Ethnic Conflict in the World Today Author(s): Stanley J. Tambiah Source: American Ethnologist, Vol. 16, No. 2 (May, 1989), pp.

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attempted to grapple with this problem in my own country. massive civil war and gruesome interracial and inter-ethnic bloodshed. The same epoch has witnessed the rise of repressive authoritarianismin both militaryand democratic guises. Something has gone gravely awry with the center-periphery relations throughout the world. These ethnic collectivities are believed to be bounded and to be self-producing and enduring through time. The central components in this description of identity are ideas of inheritance. which emerged from the ashes of the Second World War. territorial occupation-and attaches them to collectivities as their innate possession and their mythohistorical legacy. tolerance. speak as if ethnic boundaries are clear-cut and defined for all time. and inflamed by populist slogans and fundamentalist doctrines. has by now waned and dimmed with disenchantment. elected legislature. Sri Lanka: Ethnic Fratricideand the Dismantling of Democracy (1986). caste and ethnicity in third world countries. is that although there have been successes in the push toward development and modernization.ethnic conflict in the world today STANLEY J. and think of ethnic collectivities as self-reproducing bounded groups. It is a self-conscious and vocalized identity that substantializes and naturalizes one or more attributes-the usual ones being skin color.' specification of ethnicity and ethnic identity Ethnic identity above all is a collective identity: we are self-proclaimed Sinhalese. TAMBIAH-Harvard University A somber reality and disillusionment of our epoch. for incorporations and assimilations of new 1988 American Ethnological Society Distinguished Lecture ethnic conflict 335 . and assisted by a flagrant manipulation of mass media which have vastly expanded their reach. and freedom that were the ideological supports of Western European and North American "liberal-democratic" syntheses. Although the actors themselves. fortified by Western weaponry. it is also clear that from a dynamic and processual perspective there are many precedents for "passing" and the change of identity. and the sharing of kinship. economic and political development programs have generated and stimulated. in good faith and poor anticipation. religion. whether by collusion or in reaction. Thais and so on. the partysystem. Malays.justice. majorityrule and so on. has often resulted in strange malformations that are far removed from the goals of liberty. enshrining human rights. The introduction of constitutions and democratic institutions. Ibos. place or territoryof origin. political scientists and anthropologists who naively foretold the impending onset of the "integrative revolution" and inevitable decline of "primordial loyalties" such as kinship. ancestry and descent. In this essay I hope to address some general issues. and a manifestation of this malaise is the occurrence of widespread ethnic conflict accompanied in many instances by collective violence amongst people who are not aliens but enemies intimately known. universal franchise. invoking these claims. The optimism of sociologists. My book. any one or combination of which may be invoked as a claim according to context and calculation of advantages. eradication of disease and the spread of literacy. language.

descent. There is no denying of course that linguistic. especially since the 1960s. Ethnic groups. place of origin) as a basis for mobilization for political action has challenged and is challenging the primacy for such mobilization of social class on the one hand and nation-state on the other. but will have something to say on the second issue. which are more revealingly grouped under new labels. especially in the United States. is the mounting awareness that ethnic affiliationand ethnic identity are overridingother social cleavages and superseding other bases of differentiation to become the master principle and the major identity for purposes of sociopolitical action. and so on) and the nation as a maximal collectivity." "race." "the colonial encounter. and for changing the scale and criteria of collective identity. at different times. yet the recent salience of the term ethnicity "reflects a new reality and a new usage reflects a change in that reality" (Glazer and Moynihan 1975:5) on a global scale in the latter half of the 20th century." It is significant that the term "ethnicity" has come into vogue and found its way into standard Englishdictionaries. the collectivities in a certain sociopolitical space think of themselves as separate social kinds. which were taken to be the principal tasks of the newly founded third world nation-states. It seems that the sudden resurgence of the term ethnicity in the social science literature of the 1960s and early 1970s took place not only to describe certain manifestations in the third world. 336 american ethnologist . kindreds. Moreover. seem to be intermediatebetween local kinship groupings (such as lineages. Ethnic identity unites the semantics of primordial and historical claims with the pragmatics of calculated choice and opportunism in dynamic contexts of political and economic competition between interest groups. One such label subsuming a range of phenomena with a family resemblance is "ethnicity. 1973. as reflected on the screen of history. and competitions and conflicts based on them." "caste. made realistic by mytho-historical charters and the claims of blood. Therefore. certain ranges of phenomena grouped under embracing labels such as "social class. or. national. One is the substantialization and reification of qualities and attributes as enduring collective possessions. both in the industrialized first world and the "developing" third world. especially marked in the modern context." that is. (See for example. in a general analysis two relevant issues that need to be addressed are: to what extent and in what way ethnicity modifies. Esman 1977). This state of affairstherefore raises the possibility that ethnicity (projected upon the old bases of identity in terms of language. Connor 1972. and race. or even replaces class conflict as a major paradigm for interpretingsocial conflict and change. have become foci of intensified scholarly interest. and also in what manner ethnicity has impacted on the aims and activities of nation-making and national integration. especially in contemporary times of widespread ethnic conflict. according to historical circumstances and political-economic possibilities. incorporates." "gender inequality. I cannot in this essay take up the matter of class. Ethnic labels are in application porous." religion. religious. racial (and other) divisions and identifications. the ubiquity of ethnic conflict Historians of the social sciences are no doubt aware of the manner and circumstances in which." "modernization. but also in reaction to the emergence of ethnic movements in the industrialized and affluent world. in the opposite direction. are old phenomena. The other contrapuntal and complementary process is that ethnic boundary-making has always been flexible and volatile. in Canada. and ethnic groups have assimilated and expanded. "race. differentiated and segmented. and within that context conspicuous in many third world societies. either lose their salience or are transformed into other events. Then these inquiries fade away not only because of diminishing marginal returnsbut also because the phenomena themselves.members. tribal." and so on. class. The phenomenon of ethnicity embodies two interwoven processes which constitute its double helix. This results in what has been aptly called "pseudo-speciation. and in Western Europe.

