ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee

1 Queer Theory K

Queer Theory K Index
Queer Theory K Index.......................................................................................................................1 1NC 1/3.................................................................................................................................................3 1NC 3/3.................................................................................................................................................5 Link - Generic....................................................................................................................................6 Link - Hegemony/Soft Power...........................................................................................................7 Link - Same Sex Visas.......................................................................................................................8 Link - Same Sex Visas........................................................................................................................9 Link - Same-Sex Visas.....................................................................................................................10 Link - Same-Sex Visas......................................................................................................................11 Link - Naturalization........................................................................................................................12 Link - Citizenship..............................................................................................................................13 Link – Asylum...................................................................................................................................14 Link – Work Visas............................................................................................................................15 Link - Terrorism...............................................................................................................................16 Link - Terrorism..............................................................................................................................17 Link - Terrorism...............................................................................................................................18 Impact - Heteronormativity.............................................................................................................19 Impact - Heterosexism......................................................................................................................20 Alternative - Queering......................................................................................................................22 Alternative – Queer Uncertainty.....................................................................................................23 Alternative - Queer Pedagogy.........................................................................................................24 AT: Perm...........................................................................................................................................25 AT: Perm...........................................................................................................................................26 AT: Queer = capitalist......................................................................................................................27 AT: Queer = Capitalist.....................................................................................................................28 AT: Queer = Capitalist....................................................................................................................29 AT: Queer = Capitalist....................................................................................................................30 AT: Queer = Capitalist....................................................................................................................31 AT: Feminism Arguments...............................................................................................................32 AT: Feminism Arguments...............................................................................................................33 AT: “Queer” = Bad Word...............................................................................................................34 Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails...........................................................................................................35

ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee

2 Queer Theory K

Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails..........................................................................................................36 Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails...........................................................................................................37 Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails...........................................................................................................38 Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails...........................................................................................................39 Aff – Queer = Whiteness..................................................................................................................40 Aff – “Queer” = Bad.........................................................................................................................41 Aff – Queer Opposition Fails..........................................................................................................43 Aff– Action Key.................................................................................................................................44 Aff– Action Key.................................................................................................................................45 Aff– ID Politics Good........................................................................................................................46 Queer Theory = Capitalist...............................................................................................................47 Queer Theory = Capitalist...............................................................................................................48 Aff – Perm..........................................................................................................................................49 Aff - Perm..........................................................................................................................................50

ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee

3 Queer Theory K

1NC 1/3
A. LINK. The calculated management of migrant populations relies on a gendered and sexualized notion of citizenship. Even as they make progressive steps, there is always a violent underside to immigration policy that is steeped in heteronormativity. Luibhéid 2008. Eithne; director of the Institute for LGBT Studies and associate professor of women's studies at the University of Arizona.
“Queer/Migration: An Unruly Body of Scholarship” GLQVolume 14, Number 2-3, 2008. AJM

Queer migration scholarship has been enabled by and contributed to the growing scholarship on immigration, transnationalism,
diaspora, and refugee movements, as well as scholarship about the role of space and spatiality, both material and virtual, in constructing queer identities and communities.12 Such scholarship has particularly built on migration theory's shift away from

understanding migration as primarily driven by rational actors making cost-benefit decisions within a push-pull framework, toward an understanding that overlapping, palimpsestic histories of imperialism, invasion, investment, trade, and political influence create what Saskia Sassen calls "bridges for migration" between and among nation-states.13 This shift has somewhat altered the temporal and geographic frames within which queer migration is conceived.The alteration is evident, for example, in the decentering of nationalist frameworks premised on space-time binaries, developmental narratives, and static models of culture, community, nation, race, gender, identity, and settlement.14 Instead, scholars increasingly attend to contradictions, relationality, and borders as contact zones, and the construction of identities, communities, practices, hegemonies, and alternatives linked to local, national, regional, and transnational circuits. The study of queer migration has
participated in and enhanced scholarship about the emergence of multiple, hybrid sexual cultures, identities, identifications, practices, and politics. These are marked by power, contestation, and creative adaptation. Although the nation-state, nationalism, and nation-based citizenship are [End Page 173] no longer the unquestioned horizon for analysis, these categories have not disappeared. Instead, scholars have theorized them as critical loci for upholding

and contesting regional, transnational, and neo-imperial hierarchies, and for producing forms of exclusion, marginalization, and struggle for tranformation.15 Indeed, sexuality scholarship has a rich history of engagement with questions of nationalism. Many scholars have characterized modern nationstates and citizenship as heteronormative in a manner that (as described above) involves hierarchies based on not only sex and gender but also race and class.16 The calculated management of migration comprises a critical technology for (re)producing national heteronormativity within global and imperial fields.17 Thus, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, nation-states including the United States and Australia implemented
eugenic policies that encouraged migration and settlement by families that both conformed to the normative sexual order and were (or would become) "white." Settlement and family formation by migrants from colonized regions, however, was generally barred (although in the United States, temporary labor for low wages was often permitted). Racial and neocolonial preferences have become less explicitly stated in recent decades, but actual migration policies display continuing anxieties (and encode punitive practices) where childbearing, cultural concerns, and possible economic costs among migrants racialized as minorities and from neo-colonized regions are concerned. Furthermore, although most nation-states may no longer bar LGBTQ migrants, their presence nonetheless

challenges and disrupts practices that remain normed around racialized heterosexuality. National heteronormativity is thus a regime of power that all migrants must negotiate, making them differentially vulnerable to exclusion at the border or deportation after entry while also racializing, (re)gendering, (de)nationalizing, and unequally positioning them within the symbolic economy, the public sphere, and the labor market. These outcomes, in turn, connect to the ongoing reproduction of particular forms of nationhood and national citizenship—which have ramifications for local, regional, national, transnational, and imperial arrangements of power.

ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee

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1NC 2/3
B. IMPACT The modern world is dominated and controlled through a master logic of heteronormative whiteness. This privileges white, masculine, heterosexual men and maintains itself through war and imperialist domination.
Winnubst 06, philosophy PhD, Penn State University
Shannon, Queering Freedom 2006. p 5-6 AJM GoogleBooks

This is the domination and violence of our historical present, late modernity: to reduce our lives so completely to the order of instrumental reason that we cannot conceive of any political or philosophical problem without reducing it to that narrow conception of reason. This renders us captive to presuppositions which assume that solutions to problems must follow the same temporal register as the posing of the problem itself— i.e., that they must appear immediately effective and useful if we are to recognize them as solutions at all. But what if these are only truncated,
shortsighted views? What if a vital resistance to politics of domination comes through freeing ourselves from these closed economies of late modernity and their clearly demarcated, controlled, mastered, and useful ends? What if a vital resistance to politics of domination requires a temporal register other than that of immediate and clear efficacy? As Bataille tells us sympathetically, “It is not easy to realize one’s own ends if one must, in trying to do so, carry out a movement that surpasses them” (1988– 91, 1:21). His orientation toward general economies asks us to think differently from the habituated patterns of our historical present. In his language, this historical present is “characterized by the fact that judgments concerning the general situation proceed from a particular point of view” (1988– 91, 1:39). This particularity can be outlined, described, pinned down, and its blind spots excavated: I attempt to do so in this text. But to think generally from and about the historical present may lead us into different questions and different orientations: it has led me to query systems of domination through the registers of temporality and spatiality, while framing them through the identity categories (race, gender, sexuality, class, religion) that are their most explicit historical tools. For example, how does the temporality of a persistent future orientation ground systems of racism, sexism, and heterosexism? What assumptions about the ontology of space allow for the biological conception of race that grounds racism, or of sex that grounds sexism and heterosexism? Bataille warns us that, if we do not learn to think in this counter-cultural register of general economy, we will always be subordinated to the violent and even catastrophic expressions of

the excess, abundant energy of the planet, such as war and imperialist domination. We do have a choice in this matter. But that choice is not one which will derive from calculating our interest, analyzing the specific problem, or charting the solution: it will not derive from the domains of instrumental reason and its persistent mandate of utility. It may, rather, involve recuperating senses of freedom lost to us in late modernity, where nation-states promise freedom as the facile liberation from subservience and mastery as the domination of nature and culture. To think generally may lead toward sensing freedom as “a dangerous breaking loose...a will to assume those risks without which there is no freedom” (1988– 91, 1:38). It is toward recuperating these more general senses of freedom, which Bataille signifies as “sovereign” and I signify as “queer” in this historical period of late modernity and phallicized whiteness, that this text moves.

ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee

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C. ALTERNATIVE Refuse to participate in the production and promotion of citizenship and its democratic foundations. Queerness is the anticitizen. There can be no compromise or reform, queerness must undermine the foundations of the oppressive nation-state.
Brandzel 05 PhD candidate at the U of Minnesota. Amy L.“Queering Citizenship”. GLQ: Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies, 11.2 AJM. I describe such events as conferring gay and lesbian rather than queer citizenship because I believe that "queer" and "citizen" are antithetical concepts. I am proposing that queers, especially those who are privileged and well off enough to do so, should refuse citizenship and actively subvert the normalization, legitimization, and regulation that it requires. In claiming that queer is anticitizen, I am referencing a more nuanced understanding of what it means to be a citizen. To be a citizen is not simply a matter of enjoying a specific legal status; it includes the wide variety of practices and imaginings required by citizenship. That is, one must imagine oneself as a citizen as well as be imagined by the American citizenry as a member of it. "Citizenship for Asian Americans in the form of legal status or
rights," Leti Volpp notes, advancing a similar claim, "has not guaranteed that Asian Americans will be understood as citizen-subjects or will be considered to subjectively stand in for American citizenry. . . . While in the contemporary moment Asian Americans may be perceived as legitimate recipients of formal rights, there is discomfort associated with their being conceptualized as political subjects whose activity constitutes the American nation."73 Historically, Asian Americans have been deemed, in legal and popular discourses, as always already aliens and outsiders to U.S. community practices and political rights. Throughout U.S. history they have been figured as abjected citizens and, as such, have withstood egregious discriminations and harms that continue to this day. I want to [End Page 197] apply Volpp's insight to queers, but by no means to diminish the substantial harms suffered by Asian Americans through U.S. orientalism or to equate Asian American with queer experience. While an intersectional queer critique aims to make connections among practices, experiences, and identifications, it must not equalize these experiences or treat them as if they were the same. In fact, a central argument of this essay has been that citizenship

displaces nonwhite, nonheterosexual, nonmale peoples via intersections of normativities, but it does so in very different and meaningful ways. A radical queer critique of citizenship has a stake not in saving it or in redefining it but in undermining its production and promotion of normativity. Queers are seen as oppositional and/or antagonistic to U.S. community-building practices and institutions. In the American imaginary, they often epitomize indulgence and selfishness, traits seen as extensions of their excessive sexual identifications. While queers do not choose to be positioned outside or in opposition to U.S. citizenship, their positioning can and should be used to critique normative citizenship practices and institutions. Queerness as an identification and a politics allows for a reflective stance that can represent the paradox of citizenship: that the great umbrella of American ideals does not shelter everyone. It allows for a position from which we, as deviants, can work to undermine and expose—that is, queer—the normativities of citizenship. Queer citizenship requires a critique of citizenship, of the nation-state, of normalization and heteronormativity. To queer citizenship, then, we need to work to conceive a citizenship that does not require universalization, false imaginaries, or immersion in and acceptance of the progress narratives of U.S. citizenship. At a time when immigrants are terrorized, when hate crimes are on the rise, when wars are waged to extend the U.S. empire and are excused through racialized and gendered imagery as well as through the supposedly benevolent desire to spread American ways of life (such as "citizenship" and "democracy"), we cannot afford to participate in any colonial rhetorics or orthodox appeals. Queer citizenship requires a constant critique not only of the break between queer and normative citizens but of the boundary maintenance inherit in citizenship. If the history of citizenship is in fact the history of normalization, of legitimization, of differentiation, then to queer citizenship would transform these practices radically. A queer citizenry would refuse to participate in the prioritizing of one group or form of intimacy over another; it would refuse to participate in the differentiation of peoples, groups, or individuals; it would refuse citizenship altogether.

citizens of Mexican descent. Eithne.28 Historically. which the habits of heterosexual privilege" produce. public representations of Mexicanorigin women as unrestrained "breeders" of welfare-consuming children.S. historically and at present. which consistently animate anti-immigrant discourses. Unvalued describes how current laws impugn the status of citizens who are lesbian. and orientalism." enemy status.26 As Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo describes. Family. their families endangered. the ongoing imbrication of exclusionary forms of national citizenship with immigration control is laid bare. director of the Institute for LGBT Studies and associate professor of women's studies at the University of Arizona. who are continually treated as "aliens" even though they hold national citizenship.S. Number 2-3. not only racialize and heterosexualize them within colonialist imagery that legitimizes violence but also deeply affect U. in the United States."23 The assault is part of a wider network of queer experience involving the "social and political costs of partial citizenship and the psychic and bodily costs of violence. for manufacturing loyal hetero-masculine soldiers who participate in global warfare. immigration policies in neo-imperial countries link efforts to produce properly privatized.30 extrajudicial detention regimes."27 They also legitimize racialized homophobia and transphobia.S.S. health care. 2008. as well as immigration control—reject people of Mexican and Latino/a descent "as permanent members of U. too. and classism. same-sex partners still cannot legally immigrate under the existing spousal reunification provisions of immigration law."29 According to Emma Pérez.-Mexico border—which itself was an outcome of colonial relations. and law enforcement. subaltern. For example. "simultaneous [End Page 175] efforts to shore up and bifurcate categories of race and sexuality in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were deeply intertwined.24 Given the diversity of queer couples. “Queer/Migration: An Unruly Body of Scholarship” GLQVolume 14. society" and reinforce "a more coercive system of labor. gay. ongoing (re)production of national heteronormativity—including through border controls and immigrant management—is connected with wider neocolonial and neo-imperialist processes.25 Similarly. these representations—materialized in punitive public policies in the areas of welfare. and couples where one or both partners are transgender experience extraordinary difficulties. education." The report concludes that these practices "assault human dignity in an essential way. The anxious. sexism. they find their relationships unrecognized.Generic Border controls and immigration management in the US are always connected to the “ideals” of implicit national heteronormativity Luibhéid 2008. In these and other instances. war. voting. U.31 Heteronormativity in the global south also results in complicated complicities with these relations of power while also shaping migration circuits in particular ways. AJM The heteronormative governance of migrants implicates the status of groups who hold official citizenship but are nonetheless marked as suspect. for fighting the "war on terror" through linking sexual "perversity. their lives shadowed by dislocation and separation. these efforts were also centrally connected to the At present. as queer migration studies has started to document. for example. these assaults materially articulate histories of racialization. and annexation.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 6 Queer Theory K Link . heteronormative families with strategies for securing cheap migrant labor.32 . or trans: "Solely because of their sexual orientation or gender identity. and for building the prison-industrial complex and intensified policing of the U. and second-class members of the nation. neo-imperialism.

