175. 10. XIV (1960). 123. is in the same twisting position are particularlyapt (Goldschmidt. Nordenfalk. Les Trdsorsdes Eglises de France [Paris. On the DumbartonOaks casket. XXXI (1977). LIX. LV. It may be that not all of the dead were meant to be anonymous. Reliefs (Berlin. 319. II (Berlin. V. p. Her view was provisionally accepted by Weitzmann in the second printing of the corpus (Goldschmidtand Weitzmann. There are many examples. see Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. 34."Eudokia Makrembolitissaand the Romanos Ivory. being as tall as it is wide.Berlin. "Das byzantinische Elfenbeinkistchen in Stuttgart. Elfenbeinskulpturenaus der romanischen Zeit. 30-32." 10-16) undertook a thorough scrutiny of the stylistic argument and concluded that both the tenth. 36. LXX. Goldschmidt. 7-20." DOP. Ivories and Steatites (Washington.-XI. No. I [rpt. see K. No. pp. see ibid. KunsttopographieDeutschlands. The Making of an Image [Princeton.

and other inscriptions on Cross reliquaries.. 38. P1. Die islamischen Elfenbeinskulpturen. Mathews. (This is the mate of the Vienna Ascension plaque. "Reflections on early Byzantine Cloisonn6 Enamels: Endangered or Extinct?" in Thymiama ste mneme tes Laskarinas Bouras (Athens. the question that the angels ask of the spectators immediately as Christ is received into heaven. 44-46). The Treasuryof San Marco. LXVIII. Traduzione. 39. 1 (Brussels. P1. 33-36. ed.. 31. 27. Cf. Kantorowicz. No.VIII] [Naples. 44. 118. 14).. The Weimar Ascension plaque is No. Among the most apt examples are an epigram of Theodore Prodromos which was inscribed on a silver gilt dove offered to the Virgin by Irene. "Kunstoder Objekt-stil?"in Byzanz und der Westen. Kifhnel.-XIII. 28. 315-316. Goldschmidt. Berlin. XLV). II (rpt. P1. Nos. 201-203. 23-25. .Die islamischen Elfenbeinskulpturen VII. XLIII (1977). 23-37." AB. ed. See A. 71-78. "The Cup of San Marco and the 'Classical'in Byzantium. 39-42. 51. 201. Ibid. there are a number of caskets of different dimensions. 20-21 and 73-78. 116. A Political History (London. "Problemes pos6s par certaines sculptures sur ivoire du haut moyen age. Pls. Frolow. Ibid. 31. 146-147). Historische Gedichte. 115. 104-105.. No. 60. but from Christ's farewell discourses. 1971). Testo. Nos. My peace I leave with you" ["+EIPHNHN THN EMHN AIAQMI YMIN EIPHNHN THN EMHN A4DIHMI YMIN"]. Modigliani. II. Geburtstag.Jahrhundert (Berlin. 1980]. No. Pls. No. II (1899). P1. Recherches sur le Developpement d'un Culte (Archives de l'Orient Chr6tien. XII (1930). except in the Baptism. One instance is in the miniature on fol. Pls. E. Cutler. 308. XXI. 28. and 128. pp.. Transfiguration. 28. or the eleventhcentury Santa Prassede reliquaryin the Vatican (Splendori di Bisanzio: Testimonianzee riflessi d'arte e cultura bizantina nelle chiese d'Italia [Milan. 69. p. LVI. II. 4071. in which the Crucifixion narrative is depicted over four consecutive scenes. bis.. 102-105. 84. Pls. This is a close paraphrase of " John "Peace I leave with you. 407. especially 196-209. The inscription accompanying the image of the Ascension is unusual. 26. "A Group of Italo-Byzantine Ivories. Bibliothbque Nationale. 1984). 34. 235-244. 119. 1984). Kalavrezou-Maxeiner.1967]. 1985). Pls. 74. Vasiliev. for example. 45.ed.) "Byzantine Enamel and the West. originally embroidered on a peplos dedicated to the Virgin by Anna "of the Komnenoi" (Nicola Callicle. III (Berlin. pp. 319. wife of Manuel II Komnenos (Theodore Prodromos. coming. In addition to these. 1923). No. 32. 61-62. P1. 82. and pyxides with the same decorative scheme." Orientalia Christiana Periodica. +0 MH MEP(trOstg) HATP(tcli auaouvitg) BPOTQN AHAPEHN OYPANOAPOMON AABON TON KEKTHMENON (.. Mount Tabor. 287-295. Hand of the Master. 33. Wessel. 4. 47.-XIII. 43.Die byzantinischenElfenbeinskulpturen. but they are again exceptional. R. XXXVIII. MS grec 74. I. 22-23. 197-221. XLIII. and idem. 31-33. 