Consider these conflicts. Zaire. the Middle East. Chinese and Malay in Malaysia. of course):2 conflicts between anglophone and francophone in Canada. the techniques of guerilla resistance now constitute a systematized and exportable knowledge. India and Sri Lanka. but not least. lootinguntilentirehousinglocalities[sic]were leftin charred The classical definition of the state as the authority invested with the monopoly of force has become a sick joke. women and childrenwithoutmercy. and large losses of civilian lives have been recorded in Indonesia. Walloon and Fleming in Belgium. many of them being deposited in refugee camps in neighboring countries. India. ethnic conflict has also caused massive displacements of people. expected in due course to assimilate or weaken. that have occurred since the sixties (some of them have a longer history. India. That there is possibly no end to these eruptions. Events of this nature have happened in Sri Lanka.burning ruins[Hussain 1987:1]. and these aims in turn have invited invasion of one country by another (for example. and Ibo and Hausa and Yoruba in Nigeria.5 After so many successful liberations and resistance movements in many partsof the globe. Greek and Turk in Cyprus. Furthermore. the Pathan-Bihariclashes in Pakistan. as evidenced by India's recent march into Sri Lanka(1987). by no means an exhaustive listing. sometimes in collusion with the civilian aggressors. the Somali invasion of Ethiopia). arson and destruction of property. but also civilians to battle with each other with lethal weapons. as in Africa. homicide.the easy access to the technology of warfare by groups in countries that are otherwise deemed low in literacy and in economic development-we have seen what Afghan resistance can do with American guns-is paralleled by another kind of international fraternizationamong resistance groups-who have little in common save their re- ethnic conflict 337 . the Chackma-Muslim turmoil in Bangladesh. Pakistan. and the serious erosion of human rightscurrently manifest in Israeliactions in Gaza and the West Bank. today we are also faced with instances of majority ethnic groups within a polity or nation exercising preferential or "affirmative" policies on the basis of that majority status. Sri Lankaand elsewhere.or armed intervention. Add to these instances. but also its cumulative increase in frequency and intensity of occurrence. Moreover. Malaysia. Jews and other minorities on the one hand and Great Russians on the other in the Soviet Union. Civilian riots have evoked action by security forces: sometimes as counteraction to quell them. Some dissident ethnic groups have declared secessionist aims that threaten to break up extant polities. Guyana and Nigeria.3 Most of these conflicts have involved force and violence.4 The escalation of ethnic conflicts has been considerably aided by the amoral business of gunrunning and free trade in the technology of violence. Catholic and Protestant in Northern Ireland. as happened to Asians in Uganda. and last. An account of the KarachiRiots of December 1986 begins thus: Whatwe saw were bandsof men armedwith kalashnikoves chargingintothe homes of communities and they have livedwith for a generation-killingmen. and that they are worldwide has been forcibly brought to our attention by a century-old difference that exploded in March 1988 between ChristianArmenians and Muslim Azerbaijanis in southern USSR.the Sikh-Hindu. sometimes both kinds of action in sequence. and Muslim-Hindu confrontations in India. the actions of the Fijians against Indians in Fiji. have figured as major "political" elements and major political collective actors in several societies. the East Indians and Creoles in Guyana. Nor. rather than being mostly minorityor marginal subgroups at the edges of society. which enable not only dissident groups to successfully resist the armed forces of the state. The firstconsideration that confirms ethnic conflict as a major realityof our time is not simply its ubiquity alone. Moreover. the inferno in Lebanon. finally. if in the past we typically viewed an ethnic group as a subgroup of a larger society. upheavals that became climactic in recent years: the Sinhala-Tamilwar in Sri Lanka. should we forget large-scale expulsions of people. Mass killings of civilians by armed forces have occurred in Uganda and in Guatemala.The late 20th-century reality is evidenced by the fact that ethnic groups.

evidenced in the form of terrorismand counter-terrorism. The internationalization of the technology of destruction. and who exchange knowledge of guerilla tactics and the art of resistance. the of knowledge. the capability of governments with extra-territorial geopolitical aims to fight their foreign wars not by committing their own professional armies. not unknown in the past in the form of mercenaries for hire. not unlike-perhaps more solidary than-the diplomatic channels that exist between mutually wary sovereign countries and the great powers. Edward Tylor gave a vintage expression to this consciousness when he wrote: settlesa standard simplyplacingitsown naand Theeducatedworldof Europe America by practically are criteria classification the absenceor presence. We come to feel that the worldwide incidents of ethnic conflict are of the same order and are mutually implicated: the strife in Northern Ireland. the at- 338 american ethnologist . Another form of the phenomenon can be stated thus: the lesson that the United States learned in Vietnam is now deployed with zest in Nicaragua and Afghanistan. Another development. is the "privatization of war.the riots against the Sikhs in Delhi. that they could be placed on a ladder of evolution and progress.sistance to the status quo in their own countries. These communication processes bind us in a synchronicity of fellow witnesses of world events. of ethnic conflict." the "contemporaneity of the noncontemporaneous" (a phrase coined by KarlMannheim) were used to describe a globe assumed to be both uneven and discontinuous. Sri Lanka. and aside from a recent change in paradigms.Theprincipal arts of architecture. And on a recent visit to Yugoslavia. CBSor ABC)present diverse events occurring at diverse places as a single synchronic and simultaneously occurring reality. and publicized by the mass media makes such conflict a special reality of the late 20th century. the industrial . there are other specific developments that have contributed to a shift in historical consciousness that makes our present world a global village. . The employment of ex-SAS (Special Air Service) veterans by the Sri Lankangovernment to help the war against the Tamil militants is one of many such examples. The revolution in the media. but today reaching a sinister significance. a country that has a long history of tensions between "nationalities. Other peoples were not really contemporaneous with the West. vol. the increased frequency and intensity. and I will move there rightaway" (The New YorkTimes 1988). positing common world historical processes which hold centers and peripheries in one dialectical and interlocked field. where local dissidents are trained and armed in the use of weaponry and the arts of destabilization. and archaeological metaphors such as "survivals. Libya. the beatings on the West Bankof Israel. highor low development. Faced with recent disturbances in South Russia. What a shift there has been in historical consciousness from Victorian times to the computer age of instant information! The Victorian perception of the people of the world was. Militant groups in Japan. the killing of civilians in Sri Lanka. degreeof social and politicalorganization so forth[Tylor This Victorian perspective in the main persisted perhaps until the Second World War.the and 1873. . The end result is that professionalized killing is no longer the monopoly of state armies and police forces.. serviced by modern technology of destruction and communication. Germany. and their wide coverage of events.has shown a face of free-marketcapitalism in action unsuspected by Adam Smith and by Emmanuel Wallerstein.the bombings in Germany. of tionsat one end of the social series. the extentof scientific etc.the definiteness moralprinciples. the massing of Korean youth against a rightistgovernment. It is thus no exaggeration to say that the ubiquity. agricultural. Gorbachev was moved to say that [ethnic] nationalism was the "most fundamental vital issue of our society" (Time 1988)." that is. as we well know." he is reported to have said "Show me a country without nationalist problems. but by farming out contracts for subversive military and political actions to private professional groups willing to be hired. linking metropolitan centers and distant places. with the Europeansat the summit. or capable of being mobilized. the kidnappings in Lebanon. and India have international networks of collaboration. conditionsof religiousbelief and ceremony. 1:26]. their instant transmission of visual images and auditory messages. such that news broadcasts (whether by NBC. Lebanon.