"35 Many U. Jasbir K. these "highly contingent forms of nationalism" accrue their "greatest purchase through comparative transnational frames rather than debates within domestic realms. Eithne. Yet the discourse is being used to authorize imperialism. reified models of culture shorn of all material relations. keeps migration exclusion morally defensible" in the global north. but [End Page 178] upholds and sustains them. For example. national."38 Successful asylum claims generally require generating a racialist. This is because asylum involves "a moment of transnational judgment when the decision-makers of one nation decide not only on the credibility of the individual asylum claimant. and dominant relations of rule. and transnational levels. or HIV status faces even more acute contradictions. homonationalist discourses of sexual freedom position queer migrants in complex ways. The system thus positions queer asylum seekers in conflict with those seeking admission through the immigration system. including as it is deployed for capitalist profiteering and neo-imperialism. not only in the global north but also in the south.S.S.41 . .Hegemony/Soft Power There’s no risk of a link turn here – the US uses superficial tolerance to promote a nationalistic agenda of globalization and violence Luibhéid 2008. “Queer/Migration: An Unruly Body of Scholarship” GLQVolume 14. cultural."37 The LGBTQ person seeking asylum because of persecution on account of sexual orientation. with significant consequences on local. According to Puar. selectively use LGBTQ issues to reposition themselves within transnational circuits. and other hierarchies within queer communities. this kind of homonationalism (as Puar describes it) both reflects and reinforces racial. while promising the possibility of a demobilized gay constituency and a privatized. Moreover. homonormativity is intimately connected with neoliberal capitalism and associated modes of governmentality that operate through economy and culture as linked domains. gender identity. it "reinforces the self-congratulatory posture inherent in the geopolitics of asylum" while erasing the fact that the global south is actually host to a majority of the world's refugees and asylum seekers. the LGBTQ migrant finds herself or himself situated "in the contradiction between the heteronormative social relations mandated for immigrants of color by the state's policies and the liberal state's ideology of universal sexual freedom. according to Duggan. homonormativity is "a politics that does not contest dominant heteronormative assumptions and institutions. repressive immigration control systems. global hierarchies. but sufficient to lend credence to claims of first-world humanitarianism and democratic freedom —legitimizes exclusionary.33 Lisa Duggan's concept of homonormativity has shaped recent debates on queer complicity. while participating in an adjudication process that often depends on constructs of "immutable" identity refracted through colonialist. Other dominant nationalisms.36 U. As Chandan Reddy describes. depoliticized gay culture anchored in domesticity and consumption. but on the errors or strengths of the protection of rights in the country from which the claimant flees.S. which seems to promise inclusion in the nation-state. and torture in the Middle East."34 As Duggan describes. and sexual liberation. Puar homonormativity colludes with hegemonic forms of nationalism. AJM The final group of essays works within these expanded temporalities and geographies to explore how queer complicities with neoliberalism affect contemporary queer migration. 2008. U. since queers of color and those perceived as "foreign" experience heightened surveillance and violence under these nationalist rubrics. nationalist extends Duggan's formulation by showing that discourses claim exceptional openness. Number 2-3. the granting [End Page 179] of asylum to select individuals—who must be few enough in number not to threaten dominant systems. warfare.40 In other words. director of the Institute for LGBT Studies and associate professor of women's studies at the University of Arizona. tolerance.39 The queer asylum seeker's contradictory positioning is further exacerbated by the fact that "asylum . colonialist discourse that impugns the nation-state from which the asylum seeker comes. .ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 7 Queer Theory K Link . Moreover. queers support this nationalist discourse.

" I want to return to the construction of the immigrant "as someone who desires America" and linger on it in light of these provocative insights about [End Page 660] the mutually constitutive relationship between sexuality and state form and practice. and norms within relations of inequality.9 As Davina Cooper notes. does the construction of a desiring immigrant obscure the ways that the state itself. the state's own construction of certain immigrants and citizens as "lovable. Urbana-Champaign Siobhan.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 8 Queer Theory K Link . has identified the immigration control apparatus itself as "a key site for the production and reproduction of sexual categories.3 (2005) 659-675 AJM But queer studies has focused less frequently and consistently on the ways that the state itself (rather than the nation) might be understood as sexualized and sexualizing. ethnicity. from the perspective of oppositional discourse."11 Likewise. Somerville 05 teaches in the Department of English and the Gender and Women's Studies Program at the University of Illinois. for instance. few scholars have explored "the ways in which sexuality as a disciplinary structure.Same Sex Visas The nation-state will use immigration as a key site for the government to produce sexual categories and identities that are instilled within the population. American Quarterly 57. and the state works to maintain this ideological image. not separate from. identities. scholars have recently begun to consider the myriad ways in which particular state practices promote and produce various forms of sexuality." and others as inappropriate objects for the nation's love? And what would it mean to understand the historical production of "undesirables" as a process of "queering" certain immigrants' imagined desire? . Eithne Luibhéid. the sexual: "Once it is understood that the most fundamental structures of the modern state—the rules regulating marriage and immigration—are what enable the state to reproduce itself and what make possible the power relations associated with nationality. through immigration and naturalization policy. the sexual surplus possessed by the state pervades state practices." 12 Furthermore."10 Cooper argues that "although dominant discourses identify the state as asexual. sets the terms of this imagined love. race. actively distinguishing between which immigrants' desire will be returned and which will be left unrequited? To what extent does the presumed lovability of the United States distract us from. Jacqueline Stevens points out the stakes of understanding the state as an institution embedded in. identity and culture shapes state form and practice. and family roles. To what extent. for instance. among other things. then it is clear that piecemeal approaches to eradicating certain inequalities will not work.

Ian Hacking has shown how the development of statistics enables bureaucracies and institutions to refine their practices of classification. and other immoral women. U.15 Official policy discourses are historicized to account for the changes in categorizing the same-sex visa class. and produced select queer migrants as good citizens." A public secret is "that which is publicly known. For these couples. It uses the same-sex immigration policy to examine the governance of sexuality through the institution of immigration and to demonstrate how sexuality provides a mechanism to govern immigrants in ways that enable their selective incorporation. Although same-sex migration has always been championed by mainstream and queer communities. prostitutes. she argues. and racialized. Number 2-3. Behind these practices. The regulation of sexuality as a management of [End Migrations: Sexuality. In her 2005 introduction to the coedited collection Queer immigration regulates sexuality by producing oppressive sexual norms that are gendered. reflects the construction of the nation through practices of exclusion that marginalize lesbians. will be rendered both quantitatively and qualitatively. he argues. she reinforces how Page 241] population is analyzed using a sociological approach to the collation of migration statistics.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 9 Queer Theory K Link . and Border Crossings. 2008 AJM In Entry Denied: Controlling Sexuality at the Border.14 This article extends these approaches to show how the regulation of sexuality in Australia functions as a site of selective inclusion.Same Sex Visas Same-sex visas are co-opted by the host-country to selectively decide which queer populations it would like to assimilate and homogenize Yue 2008 lecturer in cultural studies at the University of Melbourne. Eithne Luibhéid examines the construction of sexual norms and identities in American immigration policy. I first show how same-sex migration policy has reconstituted Australia's immigration history. as well as from interviews conducted with key social movement activists and immigration officials. The second aim is to deconstruct these statistics to expose heteronormative intimacy as a new technology for assimilating the queer migrant. These statistics can be likened to what Michael Taussig has seminally termed "public secrets. I further examine how the interracial gay Asian Australian couple potentially secures and disavows good citizenship by uncannily mimicking and twisting the norms of heterosexual intimacy. classed. are "new technologies" that invent categories into which people could be conveniently counted.S. redefined the kinship structure of the family. intimacy is also an affective and critical site for defamiliarizing the host country and revealing its public secrets.16 The use of statistics in this article has two aims."17 These statistics have never been made public or documented in the annual reports of the Department of Immigration. rather than exclusion. . but cannot be articulated. Intimacy is central to statistics because it is a tool that connects the personal to the public. These statistics. Citizenship. gathered from the Gay and Lesbian Immigration Task Force History Archives at the Mitchell Library Manuscript Deposit at the State Library of New South Wales and recalled through the Freedom of Information Act from the Department of Immigration's Statistics Section.18 In the following.13 The policing of the sexuality of immigrant women. The statistics are intended in the first instance to enumerate a face and scale a group. Audrey. no one is really sure how many gays and lesbians have resettled in the country through this migration program. GLQ Volume 14.

and public authorities.46 Shelly Dudgeon and Sasha Roseneil point to the "heterorelationality" of this practice through its focus on coresidence and the conjugal couple. In the former.Same-Sex Visas Same-sex visas integrate homosexuality into a conventional social world by following the norms of heteronormative intimacy to determine eligibility Yue 2008 lecturer in cultural studies at the University of Melbourne. to the extent that homosexuality is now normalized at an interpersonal and institutional level. In the latter. social context of the relationship. and are made public in order to reproduce same-sex partnerships through the conventions of normative heterosexual culture. 2008 AJM In the migration application. partners' parents and child rearing relatives. . and mutual dependency. .. joint utilities. and commerce. including how the couple met. and examination. public declarations of the relationship to government bodies. Audrey. statutory declarations by the applicant and the partner must provide a history of the relationship. the nature of the household. family members. and evidence of joint travel and participation in groups and social organizations establish the forms of private life through a heteronormative sociality accorded by the state.47 Carl Strychin shows how the queer migrant is incorporated through self-cultivation and disciplinary regulation: "On the one hand. same sex couples were strongly encouraged to mimic the supposedly 'private' institution of marriage as the prerequisite for obtaining immigration . and nature of their commitment to each other. Central here is the changing value accorded to the family as an intimate site for patriotic nationalism and capitalist production."48 . romance. GLQ Volume 14. in order to determine whether it sufficiently copied an imagined and imaginary model. the couple subject their relationship to detailed surveillance These practices support the hegemony of heteronormative institutions despite the transformation of heterosexuality effected by an expansion of lesbian and gay rights. gay saunas. including monogamy. love. statutory declarations by friends. These institutions include the private spheres of personal life and the public spheres of social life. when the relationship developed. Number 2-3. Homosexuality is further made intelligible through its domestication by the heteronormative institutions of intimacy. private practices such as living arrangements within the household.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 10 Queer Theory K Link . and when they decided to commence an interdependent relationship. The application must also provide evidence of the financial aspects of their partnership. the law. the family. and joint responsibilities for bills. They reflect the changing status of sexual identity politics in the social fabric of society that relies on the progressive logics of social inclusion and affirmation. These practices integrate homosexuality into a conventional social world by following the conventions of heteronormative intimacy. the distribution of housework. The decentering of the traditional family suggests the symbolic boundaries separating heterosexuals and [End Page 246] homosexuals have lessened considerably. or lesbian nightclubs are not considered favorably. commercial institutions. daily expenses. Cases where partners have met through Internet chat rooms.44 Heteronormative rightness is evident here in the tacit regulation of sexual practices.45 Steven Seidman criticizes this assimilationist model by showing how heterosexualized norms govern behavior.