51. Die Elfenbeinskulpturenaus der romanischen Zeit XI. 51. ed. and I. 81. "The Epigrams of Leo Sacellarios and an Exegetical Approach to the Miniatures of Vatican Reginensis 1. See J. 37. Carmi. 49. 94-133."JWCI. Omont. LXVII. Nos.Die byzantinischenElfenbeinskulpturen. I. No. See H. pp. in which the rudimentarylandscapes denote the banks of the Jordan. XI] [Vienna. 32-33. P1. and A. and Golgotha respectively. 25 . pp. 20). 51. Jahrhundert.Entry into Jerusalem. I (Munich. Die islamischen Elfenbeinskulpturen. E. 46. LXIII. Cf."in Studienzur mittelalterlichenKunst 800-1250. VIII. A. S. p. No. XLII. 27. another of Nicholas Kallikles. 48. La Relique de la Vraie Croix. 30. 64-65. 29. CompareH. on which the figures stand directly on the lower frame. The Liuthardgroup is catalogued in Goldschmidt.schen Elfenbeinskulpturen. K. No. The Byzantine Empire 1025-1204. No. 40. Braun. and ibid. Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. pp. My peace I give to you 14:27. X. XXXIV. No. 363.It reads. 320-321). There are metal caskets with flat. VIII (my Fig.. A. David Buckton et al. XII (1966). pp. XVI). 42-44. 45. 1990]. No. V (1942). See also E. Jahrhundert[Recklinghausen. and their designs are in other respects quite different from the Stuttgartcasket. 1924). 87. The specialized use of such landscapes as geographical symbols is demonstrated by an ivory diptych of the twelve great feasts in Leningrad (ibid. pp. "Ivories and Litanies. X-XIII. and Crucifixion. Byzance et les Arabes. It is appropriate here inasmuch as it relates to Christ's departure from this world. 12-17. and XV. raised inscription aroundthe edge of the lid. No. Pls. Ibid. pp. p. Commentario. Nos. 1994). LXV-LXXI. XLIII. 54. 36. Belting. p. pp. 130. Kifhnel. Goldschmidt. Nor is it illuminating to look for models among Arabic ivory boxes. K. 175. Festschriftfiir Florentine Miitherich zum 70." Byzantinische Forschungen. 324-331.."LArte. LIII. 50. VII) (Paris.No. pp. 1974]. No. hinged lids. 20. Nos. Venice. 1979). P1. Ibid. Der christliche Altar in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung. 5.). XXXXXXV. 34-35. II. Introduzione. Nos. 167-174. Angold. 178-179). e Lessico. 39. 42. It is more usual for Ascension images in both east and west to have the legend "Men of Galilee.. No. P1." Monumentshistoriques de la France. p.. 23. Ktihnel.II. I. aog)E The supplied sections were suggested by Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. pp. LXVI. Goldschmidt and Weitzmann.Jerusalem. Pls. as. I. having a framed. XXXI-XXXV. 51. Hdrandner[Wiener Byzantinische Studien. XIII (1989). Evangiles avec peintures byzantines du XIe sidcle (Paris.d. "My peace I give to you. II. No. pp. 86. p. 35. 65-83. Pls. "Dittico d'avorio nella Biblioteca Barberini. 13. XIX-XXVII. 41. Die byzantinische Emailkunst vom 5. one at Grandmont (Frolow.II. Hutter (Vienna. 1968). 419-521. 52-53. Weitzmann in the foreword to the second impression of Goldschmidt and Weitzmann. the Fieschi-Morgan reliquaryin New York (K. why do you stand looking into heaven?" (Acts 1:11). T. Beckwith. Elfenbeinskulpturenaus der Zeit der karolingischen und sdichsischenKaiser. 59 of Paris. 1984). pp. 53. pp. pp. Bierbraueret al. 50. 4 (and in the original edition. 122. See. ed. Romano [Byzantina et neo-hellenica neapolitana. 56-81. which provide sources for the shapes and even the motifs of the many Byzantine caskets with pyramidallids. Die byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen. Elfenbeinskulpturen aus der Zeit der karolingischen und sdichsischen Kaiser. for example. P1. (Milan. not from the Ascension narrative. Pls. p. M. 1961). 37. 67-72. pp. W. 71-74. though appropriate. No. I am grateful to Charlotte Rouech6 and Valerie Nunn for helpful advice on this epigram. Nos. Ibid.. La Relique. 371). Cormack. Elfenbeinskulpturen aus der Zeit der karolingischen und siichsischen Kaiser. P1. 52. n. R. I.Die byzantinischenElfenbeinskulpturen. J. 20. 147-162. pp. but the illustrations in this manuscript are exceptionally dense. XII. Keck. (Munich. p. LII. 27-30.

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