Countries that are virtually homogeneous in ethnic composition (with 90-100 percent being ethnically the same): Japan. the Pathans of West Pakistan. Cambodia. whose occupation of niches. Letme conclude it by saying that a landmarkbook. which itself is thought to be in crisis ("the crisis of the state"). Korea. The central problems posed by our present phase of ethnic conflicts are startinglydifferent. Countries where the largest ethnic group makes up 50-75 percent of the population and where there are several "minority" groups: Thailand. Turkey. and (probably) Nepal. Frederik Barth'sedited volume Ethnic Groups and Boundaries published in 1969. and the Lapps and Norwegians in northern Norway-as well as Barth'sintroductoryessay. Guatemala (where the Ladinos and Indians are about equal size). Taiwan. The following list constitutes a crude chart that indicates some of the demographic combinations that affect the course of ethnic politics. Among other things. which seemed to set a relevant framework for the study of ethnicity. Burma. the Ladinos and Indians in Southern Mexico. Our last category consists of the truly pluralistic countries composed of many ethnic groups where no one or two of them are dominant. Yoruba. Iran. were dynamically related to structured and stable interactions between them guided by "a systematic set of rules governing inter-ethnic social encounters" (Barth1969:16). Examples here are Nigeria (with Ibo. The preoccupations of Barth's volume were the manner in which boundaries were maintained between ethnic groups. and whose maintenance and persistence over time. these distributions crucially affect not only the processes that produce conflict but also the strategies and efficacy of coalitions that are made in plural societies. ethnic distributions in contemporary plural societies A distributional chart indicating the number of ethnic groups and their demographic proportions in various contemporary countries will be useful for appreciating the ubiquity of ethnic conflicts. the explosive tensions between Armenians and Azerbaijanis-all belong to a contemporaryworld suffused by violence. Pakistan. and where not all groups may be actively implicated in ethnic politics. 1. Fiji (Fijians and Indians are nearly of the same size). the sniping by the Contras in Nicaragua. Singapore. Bangladesh. Sri Lanka. Vietnam. Hausa and Fulani ethnic conflict 339 . The ethnographic essays in that book-dealing with the Furand the Baggar of Western Sudan. Laos. Countriesthat have a single overwhelmingly dominant ethnic majoritythat constitutes 7589 percent of the population: Bhutan. too benign and tranquil for the study of the ethnic conflicts accompanied by collective violence that rage today. Guyana (EastIndians. the larger group making up 50 percent) and the Creoles. 2.tacks on the "bush negroes" by the townsmen of Suriname. coalitions ranging from constructive and relatively long-lasting alliances and bargains to temporaryand fragile pacts of convenience and opportunism. in riots. terrorism and civil war. 3. Countries where there are two large dominant groups of roughly the same size (with or without small minority enclaves in their midst): Malaysia (where the Malays make up about 44 percent and the Chinese about 36 percent). 5. 4. scarcely two decades later. pose the issues of an earlier era when ethnic relations did not manifest as they do today in the eighties. I began this section by reminding the reader that the label "ethnicity" has become salient in our discourse only since the 1960s. The internationalization of violence and the simultaneity of its occurrences viewed on our TV screens make us all vicarious spectators and participants responding with our sympathies and our prejudices. arising out of an intensified "politicization of ethnicity" and issuing in conflicts between member groups of a state and polity.Afghanistan. and Afghanistan. the mountain tribes of Laos and their relations with the dominant Thai. seems now.

in order to salute its important contribution and also to go beyond it to take account of newer developments. Claude Meillassoux) posits eventually a monolithic historical process in global terms.Inturn. Some examples of ranked ethnic groups within societies are Rwanda (especially in 1959). and the Thais and Muslims in Thailand. has spread like a tidal wave released from the metropolitan capitals and gradually innundated the peripheries. followed from the mid19th century onwards by the promotion and manipulation of "official nationalism" by the European monarchies based on a national identification projected onto vernacular languages.However. We are all familiar with the Wallerstein thesis that world capitalism since its inception in Europein the 16th century. the "historical consciousness" of 19th-century Europewas transmittedto and imbibed by local elites subject to the textbook learning propagated by colonial schools.and Christiansversus Moros in the Philippines. bilingualintelligentsias by European over [1985:104-105] precariously diversepopulations 340 american ethnologist . they nevertheless do not concede inequality in social. However. carving out and fragmentation of the same world in terms of "nation-states. the Philippines and India. It is useful at this juncture to take as our point of reference Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities. internalethnic politics may take dualistic form within regions. the politicization of ethnicity The main issue that I discuss in the rest of this essay is the transition from the politics of the nation-stateto the politics of ethnic pluralism. and ethnic tensions there are best viewed in regional terms. namely whether the groups in question are ranked (in some sort of hierarchy or stratified scheme informed by asymmetrical valuations) or unranked or parallel groups divided by vertical cleavages.the educationalsystem. leads him quite correctly to perceive that the nation-building policies of the new states of the thirdworld consist of of even Machiavellian. However.being the major entities) and countries such as Indonesia.this blendof popular officialnationalism been the product anomaliescreated and of poised the imperialism: well-knownarbitrariness frontiers. Hausa. We may include the USSR in this category. Fulani and Yoruba in Nigeria. The "dependency" theory of world capitalism in all its variations (Gunder Frank. such as Malays and Chinese in Malaysia. and more debatably. Under colonial experience.6 While these contending ethnic groups may find themselves unequal in demographic numbers. whose populations are more varied. Samir Amin.popularnationalist and regulations so the tionalistideologythrough mass media. Horowitz (1985:30-35) has underscored an importantdistinction that affects the nature and dynamics of ethnic conflict. Political ethnic conflict in these societies shows certain commonalities. it leaves out of account another parallel process that consisted of the differentiating." The highlighting of this process is Anderson's achievement: how the "nation-state" and "nationalism" as modular ideas could and would be easily pirated by the third world colonial and postcolonial elites. East Indians and Creoles in Guyana.administrative of has and forth. Anderson's plotting of the rise in Europeof national consciousness in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Immanuel Wallerstein. as in the case of Sikhs versus Hindus in Punjab. The USSR is said to have more than 100 distinct nationalities and ethnic groups living in 15 republics. cultural and ethnic terms. Sinhalese and Tamils in Sri Lanka. Ibo. and enthusiasm a systematic. Ethiopiaand Liberia. inspired by linguistic and vernacularizing revolutions. Christian Filipino and Moro in the Philippines. instilling nabotha genuine. within these complex societies. Zanzibar(in 1966).Paul Baran. by farthe most salient category for a comparative study is the countries containing by and large unranked ethnic groups. and indigenous "hill tribes" versus Bengalis in Mizoram (India).