Other groups who may conform to heterosexual coupledom or family. and seeks inclusion within the existing system rather than challenging structures of domination. believes in privatization. or who have other strikes against them. recoding these statuses as individual signs of character. Number 2-3. which refuses difficult conversations about the historical legacies and contemporary realities of inequality. “Queer/Migration: An Unruly Body of Scholarship” GLQVolume 14. 2008. will continue to face struggle and exclusion. the "good homosexual" is financially responsible. their ties will serve as a technology for enforcing a particular model of neoliberal citizenship—with the threat of potential detention and deportation always hanging over anyone who does not conform. citizen or resident importantly highlights sexuality as one of these larger relations of power that governs access to il/legal status. thereby challenging the individualizing logics of the current debate. Relationships. less-privileged lesbians and gay men—single. For the few who do succeed in gaining legal admission through having state-recognized family or couple ties that are not nullified by other. affiliations.73 According to Stychin. The campaign to enable same-sex partners to acquire legal immigration status based on their relationship with a U. Thus the campaign risks reinscribing what Carl Stychin describes as the "good homosexual"—or what Lisa Duggan calls the "homonormative" queer—as a neoliberal figure complicit in the abandonment of broad-based social justice struggles in favor of incorporation for a select few. is in a committed relationship that mirrors the heterosexual norm. crosscutting exclusions. .Same-Sex Visas The Same-sex visa program will force applicants to conform to heterosexual notions of family and citizenship and make sure that only the wealthy and “good” immigrants will receive them. AJM Neoliberal representations of immigration sever legal and illegal status from larger operations of power. Eithne. director of the Institute for LGBT Studies and associate professor of women's studies at the University of Arizona. Luibhéid 2008. It is the "good" homosexual's immigrant partner who will become eligible for spousal reunification if the UAFA becomes law—because that partner will not have been ruled out on various grounds and because the couple relationship will most closely approximate the model for proper incorporation and citizen formation within neoliberal logics that the immigration system mandates. Yet focusing on sexuality without addressing how other crosscutting social hierarchies also shape the production of il/legal status may primarily benefit the most privileged same-sex couples.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 11 Queer Theory K Link . and intimacies unrecognized under the current system will still not provide a basis for legalizing.S. Meanwhile. in couple relationships. but who are not sufficiently rich. or with various unrecognized ties—will remain shut out unless they can mobilize a high degree of human or economic capital.

the very language of naturalization has historically been encumbered with assumptions about a heterosexual. . being born within the nation's territory). naturalization takes place through speech acts (oaths and pledges of allegiance) adjudicated by the state. This is not simply because legislation has tended to instantiate exclusionary ideologies of identity (race. Urbana-Champaign Siobhan. At least.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 12 Queer Theory K Link . without any necessary relationship to sexual reproduction or ancestry. so that citizenship is acquired rather than ascribed.19 Notably. the echoes of monogamous marriage vows in the oath of allegiance suggest another way that we might contrast birthright citizenship and naturalization. assign citizenship at birth according to the citizenship status of at least one parent (jus sanguinis). even naturalization cannot escape a logic of belonging that depends on the transmission of citizenship through biological reproduction.Naturalization Naturalization is a heteronormative process by the way it forces individuals to conform to unspoken rules for how to act and speak. citizenship is granted at birth to anyone born within the nation's territory (regardless of the citizenship status of the child's parents) or to any child of a U. sexual orientation) that have "spoiled" the liberal promise of citizenship in the United States.22 Instead of breaking with a model of citizenship based on bloodline. citizen (regardless of the place of birth). Despite its potential to make good on the liberal promise of consent. most nations. In the United States. gender. that is one way to describe the radical potential of naturalization: to enact a purely consensual form of citizenship. and so tends to reinforce the model of an organic. As I argue. naturalization presumably entails the nonsexual production of national subjects.S.20 Nevertheless.3 (2005) 659-675 AJM In fact. reproductive subject. In a self-consciously performative process. Yet. Somerville 05 teaches in the Department of English and the Gender and Women's Studies Program at the University of Illinois. American Quarterly 57. but also. In contrast. there appears to be something very queer at the heart of the naturalization process. class. a performance whose very theatricality exposes the constructed nature of citizenship itself. As the term suggests. we should be more skeptical of the distinction typically drawn between birthright citizenship and naturalization—ascriptive versus consensual—and attend to the ways that the opposition between the two models actually serves to mask how both have historically been embedded within (hetero)sexualized understandings of production. both forms of birthright citizenship are seemingly "natural" or organic forms of the production of citizens through sexual reproduction. because this blood logic is embedded within the very metaphors through which such a form of producing citizenship is imagined. birthright citizenship entails the literal production of citizens through sexual reproduction. the United States is somewhat anomalous in granting the first kind of birthright citizenship (jus soli. nonreproductive model of producing citizens. sexually reproduced citizenry.21 In this way. even though naturalization is theoretically a performative. and [End Page 663] perhaps more stubbornly. by focusing on how the sexual is situated in each. the very term naturalization demonstrates the difficulties that modern states have had in imagining the full potential of that process. especially in Europe.

citizenship is a normative discourse that presupposes universality and therefore exacerbates and negates difference.“Queering Citizenship”. feminist." identifications historically associated with Asian and Mexican immigrants. it is important to be aware of its sentimentalizing uses. postcolonial. Put differently. 11. Without underestimating the power of this ideal. Brandzel 05 PhD candidate at the U of Minnesota. As critical race. on the one hand. the events since 9/11 are ample evidence that a war on "aliens" is seen as justified.14 California's Proposition 187. the 1996 Welfare Reform Act. but discursive pronouncements to the contrary continue to undermine attempts to expose and critique the presumptions of universal citizenship.13 Citizenship is envisioned as a great equalizer."15 Not only is citizenship exclusionary. In this way. the problem being how to include more and more people under its umbrella. A war on noncitizens of color focusing on their immigration status. citizenship has served as a powerful ideal for disenfranchised groups seeking to make claims for inclusion and rights. "frustration with domestic minorities is displaced to foreign minorities." Kevin R. then. Citizenship. not all citizens are created and/or treated equally. Calls for citizenship have often been universalizing claims for inclusion and solidarity in forging a national polity. while it erases and denies its own exclusionary and differentiating nature. [End Page 176] . In the United States.2 AJM. as conscious or unconscious cover.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 13 Queer Theory K Link . and not all citizens are included in the national polity. and. Discriminatory treatment of noncitizens is often justified as a means to safeguard the rights and benefits of citizenship as the exclusive property of recognized citizens. and queer scholars are quick to point out. on the other. where differentiation between citizens and noncitizens is racially loaded. Amy L.Citizenship Citizenship functions as a political tool for fostering exclusionary violence against queer immigrants. functions as a double discourse: it serves as a source of political organizing and national belonging and as a claim to equality. serves to vent social frustration and hatred. most critically. Johnson points out. It is this doubled character of citizenship that most recommends a healthy skepticism toward calls for citizenship. GLQ: Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies. "Because direct attacks on minorities on account of their race is nowadays taboo. not race. noncitizens become "aliens" and "illegal aliens. especially those couched in terms of universality and inclusion.

including to reinforce their claims for civic status and legal protections within liberal. without understanding or critically engaging with the politics of contemporary migration.41 Gay asylum claims have been taken up by mainstream LGBTQ and human rights organizations in sometimes problematic ways. 2008.40 In other words. and heterosexist logics—generates acute dilemmas where queer migration is concerned. In these cases. Thus. gender identity. AJM U. . Number 2-3. reified models of culture shorn of all material relations. queer migrants provide the material ground for dialogue among others. imperial. queers facing violence and persecution demand justice and transformation. repressive immigration control systems. or homonormative frameworks. director of the Institute for LGBT Studies and associate professor of women's studies at the University of Arizona. homonationalist discourses of sexual freedom position queer migrants in complex ways."43 Asylum issues thus exemplify how homonormativity—queer complicities with dominant neoliberal. As Chandan Reddy describes. it "reinforces the self-congratulatory posture inherent in the geopolitics of asylum" while erasing the fact that the global south is actually host to a majority of the world's refugees and asylum seekers. Yet asylum also makes plain that these issues have to be addressed. the LGBTQ migrant finds herself or himself situated "in the contradiction between the heteronormative social relations mandated for immigrants of color by the state's policies and the liberal state's ideology of universal sexual freedom. while participating in an adjudication process that often depends on constructs of "immutable" identity refracted through colonialist. This is because asylum involves "a moment of transnational judgment when the decision-makers of one nation decide not only on the credibility of the individual asylum claimant.S. Moreover. while becoming silenced.42 This process reflects a larger problem about how queers with relative privilege may appropriate queer migrant figures to serve various agendas.39 The queer asylum seeker's contradictory positioning is further exacerbated by the fact that "asylum . racialist.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 14 Queer Theory K Link – Asylum Asylum claims are a moment of judgment by the nation state in which the applicant is either violently excluded or selectively included. but on the errors or strengths of the protection of rights in the country from which the claimant flees. The system thus positions queer asylum seekers in conflict with those seeking admission through the immigration system. but sufficient to lend credence to claims of first-world humanitarianism and democratic freedom—legitimizes exclusionary. Quite simply. queer migrants disappear "in the very exchange that depends on [them] for its moral weight. or HIV status faces even more acute contradictions."38 Successful asylum claims generally require generating a racialist. . Eithne."37 The LGBTQ person seeking asylum because of persecution on account of sexual orientation. “Queer/Migration: An Unruly Body of Scholarship” GLQVolume 14. colonialist discourse that impugns the nation-state from which the asylum seeker comes. . nationalist. neoliberal. The process itself is steeped in heteronormativity Luibhéid 2008. the granting [End Page 179] of asylum to select individuals—who must be few enough in number not to threaten dominant systems. keeps migration exclusion morally defensible" in the global north.

even the person I interviewed in Mexico who owned his own pesticide and fertilizer business felt the constraints of heterosexism. permit him to remain in Mexico relatively free from some of the pressures that drive others to migrate. as a gay man he was outside this world. Mexico. When I asked him why. and social events tied to church and school. when he was eighteen but explained that he had begun to prepare himself for immigrating at sixteen. New York University Mary. I knew I was gay but I thought I might be able to change it. he explained. depend upon having the right image.121 AJM For example. Edited by Mary Bernstein and Renate Reimann. Queer Politics: Challenging Culture and the State. which means a wife. . Gabriel moved to the United States from Nayarit. For instance. while [people] men such as Lalo clearly migrate to escape a sense of sexual oppression. There isn't so much liberation. when immigrants. however. part of the analysis must include sexuality. Business networks. like race and gender. not to distance myself from my family but to hide what I already knew I had. Thus. I wanted to be able to define myself and have more freedom with respect to that. yet to a great degree their vision of the economic realm is extremely limited. for others the decision to migrate to the United States is influenced by a combination of sexual liberation and economic opportunities. who are a sexual minority. His class privilege and the fact the he is his own boss. in one form or another. Groups that are marginalized as sexual minorities are constrained by the limits of discrimination and prejudice that may limit their socioeconomic opportunities. PhD. And indeed. he explained that he had two major reasons for coming to the United States: First. all of the men I interviewed. The social inequalities of sexuality. I wanted to get a better level of education. children. to learn more about it. because in Mexico it's still very taboo.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 15 Queer Theory K Link – Work Visas Economic motivations for migration are integrally linked to the sexualization that migrant populations face Bernstein 01. And the second reason was sexuality. Thus. p. say that they immigrated for financial reasons. Queer Families. For example. I wanted to come here to live. I needed to come here and speak to people. Clearly. are integrally linked to the economic structures of society. immigration scholars have traditionally placed a great deal of emphasis on economic reasons for migration. gave financial reasons for migrating to the United States.

as well as the lack of communication. the anxiety and the monster are born of the same modernity. Associate Professor of Women's and Gender Studies at Rutgers University Jasbit K. the Patriot Act. especially those implicated by changing immigration laws. and communities of color. more docile modernity. the citizen.Terrorism Counter terrorist discourse is a result of the anxieties of a heteronormative civilization. So that even if the long-time surveillance of African American and Caribbean American communities might have let up a bit after September 11. and humanity have come to frame the possibility of thinking and acting within and beyond the nation-state. and even the nation itself in the interests of another. Social Text 20. freedom. Puar 02.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 16 Queer Theory K Link . what transformations are we witnessing in the construction of the terroristmonster? What innovations and reelaborations open new vistas to dominant and emergent forces in the hegemonic politics of the war on/of terrorism? The return of the monster today has enabled a multiform power to reinvest and reinvent the fag.. 43 Moreover. . what we see is the legitimation and expansion of techniques of racial profiling that were in fact perfected on black bodies. Fag” Muse. and the widespread detention of noncitizens. This genealogy takes on a particular urgency given the present disarray of the antiwar Left. We have argued that the monster-terrorist-fag is reticulated with discourses and practices of heteronormative patriotism but also in the resistant strategies of feminist groups. AJM In the contemporary discourse and practice of the war on terrorism. new "border" hysteria. debate. these questions of discipline and normalization serve to foreclose the possibilities of solidarities among and within communities of color. queer communities. Terrorist. and connections between white progressives and communities of color. democracy. even as they refuse a certain racist positioning. between Sikhs and Muslims or among Sikhs who inhabit different class locations. Immigration law is at the heart of this ideology. If contemporary counterterrorism discourses deploy tropes and technologies with very old histories rooted in the West's own anxieties of otherness and normality. for instance. We have sought to show how the uncanny monster-terrorist-fag is both a product of the anxieties of heteronormative civilization and a marker of the noncivilized—in [End Page 139] fact. the turban. We suggest that all such strategies must confront the network of complicities that structure the possibilities of resistance: we have seen how docile patriots. contribute to their own normalization and the quarantining of those they narrate themselves against.3 (2002) 117-148 “Monster.

Puar shifts away from merely reading these photographs as representational artifacts. More importantly. military personal perpetrating the abuse. forms. as an uncommon military practice. Summer 2008 AJM The relationality between terrorism and sexuality is revisited in chapter 2 (“Abu Ghraib and U. especially sexual torture. I find Puar’s attention to the speed. but as sites for exploring how the changing speed. Number 3. this sexuality must be inherently different from the “liberated” sexuality practiced in the United States. Wayne State University Robert. and nothing else. Moreover. which depict Iraqi prisoners being tortured by U.Terrorism We control the direction of the link – any aff advantages are superficial justifications for furthering the domination of postcolonial subjects across the globe through arguments against terrorism Diaz 08 PhD. but very little about the Iraqi prisoners. Thus. “Transnational Queer Theory and Unfolding Terrorisms” Criticism: Volume 50. In one brief but astute moment. the focus on Muslim sexuality valorizes sexuality as the site of violence within torture rather than thinking of violence as a networked strategy in compartmentalizing specific terrorist populations for death as it secures the lives of the privileged few. This presumably also leads to justifications for furthering the domination of postcolonial subjects across the globe through arguments against terrorism.S.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 17 Queer Theory K Link . She contends. “[T]he sexual is the ultimate site of violation. intensity.S. the axiomatic grief that goes hand in hand with the declaration that these pictures are uniquely abusive fosters the very same practices of marking the ethnic national as outside of the United States citizen.S.S. she argues that the nationalistic shock exhibited by a majority of the country’s population intrinsically polices what “Muslim sexuality” ultimately means. Puar points out that we know so much about the U. This lopsided over-abundance of information suggests a skewed form of historiography—one that fills in the information for the U. and distribution of images in an age of technological simulacra go hand in hand with modern forms of imperial consolidation and expansion. The obvious point here is that this myopic way of thinking about Muslim sexuality negates and disavows the multiple ways that the United States itself limits particular sexualities and sexual practices within its border. At its base. As the author notes. These photographs expose the United States’ failure to treat its prisoners humanely and ethically. and [End Page 537] intensity in which these photographs were mass distributed as a new approach to thinking about their importance. . military personnel. Following the work of Brian Massumi on affect and visuality. Puar notes that the national grief and embarrassment the Abu Ghraib photos produce have depended upon an understanding of torture. that these photographs do not mark an exceptional moment at all. Puar studies the controversial Abu Ghraib photographs. Exceptionalism”). They demonstrate the constant mobilization of sexuality as a policing mechanism that justifies state violence. portrayed as extreme in relation to the individual rights of privacy and ownership accorded to the body within liberalism” (81). subject in order to argue for this figure’s unexpected departure from norms of justice and ethical behavior. while marking the suspected terrorist as only capable of being sexualized and violated. however.

the triumph of victorious revenge. the spy. Thus counterterrorism constantly slides between the mobilization of uncertain affects (the blurring between patriotism." the new politics of "sovereign verticality" contending with the undulating folds of the camouflage-burka). emergency. The sliding from pyramidal structure to tentacling network generates perverse subjective. and South America) and deterritorializes the now always vulnerable borders and already contaminated territories of the American nation-state. affective. cruelty. this sliding is not a metaphor: what is productive in it. for security. Again. terror networks. and disciplinary forms (in)adequate to the new security state. pain. for the other. temporalities (present modernity and archaic other). vertigo). are locked in a transnational struggle that in fact draws on all the strengths of the nation. the civilized. spaces (both the familiarizing techniques of military occupation of other nation-states and the uncanny otherness of the always receding "casbah. good.36 . for knowledge. North Africa.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 18 Queer Theory K Link . structure sliding into network) that at once reterritorializes once exotic lands of the Near and Far East (not to mention Southeast Asia.“The Remaking of a Model Minority . for unveiling and deturbaning). creating desires (for surveillance. Jaswat K. betrayal. developing a joint strategy (in other words. the alien). English department at Florida State University. sexuality. South Asia. Fixity and diffuseness are not two metaphors for terrorism and counterterrorism. Assistant professor of women's and gender studies at Rutgers University. In that sense. heroism. democracy. fear. fear. hypertechnologized. and a fictionalized notion of the enemy. the suicide bomber. They name an interminable movement constituted by a set of specifiable practices and colonial histories immanent to the hegemonic project of counterterrorism itself: "Trajectories by which the state of exception and the relation of enmity have become the normative basis of the right to kill. the pain of defeat. and Amit. races."35 Counterterrorism and its supposed Other." the burden of freedom's defense. In such instances. the new global alliance against the terrorist threat and the national security state function in tandem.33 This machine organizes representations (discourses of civilizations. "Iraq—The Video Game. what effects are produced through it is in fact the question of an articulated machine.3 (2004) 75-104 AJM The importance for counterterrorism of this necessary and panicked sliding between a fixed explanatory framework (that manages the crisis of monstrous terrorism) and a transnational.Terrorism Counter terrorism efforts infect policy and morph it into a hegemonic machine that controls and constructs crisis situations in order to fuel a militaristic colonized subjectivity Puar and Rai 04. and new subjective and bodily forms (the citizen. the anxiety of an ever-spreading virus). nations. the terrorist-fag. legitimation crises and techniques for their management. This terrifying sliding from always already mastered fixity to the untrackable diffuseness of terrorism is a machinic assemblage [End Page 90] in itself. shifting terror network (constantly escaping the crosshairs of counterterrorist power) cannot be overstated: it is a productive machine. power (and not necessarily state power) continuously refers and appeals to exception. evil). Perverse Projectiles under the Specter of (Counter)Terrorism” Social Text 22. and pleasure through the encasing and knitting together of modulated rhythms of the mediatized body of technoscience) and the production of affects of uncertainty (anxiety.34 and modulated intensities (the differential speed of the news. the monster. academic discourses.

p 125 AJM GoogleBooks And so what does this strange signifier. particularly as it attempts to totalize the possible positions of resistance to it: the signifier ‘queer’ works to step outside of this totalizing logic and conceive of freedom down different rails of experience. 86). or economic prohibitions in order to fulfill the lack that drives them. and the oppositional politics (heterosexual/ homosexual) emergent from it. political. rather than as the complex deployment and repetition of historicized and politicized discourses. This model of subject-formation instantiates the forms of freedom specified above: the self emerges as an intrinsic identity harboring essential desires that must be liberated from the field of social. Winnubst 06. Penn State University Shannon. a text with a long and storied past in relation to queer theory and queer politics. and the intricate intersections of heterosexism and white supremacist racism. The field of sexuality consequently becomes the field of liberation in cultures of phallicized whiteness. its structures echo my working hypothesis about the structures of whiteness and its domination of the signifying field. Queering Freedom. (And it also conveniently introduces us to the last signifier in the chain constituting phallicized whiteness—‘straight white propertied Protestant male.” have to do with these struggles for concepts of freedom? I offer three points of departure: the oppositional logic of gender (male/female) internal to heterosexuality as the naturalized norm of sexuality. the doubled reduction of the self to desire and of desire to fields designated as “sexual” in cultures of phallicized whiteness.’) As David Halperin describes the salient characteristics of heterosexuality. The normalizing of heterosexuality presents one of phallicized whiteness’s most insidious forms of domination— namely. 2006. Heterosexuality functions in the same way that all privileged positions function: it hides its power. . so too does heterosexuality now pose as the naturalized. Its success is proportional to its ability to hide its own mechanisms” (1978. “queer. 16 “power is tolerable only on condition that it mask a substantial part of itself. As Foucault puts it in volume 1 of The History of Sexuality. The epitome of domination and oppression is manifested in phallic whiteness' ability to “normalize” and determine the consciousness of individual subjects. philosophy PhD.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 19 Queer Theory K Impact . ontological condition of humanity. particularly as driven by dynamics of prohibition.Heteronormativity The normalization of heterosexuality has become a hidden monolith of power that controls all aspects of society. Just as whiteness is phallicized through its necessary veiling of the phallus. the normalizing of our self-consciousness as subjected to the law of desire.

and infinite space to speak. Following from this. and homosexuals) are considered by our society to be “normal. in order that one might realize: it is not all just abstract theory. As a homosexual. In not having some part of one’s self recognized. more location. There is not space for that part to speak in the everyday realm. family. If one is not presented in the everyday language and images surrounding which flow form the stream of unrestrained ignorance. one has to fight for the notion that we even exist. and society. (including asexuals. one is in essence dismissed. media.” Monique Wittig calls heterosexuality a “political regime”. and acquaintances. homosexuals live in silence. The following are examples from old journals of mine. The overbearing presence of heterosexism within our society only highlights the hierarchy of heterosexuality over homosexuality. . Heterosexuality is given more validity. The way our society is constructed and the influence media have in society only work to implement heterosexism. We must fight the barriers. The barriers constructed by heterosexism would try to mold us. Unrecognition is the forerunner of these.Heterosexism Compulsory heterosexuality is a social disease that erases anything different than it. i. I question the ways which individuals may strive to cast out heterosexism. stand up for ourselves as our whole (not fractured) selves. coworkers. unrecognized and invalidated..e. Spring.highbeam. Women and Language. heterosexism is the enforcement of that regime. We must resist. In turn. We must educate. Alabama Environmental Council Gwendolyn. Knowing this. We must work to undo the myths surrounding homosexuality. bisexuals. Nearly all the media (which constantly reflect the focuses and desires of society) is exclusively heterosexual. one cannot help but have some grain of fear arising from having to question whether or not one is protected. heterosexism. Griffin 98. I hope to shift society’s reference points such that people that they are. We must speak until we are heard. the personal is indeed political. That is the ultimate purpose of this paper: education. one may lead a fractured identity in which the homosexual aspect is muted. http://www. added in an attempt to personalize this essay. It is by and from this recognition that violence against homosexuals is allowed to go virtually unchecked. how we may refute compulsory heterosexuality. This is also the fear of not being accepted by friends. As a result.html AJM Heterosexism is a pervasive social disease which is widely (and silently) accepted throughout family.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 20 Queer Theory K Impact .

but to ask what other ways of imagining collectivities are available to us. the centrality of maintaining a stake in difference to an animating progressive political vision. Instead of inducing the nation to imagine queer citizens (an imagining likely to draw on heteronormative terms). exclusive unit of the nation. instead. set of perspectives is indispensable to tracing normativity’s pervasive yet irregular rhetorical effects and. citizenship” is precisely what the opportunistic deployment of essentialism can procure. false imaginaries. but rather serve as a home base – at once starting point. queers should seek. Neither the marketing of queer in the entertainment industry nor perhaps even the institution of same-sex marriage can truly normalize queer. Not treating race as if it were the same as queerness is important. and from the nation. the confines of gay and lesbian identity should not fully dictate imaginative limits for queer politics or organization. both local and wide ranging. Harris 09. Critical reading of cultural artifacts from a full. professor of English literature. most importantly. p191-3 AJM Brandzel makes several important points that resonate with Queer Externalities. Shippensburg University. but so is not treating queer the same as if it were straight (as much of an ideal as that seems). “Citizen” is a concept. unimaginable citizens. structurally antithetical to and defined against queers. At the same time. as imaginatively constituted. correspondingly. and. To “refuse citizenship altogether” is not to opt out of the nation. refuge. Otherwise. the United States will still be constituted against a number of excluded inhabitants. And gay and lesbian identity – homosexuality broadly and communally conceived – is one source of collectivity that has sustained life and mobilized action in ways and through channels alien to the larger culture. or…acceptance of the progress narratives of U. how profoundly can one “undermine” the “production and promotion of normativity” without the preservation of boundaries such as the gayborhood and gay and lesbian identitarian positions All the same. “Conceiving of a citizenship that does not require universalizations. Queer Externalities: Hazardous encounters in American culture. William Conley. both old and new. when paired with a healthy cognizance of categores’ fabricated status and exclusionary character (Brandzel p 64). we should ask ourselves other ways of imagining collectives and communities. Brandzel recommends withdrawal not from the poltical process per se but from that process. as both Brandzel and Lee Edelman point out. and bellwether. the efficacy of various strategies and allies.S. to undermine the concept of citizen as the normative.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 21 Queer Theory K Alternative – Queer Citizenship Refusing citizenship doesn’t mean we relinquish our legal status – it means when confronted with the question of queer migration. the failure of minority claims and experiences from one another. There will be gays and lesbians who don’t wish to get married. even conflicting. .

It has no identity or set of principles. This is not a moment in any Hegelian self-consciousness.’ (It is not a noun!) We can only track down its reverberations in the socio-psychic fields of our experience. We cannot point to and identify ‘that which is queer. We can only attune ourselves to its effects. as we have seen over and over in these pages. Winnubst 06. If to queer is to speak and act from a space in which meanings are endlessly contested. Queering Freedom 2006. to the meaningful over the meaningless. causing sheer anxiety in late modernity. It causes anxiety in cultures of phallicized whiteness and their praise of reason. It is to reinvigorate the endless space of contestation that haunts any claims to stasis. expressed socially and psychically in the many forms of xenophobia. listening carefully for the interstice in which social signifiers are contested and excessive possibilities revisited or birthed for the first time. antagonizing and exacerbating it. To queer is to emerge out of the fleeting space in which meanings are shaped before repetition rigidifies the excess possibilities beyond recuperation. Penn State University Shannon. a restlessness that cannot function and is denied epistemological legibility. . AM. apparent) stability of reason’s control. This anxiety. Rather than reducing it to the restful quietude and (alleged. rendering order vulnerable to the excessive possibilities swarming in the site of its emergence. to queer embraces this restlessness. which we can only speak as a lack. in ways we cannot anticipate: to queer is to foil anticipation and its temporality of a future-anterior.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 22 Queer Theory K Alternative . is bound tightly to the disavowal of meaninglessness. the entering of kinds and modes of experience where reason does not reign. we consistently grant privilege.Queering The act of queering is to transform an idea to allow it to exist outside of the dominant order. superseding it without even knowing we have done so. Despite our alleged hedonism. projected onto raced and sexed Others in cultures of phallicized whiteness. To queer is to veer off the rails of reason. it shifts and changes with historical contexts and their differential forces of power. and even a moral imperative. the beheading of reason. it simply acts to deconstruct the violent anxiety and xenophobia of phallic whiteness. We habitually live in the space of assumed reason. this is not the space of reason. Anxiety is the loss of reason. To queer is to turn that historicity back upon itself. We late moderns constantly jump over this space. And it is this anxiety that takes on historicized forms. This is the space prior to the emergence of that damning self-Other dyad: there is no self here and queer does not emerge against some Other. philosophy PhD.’ or identity. 42 The meaningless causes anxiety. or ‘nature. p 139 AJM GoogleBooks If queer emerges from a space of endless contestation. To queer things is to transform them.