These interacting global processes. Malaya. I have adopted the phrases "politicization of ethnicity" and "ethnicity of politics" as shorthand expressions to characterize and signal some of the primaryissues and processes that propel the current wave of ethnic conflicts." "caste" or "communal" bodies of customs relating to marriage. The politics of ethnicity is indeed a product of the interweaving and collision of the two global processes we mentioned earlier: world capitalism and its operation through multinational corporations. the Dutch rule in the Dutch East Indies. the colonial legacy Let us begin with the colonial experience itself. manifested as ethnic conflict. This standardizing and homogenizing process went hand in hand with imperial economic policies and ventures.7Of the process of the enlargement of territorialhorizons and subgroup amalgamations that took place in Asia and Africa in the colonial period. the British raj in India. Burma. however.Anderson's sequence (1985:104-105) could now be taken a stage further:the politics of the newly independent states.codified "regional. While colonial powers. and so on. primarilysocially separated. These particularizing and standardizing policies were a double-edged sword. religious practices and so on. to interact in common areas. Indochina. inheritance. have to react to their divided civilian constituencies. or business firms (agency houses). they also introduced and standardized colonywide commercial and criminal law codes and regulations. have simultaneously spawned differentiation and opposition within the new polities. Kenya." who question nationalism and "nation-state" dogmas. for the most part not interfering with these sociocultural differences.Malaya. If we take the colonial legacy as our point of departure it is possible to identify roughly three sequential and overlapping phases. the main problem to be explained is "why ethnicity becomes more easily politicizable in modern society and in those societies on the threshold of modernization. framed initially in terms of "nation-state" ideologies and policies. so did Sri Lanka. The Dutch control of Java and Sumatraand the other islands was likewise a unification never known before. The colonial experience was of course many-faceted and complex. The colonial powers more often than not aggregated people and territoryinto larger polities than existed before. Donald Horowitz has remarked in his recent comprehensive and impressive work. Furnivallto M. used in the interest both of development and progress and of divide and rule. which in turn stimulated occupations such as those practiced by lawyers. S. while having certain homogenizing effects. the French in Algeria. sometimes arbitrarilyso. The policies related to taxation and preferential trade. engineers. Smith. despite EmperorAsoka and the Mughal Empire. at other times by attempting to follow social and demographic constellations on the ground. and so on. Sri Lanka. India. doctors (in Western medicine). Nigeria. have by virtue of various internal dialectics and differences led to a new phase of politics dominatedby the competitions and conflicts of "ethnic collectivities. and the ventures took the form of plantations. G. As Tagil has put it. They produced in diverse tropical colonial contexts from the Netherland Indies to Jamaica varieties of "plural societies" that became the subject of analysis from J. reached its maximal aggregation under Britishrule. The whole process was further compounded by geopolitical competition between imperial powers in laying claim to their own territories. as compared with earlier phases of history" (Tagil 1984:36). and so on. The present context of politicized ethnicity is distinctly a marked phase in the political and economic history of newly independent countries. accountants. like the British." "tribal. The internal policies of the colonial powers in complex ways both consolidated existing differences and stimulated bodies of people. Burma. which brought the colonies in their own dependent manner into the orbit of world capitalism. Ethnic Groups in Conflict: ethnic conflict 341 . and widespread nation building by liberated colonies now ruled by elite intelligentsias who. but for our theme of ethnic conflict the following features of the colonial legacy are relevant.

It is interestingthat the Malays for example. seriously questioned. (Ido not intend these phases to be taken as discontinuous shifts but merely as showing different emphases.Malaysia. While the whole colonial period created certain dislocations. Out of out theweldingtogether localenvironments greatmanynew groupsappeared. newly delivered from the chains of colonialism. S." "national culture" and "national literature" in the African States. 2. when Western imperial powers. those mounted in India by the Indian National Congress or in Malaya by the Chinese communist guerillas. The second phase." examples of which were Nehru presiding over a monolithic Congress Party. Tengku Abdul Rahman presiding over the Malaysian Alliance. the colony fought a "war of liberation. Ibo in Nigeria." and achieving "national integration. Political parties seemed willing to collaborate rather than emphasize their separate interestsand their special constituencies. a Creole. The claim itself is a highly emotive and embracing identity developed vis-a-vis the large numbers of Chinese immigrantswho found their way into their midst (see also Nagata 1979). an EastAsian. The characteristic issues of each phase are stated in terms of the ideological rhetoric and distinctive labels used by politicians and academic commentators alike.and the Moroin the Philipthe in the in creations colonialauthorities missionaries. the Celebes. and sometimes disconcerting manner this hopeful expansive phase of nation building has been put to the test. Sri Lanka. instanced by faith in economic planning and growth.Somesuch groupswere "artificial" of lyzedthe slow merger relatedpeoplesintocoherententities[1985:66-67]." In other colonies such as Sri Lankaand Burmathe transferof power was more peaceful though not entirely without the staging of civil disobedience movements and other forms of resistance.the Kikuyu Kenya. and the spawning of "five-year plans" funded by foreign aid.. Bangala Zaire.FranzFanon's The Wretched of the Earth(1968) belongs to this phase with its programmatic celebration of "national consciousness. who vociferously claim to be bhumiputra. Fanon proclaimed that "to fight for national culture means in the first place the fight for the liberation of the nation. was characterized by optimistic and even strident claims made in these newly independent countries concerning their objectives of "nation making. as. S. for example. the three phases of the era of independence Iwould like to delineate three phases in the political historyof a number of third world countries like India. which received their independence soon after the end of the Second World War. a of amongthemthe Malays in Malaysia. Burnham." creating "national culture" and "national identity. whose smooth flow it was hoped would make the world safe for capitalism and democracy.Cheddi Jagan." The slogans of the time accented "national" dimensions. are the outcome of a coalescence not only of a major component from Malaya but also of various groups from as far afield as Sumatra. and L.. decolonization itself was preceded and accompanied by violence when.) 1. the sons of the soil. Senanayake at the same time over the United National Party in Ceylon. and D. spanning the late 1950s and gathering momentum in the 1960s.Thecolonistsoftencreatedterritories of clustersof loosely linkedvillagesand regions. Guyana and Nigeria. This phase was also marked by confident expectations of expanding economic horizons. that material keystone which makes the building of a culture possible" (1968:233). In a dislocating. imperiled and even reversed in 342 american ethnologist . and in doing so played down and wished away internal diversity and social cleavages in favor of the primacy of nation-states as the accredited units of the United Nations and the modern world system. Interestingly. in the early 1950s heading the People's Progressive party in Guyana." strengthening "national sovereignty. Borneo and Java. cataof and who pines.. again in the 1950s. This phase of optimistic nation building was enacted as the work of "national coalition governments. "transferredpower" to local elite groups. F. following the Second World War. as was the case with Algeria. 3. The firststage is the actual "decolonization" process itself.