hilarious. Power is not about one class wielding economic and political power over another. At the same time. philosophy PhD. to open ourselves to not-knowing and unknowing as viable modes of experience. It is to stop ignoring and erasing these lost pasts in our idolatry of the (market’s) future. it is not to gain an illusory and impossible security in George W. and thereby open onto different kinds of pleasures. The United States is not a country of scarcity. (I use “we” on both sides of this division to express the multiple subject positions I hold on the social map of power. while also locking us into the endless cycle of anxious consumption and future satiety. To excavate these lost pasts erased from our consuming consciousness opens middle-class consciousness onto the actual scarcities at work in the fictional scarcity of our consumption practices. decentering its grip on us. To cultivate these ‘memories’ opens onto a queer consciousness of how desire perpetuates systems of domination. it can be decentering. we could even enjoy our lives without the onslaught of cheap consumer goods that increasingly keep most of the world’s population trapped in economic dependency and political subordination. at a minimum. Penn State University Shannon. For bodies in power. We must open ourselves to the political queerness of our lives and embrace the radical uncertainty of events. Bush’s “Ownership Society. and a sense of grounding for movements already underway. To halt the temporality of the future anterior as the dominant mode in which we live our lives is to resist these cultures and their values. this may already be how we are living and to embrace it consciously may be experienced as a call to joy and creativity or. buying and growing and exchanging locally.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 23 Queer Theory K Alternative – Queer Uncertainty Refuse to act within systems of domination.) The call to a politics without a future strikes us in varying ways. .” Freedom is to recognize the lost pasts embedded in our everyday practices and to cultivate pleasures that do not perpetuate these violences. It presents a way of interrupting and disrupting the domination of phallicized whiteness. it is about a web of interlocking values that perpetuate the domination of the most privileged at the expense of all other lives. giving voice and a space in which to cultivate unimaginable pleasures. And we could recognize that the alleged scarcity of goods that sends us into buying frenzies and their promise of a more secure future is nothing but another marketing tool. Queering Freedom 2006. to halt the temporality of the future calls us to risk radical uncertainty in the politics and erotics of our lives. most often through the narrative of desire and its myth of scarcity. It can also open onto possibilities that things could be otherwise: we could consume differently. one that depends on our not remembering how or where or why or for whom these objects are made. And freedom is not to own as much as we desire. For oppressed and dominated bodies. Winnubst 06. a profound relief. but of a remarkably lopsided distribution of immense wealth.S. Our senses of power and freedom change when we begin to think and act in these queer ways. or even a relief. p 195 AJM GoogleBooks The scarcity at work in the production of our cheap consumer goods is not the scarcity of the middle class in the U. How we respond may tell us much about how queerly multiple our “I” of identity can become. These snapshots of different subject positions’ responses to living life without a concept of the future give us some sense of how cultures of phallicized whiteness perceive a call to a politics without a future. such a call to risk will likely affront our deepest senses of our selves and worlds: it will likely fall on deaf ears. 15 The excess that drives our market economy perpetuates inhuman scarcity in the lives that produce its goods.

"Pedagogy must always be contextually defined. AJM Crafting an effective pedagogy for addressing sexual orientation in the English classroom can transform how we understand the work of teaching critical thinking.1 (2006) 103-122 Queering Pedagogy in the English Classroom: Engaging with the Places Where Thinking Stops. The cognitive dissonance that students experience in the midst of this work can challenge them to understand better both how their discursive affiliations impact them and how those communities produce knowledge." What she means is that within a discourse community. and questions as well as by what it ignores and leaves unquestioned. allowing it to respond specifically to the conditions. knowledge is defined by what it addresses. As students explore their memberships in various discourse communities and develop a deeper understanding of what those affiliations mean in their lives. where. why. assumes. In discussing sexual difference in class.. As Henry A. This work requires both that we consciously invite into our classrooms discourses often kept outside them and that we help students recognize which discourse communities play such important roles in their lives that they frequently remain unquestioned. Pedagogy 6.Queer Pedagogy Pedagogical work requires that we consistently engage our institutions from a personal position. associate professor of English at Susquehanna University Amy E. the pedagogy I explore students. . Indeed. and problems that arise in various sites in which education takes place. formations. Heteronormative discourses are maintained through their process of ignorance and keeping queer issues relegated to the sidelines.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 24 Queer Theory K Alternative . they often begin to identify conflicts. both for themselves and for their thinking and questioning stop within and between various discursive positionings. sometimes between their discursive affiliations. we are wise to read "ignorance and knowledge not as mutually exclusive but as implicated and constitutive of each other. As Susanne Luhmann (1998: 150) suggests. then. Giroux (2001: 18) argues. Doing so entails recognizing that discourse communities are defined by both ignorance and knowledge. the task of negotiating memberships in multiple discourse communities is vital to the critical thinking with which students need to gain experience in our institutions. At its root. students ask themselves questions like these: How do I feel and what do I know about this topic? Where does my knowledge come from? What is unknown to me? What is unthinkable to me and why? Questions like these are central to queer pedagogy because they help students learn both that knowledge is created and how knowledge is created. and how here asks that instructors consider. Winans 06." Thus my approach follows Giroux's call for educators [End Page 104] to "engage their teaching as a theoretical resource that is both shaped by and responds to the very problems that arise in the in-between spaces/places/contexts that connect classrooms with the experiences of everyday life" (18–19).

" It is this process of "queer[ing] the brew" that merits further exploration in our classrooms. The alt can only solve if it remains distanced from the dominant mode of thought by challenging the tensions between the alt and the affirmative. Shelley Reid (2004). Simply put. changing the content of our classes does not necessarily impact our pedagogy. . simply adding materials about "the other" does not challenge our pedagogy or conceptual framework in meaningful ways. AJM What I am proposing in this essay is not simply that we should discuss sexual orientation in our classrooms. Adding queer content to a dominant framework leaves the heteronormative structures unchallenged.1 (2006) 103-122 Queering Pedagogy in the English Classroom: Engaging with the Places Where Thinking Stops.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 25 Queer Theory K AT: Perm ___PERM DOESN’T WORK. As Urvashi Vaid (1995). Naming and engaging with these tensions is what sparks the chemical reaction that ineluctably queers the brew. Winans 06. E.. "It is possible to 'include' new discourses and yet simultaneously deny the tensions that exist around their proximity and their competing claims for territorial definition. As Harriet Malinowitz (1995: 252–53) explains. Pedagogy 6. and others have argued. although I believe that we should. Simply adding sexual orientation to the list of issues that we explore in our classes is insufficient for reasons that many scholars of multiculturalism have discussed. associate professor of English at Susquehanna University Amy E. the additive approach of inclusivity or celebration of difference tends to leave dominant cultural assumptions and their complex relationships to power unexamined.

2004).ism or the similar logic of identity politics.” as Piotnek (2006) has defined it (p. PhD Educational Policy and Planning Program UT Austin. The perm is just an add-and-stir approach.mative. 2000. xvii) and pushes it further to challenge and confuse the very act of categorizing.1.freireproject. and thus queer signifies “not an identity. 3. My own queer pedagogy therefore engages Doty’s (1__3) idea that “queerness should challenge and confuse our understanding and uses of sexual and gender categories” ( rooted in intersectional theory (Collins. nor is queer pedagogy satisfied by the simple add-and-stir techniques of multicultural. p. 1_77. Queer Scholarly Activism: An Exploration of the Moral Imperative of Queering Pedagogy and Advocating Social Change.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 26 Queer Theory K AT: Perm ONLY COMPLETE CHANGE IN LOGICS SOLVES.pression (Combahee River Collective. http://www.. Queer Studies. James W. gender. but queerness does embody (with an emphasis on the body) an anti-nor.pdf AJM At heart. 8-25. and institutionalizing. International Journal of Critical Pedagogy. a cluster of methodolo. The only way to overcome the heteronormativity of citizenship is to completely overhaul the logic that fuels this oppression Koschoreck 2010. this critical queer pedagogy aims at analyzing and deconstructing power structures. . including the separation of knowledge into disciplines. disembodying. but a questioning stance. 2). 2_) and are thus fundamental to any social justice initiative. would look very different from Gay and Lesbian Studies.and sex-centered perspective that is grounded in the knowledge that gender and sexuality are critical intersections of interlocking systems of op. Queer is not limited to functioning as an umbrella term for all non-normative sexual orientations and practices.gies that let us explore the taken for granted and the familiar from new vantage points.

115 AJM Yet. this body of literature fails to capture the multiplicity and fluidity of sexual identity and fails to conceptualize capitalist development as a global phenomenon with implications for sexuality and migratory patterns on a global scale. New York University Mary.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 27 Queer Theory K AT: Queer = capitalist Our cards are more specific – even if there is a capitalist link to queer theory. the “capitalism/gay identity” argument is limited in several important ways. Racial/ethnic dimensions are notably absent and must also be considered especially when family-economic interdependence plays so central a role in the paradigm. . Queer Politics: Challenging Culture and the State. familyeconomic interdependence may continue to play an important role in relations and identity even while reconfigured through migratory processes and when new systems of support are created. Queer Families. Unfortunately. First. it fails to capture the complexity of stratified-power relations beyond a simple class argument even if held to the Westernindustrial experience. p. the benefits to immigration outweigh Bernstein 01. while most social constructionists agree that gay identity is linked with capitalist development. Second. In the case of international migration. Edited by Mary Bernstein and Renate Reimann. PhD. migration-studies scholars have in turn ignored this literature marked as “gay studies” and have not examined how sexuality may shape migratory processes.

Both the work of Marx and most of the canon of Western marxism has with rare exception dismissed or ignored sexuality. and simply not seen heterosexuality as a normative institution. Professor of English at Rice University (Rosemary. Nonetheless. I do not think it is necessary to excuse Marx and Engels's inability to theorize the role of sexuality and domestic labor in capitalist production by saying that they were products of their time or by claiming their biographical history is irrelevant to their theories. histories of sexuality invariably do not allow us to know sexuality as part of a social system in which humans produce what they require to meet their needs. Pg.material concerns in the lives of both Engel and Marx. Marxists themselves have been among the prime promoters of the fragmented thinking that has separated sexuality from social production. and especially about the law reform efforts in their native countries (Edge 44). he did not directly engage with these feminist knowledges or address the linked roles of sexuality and gender in capitalist production. GoogleBooks) AJM One of the most remarkable features of the history of sexual identities is the lack of any consensus over how to understand precisely what sexuality is. Profit and Pleasure. Yet while Marx supported the general principle of the emancipation of women. outlawed in Prussia in the 1860s. most of them liberal. 4-5. both Marx and Engels could —and perhaps should —have known about these struggles. desire. the material connections between gendered sexuality and labor were very immediate-perhaps too immediate. This review will also highlight the pervasive ideological mandate to disconnect sexuality from capitalist production. In other words. Throughout Marx's life feminist arguments were also in the air.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 28 Queer Theory K AT: Queer = Capitalist Marxism refuses to recognize the importance of heterosexual institutes on capitalisms progress and identity production Hennessy 00. some socialist. Engels died the year of Oscar Wilde's arrest. I want to review some of this work in order to consider several currently reigning ways of thinking about the material of sex in relation to other ways of understanding it that have been marginalized or suppressed. What is the materiality of sexuality? Is it libidinal desire? Bodies and pleasures? Discourses? Culture-ideology? How do presuppositions about the materiality of sex affect how we understand sexual identity and how we craft a sexual politics? As I mentioned in the previous chapter. Male homosexuality was criminalized in Russia in 1832. and affect. . the United States developed antihomosexual laws on a state-by-state basis from the mid-1800s onwards (Edge 6-7). and added to the penal code of Germany in 1871. And yet there is now a fairly substantial archive of scholarship on sexuality and sexual identity that sees them as material. but the Labouchere Amendment under which Wilde was accused was enacted a decade earlier as the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1885.

Because localized understanding and local identities are the most available and intelligible ways of making sense of sexuality. Sexual identities are racially and nationally differentiated. Profit and Pleasure. It has to be able to offer an analysis that explains the ways capitalism functions as a complex structured totality and to make visible the myriad ways these structures manifest across a range of local sites. local ways. and they are differentially gendered in particular ways within and across social formations. Pg. however. they are often the most expedient and pedagogically useful points of entry for oppositional critical knowledge. for example. that not only sees and changes the immediately apparent social forms but makes visible and aims to change their reasons for being. 4-5. But unfortunately. By affirming that a global analysis includes inquiry into localized cultural formations. an oppositional critique has to be able to explain the interpenetration of these local arrangements with capital's global structures. and forms of consciousness—has so incorporated localities. sexual identities are most often approached only in terms of their most immediate—and in that sense local manifestation.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 29 Queer Theory K AT: Queer = Capitalist We must combine the global and the local in order to effectively solve for capitalism Hennessy 00. The challenge for a sexual politics that is to be truly radical. . commodities. by late capitalism's global reach is played out in local situations. is to trade in this local perspective for another pair of lenses. These particulars are important components of the complex historical realities that people live by. I am not advocating that local concerns and identities be subsumed to a mechanistic social theory. the organization of group identity. one that can allow us to know the historical relationship between the contradictions we most immediately experience and the social structures they are shaped by and help support. Professor of English at Rice University (Rosemary. GoogleBooks) AJM By the same token. including sexual identities. We need analyses that examine how structures of power function in concrete. Because late capitalist production—of capital.

there were more gestures in this direction than there were developed theoretical explanations from which to forge a fundamentally anticapitalist activist politics. Professor of English at Rice University (Rosemary. Profit and Pleasure. Pg. Although Red Butterfly supports Whitman for generally linking the individual effects of gay oppression to "the social and economic facts which are at once the cause and effects of this situation. the Gay Left represented a short-lived but vital willingness to make use of marxism as a critical framework to link sexual oppression to global capitalism. the fact that a broad sector of the discourse of gay liberation was at least in spirit directed toward connecting sexual oppression to the history of capitalism made this one of the most exciting flash points in the historical development of a critical and materialist understanding of sexuality. 4-5. study groups. and actions whose most intensive activity lasted only until the mid-seventies. In fact." they note the tension in his manifesto between personal freedom and the need for collective action. conferences. newsletters. and they critique Whitman's promotion of "coming out" as an inadequate strategy for social change in itself because it can so easily separate personal liberation from changing the social conditions that foster gay oppression. however. Comprised of a loose network of collectives.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 30 Queer Theory K AT: Queer = Capitalist Discourses of sexual oppression should be combined wth the fight against capitalism Hennessy 00. . Nonetheless. journals. GoogleBooks) AJM One set of texts that succinctly demonstrates these different leanings is Carl Whitman's "Gay Manifesto" and the reply to it written by the gay socialist group Red Butterfly (Blasius and Phelan 38o-9o).

We need analyses that examine how structures of power function in concrete. By affirming that a global analysis includes inquiry into localized cultural formations. including sexual identities. they are often the most expedient and pedagogically useful points of entry for oppositional critical knowledge. 4-5. But unfortunately. and forms of consciousness—has so incorporated localities. sexual identities are most often approached only in terms of their most immediate—and in that sense local manifestation. for example. . however. an oppositional critique has to be able to explain the interpenetration of these local arrangements with capital's global structures. The challenge for a sexual politics that is to be truly radical. one that can allow us to know the historical relationship between the contradictions we most immediately experience and the social structures they are shaped by and help support. GoogleBooks) AJM By the same token. local ways. Professor of English at Rice University (Rosemary. Profit and Pleasure. and they are differentially gendered in particular ways within and across social formations. Pg. It has to be able to offer an analysis that explains the ways capitalism functions as a complex structured totality and to make visible the myriad ways these structures manifest across a range of local sites. is to trade in this local perspective for another pair of lenses. Because late capitalist production—of capital. that not only sees and changes the immediately apparent social forms but makes visible and aims to change their reasons for being. Sexual identities are racially and nationally differentiated. by late capitalism's global reach is played out in local situations.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 31 Queer Theory K AT: Queer = Capitalist We must combine the global and the local in order to effectively solve for capitalism Hennessy 00. I am not advocating that local concerns and identities be subsumed to a mechanistic social theory. Because localized understanding and local identities are the most available and intelligible ways of making sense of sexuality. These particulars are important components of the complex historical realities that people live by. commodities. the organization of group identity.

4-5. As a pervasive institution within other institutions (state. Pg. and as exploited laborer depends on a heterosexual matrix in which woman is taken to be man's opposite. his control over social resources. media).ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 32 Queer Theory K AT: Feminism Arguments We can only solve for patriarchy by addressing heteronormativity Hennessy 00. heterosexuality helps guarantee patriarchal regulation of women's bodies. . church. Woman's position as subordinate other. But the struggles of lesbians in groups like Queer Nation and other gay political organizations are testimony to the fact that gender hierarchies persist between men and women even when both are fighting against heterosexuality as a regime of power (Maggenti). and never virile. his clear thinking. heterosexuality is integral to patriarchy. education. and desires. Critiques of heterosexuality have often not acknowledged— in fact they often disavow — the relationship between heterosexuality and patriarchy. Professor of English at Rice University (Rosemary. Profit and Pleasure. labor. less rational. as (sexual) property. GoogleBooks) AJM In positing male and female as distinct and opposite sexes that are naturally attracted to one another. and sexual prowess depend on her being less able. strength.

Profit and Pleasure. GoogleBooks) AJM One of the most notable and trenchant features of Butler's analysis is her extension of feminism's theory of gender as culturally constructed to the more radical argument that the internal coherence of the identities -man" or "woman" presumes institutional heterosexuality. and lesbian contexts where gender does not necessarily follow from sex. From this perspective. .ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 33 Queer Theory K AT: Feminism Arguments The Man/Woman binary in feminism reinforces heterosexism Hennessy 00. This imaginary representation. "conceals the gender discontinuities that run rampant within heterosexual. 4-5. she argues. which is generally assumed to be an expression of the core of oneself. Pg. gay. 135-36). Professor of English at Rice University (Rosemary. heterosexuality. Much of the oppositional force of her critique lies in its insistent claim that heteronormativity is absolutely central to the bourgeois ideology of expressive and coherent selfhood. and desire or sexuality generally does not seem to follow from gender" (199oa. bisexual. is exposed as a precarious fabrication always potentially at risk.

Hennessy 00. Pg. a cultural effect. Claiming a queer identity is an effort to speak from and to the differences that have been suppressed both by heteronorms and by the homo-hetero binary: the transsexual. which gave the signifier "queer" national publicity. invoking the signifier "queer" paralleled the shift away from the terms "lesbian" and "gay" among some activists (Queer Nation. too—come to be known. and any other ways of "experiencing" and expressing sensuality and affect that do not conform to the prevailing organization of sexuality. These knowledges carry an important critical force to the extent that they denaturalize how we think about sexuality and identity. Queer theory distances itself from lesbian and gay identity politics because it sees any identity as internally divided and therefore not an apt or effective rallying point for change. offering instead an "in your face" rejection of proper sexual identities that is both anti-assimilationist and anti-separatist. either confidently normal or apologetically.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 34 Queer Theory K AT: “Queer” = Bad Word We must re-appropriate of the term queer from a negative term of exclusion to stand for the inherent instability in ANY identity. GoogleBooks) AJM Queer theory presented itself in the late eighties as an emphatically postmarxist critique of sexual identity politics. Much of this denaturalizing draws from an array of postmodern theories that see sexuality and identity not as a fact of nature or a libidinal drive but rather as an unstable symbolic construction. quietly queer. Professor of English at Rice University (Rosemary. "Queer" is a mark of the instability of identity. another way of thinking the sexual" (de Lauretis 1991. 4-5. Profit and Pleasure. was founded in I99o). By the early nineties in academic theory. Embracing the category used to shame and cast out sexual deviants. Touting queerness is a gesture of rebellion against compulsory heterosexuality's pressure to be either hetero or invisible. bisexual. for example) in how sexuality and gender—and for some queer theorists race." including the intricate ways lesbian and gay sexualities are inflected by heterosexual norms. In all of these respects queer theory is a significant departure from lesbian and gay studies. shamefully. straight and gay. . iv). and ethnic differences. One of the defining features of queer theory is its effort to reorient a cultural and social movement based on identity politics and founded on the categories "gay" and "lesbian" in order to produce "another discursive horizon. gender. It is an effort to unpack the monolithic identities "lesbian" and "gay. race. queer theory and politics defiantly refuse the terms of the dominant discourse. It makes visible the ways that heterosexuality functions as a normative power regime and highlights the arbitrariness of the neat distinctions it enforces (between masculine and feminine.

no "legitimate" civic identity. the problem of restructuring heteronormative curricula and pedagogies involves reforming both the definition and enactments of citizenship. focused on just long enough to substantiate a politics of Otherness. the queer body is a socialized and political misfit known only through. no political presence. Now. schools exclude relevant pedagogy for those most likely to be pushed out (Fine. The inherent rights and freedoms of heteronormative citizenry are not accorded equally to the queer body. notions of citizenship put forth in a rush to all-encompassing inclusivity reify the very paralytic structures they are working to overturn. University of British Columbia. By failing to incorporate these experiences. there can be no discernable voice. educators also lose opportunities to construct classroom knowledges that break down the hierarchical structure the classroom. the recipe is largely an add-and-stir model in which gay and lesbian issues are treated as pedagogical isolates. For the queer student. Without access. Theory Into Practice 43. the Othered bodies of those who do not fit neatly within the sociopolitical parameters. . Within education. Lisa W. Consequently one's identity as citizen proper is greatly compromised. While attempts to infuse curriculums with gender and sexuality have met with reasonable success. its Otherness. 2002). By isolating curriculum and pedagogies. These same underlying ideologies prohibit some newly named political bodies from engaging in the practice of citizenship. while partially inclusive in its categorical frameworks of naming.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 35 Queer Theory K Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails Queer citizenship is not as inclusive as it sounds – it denies the material conditions that queers of color are trying to overcome Loutzenheiser and MacIntosh 04. the body of color. this takes the form of a hidden and explicit curriculum that is unable and unwilling to fully incorporate pedagogies and contents that more than tolerate the inclusion of queer content through specific and planned curricular goals. publicly identified. 1991. The result is a citizenship discourse that. in its racialized.2 (2004) 151-158 AJM Queer citizenship is not part of multicultural or anti-racist teaching as it has been popularly constructed. Often. where the teacher is all-knowing and students are deficit bodies bringing little or no useful knowledge to the classroom. and in. Loutzenheiser. is assistant professor of curriculum studies and Lori B. has few access points in this dialogue. is a doctoral student in educational studies. class-based. does not address the underlying dominant ideologies. The queer body. Marginalized students often call for the pedagogical inclusion of curricula that has been typically relegated to the private (outside of school) sphere. The result is the formation of boundaries in our classrooms. ethnically diverse subjectivities.

University of Florida. 2004). Sexuality norms and sanctions for crossing them differ both between nations and within nations (Bell & Binnie. 2000. Maura. within these capitalistic nations. The state. TBA. where people believe they should have human rights if they have economic/buying power. 2010-06-04 from http://www. people living within highly capitalistic nations will benefit from sexual progressiveness more so than people living outside of these nations. creating inequitable effects for people in different locales so that the specific effects of sexuality changes will be experienced differently depending on place (Binnie. This being so. .html AJM To undertake a discussion of globalization and sexuality. New York City Online <PDF>.com/meta/p183033_index. the purchasers of sexual lifestyles may demand sexual minority rights. balancing the possibility of delegitimizing the ideology of capitalism and trying to keep sexual dissidents at bay. 2004).ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 36 Queer Theory K Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails The nature of capitalism means that queering citizenship is only beneficial for the people that are living within the US Ryan 07. the interests of the market state lead to commodification of the personal and private through the encouragement to purchase sexual lifestyles. Binnie. "Queer Internal Colonialism: Aiding Conquest Through Borderless Discourse" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association. Because of autonomy ideologies that come from capitalist economies. In a very early example of this type of thinking Evans (1993) argued that in highly capitalistic societies.allacademic. New York. but refuses to grant others. grants some privileges to sexual minorities. those with the most economic power will benefit the most from this sexual permissiveness. Further. one must understand that globalization operates unevenly. PhD.

but share the linkage of sexual dissidence. That being so. 1991. "Queer Internal Colonialism: Aiding Conquest Through Borderless Discourse" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association. PhD. New York City Online <PDF>. It stands to reason that. However. . where the theoretical body of literature on sexual citizenship argues that queer people are all strangers to a national identity. the idea of sexual citizenship would probably not resound with most queer people. 2010-06-04 from http://www. New York. Stychin. 2004]. it is certain that some of them are more outside than others due to gender.html AJM If queer people are always outside of the national creating an exclusionary environment for queer people of color. for queer people. Maura. So. race.allacademic. Manalansan. This section of the paper takes for granted that overt forms of racism occur in the GLBT community – in manifestations like gay white male eroticization of gay men of color and discriminatory practices within clubs. 1997]. and possibly creating a queer version of internal colonialism. and class markers that also place them outside the bounds of dominant citizenship. meeting places and organizations [for in-depth discussions of these occurrences see Hemphill. University of Florida. TBA. 1995. Instead. the GLBT community has increasingly become a self-described ethnic community with common language. and political goals (Weston. 2000). the focus of this section is the way in which covert racist ideology functions in the GLBT community.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 37 Queer Theory K Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails Most queers would not like queer citizenship – it is a niche action that does not help most queerS Ryan 07. a similar idea – the idea that gay people are “family members” because of their similar experiences with sexual orientation – would most likely sound familiar [see Weston. culture. the workings of the GLBT community are of more immediate consequence than queer theory.

1995. where there was an attempt made by (white) gays and lesbians to benefit from the nationalist discourse that celebrated American insiders and demonized “outsiders” as dangerous and criminal.” Hoping to be seen as patriotic members of the national community. and queer people in the social and political spheres (Gamson.” what they mean is “we (all queer people) are just like you (all Americans). produced to disassociate “gay” from “strange or “abnormal. the community has reveled in the idea of “celebrating diversity. affluent white gays and lesbians use their class and race privilege to legitimate themselves as partners. This kind of political positioning has also occurred in gay and lesbian arguments about same-sex marriage and same-sex parenting. when gay people make the claim “we’re just like you. and citizens by reifying the illegitimacy of other citizens (Hicks. gays and lesbians willingly entered into a racist discourse that legitimated some citizens and demonized others. including queer people of color.allacademic. since the 1980’s. people who have children they cannot afford to care for.” However. Bailey.” both as a call to wider society to celebrate the sexual differences of its inhabitants and as a proud reminder that the community itself is diverse. the GLBT community has received constant criticism from queers of color that this testament to diversity fails to include them (Armstrong. “we are just like single Chicana mothers. people who divorce. To mediate this problem. and affluent” and they do not mean. the GLBT community recognizes that their ethnic status is markedly different from other ethnic types because queerness is a category that people from very different backgrounds come to in later life. California. Maura. 2004. was a gay man.2 They also called attention to the gays and lesbians who died in the towers and vocalized a gay and lesbian demand that these deaths be “brought to justice. transgender.html AJM According to Armstrong (2002). 2006). parents.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 38 Queer Theory K Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails Progressive policies and actions such as queer citizenship meant to help queers disproportionately aide white gays and lesbians. Bernstein and Reiman (2001) make the argument that progressive policies meant to help gays and lesbians.” this particular strategy has meant a gay and lesbian dissociation from bisexual. et al.” gays and lesbians have attempted. In what Phelan (2001) calls “a flight from strangeness.” what they mean is “we’re just like you if you are White. 2002. affluent. Hicks. also see Ferguson. we might believe that when they say “we’re just like you. white queer people. to approximate normality by making the claim that the only difference between them and “everyone else” is the slight matter of sexual orientation and that they should therefore be entitled to privileges of the state [see also Warner. In these arenas. Ryan 07. "Queer Internal Colonialism: Aiding Conquest Through Borderless Discourse" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association. 2001). as of late. New York. position themselves as more legitimate partners/parents than people who can marry and choose not to. disproportionately aide affluent. If we return to the necessary dimensions of internal colonialism. Further. Phelan. In this way. that there is an involuntary nature associated with the relationship between the dominant and subordinate September 16th is officially Marc Bingham day in San Francisco.” and. 2001. If we were providing these gay claim makers with the benefit of the doubt. Jindal (2004) argues that this type of gay and lesbian political claim was especially present following the events of September 11th. creating the appearance of a unified gay community has been a political strategy. In fact.” is a plea to be understood as just like the privileged members of society. presenting themselves as the community’s representatives. male. such as domestic partnership benefits. It is also a way that white gay people have symbolically distanced themselves from all people of color. However. 2006). As Kadi (1997) points out. TBA. white gays and lesbians. . PhD. 2003).. New York City Online <PDF>. 2000]. 2010-06-04 from http://www. who helped bring down flight 93 in Pennsylvania. gay and lesbian organizations touted that “American hero” Marc Bingham. Specifically. more specifically to dissociate “gay” from “queer.” The appeal to a national “you. University of Florida. and people who have children “by mistake” (Boggis.