As much or more of the monies earmarked for social services and welfare may end up in the hands of those who dispense them as those who receive them. All these capabilities for large-scale political action have occurred in tandem with population explosions in third world countries. sit-ins. Accordingly. demonstrations. race. In both contexts the state has become "a crucial and direct arbiterof economic well being. Another significant factor is the proliferationof schools. The terms "plural society. or states committed to welfare policies. and of the raised levels of education and literacy and the spread of what Benedict Anderson has called "printcapitalism. The divisiveness has revolved around issues of language. The awareness that collective ethnic identity can be used and manipulated in political action is of course related to the increasing possibilities of contact throughthe improvement of transport." "devolution of powers.the third phase. regional and central levels for like-minded ethnic members to mobilize and make claims on behalf of groups. in many parts of Africa. both small enough and conspicuous enough to experience real gain from concessions made. One of the settings for the politicization of ethnicity is the evolution of the welfare state in the more advanced industrialeconomies of the world. the grant of independence and the transfer of power were packaged with constitutions ethnic conflict 343 . religion and territory. the politics of ethnicity A part of the answer to the story of the politicization of ethnicity lies in our tracking of the manner in which large numbers of people in the new polities have become. is now. The welfare and socialist states appear to be especially responsive to ethnic claims. for the mobilization and massing of activists for engaging in political action. and the advent of the socialist state. by the eruption of ethnic conflicts." "traditional homelands. occasions for collective massing of people. there is a special chain of circumstances that has led third world democracies in particularto enact their politics on the basis of ethnicity." "self-determination"-old words given new force and urgency-have begun to frame the political debate and academic analyses. in the "developing" thirdworld. counseled to be a "referee" adjudicating differences and enabling regional cultures and societies to attain their "authentic" identities and interests. and in South and Southeast Asia. colleges and universities. The central political authority. after years of escalating ethnic divisiveness and pluralistic awareness. and how in turn they have been energized as collectivities to engage in political action. While these considerations apply generally. Within democratic governmental systems there are many occasions at municipal.of the quick adoption and deployment of modern media. bossism and patronage structures-through which affirmativeactions or pork-barreldistributions are dispensed. which in the previous phase of nation building and economic growth was designated as the prime actor and central intelligence in initiating. ranging from political rallies and elections and referendums to strikes. At the time of decolonization in the Caribbean. which have provided sites. as well as of political status and whatever flows from that" (Glazer and Moynihan 1975:8). This "strategic efficacy" (as Glazer and Moynihan put it [1975:101) of ethnicity in making claims on the resources of the modern state inevitably in turn reinforces and maintains ethnic political machinery-patron/client networks." Another explanation lies in the proliferation and popularization of street theaters and public arenas. or been made to become. and to locations where industries or where peasant resettlement schemes have been established. from the 1960s onward. the migration of vast numbers of rural peoples to cities and metropolitan centers. "Ethnicgroups" and "ethnic conflict" are the salient labels for talking about these events. directing and controlling the country's future and historical trajectory. the state. conscious of ethnic identity. there has been a shift again in slogans and concepts. and mass protests. just as factories had done in the history of industrialdevelopment.

The "zero-sum" atmosphere of these quintessential entitlement claims reflects a restrictive worldview that has surfaced with a vehemence precisely at a time when certain expansionary and massive movements of people to urbanplaces and to peasant resettlement schemes have and are taking place. in time disadvantaged groups push toward equality of results. And inevitably these invidious outcomes lead to more open political competition and conflict. A Weberian might be tempted to say that the postponement of present gratificationfor the sake of future profit. and when mass educational and literacy programs are being implemented. and educational privileges. reformsand privileges from their elected parties who constituted for a while the "central" political authority. and for direct redistributivepolicies in order to equalize income. with the power to elect politicians and vote partiesto power."8 It is commonly the case that affirmative action and quota allocations on the basis of depressed or backward status do not speedily produce results through the ladder of equality of opportunity and increased access to schools and educational institutions. will obviate or mitigate the need for ethnic quotas falls on deaf ears. occupational positions. framed in the secular political language of universal rights and government by representation. or redistributivepolitics. The entitlement claims of rewards equalization are contentiously sought through a privileged use of one language. the more successful constituencies are in achieving their political rightsto vote.that were framed in terms of Western principles of "naturalrights. and because distributive equality on ethnic lines is a politically rousing demand that promises rapid material results. and the willingness of "one-man-one-vote" citizens to form parties on the basis of competitive interests.the sterling ethic of capitalism. living conditions and such on a group basis. Ethnic equalization ratherthan freedom and equality of the individual is the principal charter of participatorydemocracy in many of the plural and multiethnic societies of our time. and business entrepreneurship. adequate health care. conferred on the ruralmasses and the migrants to fast-formingcities a massive dose of rights. as a result of the revolution in risingexpectations. are essentially zero-sum games. Ithas been the experience in India. unemployment insurance. and income distribution disparities continue to persist. seeking affirmative action for the achievement or restoration of privileges and life chances in the name of ethnic (or racial) equalization. that once political demands are made on the basis of ethnic affiliation for the distribution of economic rewards. job opportunities. But increasingly it became clear that the alleged secular constitution and institutions of representative government predicated on the individual rights of citizens. But equality of result. partly because employment and income levels rise only slowly. or the imposition of special quotas providing privileged access to higher education. and so on as entitlements from the state. which increases the opportunities and rewards for all. by fiat if necessary. which we may call ethnic groups. collectivities." These chartersfrom the Western point of view.and Malaysia. Sri Lanka. to elect parliaments. to wield the stick of accountability. or the additional use of a language so far excluded.Thus. the more assiduously will they advocate the enjoyment of social rights-such as the right to a job. The language of claims is best described as that of ethnic group entitlements on the basis of relative comparison and relative deprivation. Quickly transformedfrom a "passive" existence into political actors and voting banks. The equalization on a group basis of opportunities and rewards in the expanding universe of redistributivepolitics may equally be the slogans of majorities or minorities in a plural society. and the opportunity for involvement in the political process (to a degree not previously experienced). have become the political actors. they discovered thatthey could even demand or extort rewards. in which there are distinct losers and winners. Finally. did not generate the expected outcomes. Instead."and civil liberties and Western procedures and institutionsof "representativegovernment. is less effective than immediate ethnic aggrandizement as the stimulant of the masses. the norm of "equality of opportunity" is progressively and irreversiblydisplaced by the norm of "equality of result. The futuristic exhortationthat a national effort of productive expansion. 344 american ethnologist .

certain local "banking" and credit activities being the monopoly of both indigenous and foreign communities. For purposes of systematic discussion the different scenarios and trajectories pertaining to ethnic conflict should be brought within the ambit of an interpretiveframework9that addresses questions of how ethnic groups in an arena see themselves as acquiring. Chinese in Malaya and Indonesia. and sumptuary privileges that enable distinct styles of life. can be presented as posing different issues and different outcomes. Ethnicdivision of labor stunts working-class action and middle-class associational links. "Religion" is not purely a matter of belief and worship but also has social and political resonances. One such strain occurs when the importation of a category of manufactured goods from the industrial West threatens a local craft or makes a local service group redundant and dispensable. and militate against social class solidarities that cut across ethnic lines. and religious and linguistic precedence and esteem. A fall in fortunes may threaten the group's ability to have access to the basic consumption goods of everyday life.In countries engaged in postindependence participatorydemocracy. EastAfrica. there could be more complex mosaics: certain trades. designation of official languages and religions. manners and morals. the rightsof groups to 'special position' in the polity. aesthetic judgments. become the recurrentsubjects of politics" (Horowitz 1985:187). prestige. certain crafts. Indians in Uganda." power. electoral systems. their levels of economic and educational achievements. (2) to material rewards such as incomes and commodities. and (3) to "honors" such as titles and offices. having persisted into the era of independence. They cover a fair range of major ethnic conflicts occuring in recent times: 1. and it may therefore face famine ethnic conflict 345 . The quests for group worth. Indonesia and so on is the picture of a plural society that Furnivalland Boeke among others sought to characterize. such as citizenship. occupations. their residential locations. and so on are central foci in the politics of ethnicity. the degree of their participation in common institutional systems and of their common membership in corporate organizations. maintaining. Inthis version of invidious and comparative "group entitlements. as Horowitz puts it: "Fundamental issues. although they are parts of a larger mural. The occupation of niches and specialization in certain activities tend to create a segmented labor market. occupation and historical legitimation of social precedence. protected or encouraged. But these ethnic specializations and expectations. as plantation labor (indentured Indian labor in Guyana or Sri Lanka). depending on the ethnic distributions and their relative standing. Such a colonial heritage tends to crystallize expectations of "entitlements" as collective ethnic privileges. group honor. legal and institutional distinctiveness. and religious convictions come together and naturally implicate one another. ratherthan merely setting the framework for politics. material goods. "language" is not a mere communicative device but has implications for educational advantage. have tended to generate ethnic conflicts when certain strains develop to imperil the maintenance of boundaries. their demographic proportions. according to their calculations of which groups should be rewarded. and are a critical ingredient in the spirals of intense sentiments and explosive violence that ensue. group equivalization. The colonial rulers helped to create these political maps when they distributed status honors. and in which the electoral process acts as a political marketplace. The relevant factors are how many groups are involved. These honors are accorded by the state and/or other authorities who are the principal arbitersof rank. or as "bankers"and financiers (NattukottaiChettiars in Burmaand Ceylon). especially in colonial capitals. markersof ethnic or national pride. and protecting their claimed-to-be-legitimate group entitlements (1) to capacities and "symbolic capital" such as education and occupation. the Caribbean. their cultural. Especially applicable to the political economies of colonial countries under British or Dutch rule in West Africa. I can envisage three overlapping scenarios which. different scenarios can be sketched regarding the cleavages and trajectories of ethnic conflict. Indians in Fiji). In these societies certain ethnic groups may occupy special economic and social niches as merchants and traders (Lebanese and Syrians in West Africa. Again. We have to comprehend an arena of politics where.