The reason for this occlusion can be found in another statement: Berlant contends that Native peoples "have long experienced simultaneously the wish to be full citizens and the violence of their partial citizenship. and the United States in particular. . Berlant contends: "It must be emphasized .ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 39 Queer Theory K Aff– Queer Citizenship Fails Queer theory fails to escape the heteronormative nation-state Smith 2010. Puar's and Gopinath's work demonstrates how the noncitizen. even within queer of color critique? One possibility may be that [End Page 58] queer studies has not considered the possibility of alternative forms of nationalism that are not structured by nationstates. Riverside Andrea.S. "Our charge as spectators and actors is to continue disidentifying with this world until we achieve new ones. .1-2 AJM The question arises. queer theory does offer strong critiques of the heteronormativity of the nation-state as well as the heteronormativity of the citizen. even a theoretical option for queer citizens.S. citizen. citizens.S. at this moment. . teaches in media and cultural studies at the University of California. 69 . . to read America's lips. why is settler colonialism so seriously undertheorized in queer studies. that disidentification with U. Queer Theory and Native Studies 16. What can we do to force the officially constituted nation to speak a new political tongue?"68 This statement curiously occludes the struggles of many indigenous peoples who have articulated themselves as belonging to sovereign nations rather than as being U. queers the state's heteronormativity. nationality is not. particularly in the figure of the refugee or the immigrant."66 Muñoz similarly gestures to "beyond" the current political system when he says. particularly the U. . At the same time. then. teaches in media and cultural studies at the University of California. then. queer theory seems to lapse back into presuming the givenness of the nation-state in general. We are compelled."67 Thus. To be fair. For instance." She collapses Native peoples into the category of racial minority rather than recognize them as colonized peoples struggling against a settler state. Riverside. queer theorists seem to exhibit some desire to think beyond the nation-state. Berlant also looks at how queer activist groups within the United States attempt to reconfigure citizenship within the current nation-state and even to question the "censoring imaginary of the state.

but where the dominant group members assert themselves as the representatives of the community and where subordinate group members cannot successfully make their needs visible to dominant group members or members outside the group. both in overt and covert manifestations. of the specific needs of queer people of color. Because of external forces of institutionalized discrimination outside the gay community. New York City Online <PDF>.com/meta/p183033_index. affluent white gays and lesbians have been dominant in relation to GLBT people of color and experience greater social privileges outside of the gay community. which they do not. Ryan 07. it reifies the larger U. Finally. Maura. for white queer people to be a “dominant group.html AJM In a queer context.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 40 Queer Theory K Aff – Queer = Whiteness Within queer communities.allacademic.S. PhD. However. "Queer Internal Colonialism: Aiding Conquest Through Borderless Discourse" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association. is woefully present in the queer community. TBA. the first criteria might be rephrased to say that queer internal colonialism includes a voluntary relationship between the dominant and subordinate group via entrance into the queer community. white gays are able to marginalize queers of color within gay communities and through a racist discourse that attempts to legitimize affluent white gays as normal citizens.” they would need to be a group that enjoyed the rights of full citizenship participation. The second criteria might be paralleled to the white queer erasure. within gay enclaves. internal colonialism of people of color in a more general fashion. New York. affluent white gays and lesbians have been dominant in relation to GLBT people of color and experience greater social privileges outside of the gay community. gay and lesbian organizations. Certainly. 2010-06-04 from http://www. University of Florida. racism. . and national positioning of GLBT rights issues. if not the destruction.

A philosophy never fixed nor realized. gay and lesbian civil rights movements—that homosexuality was the basis of a valid minority identity. returning to its primary definition of "strange. ridiculed. The world only spins forward. and the dead will be commemorated and will struggle on with the living. to name two of the more prominent queer academics opted for a more abstract form of revolution. We will be citizens. there began a vigorous interrogation of the politics of identity categories. After the first flush of intellectual passion. steeped in too fixed and narrow a sense of group belonging. and we are not going away. which derived much of its rage from the mourning and melancholia of stigma.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 41 Queer Theory K Aff – “Queer” = Bad The term “queer” is demobilizing and the heart of contemporary queer theory is locked within an Ivory Tower McNulty 03. the term queer had been newly radicalized. race and class. The time has come. With the black and Latino inner-city communities being ravaged by the epidemic. The relative success of protease cocktails—the wonder drug every HIV+ person can't help wondering about—sapped the queer movement's sense of urgency. was every bit as ivory tower as its formidable jargon. and a striving for community. Sex yes. white/black. it seeks to encompass that which has been excluded. What is the legacy of the queer movement? Even the most superficial glance at the current American milieu would suggest that the answer is neither political nor intellectual but cultural. We won't die secret deaths anymore. head of Brooklyn College's MFA program in dramaturgy and theater criticism Charles. which at best amounted to a temporary corrective or reverse discourse. utters the Pollyannaish sentiment. Worse. Rallying together those minority groups most vulnerable to the epidemic's color-blind assault. Meanwhile. an academic form of hippiedom that was infinitely seductive to my graduate student ears: "The term Queer is manifold. queer became a banner under which more than just white. As the opening of "Queer As Drama Critic" reveals. Call it the Will and Grace phenomenon. "The disease will be the end of many of us. oppressed." From its brief rabble-rousing caper. Its look. where the character Prior.3 (2003) 112-117 AJM When I wrote "The Queer As Drama Critic" for the Queer Theater issue of Theater that I guest-edited in 1993. Implicit was the recognition that our identities were plural. the word queer has now come full circle. and that which refuses easy taxonomy and suffers the fate of difference. but not nearly all. but a politics of shared struggle. Washington. At question were the very tenets that had formed the basis of the avatars of the new militancy." [End Page 112] Queers pursued this quixotic agenda raucously in the streets with ACT UP and Queer Nation. with a new generation of lesbian and gay scholars arming themselves with post-structuralist weapons to dismantle the calcified assumptions of identity. never mind sub-Saharan Africa. Life caught in the margins. somehow surviving his illness. the academic face of the movement didn't adequately reflect the new diversity that queer was meant to denote. in fact. “Queer Misgivings. I couldn't resist adopting the new rainbow rhetoric. and San Francisco and the often recondite scholarly indirection of the theory. activism in the United States measured steep declines. Ironically. Admittedly. middle-class gays and lesbians could march. and straight/gay had shaped our social geography and thus distorted the internal landscape on which we patch together a sense of self. From its long-held derisive meaning—a variant of queen and fag—the word had been reclaimed by gay and lesbian theorists and activists as a defiant call for building a broader coalition in the fight against AIDS. in particular the way binaries such as male/female. there was from the beginning a disconnection between the guerrilla-style protests taking place in New York. the real nail in the coffin came as a consequence of the miraculous changes wrought by medical breakthroughs in the fight against AIDS. a kind of hypocrisy dogged queers in the university. but also gender. odd or unconventional in behavior. and sexuality. which is essentially a nonnude version of the Continues . not singular—that we belonged to concentric communities even as we are made to feel like we're living in the cracks of no community whatsoever. The new queer vision offered a revision of those identity politics movements. Though no queer theorists wanted to roll back the modest protections accrued since the Stonewall rebellion.” Theater 33. eccentric"—though this time with a faddish (Queer As Folk) rather than freakish (Quentin Crisp) twist. the queer movement began to seem as phony about its political commitments as the ending of Tony Kushner's Angels in America. at worst a form of mini-nationalism blind to all but its own parochial struggle. Though access to health care and the spread of new infection among the world's poor only went from worse to worse.

But what unites the work from both before and after this watershed historical moment is Savran's commitment to Marxism. 2001. nothing short of a dirty bomb seems capable of awakening the complacently gayish American theater from its self-engrossed torpor of queeny jokes and drag musicals inspired by Hollywood hiccups. consideration of queer theory seems somehow quaint. "Too often. which can't help containing those debased terms it most vigilantly tries to exclude. the full spectrum [End Page 114] of issues that splits the world's haves and havenots. as Wendy Brown notes. for him. (For starters.S. a queer politics too often. race.'" . And like the identity politics that it once embraces and problematizes. and hence give voice to a refreshing internationalist perspective. gays and lesbians have [End Page 113] gained wider acceptance in the media. it feels rather indulgent to parse Lacanian-inflected notions of desire and identity.Questions of culture and identity are. as any Will and Grace episode will attest. commodification. 'may specifically abjure a critique of class power and class norms precisely insofar as these identities are established vis-à-vis a bourgeois norm of social acceptance. as sex was understood to be one point in an interlocking matrix of personal data that includes gender. Like much else in the triumphal capitalism of the slaphappy Clinton nineties and the current Bush imperium. class. invasion of Iraq. why not try the gender-retarded one when Grace gets into a jealous snit because Will offers his sperm to another woman friend desperate to have a baby?) Meanwhile. even assaultive. and the world AIDS situation—in short.In his new book. human rights abuses. If sexual practice was the underlying queer theme. oppressors and the oppressed? Can queers. it wasn't exclusively so. Assimilation in queer theater has left the scene intellectually impoverished at its core.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 42 Queer Theory K Continued Terrence McNally phenomenon—Love! Valour! Compassion! for the PG-13 boob tube. inseparably related to concerns of economics and power. Just as the mainstream's uncritical faith invested globalization with the capacity to initiate democratic change. yet the unique potential of queer theory to deconstruct the boundaries between self and Other has never been more needed in the current military climate. Homo—a gay bar coinage that sums up the community's apolitical insouciance—has become fashionable in the urban mainstream. a throwback to an era when the domestic scene could be fictitiously divorced from an international context. owning their social identities without apology or plea for tolerance. financially so at its fringe. naively utopian as it may have been. Yet representation doesn't necessarily imply progressiveness. the term reflects the national trend of pervasive.As I write this on the eve of the U. no matter how economically advantaged. which he treats as purely a tool of analysis and not an ideology. global poverty and famine. Undoubtedly. At this turbulent hour. national origin. and identity politics. Savran tries to expand the queer construct so that it can grapple with concerns that include but are not limited to the usual queer bric-a-brac: sexual orientation. so there has been a ditzy sense that TV and Disney can more effectively pursue social justice than communal enlightenment and grassroots engagement can. Can there be a legitimate queer agenda that distances itself from such political concerns as the environment. legal protection and relative material comforts. the New York City terrorist threat level still a menacing orange. was to bridge together disparate forms of marginalization under a proud sign of difference and to reflect on the paradoxical nature of identity. Many of the essays were written after September 11. and as we so often conveniently forgot. gender. a self-congratulatory queer identification—the politics of lifestyle—has functioned as a substitute for a commitment to radical social change. detach themselves from the larger struggle of civil injustice and still claim a designation that purports to be nothing if not inclusively political? As Savran warns. nuclear proliferation. The major thrust of the queer movement.

This article is written to contribute to the ad. postcolonial and critical race theories. . This article critiques this dominant disciplinary notion of queer space by exploring recent works within and beyond geography that offer new directions for queer geographies. challenge the analytical usefulness of the notion of queer space and instead utilize queer theory to understand the ways in which sexuality is used as part of broad constellations of power across the heterosexual/homosexual divide. colonialism. geopolitics. it challenges sexuality studies to move beyond humanist understandings of essential sexual identities that animate a politics of liberation for those who are presumably excluded from heterosexual hegemony. Yet.vancement of a critical geography that goes beyond a sexual politics of recognition and a queer geography that engages deeply with feminist. in fact. critical geo. The scholarship examined here attends to the instability of sexual subjectiv. migration. “Critical geographies and the uses of sexuality: deconstructing queer space” Progress in Human Geography 32(1) p. 89 AJM Geographical engagements with queer theory have put the lives of non-heterosexuals on the disciplinary map. Some queer geographers have pushed these insights so far that they. Oswin 08 Professor of Geography @ Nat’l University of Singapore Natalie. queer theory challenges the idea of the preconstituted sexual subject and understands power as productive rather than simply oppressive.ity and complicates abstract calculations of heterosexual dominance and homosexual resistance by conducting embodied analyses of queer cultural politics. As such. globalization and nationalism to the fore in an area of study previously trained too narrowly on sexuality and gender. This deconstructive move has the potential to re-orientate queer studies within geography by highlighting the ways in which a queer approach can be deployed to understand much more than the lives of ‘queers’.graphers generally depict queer spaces as spaces of gays and lesbians or queers existing in opposition to and as transgressions of heterosexual space.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 43 Queer Theory K Aff – Queer Opposition Fails The K represents queerness in opposition to heteronormative space—this re-codes queerness as a stable identity with the essential quality of resistance. In other words. This is a somewhat paradoxical development since the main contribution that queer theory has made to sexuality studies has been a critique of sexual identity politics. it accounts for fractures within queer cultural politics and merges postcolonial and critical race theory with queer theory to bring questions of race. As a poststructuralist approach.

and queer movements have. professor of comparative studies at Florida Atlantic University Max. page 117 AJM Strategy in this context consists of the ways in which we organize energy to meet the ends we seek to achieve. so far. They need to be recognized as such. gay. Queers. And more economic issues such as the pervasive and growing feminization of poverty. . But these are all in fact part of a larger class struggle which is borne out in the conflict of the uses and control of energy and. Differences will continue to exist. cannot succeed without a mechanism that can play a larger role in incorporating them into communities of resistance where mutual recognition is present. whether in the workplace or neighborhood. ultimately. depended on the involvement of individuals as the primary drivers of social change (and particularly the experience of labor movements) that individuals need to have structural representation in order to maintain the energy needed for sustained opposition. Individuals working against their oppressors. Strategy as such is the mechanism by which true politics is generated. Lesbian. A true resistance politics has to incorporate both the micro and the macro levels of analysis to mediate differences and to confrton effectively the forces of well-organized opposition. But it is only a moment. 2000. Resistance. involves more than language-based opposition to noxious forces. both on the personal and the political level. Real opposition takes place in the realm of reproduction of community and the larger social sphere. and transgendered peoples are often ignored by all. then. encounter the real differences based on status and class as they experience the oppression of the dominant culture. lesbians are confrtoned with the hierarchy of sexual politics while dealing with arguments around pornography and sexual pleasure. on the basis of daily existence and in the realm of social and productive power.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 44 Queer Theory K Aff– Action Key We must combine micro and macro political strategy in order to address structures of heteronorative oppression Kirsch 00. Queer Theory and Social Change. transsexual. Black women face the sexism inherent in their relations with men while confronting racism. “We’re Queer and We’re Here” is a necessary declaration of identity. in general. Required is a strategy that can institutionalize a movement towards resistance so that change may be recognized as a social necessity. human regeneration. Bisexual. The test of successful movement will be whether we might honor all these divergent interests and experiences while joining together to forge a successful attempt to redistribute the rewards of labor and to end the violence of prejudice.

and champions human rights. all writing we do. 2000. But this abstract view of politics becomes more difficult when we start to consider social change and social movements. page 9 AJM The gay and lesbian movement of the 1970s and 1980s politicized the conditions of everyday life and everyday culture.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 45 Queer Theory K Aff– Action Key We must engage institutional structures to create social change Kirsch 00. There needs to be an identification process with social movements and with each other. We need to confront power in all of its aspects: who holds it. all art we create. how do we get there? The relativity of identity and experience is not enough. we still need to consider class. realizing that consciousness and action towards basic social change are interconnected. how hegemony is maintained. This means that we need to refocus analytic energies. Strategies for change need to be connected and collective. To say that everyday life is political does not guarantee that a political program is in place. consciousness does not act on its own. what the dominant culture consists of and how it influences our daily lives and experiences. If our goal. then. In short. and history. professor of comparative studies at Florida Atlantic University Max. Queer Theory and Social Change. is to create a society that accepts difference. Almost everything we do. it supports a particular point of view. is consciously or unconsciously political: it comes from somewhere. welcomes diversity. . race.

Diversity has become the benchmark of academic tolerance. It is subjective. the use of “power” for Queer theorists is self-reflective: you can subvert its hegemony by refusing to conform to its’ practices. it is simply a reaction to labeling. As we have seen.” “gay and lesbian.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 46 Queer Theory K Aff– ID Politics Good Identity categories are necessary to address the material realities of sexual minorities Kirsch 00. the confusion and entanglement that the category “queer” creates in academic circles is constituted with contradictions: while Queer theory supposes that categories and labels are to be ignored. Like ethnicites.” in the name of “queer is as queer is. these theorists are trying to work against current cultural trends that attempt to assimilate all difference into an arena of ideal types suitable for social cohesion and control. for it does not propose a social alternative. or more geared toward institutional policy reform. In one sense. 2000. Ultimately. page 8 AJM Whether “queer. The “we” of identification is omitted. to the distribution of positions and power within workplaces and within broader communities. labeled and determined by it. the act in tandem with dominant structure of power that militate against their full expression. it is still a deconstruction of existing categories of peoples and cultures. Diversity in Queer theory assumes the resistance to “normativity” and dominant cultural values. what these writers and activists have in common is their call for the acceptance of diversity. Queer Theory and Social Change. individual action is political.” or neither. Whether their ideas are taken to extremes (the stand that to identify any categories is an affront to the differences that constitute diversity). or does” . the catch-all for policies that range from academic admissions and course of offerings. What is not addressed is the material reality that minorities are by definition part of the larger culture. In to far as being political involves the exercise of power. professor of comparative studies at Florida Atlantic University Max. Deconstructing categories of identity erases the specificity of the components of “queer. and on that level it is undefinable in relation to a purpose.

" Many middle-class lesbians and gay men were in fact gradually if grudgingly being offered places — tolerated and profitably eased into the newer. moving closer onto center stage. As I will argue throughout this book.. Yet the complex social structures and power relations they span and that undergird the lived reality of late capitalism often remain invisible. It is now a given that we cannot see homosexualtiy as a monolithic or universal identity. gendered divisions ions of labor. though never simply. I invite the reader to be patient with these seeming detours. How these markers of difference have shaped lesbian and gay history and the history of sexuality in general is finally being studied. "queer" was being promoted as a badge of pride and a standpoint for a new sexual politics that would extend beyond a liberal civil rights agenda. Bill Clinton's "don't ask. affected In several aspects by capitalism: wage labor. age. This problem of visibility—which in cludes how we know and recognize certain identities (a very basic feature of the history of sexual identity)— will be one of the recurring issues in this book. capital accumulation was being pumped up with new cyber subjects as its prime promoters. nationality. tolerance was gaining more air time. indirect. and it has become axiomatic that all sexual identities as they are lived and experienced are intimately inflected by gender. and in the process many of the cultural presuppo sitions and divisions on which the very concept of sexual identity is premised are being questioned. postcolo nial. I begin with the assumption that the history of sexual identity—in all of the varied ways it has been culturally differenti ated and lived—has been fundamentally. in critical concert with the voices of feminist and race theorists. fueling cam paigns for social change that extended gay politics beyond demands for tolerance or "a place at the table. I offer them because I hope they as interventions into the power of more obvious and perhaps more compelling ways of seeing. British cultural studies had al ready crossed the Atlantic to join indigenous variants in the United States.' Because the relationship between capitalism and sexual identity is complex. even as profits continued to rely on a very traditional source— the gendered and racial¬ized division of labor. in the streets. 3-4. ideology. Indeed. and lesbian and gay critics were redrawing the boundaries of tradi tional disciplines and redefining what counted as legitimate objects of study. commodity production and consumption. In this context. race. don't tell" policy on gays in the military was only one very prominent articulation of a new backhanded change in the public face of gay tolerance and its link to na tional identity and state control. and in the academy. hipper currents of mainstream com modity culture. in the media. But often this work still leaves unexam ined why the cultural differences that shape identities are organized as they are. and historically variable. . patriarchal structures) that may not seem to 'be related to sexual identity in any obvious way. ability. and the relationship between sexual identities and capitalism re mains for the most part an unexplored—even unspeakable—area of in quiry. these and other contradictions are not so disparate as they may seem. Pg.' Against this trend.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 47 Queer Theory K Queer Theory = Capitalist The focus on tolerance for the queer identity is the wrong approach because it ignores the affects of capitalism on identities Hennessy 00. Professor of English at Rice University (Rosemary. and because there is not a readily accessible conceptual vocabulary for explaining these connec taccid. Inside and outside the academy. and in the humanities especially. Profit and Pleasure. I give some extended attention to concepts (late capitalism. new knowledges — some of them under the signature "queer theory"—challenged traditional humanist under standings of the self and were nudging their way out of the embattled margins. GoogleBooks) AJM By the early nineties AIDS had already reaped a staggering harvest of lives and mobilized the gay community in the United States. In the academy.

she contends. Professor of English at Rice University (Rosemary. argues that the constitutive antagonism written into meanings— the nonclosure of definitions and identities—is assured by a contingency or provisionality that underwrites every discursive formation (Butler 1993. for instance) constitute the naturalized axes for identity in some social formations? These questions mark the limits of postmarxism: the unspeakable causal logic elicited by the question "Why?" However. Capitalism as a mode of producing the means for survival is tellingly absent in post-marxist cultural materialist analysis. 193). an effect of the provisional fixing of the sign. a long history in liberal reform movements where questions about "rights for what?" get suppressed under the impetus for equal rights within capitalism. Indeed. even as it directs us to consider that the reproduction of the means to meet human needs is never entirely subsumed by cultural or symbolic forms. by the instability in "any and all signifying practices" (Butler 1993. homosexual or man vs. and divisions of labor and wealth has. If the aim for social movement is to secure democratic rights and privileges within capitalism.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 48 Queer Theory K Queer Theory = Capitalist By redefining the term “queer” the affirmative defends potentially exploitive capitalist practices Hennessy 00. it must be if social life is to be seen as constitutively symbolic. defined exclusively in relation to political (state) and ideological (normative) processes. This symbolic openness. as well as the inevitability of their deconstruction. One problem with this argument for openness is that it potentially endorses any—even exploitative—social relations. causality need not be reductive. by virtue of their discursive construction. The materiality of identities. How are we to understand the materiality of this fixing? Why are meanings secured in certain ways and not others? Why do certain "nodal points" in a culture's logic (heterosexual. is presented as a given feature of signification. is the basis for Butler's enthusiastic endorsement of Laclau and Mouffe's radical democracy. But founding their conceptions of materiality only in symbolic processes means that social struggle. 193). constructions of meaning. too. is anchored only in the sign—an effect of differance. 192) and insists that the basic ingredient in how we understand the social is its indeterminacy. Pg. of course. 4-5. contend that the neat oppositions (like heterosexual vs. or expressive. always open to deconstruction. Butler sets radical democracy against "a causal theory of historical events or social relations" (1993. Profit and Pleasure. Giving priority to political reform and to democratic ideals that recognize no relation between state formations. woman) underlying positive identities are. what responsibility does a radical queer politics have to confront the limits of this endeavor? . Laclau and Mouffe. Each of these post-marxists insists that the articulation of identities is not simply a linguistic process but pierces the entire density of a discursive formation. or what they call antagonism. Butler. like Butler. Differance is the term Jacques Derrida invented for the continual subversion of any positive meaning (or identity) by the excessive proliferation of signifiers (soundimages in language) that refuse to be attached to a single signified (referent or concept). as Althusser's conception of overdetermination suggests. This mobilizing incompleteness is guaranteed. totalizing. GoogleBooks) AJM Drawing on the ideas of Laclau and Mouffe. always leaving open the possible production of new subjects (1993. 193).

here. Ronald 04. Googlescholar. Simultaneously. it becomes an activity that allows us to rethink binary frames of reference. and its openness to being ‘queered’ also operates to foreground the nature of desire in all textual liaisons. rethinking relationships “between” may also lead us to emphasise the position and possibility of the “other”. made strange and its conventional framework undermined.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 49 Queer Theory K Aff – Perm Queering means breaking down the binary frames of reference and moving beyond the either/or stance that competition creates. “ Reading as Act of Queer Love: The Role of Intimacy in the “Readerly” Contract” Journal of International Women’s Studies. reader/text. a queer charge may also be detected in an awareness of how confidently we label what an encounter between may involve. Here. 5. Through the activity of ‘queering’. I propose that this strategy manifests mainly through the reader/text encounter where re-imagining this encounter is one method of moving beyond an oppositional either/or stance. the reader/text encounter could be reinvented. Such a concentration upon the relationship (or rather the relationship potential) of reader/text. Combine the Kritik with the affirmative to create realistic change while affirming queerness.2. Perhaps it is this queer approach that may most effectively be mined for a new readerly discourse regarding difference? . one less competitive and tense. AJM Although it may be useful to debate the notion of a queer reader and the problems inherent in this identification. re-imagining it as a different sort of relationship. instead more inclusive and mutual. By this I mean by concentrating upon reconfiguration of the oppositional stance. MA in Gender Studies from the University of Leeds Lee. I wish to instead to concentrate upon the possibility of using ‘queering’ itself as an active strategy for rethinking and reordering readerly possibility.

It attempts to take the logical effect and material consequence of the captialist system. esp. 2000. it asserts the primacy of the first or individual aspect. The movements of the 1960s and 1970s located personal decision in the realm of the political. 1991. professor of comparative studies at Florida Atlantic University Max. 1994). But it is in the discussion of what level of politics is being brought to the forefront that Queer theory has failed to make inroads.Perm Perm: We must combine Queer Theory with specific institutional appeals to create social change and resistance against oppression Kirsch 00. On an interpersonal level. It must accommodate the individual in society. page 42 AJM GoogleBooks Because much of Queer theory confuses personal action with structural power. we can demand and expect to be treated as equals. is necessary for true resistance and social change. the reified individual. not against a world system with military power and the ever-present threat of force and economic destruction. capable of determining our own fate. For our purposes. we can see that these assertions are supportive of the same ideal of the individual as self that capitalism has created. and as such they need to be situated in place and time. while ignoring its determinants. sexuality and gender are “site[s] of power” (Weeks. . We cannot fight alone. But resistance to structural power requires the more concerted energy of collective action. and this has worked against this essential element of political relationships. Queer Theory and Social Change. 1985: 176). is to become anything more than a novel digestion of difference. and use it to rectify inequality.” then.ADI 2010 Fellows--Montee 50 Queer Theory K Aff . While certain Queer theorists celebrate difference and see the refusal to identify as a radical act (cf. it must include the individual as more than the self as text. Queer theory needs to account for the difference between the “self” and the “individual” in much the same way that it needs to inorporate “postomodernity” into the realm of the postmodern A perception that we can reject binary systems of gender without rejecting all bases for identity. If “all things queer. Butler. however temporary they may be. To analyze aspects of interpersonal power and politics in isolation from the larger structural concerns and barriers they confront denies the agency of the individual in the social.

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