and a fair amount of "social pluralism" (the ethnic populations have roughly equivalent standings in the polity as a whole. marriage customs and so on). 3. but to the rising expectations and capacities of satellite minorities on the periphery who find themselves under the domination of majorities entrenched at the center. similararrangements express incorporation. Sometimes these satellite communities have sought advance through the ministrationsof Christianmissionaries. and to introduce elements of sociopolitical and even religious discrimination and asymmetry. and as Horowitz puts it "the largest number of secessionists can be characterized as backward groups in backward regions" (Horowitz 1985:36). The second scenario relates not so much to the declining fortunes of well-placed communities. Communal and also rolls. the Nagas and Mizos in India and the Kurdsin Iraq.restrictive franchises. and in any case. An instructiveexample of 346 american ethnologist . the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka. Smith has discussed how processes of "differential incorporation" lead to the outcome of "structuralpluralism. a shorthand phrasing of this collision is "hills people" or "hill tribes" versus the "valley people.are current examples of the majoritarianclaims to "affirmativeaction" defended on demographic strength and legitimated by mytho-historical sons-of-the-soil claims.or othergrounds merelyone commonmodeof differential tions. These claims lead inevitably to structural asymmetrical pluralism and are inevitably resisted by the minorities." This bifurcation carries other contrasts in agriculturalstyles (sedentary versus slash and burn). Laos and in northeast India. The third scenario represents the kind of ethnic conflict and tensions with which I am especially concerned in this essay. they have requested "affirmativeaction. In a situation in which there exists a fair amount of "cultural pluralism" (the diverse populations have distinctive markers of dress. the Malays. in written versus oral languages.whetherracial. Thailand. Examples are Karens and Shans in Northern Burma. The dispossession of NatukkottaiChettiars in Rangoon. Muslims (Moros) in the Philippines. and sometimes are in addition faced with the majority advancing into their frontier " a market of plenty and a depression in status in a political climate of expanding "development." Plural societies manifest differential incorporation within the larger polity when certain collectivities within it are subject to sectionally unequal distributions of legal. These satellite ethnic/tribal minorities tend to be potential secessionists. and the expulsions of Indian merchants from Uganda are examples of the new civilian authorities invading what they consider to be rich preserves to enrich themselves and their civilian supporters.religious. developedto enhancethe powerof the rulingsection [Smith South Africaand Guatemala are extreme and notorious cases of asymmetrical incorporation. political moves may be made by a demographically dominant ethnic population to gain advantages over minority groups. espousal of Hinduism or Buddhism versus the religion of spirit cults. and thereby incorporatingthe groups into the polity on unequal terms. educational and occupational rights and are thus reduced to a subordinate status. which are accused of restrictive practices as regards recruitment and provision of services." But the most severe erosion of niche-equilibrium has come from those governments of the new states that have tried to open up what they consider to be the privileged monopolies of ethnic enclaves. and for some purposes aggregate as corporations and collectivities such as political parties or religious congregations).Suchmechincorporation specificcollectivities anismsaregenerally 1969:430]. The"second-class of and citizenship" a social categoryidentified commondisabilities disqualificaby is economic. with regardto their participation in the task of nation-state making and in the education programsof the dominant centers. G. Smith (1969) in order to characterize them. Foreign specialized minorities are thus vulnerable to the policies of forcible ejection and/or dispossession by governments promoting the interests of "indigenous" minorities. I have adapted some concepts coined by M. political. but there are more benign forms." In Burma. 2. property andmaintain differential the of withina widersociety. in the new postindependence polities." proportionate to their demographic numbers.

stark exclusionary dualities-such as stability and continuity versus change and revolution. undermine "parliamentarydemocracy. increasing disparities of income distribution. state terrorismand guerilla counteractions. the visible pauperization of the urban underclass. partlyby the use of modern media of communication and propaganda. and with charges of "internal colonialism" exercised by dominant majoritiesover minorities. should be the basis for the distribution of modern benefits and rewards. commodities. protests. for deployment in elections and in mass activities. the entrenchment of bureaucratic interests. Horowitz aptly phrases the options thus: "Unlike ranked groups. In this latterincarnation. housing. the pork barrelsof aggrandizing politicians. Letme conclude this essay by returningto a general theme that applies to all three scenarios I have outlined." and the institutionsof "law and order" on which rests the "civil society" of liberal thought. in modern political arenas the appeal to old affiliations and distinctions enables a mobilization of people on a scale never known or possible before. coincides with an increasing sense of shrinkingeconomic horizons and of political embattlement. and not necessarily equal. or positively as a drive toward realistic devolutionary politics. ethnic membership. and social prestige. by the transmission through printed textbooks of tendentious ideas in proliferating schools. they may gradually as their situation worsens. On the other hand these same people also claim to be different. unranked groups constitute incipient whole societies" (1985:31). and to incorporate them unequally in the polity as inferiorcitizens. Such resentments in turn motivate politics that are compounded of new and powerful mixes. Such attemptsto subordinate previously unranked and equal groups who wield considerable capacities and skills. they claim that these differences. and not those of technical competence or achievement. These compose the particularizing and separating trend among the populations of modern polities. which form part of a single society. with regard to the ethnic conflicts under discussion. some of them seemingly contradictory and inconsistent. as has happened in Sri Lanka-gravitate toward the politics of devolution. the feminization of poverty. The Malay Dilemma (1970). Ethnicconflicts manifest and constitute a dialectic. agriculturalunderemployment and migration to cities. The present plethora of ethnic conflicts. The resultant political activism-instanced by strikes. rightist majoritarian racism and religious fundamentalism. Thus the plausibility of "dependency theory" pertaining to the impingement of world-capitalist economic relations coincides with the disenchantment with the "nation-state" and "bourgeois democracy" in internal politics. and honors) in wanting the same material and social benefits of modernization. primordial sacred realities versus secular modern associational interests-radiate little illumination. material goods. An example is that brand of politics that packages in one parcel left radicalism or socialist goals. and election rallies-and collective violence-instanced by riots. and even secession. Many things have gone awry with economic development: the declining terms of trade dictated by the industrialized West. ethnic conflict 347 . It is obvious that. rising unemployment among the expectant participantsin the literacy explosion. jobs. tradition and its death versus modernity and its birth. at levels never before achieved. Alert to the threats of discrimination and subordination.this special pleading on behalf of a majority in place is Prime MinisterMahathirbin Mohamad's political tract. and rights to the soil. linguistic difference. whether viewed negatively as divisive and destructive of the state. Between these options lie the contested middle ground and volatile copresence of both modalities. internal bottlenecks. whether they be income. Moreover. literacy and schooling. On the one hand there is a universalizing and homogenizing trend that is making people in contemporary societies and countries more and more alike (whatever the actual fact of differential access to capacities. and in the first instance fighting for inclusion within the polity on equal terms. recreation. both creative and destructive. invite retaliationsand counteractions. on the basis of their ascriptive identity. and by the release of energies.

of revaluing old categories and recategorizing new values. Soviet. They challenge the confident post-Enlightenment prophecies that the decline of religion was inevitable.and machine rocketlaunchers. reported thefollowingwareswereon show in an armsstorein Darra "In to southof Peshawar.Forexample. The time is not simply one of order.These developments are not merely old wine in new bottles. the increasingly in the of wouldincludethe struggles the blacksagainst whitediscrimination the UnitedStatesand scholars in SouthAfrica fallingwithinthe ambitof ethnicconflict. disorder. for there are more potent transformativeprocesses at work by which old categories and definitions of ethnic identity and interests are revalued and given new dimensions and contours. or antiorder: it is compounded of all three. Ubiquitous and violent ethnic conflict is one of the marks of these intense times through which we are living and which we can see only darkly through the looking glass. or disorder.and Itouchedon the behavior ethniccrowdsas collectivities.see Tagil1984. 1985. These violent and ubiquitous explosions also challenge and strain our conventional social science explanations of order.I have therefore cannotbe done convincinglyin a written limitedmyselfin thisessayto the substanceaddressedin the firstpartof my lecture. discerned in The lecturethuscoveredmuchground.the protests 2Theseinstancesoccurringin Europe in the in otherethnicminority in Europe.largely Sovietmanufacture. that primordialloyalties and sentiments would fade into oblivion as national integrationtook effect. the Malays.the Croats Yugoslavia. of have a was includedin 1923 in the SovietRepublic Azerbaijan.the armsdealersaid he supplies at with ammunition. notes of 'Thetitleof the lectureI actuallygave at the AnnualMeetings the American Ethnological Societyin Conflictand CollectiveViolence.The second partdealt with the phenomenonof collective violence of frequently by engendered ethnicconflict. For example. The time of becoming the same is also the time of claiming to be different. fromsomeSouthAsianinstances. addition variousversionsof SovietAK-47rifle.but what was achievedin an oral presentation a limitedtime formin the space allowed in a journalarticle. Inthe late 20th century a surprisingnumber of militant and seemingly "irrational"eruptions have occurred. we must cope with the phenomenon of destructive violence that accompanies ethnic conflict today. hour's an that 1988. The time of modernizing is also the time of inventing tradition as well as traditionalizing innovations. or be carried away as flotsam by the currents of world historical process. as of andon thetrajectory riotsandtheir"ritualized" features.thoughI realizethat aboutwhich we need morechallengingbecause it deals with a terrain the second partwas theoretically to knowmuchmorethanwe do now. and conflict. However. of bureaucratic benevolence and bureaucratic resortto force."The firstpartof the lecturetouchedon the March1988 was "Ethnic of that distribution ethnicconflictin the worldtodayand on the "politicization ethnicity" of widespread lies behindmanyof these conflicts. Theirethnic labels and boundaries are porous and flexible indeed. is 3The to TheethnicconflictI am referring relatesto the mountainous Region.fromwhence they aresent by truckto Kabul! 348 american ethnologist . for all their appeal to old labels and historical claims. the Sinhalese.8 March drive AdamKhel. or that at best it could only survive in a demythologized form.Chineseand American pistolsfromvariouscountries. At the same time we witness the new values of modernization and progress-industrial employment. professional skills. of participatorydemocracy and dissident civil war. or new wine in old bottles. as and USSR saidto havemorethan100 distinctnationalities ethnicgroupslivingin 15 Republics. the Fijians in their present manifestations. nine cents a round." smuggling to and Europe Singapore. Some conflictin Northern bitter and and betweenFlemings Waloonsin Belgium. The routeis a saga in itself:goods are sent by ship from of guns.and such weaponsas Chineseand Soviet the [Afghan] guerillas landmines. fromthereto the SovietUnion. or the practice of Western medicine-being recategorized as entitlements and sumptuary privileges indexed as quotas assignable to preexisting ethnic or racial or indigenous groupings. of are 4There manylistings ethnicconflictas a worldwidephenomenon. rivalries struggles Eastern Basques Spain.and they continuetoday.75 percentof Nagorno-Karabakh of is whose population ethnicArmenian. Ireland. and Horowitz Arms-dealers God and the AK-47. are collectivities formed in the late colonial and postcolonial epochs. However inadequately."TheNew York Hail the 5Under caption"Pakistan Times.

Time 1988 March 14. G. L. eds.Unpublished ms. Frederick 1969 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Esman. Art and Custom. Moynihan. 1985 EthnicGroups in Conflict. Kuper and M. E. Judith 1979 Malaysian Mosaic. Natives.J. Connor. Barth. but separately. Fanon. Even in the economic sphere there is division of labour along racial lines. Berkeley: University of California Press.. and Daniel P. Boston: Little. Furnivall defined plural society as consisting of "differentsections of the community living side by side. 81 have taken these expressions from Bell 1975:146-147. Glazer and D. In Pluralism in Africa. Indians and Europeans have all different functions." For a sample of Furnivalland Smith's views see Furnivall1939. Smith.Theory and Experience. Vancouver: University of BritishColumbia Press. M. Language. eds. 1948. Hussain. Malaysia. 1973 The Politics of Ethnonationalism. eds.New York:Grove Press. Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press. Glazer. Stockholm: Esselte Stadium. 1969b Institutionaland Political Conditions of Pluralism. references cited Anderson. its own ideas and ways. 1. vol. Smith. Kuper and M.. Pierre Bourdieu and Donald L. Mohamad. ed. G. Mahathirbin 1970 The Malay Dilemma. In Ethnicity. Each group holds by its own religion. The New YorkTimes 1988 March 15. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Donald L. Horowitz. Walter 1972 Nation-Building or Nation Destroying. New York: New York University Press. eds. Perspectives from a Poly-EthnicSociety. Philippines-which are considered "inferior" in status to the dominant communities that try to inflict on them certain policies detrimental to their survival.. subsections have particularoccupations. 9Thisproposal combines concepts taken from the writings of AmartyaSen. Nathan. L. N. 1939 Netherlands India. S. Sven. 1969a Some Developments in the Analytical Frameworkof Pluralism. ed. Paper read at the Kathmandu Conference of the InternationalCentre for Ethnic Studies 15-17 February. In Pluralism in Africa.b. Stanley J.Milton J. London: Verso Editions and NLB. Franz 1968 The Wretched of the Earth. 1986 Ethnic Fratricideand the Dismantling of Democracy. its own culture and language. 1977 EthnicConflict in the Western World. 1873 Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology. ethnic conflict 349 . Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press. 71n his Colonial Policy and Practice (1948:304-305). G. Tagil.. London: John Murray. Akmal 1987 The Karachi Riots of 1986: Crisis of State and Civil Society in Pakistan. Daniel 1975 Ethnicityand Social Change. Nagata. Smith.Journalof InternationalAffairs27 (1). but only in the marketplace. Furnivall. Berkeley: University of California Press. As individuals they meet. 1975 Ethnicity. Singapore: Time Books International. Chinese. within the same political unit. World Politics 24 (3). Bell. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Berkeley: University of California Press. and within each group. Philosophy. in buying and selling.Theory and Experience. 1984 Regions in Upheaval. Brown. 1948 Colonial Policy and Practice.6Thereare in some of these countries. B. Benedict 1985 Imagined Communities. hill tribe or "aboriginal" minorities-in Thailand. Moynihan. Smith 1969a. Tambiah. Horowitz. Tylor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Religion.

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